to all fathers of noble families, and lovers of vertue. gerbier, balthazar, sir, ?- . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ .f. [ ]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing g thomason e _ thomason .f. [ ] estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ], : f [ ]) to all fathers of noble families, and lovers of vertue. gerbier, balthazar, sir, ?- . sheet ([ ] p.) s.n., [london : ] imprint from wing. an advertisement for sir balthazar gerbier's academy, which "was to give instructions in all manner of subjects, from philosophy, languages, and mathematics, to riding the 'great horse', dancing and fencing. it was opened on july at gerbier's house at bethnal green"--cf. dnb. annotation on thomason copy ( .f. [ ]): "sr balthazar gerbier june ". reproduction of the originals in the british library. eng gerbier, balthazar, -- sir, ?- -- early works to . education -- england -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ .f. [ ]). civilwar no to all fathers of noble families, and lovers of vertue.: gerbier, balthazar, sir a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to all fathers of noble families , and lovers of vertue . be it known that sir balthasar gerbier , knight , erects an academy , wherein forraigne languages , sciences , and all noble exercises shall be taught , viz french , italian , spanish , german , and low dutch , both ancient and modern histories , joynlty with the constitution and government of the most famous empires and stares of the world . besides , the true experimentall naturall philosophy . as also , what is most necessary and most noble of the mathematicks , to wit , arithmetick , the true method of keeping bookes of account , by double parties , as is practised in italy and other parts of europe , geometry , geography , cosmography , perspective , and architecture , as well for building as for magnificent shewes , and secret motions of scenes , and the like . but above all , what is most excellent of practicall mathematickes , whatsoever belongeth to fortification , besieging and defending of places , fireworkes , ordering of battallies , and marches of armes , musick , playing of all sorts of instruments , dancing , fencing , riding the great horse , together with the new manner of fighting on horse-backe . and if there be any lovers of vertue , who have an inclination to drawing , painting , limning and carving , either for their curiosity , or to attain unto a greater excellency in severall of the forementioned sciences , ( viz. arithmetick , fortifications , &c. ) they may have them as exactly taught as any of the other sciences , and by a short method , which shall give them a full insight in the theoricall part of the said sciences and exercises at the self same time that they shal be taught in the forraigne languages , whereunto shall serve severall treaties held forth by the said sir balthasar in the forraigne languages aforesaid , the english tongue being joyned thereunto , together with divers excellent tables of very great use for facilitating the matter , and helping the memory ; which treaties shall be continually at mistresse allens shop at the signe of the crown in popes-head alley , neere the old exchange , london ; so that all lovers of these languages , sciences , and exercises , may be pleased to addresse themselves to the said sir balthasars house , at bednall green , beyond white chappell , where gentlemen , and the sonnes of all such lovers of vertue , are received and accommodated to their and their parents entire satisfaction , being a place most pleasant , healthfull , and fit for the studious , that are disposed to apply themselves , as aforesaid , and there to improve themselves in such a short and convenient time , as that they shall be the sooner enabled to travell as gentlemen , who conversing with persons of repute and worth , will leave a noble esteem of themselves in forraigne parts , when strangers shall find them to be well verst in languages , sciences , and perfect in all noble qualities ; and that they shall not owe to the said strangers , the merit of their education . besides the other more weighty considerations which conscience and loyalty to our own native countrey obligeth all , parents to preferre , and especially in these evill times , when it proves a generall misfortune that a number of young gentlemen abroad , are drawn into evil company , where they heare and learn nothing but meere corruption both of manners and language , besides destructive principles to their native countrey , and to their religion , it being also considerable , that the sending of young gentlemen to any of the forraigne academies ( where they shall learn no more qualities then now they may get at home , nor altogether so many ) as it is incomparably more expensive , so it exposeth them to many dangers and inconveniencies . and although the principall scope of the academie is for the education of young gentlemen , yet those of more mature age , may find in it wherewith abundantly to satisfie any laudable curiosity in any kinde whatsoever , whether onely for enriching the minde , or for honorable profit . the compleat gentleman fashioning him absolute in the most necessary & commendable qualities concerning minde or bodie that may be required in a noble gentleman. by henry peacham, mr. of arts sometime of trinity coll: in cambridge. peacham, henry, ?- ? approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the compleat gentleman fashioning him absolute in the most necessary & commendable qualities concerning minde or bodie that may be required in a noble gentleman. by henry peacham, mr. of arts sometime of trinity coll: in cambridge. peacham, henry, ?- ? delaram, francis, or - , engraver. [ ], , - , - , [ ], - , [ ] p. : ill. (woodcuts) anno imprinted at london [by john legat] for francis constable, and are to bee sold at his shop at the white lio[n] in paules churchyard, [london] : [ ] the title page is engraved and signed "fr. delaram. sculp. anno ". printer's name from stc. the first leaf is blank. the page after the first is numbered . x is replaced by cancel fold x . ; another fold ² y . inserted after ¹y . variant: with cancellandum x . reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng education -- early works to . courtesy -- early works to . heraldry -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the compleat gentleman fashioning him absolute in the most necessary commendable qualities concerning minde or bodie that may be required in a noble gentlema● . by henry peacham . mr. of arts sometime of trinity coll : in cambridge . — inutilis olim ne videar vixisse — anno imprinted at london for francis constable and are to bee sold at his shop at the white liō in paules churchyard the compleat gentleman , whose titles are contained in these chapters following . chap. . of nobilitie in generall . chap. . of the dignitie and necessity of learning in princes and nobilitie . chap. . the time of learning , &c. chap. . the dutie of parents in their childrens education . chap. . of a gentlemans carriage in the vniuersity . chap. . of stile in speaking , writing , and reading historie . chap. . of cosmography . chap. . of memorable obseruation in suruey of the earth . chap. . of geometry . chap. . of poetry . chap. . of musicke . chap. . of drawing and painting in oyle . chap. . of armory or blazing armes . chap. . of exercise of the body . chap. . of reputation and carriage . chap. . of trauaile . ad optimae spei , generosissimaeque indolis adolescentem , d. gulielmum howard , illustriss . ac vere honoratiss . thomae comitis arundeliae , summi totius angliae mareschalli , &c. filium tertiogenitum . ingenio , genio , dum vis generosus haberi , ingenua haec discas , ingeniose puer . stemma nihil , cultis animum nisi moribus ornes , et studeas studijs nobilitare genus . to the trvly noble and most hopefvll mr. william hovvard , third and youngest sonne to the right honorable thomas earle of arundell and surrey , earle marshall of england , &c. what motiue ( noble sir ) may induce others in their dedications , i know not : sure i am none other hath incited me , then the regard of your owne worth , and that natiue ingenuitie and goodnesse of spirit , i haue euer perceiued in you , since it was my good hap to enioy your acquaintance , and to spend some houres with you at your booke in norwich ; where at this present you haue your education vnder the reuerend , religious , and my honorable good lord , the now lord bishop of norwich . and indeed , to whom rather of right should appertaine these my instructions , in regard of their subiect , which is the fashioning of nobilitie after the best presidents , then to your selfe euery way so nobly descended . beside , it is affirmed , that there are certaine sparkes and secret seeds of vertue innate in princes , and the children of noble personages ; which ( if cherished , and carefully attended in the blossome ) will yeild the fruit of industry and glorious action , not onely aboue the strength of the vulgar , but euen in the scient , and before the time nature hath appointed . so achilles , while hee was yet very young , vndertooke to shoote the fiercest lions and boares , and was so nimble on foote , that he was able to take a wilde beast without either ●oyle or dogge . alexander also , when an egyptian priest saluted him , being very young , by the names of son and child , replyed ; but you shall finde me a man before the walls of athens . but to omit heathenish examples , salomon wee reade , when he was but euen a child , begged wisdome of god , and grace to gouerne well : and ignatius , that holy martyr writeth , salomon was scarce . years of age , when he decided that hard controuersie betweene the two harlots : so iosias was but eight years old , when he walked religiously before god. and mee thinkes ( sir ) as in that cornelian stemme ( whereof scipio was said to be the top , and in quo ( vt plura genera in vnam arborem ) videtur infita multorum illuminata sapientia : ) already you grow apace , reflecting as from a faire glasse , that princely moderation and honesty of heart , of the good duke your great grand-father , the honourably disposed mind of my lord , your noble father , together with his loue and admiration , of whatsoeuer is honest or excellent : so that verily you need no other patterne to the absolute shaping of your selfe , then the images of your fore-fathers . but as aristotle saith of the vine , by how much it is laden with clusters , by so much it hath need of props : so say i of greatnesse and nobilitie , euer fruitfull , and apt to abundance , it hath hourely need of support and helpe , by all timely aduice and instruction , to guide and vphold it from lying along . wherefore , since the fountaine of all counsell and instruction , next to the feare of god , is the knowledge of good learning , whereby our affections are perswaded , and our ill manners mollified , i heere present you with the first and plainest directions ( though but as so many keies to leade you into far fairer roomes ) and the readiest method i know for your studies in general , and to the attaining of the most commendable qualities that are requisite in euery noble or gentle-man . nothing doubting , but that after you haue herein seene the worth and excellence of learning , how much it addeth to nobilitie ; what errors are hourely comitted through ignorance ; how sweet a thing it is to conuerse with the wisest of all ages by historie ; to haue in-sight into the most pleasing and admirable sciences of the mathematiques , poetrie , picture , heraldrie , &c. ( whereof i heere intreat , together with the most commendable exercise of the body , with other generall directions for carriage , trauaile , &c. ) you will entertaine this discourse , as vlysses did minerua at his elbow● your guide to knowledge ; the ground , not onely of the sweetest , but the happiest life . and though i am assured there are numbers , who ( notwithstanding all the bookes and rules in the world ) had rather then behold the face of heauen , burie themselues in earthly sloath , and basest idlenesse ; yet mr. william howard at the least , let vs recouer you from the tyrannie of these ignorant times , and from the common education ; which is , to weare the best cloathes , eate , sleepe , drinke much , and to know nothing . i take leaue , from my house at hogsd●n by london , may . who is , and shall be euer yours , henry peacham . to my reader . i am not ignorant ( iudicious reader ) how many peeces of the most curious masters haue beene vttered to the world of this subiect , as plutarch , erasmus , viues , sadolet , sturmius , osorius , sir thomas eliot , m. askham , with sundry others ; so that my small taper among so many torches , were as good out , as seeming to giue no light at all . i confesse it true . but as rare and curious stamps vpon coynes , for their varietie and strangenesse , are daily enquired after , and bought vp , though the siluer be all one and common w●th ours : so fares it with bookes , which ( as meddailes ) beare the pictures and deuices of our various inuention , though the matter be the same , yet for variety sake they shall bee read , yea ( and as the same dishes drest af●er a new fashion ) perhaps please the tastes of many better . but this regard neither mooued me . when i was beyond the seas , and in a part of france , adiorning vpon artoise , i was inu●●ed oftentimes to the house of a noble personage , who was both a great sould●er and an excellent scholler ; and one day aboue the rest , as we sate in an open and goodly gallerie at dinner , a young english gentleman , who desirous to trauaile , had beene in italy , and many other places , fortuned to come to his house ; and ( not so well furnished for his returne home as was sitting ) desired entertainement into his seruice . my lord , who could speake as little english , as my country-man french , bad him welcome , and demaunded by me of him , what hee could doe : for i keepe none ( quoth he ) but such as are commended for some good qualitie or other , and i giue them good allowance ; some an hundred , some sixtie , some fiftie crownes by the yeare : and calling some about him , ( very gentleman● like , as well in their behauiour , as apparell ) this ( saith he ) rideth and breaketh my great horses , this is an excellent lutenist , this a good painter and surueyer of land , this a passing linguist and scholler , who instructeth my sonnes , &c. sir ( quoth this young man ) i am a gentleman borne , and can onely attend you in your chamber , or waite vpon your lordship abroad . see ( quoth monsieur de ligny , for so was his name ) how your gentry of england are bred : that when they are distressed , or want means in a strange countrey , they are brought vp neither to any qualitie to preferre them , nor haue they so much as the latine tongue to helpe themselues withall . i knew it generally to be true , but for the time , and vpon occasion excused it as i could ; yet he was receiued , and after returned to his friends in good fashion . hereby i onely giue to know , that there is nothing more deplorable , then the breeding in generall of our gentlemen , none any more miserable then one of them , if he fall into miserie in a strange country . which i can impute to no other thing , then the remisnesse of parents , and negligence of masters in their youth . wherefore at my comming ouer , considering the great forwardnesse and proficience of children in other countries , the backwardnesse and rawnesse of ours ; the industry of masters there , the ignorance a●d idlenesse of most of ours ; the exceeding care of parents in their childrens education , the negligence of ours : being taken through change of ayre with a quartane feuer , that leasure i had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as i may truly say , by fits i employed vpon this discourse for the priuate vse of a noble young gentleman my friend , not intending it should euer see light , as you may perceiue by the plaine and shallow current of the discourse , fitted to a young and tender capacitie . howsoeuer i haue done it , and if thou shalt find herein any thing that may content , at the least , not distaste thee , i shall be glad and encouraged to a more serious peece : if neither , but out of a malignant humour , disdaine what i haue done , i care not ; i haue pleased my selfe : and long since learned , enuie , together with her sister ignorance , to harbour onely in the basest and most degenerate breast . chap. i. of nobilitie in generall : that it is a plant from heauen ; the roote , branches , fruit. if we consider arightly the frame of the whole vniuerse and method of the all-excellent wisedome in her worke ; as creating the formes of things infinitely diuers , so according to dignity of essence or vertue in effect , wee must acknowledge the same to hold a soueraigntie , and transcendent praedominance , as well of rule as place each ouer either . among the heauenly bodies wee see the nobler orbes , and of greatest influence to be raised aloft , the lesse effectuall , depressed . of elements , the fire the most pure and operatiue to hold the highest place ; in compounded bodies , of things as well sensible as insensible , there runneth a veine of excellence proceeding from the forme , ennobling ( in the same kind ) some other aboue the rest . the lyon we say is king of beasts , the eagle chiefe of birds ; the whale and whirle-poole among fishes , iupiters oake the forrests king. among flowers , wee most admire and esteeme the rose : among fruite , the pom-roy and queene-apple ; among stones , we value aboue all the diamond ; mettals , gold and siluer : and since we know these to transferre their inward excellence and vertues to their species successiuely , shall we not acknowledge a nobilitie in man of greater perfection , of nobler forme , and prince of these ? can we be curious in discerning a counterfait from the true pearle ; to choose our siens of the best fruit , buy our flowers at twenty pounds the roote or slip : and not regard or make difference of linage , nor be carefull into what stocke we match our selues , or of what parents we choose a seruant ? surely , to beleeue that nature ( rather the god of nature ) produceth not the same among our selues , is to question the rarest worke-mistris of ignorance or partialitie , and to abase our selues beneath the beast . nobilitie then ( taken in the generall sence ) is nothing else then a certaine eminency , or notice taken of some one aboue the rest , for some notable act performed , bee it good or ill ; and in that sence are nobilis and ignobilis vsually among the latine poets taken . more particularly , and in the genuine sence , nobilitie is the honour of blood in a race or linage , conferred formerly vpon some one or more of that family , either by the prince , the lawes , customes of that land or place , whereby either out of knowledge , culture of the mind , or by some glorious action performed , they haue beene vsefull and beneficiall to the common-wealths and places where they liue . for since all vertue consisteth in action , and no man is borne for himselfe , we adde , beneficiall and vsefull to his country ; for hardly they are to be admitted for noble , who ( though of neuer so excellent parts ) consume their light , as in a dark la●thorne in contemplation , and a stoicall retirednesse . and since honor is the reward of vertue and glorious action onely , vice and basenesse must not expect her fauours : as the people of rome created c. fla●ius from a tribune , senator and aedil● for stealing of a book of records . eushicrates , euph●rbas , and phylagrus , were ennobled for treason : and c●ttier by lewis the eleuenth , the french king , vnworthily aduanced from a mender of stockings , to be lord chancellor of france . neither must we honor or esteeme those ennobled , or made gentle in blood , who by mechanicke and base meanes , haue raked vp a masse of wealth , or because they follow some great man , weare the cloath of a noble personage , or haue purchased an ill coat at a good rate ; no more then a player vpon the stage , for wearing a lords cast suit : since nobilitie hangeth not vpon the aicry esteeme of vulgar opinion , but is indeed of it selfe essentiall and absolute . beside , nobilitie being inherent and naturall , can haue ( as the diamond ) the lustre but only from it selfe : honors and titles externally conferred , are but attendant vpon desert , and are but as apparell , and the drapery to a beautifull body . memorable , as making to our purpose , is that speech of sig●smund the empero●r , to a doctor of the ciuill law , who when he had receiued knighthood at the emperours hands , left forthwith the societie of his fellow doctors , & kept company altogether with the knights : which the emperour well obseruing , smilingly ( before the open assembly ) saide vnto him ; foole , who preferest knighthood before learning and thy degree ; i can make a thousand knights in one day , but cannot make a doctor in a thousand yeares . now for as much as the weale publique of euery estate , is preserued armi● & consilio , this faire tree by two maine branches disspreddeth her selfe into the militarie & ciuil discipline ; vnder the first i place valor and greatnesse of spirit : vnder the other , iustice , knowledge of the lawes , which ● consilij fons ; magnificence , and eloquence . for true fortitude and greatnesse of spirit were ennobled ( we reade ) iphicrates , that braue athenian , who ouerthrew in a set battaile the lacedaemonians , stopt the furie of epaminondas , and became lieutenant generall to artaxerxes king of persia , yet but the sonne of a poore cobler . eumenes , one of the best captaines for valour and aduice alexander had , was the sonne of an ordinarie carter . dioclesian was the sonne of scriuener , or book-binder : valentinian , of a rope-maker ; maximinus , of a smith ; a pertinax , of a wood-monger ; seruius tullus , sonne of a bond-woman , thence his name seruius : tarquinius priscus , of a poore merchant , or rather pedler in corinth : hugh capet , the first of that name , king of france , the sonne of a butcher in paris ; who when lewis the sixth , sonne of lothary , was poisoned by blanch his wife for adulterie , being a stout fellow , and of a resolute spirit , hauing gathered a company like himselfe , and taking his aduantage of the time , and distempered humour of the state , carried himselfe and his businesse so , that he got the crowne from the true heire , charles the vnckle of lewis . lamusius , the third king of the lombards , was the sonne of a common strumpet , found laid and couered with leaues in a ditch by king agelmond , who by chance riding that way , and espying a thing stirre in the ditch , touched it with the point of his lance , to see what it was : which the infant with the hand taking fast hold of , the king amazed , and imagining it as a presage of some good fortune toward the child , caused it to be taken out of the ditch , and to bee brought vp , which after ( nursed in the lap of fortune ) by many degrees of honor , got the crowne of lombardy . neither are the truly valorous , or any way vertuous , ashamed of their so meane parentage , but rather glorie in themselues that their merit hath aduanced them aboue so many thousands farre better descended . and hence you shall many times heare them freely discourse of their beginning , and plainely relate their bringing vp , & what their parents were . i remember when i was in the low-countries , and liued with sir iohn ogle at virecht , the reply of that valiant gentleman colonell edmondes , to a countrey-man of his newly come out of scotland , went currant : who desiring entertainment of him , told him ; my lord his father , and such knights and gentle-men , his couzins and kinsmen , were in good health . quoth colonell edmondes , gentlemen ( to his friends by ) beleeue not one word hee sayes ; my father is but a poore baker of edenbourgh , and workes hard for his liuing , whom this knaue would make a lord , to currie fauour with me , and make ye beleeue i am a great man borne , &c. so that the valiant souldier you see , measureth out of the whole cloath his honour with his sword : and hence in ancient times came rome , athens , carthage , and of late the ottoman empire to their greatnesse . honor being then highly prized , euery one aymed at nobilitie , and none refused the most desperate attempts for the good of his countrey . thus the decij , cato , marcellus , with infinite others , became ennobled , and had their altars , statues , columnes , &c. and were welnigh adored with as great respect , as their gods themselues . from no lesse meanesse of birth and beginning , we find many great and famous bishops , ciuilians , orators , poets , &c. to haue attained to the greatest dignities , both of church and common-wealth , and to haue checked with their fortunes , euen glorie her selfe . pope iohn the two and twentieth , was a poore shooe-makers sonne ; nicholas the fifth was sonne of a poulter ; sixt●● the fift , of a hog-heard : alphenus but a tailors apprentice , who running from his master , went to rome , and there studied the ciuill law , and so profited , that for his learning and wisedome , he was after created consull . vlpian but meanely borne , yet tutor to alexander the emperour . cicero was borne and brought vp at arpinum , a poore and obscure village : virgil , the sonne of a potter ; horace , of a trumpeter ; theophrastus of a botcher , with infinite others , i might alledge as well of ancient as moderne times . for doing iustice , the romanes of a priuate man and a stranger , chose numa for their king : and on the contrary , ( as plutarch writeth , comparing them together ) lycurgus of a king , for iustice sake , made himselfe a priuate man : for , a goodly thing ( saith plutarch ) it is by doing iustly to obtaine a kingdome , and as glorious to prefer iustice before a kingdome ; for the vertue of the one ( numa ) made him so esteemed and honoured , that he was of all thought worthy of it ; of the other , so great , that he scorned it . in like manner , for their good lawes and doing iustice , were aduanced to their thrones and goodly tribunals , minos , rhadamantus ( though subiects of poets fables . ) aratus , solon , &c. and how fairely ( beyond their lawrels ) the name of iust , became aristides , traiant , agesilaus , with many others , i leaue to historie to report . for magnificence , and obliging the places wherein they liued , by great benefits , were ennobled , tarquinius priscus , a stranger , and a banished man : and of later times , cosmo di medici in florence , vpon whose vertues , as vpon a faire prospect , or some princely palace , giue me leaue a little , as a traueller to breathe my selfe , and shew you afarre off the faire tutrets of his more then royall magnificence , being but a priuate man , as i finde it recorded in his historie by machiauell . this cosmo ( saith he ) was the most esteemed , and most famous citizen ( being no man of warre ) that euer had beene in the memorie of man , either in florence , or any other citie ; because he did not onely excell all others ( of his time ) in authoritis and riches , but also in liberalitie and wisedoms . for among other qualities which aduanced him to be chiefe of his countrey , he was more then other men liberall and magnificent , which liberalitie appeared much more after his death then before . for his sonne piero found by his fathers records , that there was not any citizen of estimation , to whom cosmo had not lent great summes of money : and many times also he did lend to those gentlemen , whom he knew to haue need . his magnificence appeared by diuers his building : for within the citie of florence hee builded the abbaits and temples of s. marco , s. lorenzo , and the monastery of s. verdiana , & in the mountains of fiesole , s. girolamo , with the abbey thereto belonging . also in mugello he did not only repaire the church for the friers , but tooke it downe , and built it anew . besides those magnificent buildings in s. croce , in s. agnoli , and s. miniato , he made altars , and sumptu●●● chappels . all which temples and chappels , besides the buildings of them , were by him paued , and furnished throughly with all things necessarie . with these publique buildings , wee may number his priuate houses , whereof one within the citie mee●e for so great a personage , and foure other without , at carriaggi , at fiesole , at casaggiuolo , and at trebio , all palaces fitter for princes , then priuate persons . and because his magnificent houses in italy , did not in his opinion make him famous enough , he builded in ierusalem an hospitall to receiue poore and diseased pilgrims . in which worke he consumed great summes of money . and albeit these buildings , and euery other his actions were princely , and that in florence he liued like a prince ; yet so gouerned by wisedome , as he neuer exceeded the bounds of ciuill modestie . for in his conuersation , in riding , in marrying his children and kinsfolkes , he was like vnto all other modest and discree●e citizens : because he well kn●w , that extraordinarie things , which are of all men with admiration beheld , do● procure more enuy , then those which without ostentation be honestly couered . i omit , as followeth shortly after , his great and excessiue charge in entertaining of learned men of all professions , to instruct the youth of florence : his bountie to argiropolo a gracian , and marsilio fi●ins , ( whom he maintained for the exercise of his owne studies in his house , and gaue him goodly lands neere his house of carreggi , ) men in that time of singular learning , because vertue reares him rather to wonder then imitation . to proceed , no lesse respect and honour is to be attributed to eloquence , whereby so many haue raised their esteeme and fortunes , as able to draw ciuilitie out of barbarisme , and sway whole kingdomes by leading with a celticke hercules , the rude multitude by the eares . marke anthony contending against augustus for the romane empire , assured himselfe he could neuer obtaine his purpose while cicero liued , therefore he procured his death . the like did antipater , a successor to alexander , by demosthenes , aspiring to the monarchy of greece . and not long since a poore mahumetan priest , by his smooth tongue , got the crowne of morocco from the right heire , being of the house of giuseph or ioseph . and much hurt it may doe , if like a mad mans sword , it be vsed by a turbulent and mutinous orator ; otherwise we must hold it a principall meanes of correcting ill manners , reforming lawes , humbling aspiring minds , and vpholding all vertue . for as serpents are charmed with words , so the most sauage and cruell natures by eloquence : which some interpret , to be the meaning of mercuries golden rod , with those serpents wreathed about it . much therefore it concerneth princes , not onely to countenance honest and eloquent orators , but to maintaine such neere about them , as no meane props ( if occasion serue ) to vphold a state , and the onely keies to bring in tune a discordant common-wealth . but it shall not be amisse ere i proceede further , to remoue certaine doubts , which as rubs clog the cleere passage of our discourse : and the first concerning bastardie , whether bastards may be said to be nobly borne or not : i answere with iustinian , sordes inter praecipuos nominarinon merentur . yet it is the custome with vs , and in france , to allow them for noble , by giuing them sometimes their fathers proper coate , with a bend sinister , as reignald earle of cornewall , base sonne to the conquerour , bare his fathers two leopards passant gardant , or in a field gules , with a bend sinister azure : the like hamlin , base sonne to geoffrey plantagenet , earle of surrey● some their fathers whole coate , or part of the same in bend dexter ; as iohn beauford , a bastard of somerset , bare partie per pale argent and azure , a bend of england , with a labell of france . sir roger de clarendon , base son to the blacke prince , his fathers three feathers , on a bend sable , the field or. i willingly produce these examples , to confirme our custome of ennobling them ; and though the law leaneth not on their side , yet stand they in the head of the troope , with the most deseruing : yea , and many times ( according to euripides ) proue a better ●hen the legitimate . who are more famous then remus and romulus , who laid the first stone of rome ; more couragious and truly valiant , then hercules , alexander , our king arthur of britaine , and william the first ? more critically learned then christopher longolius , iacobus faber ; more modest , and of better life , then coelius calgaguinus , the delight of his ferrara , with infinite others ? and where decretals and schoolemen may beare the bell , those two grandes , gratian and lombard ? a second question ariseth , whether he that is noble descended , may by his vice and basenesse lose his nobilitie or no. it is answered , that if he that is ignoble and inglorious , may acquire nobilitie by vertue ; the other may very well lose it by his vice. but such are the miserable corruptions of our times , that vices go for prime vertues ; and to be drunke , sweare , wench , follow the fashion , & to do iust nothing , are the attributes and marks now adaies of a great part of our gentry . hence the agrigentines expelled their phalaris : the romanes extinguished the memorie of the whole race of the tarquines , with those monsters of nature , nero , heliogabalus , &c. the sicilians dionysins the later , with others . thirdly , whether pouertie impeacheth or staineth nobilitie . i answere , riches are an ornament , not the cause of nobilitie ; and many times wee see there lyeth more worth vnder a thrid-bare cloake , and within , a thatched cottage , then the richest robe , or stateliest palace . witnesse the noble curij and fabritij , taken from a poore dinner of turneps and water-cresses in an earthen dish , to leade the romane army , and conquer the most potent kings of the world . fourthly , concerning aduocates and physitians , whether we may rancke them with the ennobled or no. aduocates or counsellors being interpreters of the law , their place is commendable , and themselues most necessarie instruments in a common-wealth ; wherefore , saith the ciuill law , their calling is honorable , they ought to be freed of mulcts , publike charges , and all impositions ; and to be written or sent vnto , as vnto persons of especiall worth and dignitie . touching physitians , though the profession by some hath beene thought seruile , and in times past was practised by seruants , as domitian ( saith seneca ) imper auit medico seruo , vt venenum sibi daret ; and that slouenly epithite of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be by aristophanes bestowed vpon aesculapius : yet it is an art nothing seruile and base , but noble and free , since we know not onely emperors and kings , but saints , yea , our blessed sauiour to haue cured the sicke ; as constantine , adrian , edward the confessor king of england , mithridates king of pontus , ( whose antidote yet beareth his name , ) artemisia queene of caria , who first found the vertue of mugwort , bearing her name in latine ; gentius king of illyricum ( now sclauonia ) who immortally liueth in the herbe gentiana : as also lysimachus in his lysimachia , achilles in achillea , or the yarrow : apollo , podalirius , moses , esay , salomon , ezechias . honor the phisitian , saith ecclesiasticus : then againe , all phisicke or medicine is from god , and he shall receiue a reward from the king : the skill of the physitian shall exalt his head , &c. and as ptolomy sometime obiected against zoilus concerning homer , so may i vnto our lordly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or physicke-haters : which of them all , trebble their reuenewes , can maintaine so many as one poore galen or hippocrates , who though dead many hundreds of yeares since , feed many thousands of families , euen at this present ? i heere intend no common chyrurgians , mountebancks , vnlettered empericks , and women doctors ( of whom for the most part there is more danger , then of the worst disease it selfe ) whose practise is infamous , mechanique and base . fiftly , concerning merchants ; the exercise of merchandise hath beene ( i confesse ) accounted base , and much derogating from nobilitie , except it be exercised & vndertaken by a generall estate , or the deputies thereof . aristotle therefore saith , that the thebanes and lacedaemonians had a law , that none should bee esteemed and held capable of honor in their common-wealth , except they had ten yeares before giuen ouer trading and merchandise : and valerius maximus reporteth , that among other things the romanes had to disparage tarquinius priscus withall , and make him odious to the people , was that he was a merchants sonne . saint chrysostome vpon that place of mathew , hee cast out the buyers and sellers out of the temple : gathereth , that merchants hardly and seldome please god. and certaine it is , that the ancient romans neuer preferred any that exercised merchandise , to any eminent place or office in their commonwealthe perhaps agreeing in one with aristotle , who speaking of merchants and mechanickes , saith ; vilis est huiusmodi vita , & virtuti aduersa , the kind of life is base , and contrary to vertue . but some may obiect vnto me the great estates of venice , genoa , florence , luca , &c. where their nobilitie is nothing disparaged by the exercise of merchandise . i answer ; as their coines at home they may raise themselues high or lower at their pleasure : but abroad ( like citie maiors ) in other countries they fall vnder value , and a great deale short of their reckoning . but if the owner of the earth , and all that therein is , hath so bestowed and disposed of his blessings , that no one countrey affordeth all things , but must be beholden not onely to her neighbours , but euen the most remote regions , and common-wealths cannot stand without trade and commerce , buying and selling : i cannot ( by the leaue of so reuerend iudgements ) but account the honest merchant among the number of benefactors to his countrey , while he exposeth as well his life as goods , to the hazzard of infinite dangers , sometime for medicinall drugges and preseruatiues of our liues in extremitie of sicknesse ; another , for our food or cloathing in t●mes of scarsitie and want , haply for vsefull necessaries for our vocations , and callings : or lastly , for those , sensus & animi oblectamenta , which the almightie prouidence hath purposely , for our solace and recreation , and for no other end else created , as apes , parrots , peacockes , canarie , and all singing birds ; rarest flowers for colour and smell , pretious stones of all sorts , pearle , amber , corall , cristall , all manner of sweete odou●s , fruites , infinitely differing in forme and taste : colours of all sorts , for painting , dying , &c. but i proceed . sixt and lastly , touching mechanicall arts and artists , whosoeuer labour for their liuelihood and gaine , haue no share at all in nobilitie or gentry : as painters , stage-players● tamblers , ordinary fidlers , inne-keepers , fencers , iuglers , dancers , mountebancks , bearewards , and the like ; ( except the custome of the place determine the contrary ) as her●d●tus and xenophon witnesse to haue beene obserued , both among the aegyptians , scythians , and corinthians . the reason is , because their bodies are spent with labour and trauaile , and men that are at their worke , assidui & accibui vmbratiles esse cogumur . yea , if a noble man borne in captiuitie , or constrained through any other necessitie , shall exercise any manuall occupation or art , hee by the opinion of some , loseth his nobilitie ciuill , but not christian , and shall at his returne bee restored . where i said the custome of the country , i intend thus : by the law of mahomet the grand signior , or great turke himselfe , is bound to exercise some manuall trade or occupation ( for none must be idle : ) as solyman the magnificent , that so threatned vienna , his trade was making of arrow-heads ; achmat the last , horne rings for archers , and the like . from the roote and branches , let vs taste the fruite , which fall not ( like the apples of sodoms ) with a light touch into nothing , but are as those of hesperides , golden , and out of the vulgar reach . first , noble or gentlemen ought to bee preferred in fees , honors , offices , and other dignities of command and gouernment before the common people . they are to be admitted neere , and about the person of the prince , to be of his counsel in warre , and to beare his standard . we ought to giue credit to a noble or gentleman , before any of the inferior sort . he must not be arrested , or pleaded against vpon cosenage . we must attend him , and come to his house , and not ●e to ours . his punishment ought to be more fauourable , & honorable vpon his tryall , and that to bee by his peeres of the same noble ranke . he ought in all sittings , meetings , and salutations , to haue the vpper hand , and greatest respect . they must be cited by bill or writing , to make their appearance . in criminall causes , noblemen may appeare by their arturney , or procurator . they ought to take their recreations of hunting , hawking , &c. freely , without controule in all places . their imprisonment ought not to bee in base manner , or so strict as others . they may eate the best and daintiest meate that the place affordeth ; to weare at their pleasure gold , iewels , the best apparell , and of what fashion they please , &c. beside , nobilitie stirreth vp emulation in great spirits , not onely of equalling others , but excelling them ; as in cimon , the elder scipio africanus , decius the sonne , alexander , edward our blacke prince , and many others . it many times procureth a good marriage , as in germany , where a faire coate and a crest , is often preferred before a good reuenew . it is a spurre in braue and good spirits , to beare in mind those things which their ancestors haue nobly atchieued . it transferreth it selfe vnto posteritie ; and as for the most part wee see the children of noble personages , to beare the lincaments and resemblance of their parents : so in like manner , for the most part they possesse their vertues and noble dispositions , which euen in their tenderest yeares , will but forth and discouer it selfe . hauing discoursed of nobilitie in generall , the diuision , and vse thereof : giue me leaue in a word , to in●eigh against the pittifull abuse thereof , which like a plague , i think , hath infected the whole world . euery vndeseruing and base peasant ayming at nobilitie : which miserable ambition hath so furnished both towne & country with coates of a new list ; that were democritus liuing , hee might haue laughing matter for his life . in naples , such is the pride of euery base groome , that though he be distalla , he must be termed signore , and scarce will ●e open a note from a poore calz●lai● , to whom he hath beene a twelue month indebted for his bootes , if d●n be not in the superscription . in venice likewise , euery mechanique is a magnifice , though his magnificenza walketh the market but with a chequin . in france , euery peasant and common lacquay , is saluted by name of mounsieur , or sire , the king himselfe hauing no other title . the word sire immediatly proceeding from cyrus , the persian word for a lord or great prince , as h. stephanus well noteth ; or as it pleaseth some , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 authoritie , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a lord or gouernor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . goe but from paris to anjo● , and see if you find not all , from the count to the esculiers , allyed either to the king , some prince of the blood , noble peere , or other . in the low countries , mine old host at arnhem in gildrerland , changed his coate and crest thrice in a fortnight , because it did not please his young wife . for there ye must vnderstand , they are all gentlemen by a grant , ( they say ) from charles the fift , in consideration of a great summe of money they lent him in time of his warres . come into what house soeuer , though miju heer weert , be but a gardiner , ropemaker , or aqua●ita seller , you shal be sure to haue his armes , with the beauer full faced ( allowed to none but kings and princes ) in his glasse-window , with some ingenious motto or other of his owne deuice . i remember one t●link there , gaue for his coate a wilde goose in the water , with this witty one ; volans , natans . another , three hogs falling vpon a dog , who was lugging one of their fellowes ; with this , a endracht mackt macht . another , three great drinking bowles , orbiquiers , with this truly dutch , and more tollerable then the rest , vnderneath , quem non f●●●re disertum ? with infinite others of like nature : yet the ancient nobilitie ( whereof there are many honorable families ; as hohenlo , egment , horne , brede●ode , waggen●●r , betsolaër , with sundry others ) keepe themselues entire , and maintaining their ancient houses and reputation , free from scandall of dishonour , as well as wee laugh at these their boorish deuices . some againe , by altering letters or syllables , or adding to their names , will insinuate themselues into noble houses , and not sticke many times to beare their coates . but the most common and worst of all , is in all places the ordinary purchasing of armes and honors for money , very preiudiciall to true nobilitie and politique gouernment : for who will hazzard his person and estate to infinite dangers for honour , when others at home may haue it si●e sudore & sanguin● , onely by bleeding in the vena c●n● , called marsupium ? the pure oyle cannot mingle with the water , no more this extracted quintessence and spirit of vertue , with the dregges and subsistence of vnworthinesse . euripides , when his father told him he was knighted , made him this reply ; good father , you haue that which euery man may haue for his money . and certainely , vertue dum petis ar du● , will not stoope to take vp her reward in the streete . the french man is so bold , as to terme such intruders gentil-villaines ; but i dare not vse that word , lest some that challenge the first part of it , should returne me the latter . lastly , to conclude , most pittifull is the pride of many , who when they are nobly borne , not onely staine their stocke with vice , and all base behauiour , relying and vaunting of their long pedigrees , and exploits of their fathers , ( themselues liuing in sloath and idlenesse ) disparage and disgrace those , who by their vertuous endeuours are rising . to these and such , i oppose marius , and that stout reply of his in salust : they contemne me● as an vpstart , i scorn● their sloath and basenesse . againe , what they idlely heave and reade at home , my selfe hath either acted or seene ; if they scorne me , let them scorne their ancestors , who came by their nobilitie as i haue done : if they 〈◊〉 mine honor , let them also enuy my labours , mine innocence , my perils , &c. now see how equally they deale : that which they arrogate to themselues from the vertue of others , that they deny me from mine owne , because i haue no images , and my nobilitie is new , &c. shortly after : i cannot , to prooue my descent , bring forth the images of my ancestors , their triumphs , their consulships ; but if neede be , i can shew launces , my ensigne , caparisons , and other such warlike implements , beside a number of scarres vpon my breast : these are my images , my nobilitie , not left me by descent and inheritance , &c. and as resolute of late yeares , was the answer of verdugo a spaniard , commander in friseland , to certaine of the spanish nobilitie , who murmured at a great feast , the sonne of a hang-man should take place aboue them , ( for so he was , and his name importeth : ) gentlemen ( quoth he ) question not my birth , or who my father was , i am the sonne of mine owne desert and fortune ; if any man dares as much as i haue done , let him come and take the tables ●nd with all my heart . chap. . of the dignitie and necessity of learning in princes and nobilitie . since learning then is an essentiall part of nobilitie , as vnto which we are beholden , for whatsoeuer dependeth on the culture of the mind ; it followeth , that who is nobly borne , and a scholler withall , deserueth double honour , being both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : for hereby as an ensigne of the fairest colours , hee is a farre discerned , and winneth to himselfe both loue and admiration , heigthing with skill his image to the life , making it pretious , and lasting to posteritie . it was the reply of that learned king of arragon to a courtier of his , who affirmed , that learning was not requisite in princes and nobilitie , questa è voce d'un but , non d'un huom● . for if a prince be the image of god , gouerning and adorning all things , and the end of all gouernment the obseruation of lawes , that thereby might appeare the goodnesse of god in protecting the good , and punishing the bad , that the people might bee fashioned in their liues and manners , and come neere in the light of knowledge vnto him , who must protect and defend them , by establishing religion , ordaining lawes ; by so much ( as the sunne from his orbe of empire ) ought he to out-runne the rest in a vertuous race , and out-shine them in knowledge , by how much he is mounted neerer to heauen , and so in view of all , that his least eclipse is taken to a minute . what ( tell me ) can be more glorious or worthy the scepter , then to know god aright ; the mysteries of our saluation in iesus christ , to conuerse with god in soule , and oftner then the meere naturall man , to aduance him in his creatures ; to bee able with salomon to dispute , from the loftiest cedar on libanus , to the lowest hysop vpon the wall ; to bee the co●duit pipe and instrument , whereby ( as in a goodly garden ) the sweete streames of heauens , blessings are conueied in pietie , peace and plentie , to the nourishing of thousands , and the flourishing of the most ingenious arts and sciences . wherefore , saith the kingly prophet , erudimini reges , &c. as if he should say ; how can you kings & iudges of the earth vnderstand the grounds of your religion , the foundation and beginnings of your lawes , the ends of your duties and callings ; much lesse determine of such controuersies , as daily arise within your realmes and circuits , define in matters of faith publique iustice , your priuate and oeconomicke affaires , if from your cradles yee haue beene nursed ( as solomons foole ) with ignorance , brutish ignorance , mother of all miserie , that infecteth your best actions with folly , ranketh you next to the beast , maketh your talke and discourse loathsome and heauy to the hearer , as a burthen vpon the way , your selues to be abused by your vassals , as blinde men by their boyes , and to bee led vp and downe at the will and pleasure of them , whose eyes and eares you borrow . hence the royall salomon , aboue all riches of god , desired wisedome and vnderstanding , that hee might gouerne , and go before so mighty a people . and the ancient romanes , when their voyces were demaunded at the election of their emperor , cryed with one consent , quis melior quam● literatus ? hence the persians would elect none for their king , except he were a great philosopher : and great alexander acknowledged his , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from his master aristotle . rome saw her best daies vnder her most learned kings and emperours ; as num● , augustus , titus , antoninus , constantino , theodosius , and some others . plutarch giueth the reason , learning ( saith hee ) reformeth the life and ma●●ers , and affoordeth the wholesomest aduice for the gouernment of a common-wealth . i am not ignorant , but that ( as all goodnesse else ) shee hath met with her mortall enemies , the champions of ignorance , as licinius gaue for his mot or poesie : postes reipublica literae ; and lewis the eleuenth , king of france , would euer charge his sonne to learne no more latine then this , qui nescit dissimulare , nescit regnare : but these are the fancies of a few , and those of ignorant and corrupted iudgements . since learning then ioyned with the feare of god , is so faithfull a guide , that without it princes vndergoe but lamely ( as chrysostome saith ) their greatest affaires ; they are blinde in discretion , ignorant in knowledge , rude and barbarous in manners and liuing : the necessitie of it in princes and nobilitie , may easily be gathered , who howsoeuer they slatter themselues , with the fauourable sun-shine of their great estates and fortunes , are indeede of no other account and reckoning with men of wisedome and vnderstanding , then glowormes that onely shine in the darke of ignorance , and are admired of ideots and the vulgar for the out-side ; statues or huge colossos full of lead and rubbish within , or the aegyptian asse , that thought himselfe worshipfull for bearing golden isis vpon his backe . sigismund king of the romanes , and sonne to charles the fourth emperour , greatly complained at the councell of constance , of his princes and nobilitie , whereof there was no one that could answer an embassadour , who made a speech in latine ; whereat lodouicke , the elector palatine tooke such a deepe disdaine in himselfe , that with teares ashamed , he much lamented his want of learning ; and presently hereupon returning home , beganne ( albeit hee was very old ) to learne his latine tongue . eberhard also , the first duke of wirtenberge , at an assembly of many princes in italy ( who discoursed excellently in latine , while he stood still and could say nothing ) in a rage strook his tutor or gouernor there present , for not applying him to his booke when he was young . i gladly alledge these examples , as by a publike councell to condemne opinion of heresie , beleeuing to teach , and teaching to beleeue , the vnnecessitie of learning in nobilitie ; an error as preiudiciall to our land , as sometime was that rotten chest to aethiopia , whose corrupted ayre vented after many hundreds of yeares , brought a plague not onely vpon that country , but ouer the whole world . i ceasse to vrge further , the necessitie and dignitie of learning , hauing ( as octaui●s said to decius , a captaine of anthonies , ) to the vnderstanding spoken sufficient ; but to the ignorant too much , had i said lesse . chap. . of the time of learning , dutie of masters , and what the fittest method to be obserued . as the spring is the onely fitting seede time for graine , setting and planting in garden and orchard : so youth , the aprill of mans life , is the most naturall and conuenient season to scatter the seeds of knowledge vpon the ground of the mind , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith plato , it behooueth in youth out of hand , to desire and bend our minds to learning : neither as good husbands , while time serueth , let slip one houre ; for , saith he , elsewhere , our ground is hard , and our horses be wild ; withall , if we meane to reape a plentifull haruest , take we the counsell of adrastus in euripides , to looke that the seed be good . for , in the foundation of youth , well ordered and taught , consists ( saith plato againe ) the flourishing of the common-wealth . this tender age is like water spilt vpon a table , which with a finger wee may draw and direct which way we list ; or like the young hop , which , if wanting a pole , taketh hold of the next hedge : so that now is the time ( as waxe ) to worke it plyant to any forme . how many excellent wits haue we in this land , that smell of the caske , by neglecting their young time when they should haue learned ! horace his quo semel , once fit for the best wine , since too bad for the best vineger , who growne to yeares of discretion , and solid vnderstanding , deepely bewaile their misspent , or misguided youth , with too late wishing ( as i haue heard many ) that they had lost a ioynt , halte their estates , so that they had beene held to their bookes when they were young . the most ( and without cause ) lay the fault vpon bad masters ; to say truth , it is a generall plague and complaint of the whole land ; for , for'one discreete and able teacher , you shall finde twenty ignorant and carelesse , who ( among so many fertile and delicate wits as england affoordeth ) whereas they make one scholler , they marre ten . the first and maine error of masters , is want of discretion , when in such varietie of natures as different as their countenances , the master neuer laboureth to try the strength of euery capacitie by it selfe , which ( as that lesbian stone aristotle speaketh of ) must haue the rule fitted to it , not that brought to the rule : for as the selfe same medicines haue seuerall operations , according to the complexions they worke vpon ; so one and the selfe-same method agreeth not with all alike : some are quick of capacitie , and most apprehensiue , others of as dull ; some of a strong memorie , others of as weake ; yet may that dullard , or bad memorie , ( if he be obserued ) proue as good , yea ( in aristotles opinion ) better then of the other . but we see on the contrary , out of the masters carterly iudgment , like horses in a teame , they are set to draw al alike , when some one or two prime and able wits in the schoole , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which he culs out to admiration if strangers come , as a costardmonger his fairest pippins ) like fleete hounds goe away with the game , when the rest need helping ouer a stile a mile behind : hence being either quite discouraged in themselues , or taken away by their friends ( who for the most part measure their learning by the forme they fit it ) they take leaue of their bookes while they liue . a second ouer-sight nigh a kin to the former , is indiscretion in correction , in vsing all natures alike , and that with immoderation , or rather plaine crueltie : true it is , quo quisque est solertior & ingeniosior , hoc docet iracundior . but these fellowes beleeue with chrysippus in quintilian , that there is no other method of making a scholler , then by beating him , for that he vnderstandeth not through their owne fault ; wherein they shew themselues egregious tyrants , for , correction without instruction is plaine tyrannis . the noble , generous , and best natures , are won by commendation , enkindled by glory , which is fax mentis honestae , to whom conquest and shame are a thousand tortures . of which disposition for the most part , are most of our young nobilitie and gentlemen , well borne , inheriting with their being , they vertue of their ancestors , which euen in this tender greennesse of year wil bewary it selfe , as well in the schoole as abroad at their play and childish recreations . quintilian aboue all others , desireth this disposition to make his orator of , and whom chiding greeueth , to be tenderly dealt withall ; yet haue i knowne these good and towardly natures , as roughly handled by our plagosi orbilij , as by dionysius himselfe taking reuenge vpon the buttockes of poore boyes for the losse of his kingdome , and railed vpon by the vnmannerly names of block-heads ( oft by farre worse then block-heads ) asses , dolts , &c. which deepely pierceth the free and generous spirit ; for , ingenuitas ( saith soneca ) non recipit contemptum ; ingenuitie or the generous minde , cannot brooke contempt ; and which is more vngentlemanly , nay barbarous and inhumane , pulled by the eares , lashed ouer the face , beaten about the head with the great end of the rod , smitten vpon the lippes for euery slight offence with the ferula , ( not offered to their fathers scullions at home ) by these aiaces flagelliferi ; fitter far to keep beares , ( for they thriue and are the fatter for beating , saith pliny ) then to haue the charge of noble and gentlemen . in germanie the schoole is , and as the name importeth , it ought to be meerely ludus literarius , a very pastime of learning , where it is a rare thing to see a rodde stirring : yet i heartily wish that our children of england were but halfe so ready in writing and speaking latine , which boyes of tenne and twelue yeares old will doe so roundly , and with so neate a phrase and stile , that many of our masters would hardly mend them ; hauing onely for their punishment shame , and for their reward praise . cauendum à plagis ( saith quintilian ) sed potiùs laude aut aliorum praelatione vrgendus est puer : that is , wee must hold our hands , and rather bring a child forward with praise , and preferring of others . beside , there ought to bee a reciprocall and a mutuall affection betwixt the master and scholler , which iudicious erasmus and lodouicus viues , ( sometimes teacher to queene marie , and a spaniard , who came into england with queene katherine her mother ) doe principally require , patris in illum in duendo affectum , by putting on a fathers affection toward him : and as pliny saith , amore , non artifice docente , qui optimus magister est : to win his heart and affection by loue , which is the best master , the scholler againe the contrary . so may a discrect master , with as much or more case , both to himselfe & his scholler , teach him to play at tennise , or shoot at rouers in the field , and profit him more in one moneth , beside his encouragement , then in halfe a yeare with his strict and seuere vsage . but in stead heereof , many of our masters for the most part so behaue themselues , that their very name is hatefull to the scholler , who trembleth at their comming in , reioyceth at their absence , and looketh his master ( returned ) in the face , as his deadly enemy . some affect , and seuerer schooles enfore , a precise and tedious strictnesse , in long keeping the schollers by the walls ; as from before sixe in the morning , till twelue , or past : so likewise in the afternoone ; which beside the dulling of the wit , and deiecting the spirit , ( for , otij non minùs quam negotij ratio extare debes ) breedeth in him afterward , a kinde of hate and carelesnesse , of studie when hee commeth to bee sui i●ris , at his owne libertie , ( as experience prooueth by many , who are sent from senere schooles vnto the vniuersities : ) withall , ouer-loading his memorie , and taking off the edge of his inuention , with ouer heauy taskes in themes , verses , &c. to be continually poring on the booke ( saith socra●●s ) hurteth and weakeneth the memorie very much ; affirming learning to bee sooner attained vnto by the eare in discourse and hearing , then by the eye in continuall reading . i verily beleeue the same , if we had instructors and masters at hand , as readie as bookes . for wee see by experience , those who haue beene blinde from their birth , to retaine more by hearing , then others by their eyes , let them reade neuer so much : wherefore fabius would haue , istud ediscendi taedium protinùs à pueris deuorari , this same toyle or tediousnesse of learning by heart , to bee presently swallowed or passed ouer by children . wherefore i cannot but commend the custome of their schooles in the low countries , where for the auoyding of this tedious sitting still , & irksome poring on the booke all day long ; after the scholler hath receiued his lecture , he leaueth the schoole for an houre , and walketh abroad with one or two of his fellowes , either into the field , or vp among the trees vpon the rampire ; as in andwerpe , breda , vtrechs , &c. where they conferre and recreate themselues till time calls them in to repeate , where perhaps they stay an houre ; so abroad again , and thus at their pleasure the whole day . for true it is , that lipsius saith , ingenia vegeta , must haue suos re●essus , strong and liuely wits must haue their retrait or intermission of exercise , and as rammes ( engines of warre in old time ) recoyle backe to returne with the greater force ; which the mind doth vnto study after pause and rest , not vnlike a field , which by lying fallow , becommeth farre more fat and fruitfull . a fourth error , is the contrary ( for , stulti in contraria currunt , ) too much carelesnesse and remissenesse in not holding them in at all , or not giuing them in the schoole that due attendance they ought : so that euery day is play-day with them , bestowing the summer in seeking birds-nests , or haunting orchards ; the winter , in keeping at home for cold , or abroad all day with the bow , or the birding-peece : they making as little conscience in taking , as their master in giuing their learning , who forgetreth belike , that rumour layeth each fault of the scholler vpon his necks . plato remembreth one protagoras , a bird of the same feather , who when hee had liued threescore yeares , made his boast , he had spent fortie of those threescore , in corrupting and vndoing youth . we haue , i feare , a race of those protager-asses euen yet among our common schoole-masters in england . but the diseases whereunto some of them are very subiect , are humour and folly ( that i may say nothing of the grosse ignorance and in-sufficiency of many ) whereby they become ridiculous and contemptible both in the schoole and abroad . hence it comes to passe , that in many places , especially in italy , of all professions that of peda●eria is held in basest repute ; the schoole-master almost in euery comedy being brought vpon the stage , to paralell the zani , or pantaloun . he made vs good sport in that excellent comedy of pedantius , acted in our trinitie colledge in cambridge : and if i bee not deceiued , in priscianus vapulans , and many of our english playes . i knew one , who in winter would ordinarily in a cold morning , whip his boyes ouer for no other purpose then to get himselfe a heat : another beat them for swearing , and all the while sweares himselfe with horrible oathes , he would forgiue any fault sauing that . i had i remember my selfe ( neere s. albanes in hertforshir● where i was borne ) a master , who by no entreatie would teach any scholler he had , farther then his father had learned before him ; as if he had onely learned but to reade english , the sonne , though he went with him seauen yeares , should go no further ; his reason was , they would then prooue saucy rogues , and controule their fathers ; yet these are they that oftentimes haue our hopefull gentry vnder their charge and tuition , to bring them vp in science and ciuilitie . beside , most of them want that good and direct method , whereby in shortest time and with least labour , the scholler may attaine vnto perfection ; some teaching priuately , vse a grammer of their owne making ; some againe , none at a●● : the most lillies , but praeposterously posted ouer , that the boy is in his quantitie of syllables , before hee knoweth the qualitie of any one part of speech ; for he profiteth no more then he mastereth by his vnderstanding . nor is it my meaning that i would all masters to be tyed to one methode , no more then all the shires of england to come vp to london by one high way ; there be many equally alike good . and since method , as one saith , is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let euery master if he can , by pulling vp stiles and hedges , make a more neere and priuate way to himselfe , and in gods name say with the diuinest of poets : — deserta per avia dulcis , raptat amer , invat ire iugi● , quà nulla priorum cast aliam molli diuertitur orbita clive . with sweet loue rapt , i now by desart's passe , and ouer hilles , where neuer track of yore : descending easily , yet remembred was , that led the way to castalie before . but in stead of many good they haue infinite bad , and go stumbling from the right as if they went blindfold for a wager : hence commeth the shifting of the scholler from master to master , who poore boy ( like a hound among a companie of ignorant hunters hollowing euery decre they see ) misseth the right , begetteth himselfe new labour , and at last by one of skill , but well rated or beaten for his paines . they cannot commonly erre , if they shall imitate the builder , first to prouide the scholler with matter , then cast to lay a good foundation , i meane a sollide vnderstanding of the grammar , euery rule made familiar and fast , by short and pleasant examples , let him bring his matter into forme , and by little and little raise the frame of a strong and well knit stile both in writing and speaking ; and what doth harme in all other building , is heere most profitable and needfull , that is , translation . for i know nothing that benefiteth a scholler more then that ; first by translating out of latine into english , which laid by for some time , let him translate out of english into latine againe varying as oft as he can both his words and phrases . dosetus who hath gathered all the phrases of tullie into one volume , manutius , erasmus his cop●a , and drax his callipo●a with others , will helpe him much at the first ; let him after by his owne reading enrich his vnderstanding , and learne haurire ex ipsis fontibus , next exercise himselfe in theames and declamation if he be able . the old method of teaching grammar , saith suetonius , was disputation in the fore-noone , and declamation in the after-noone ; but this i leaue to the discretion of the iudicious master . i passe ouer the insufficiencie of many of them ( with ill example of life ( which plato wisheth aboue all things to be respected and looked into ) whereof as of physicke and ill physitians , there is many times more danger then of the disease it selfe ; many of them being no grammarians at all , much lesse ( as quintilian requireth in a schoolemaster ) rhetoricians to expound with proper and purest english , an eloquent latine or greeke author , vnfold his inuention : and handling of the subiect , shew the forme and fluencie of the style , the apt disposition of figures , the proprietie of words , the weight of graue and deepe sentences which are nerui orationis , the sinewes of discourse . musitians , without which grammar is imperfect in that part of prosodia , that dealeth onely with meter and rhithmicall proportions . astronomers to vnderstand authors who haue written of the heauens and their motions , the seuerall constellations , setting and rising of the planets , with the sundry names of circles and points ; as manilius and pontanus . and lastly , naturall and morall philosophers , without which they canot as they ought , vnderstand tullies offices , or aesops fables , as familiar as they seeme . farre be it that i may bee thought to question the worth and dignitie of the painfull and discreete teacher , who , if learning be needfull , must be as necessarie : besides , i am not ignorant , that euen the a greatest princes , with the most reuerend bishops , and most profound schollers of the world , haue not beene ashamed of tea●ching the grammer : or that i inueigh in the least , against the learned and worthy masters of our publike schooles , many of whom may be ranked with the most sufficient schollers of europe . i inueigh against the pittifull abuse of our nation by such , who by their ignorance and negligence deceiue the church and common-wealth of seruiceable members , parents of their money , poore children of their time , esteeme in the world , and perhaps meanes of liuing all their liues after . chap. . of the dutie of parents in their childrens education . neither must all the blame lye vpon the schoolemaster , fond and foolish parents haue oft as deep a share in this pretious spoile ; as he whose cockering and apish indulgence ( to the corrupting of the minds of their children , disabling their wits , effeminating their bodies ) how bitterly doth plato taxe and abhorre ? for auoiding of which , the law of lycurgus commaunded children to be brought vp , and to learne in the country , farre from the delicacie of the citie ; and the brutij in italy , a people bordering vpon lucania , following the custome of the spartans , sent their children after the age of foureteene away , to be brought vp in fields and forrests among shepheards and heardsmen ; without any to looke vnto them , or to waite vpon them : without apparell , or bed to lye on , hauing nothing else then milke or water for their drinke , and their meate such as they could kill or catch . and heare the aduice of horace : angustam , amice , pauperiem pati robustus acri militia puer condiscat , & parthos feroces vexet eques metuendus hasta , vitamque sub die , & trepidis agas in rebus , &c. friend , let thy child hard pouerty endure , and growne to strength , to warre himselfe inure ; learne brauely mounted , sterne caualeir , to charge the fiercest parthian with his speare : let him in fields without doores leade his life , and exercise him where are dangers rife , &c. if many of our young youths and gallants were dieted in this manner , mercers might saue some paper , and cittie laundresses goe make candles with their saffron and egges ; dicing houses and ten shillings ordinaries , let their large roomes to fencers and puppit-players , and many a painted peece betake her selfe to a wheele , or the next hospitall . but now adaies , parents either giue their children no education at all , ( thinking their birth or estate will beare out that : ) or if any , it leaueth so slender an impression in them , that like their names cut vpon a tree , it is ouer-growne with the old barke by the next summer . beside , such is the most base and ridiculous parsimony of many of our gentlemen , ( if i may so terme them ) that if they can procure some poore batcheler of art from the vniuersitie to teach their children , say grace , and serue the cure of an impropriation , who wanting meanes and friends , will be content vpon the promise of ten pounds a yeare at his first comming , to be pleased with fiue ; the rest to be set off in hope of the next aduouson , ( which perhaps was sold before the young man was borne : ) or if it chance to fall in his time , his ladie or master tels him ; indeed sir wee are beholden vnto you for your paines , such a liuing is lately fallen , but i had before made a promise of it to my butler or bailiffe , for his true and extraordinarie seruice : when the truth is , he hath bestowed it vpon him himselfe , for fourescore or an hundred peeces , which indeede his man two daies before had fast hold of , but could not keepe . it is not commonly seene , that the most gentlemen will giue better wages , and deale more bountifully with a fellow who can but teach a dogge , or reclaime an hawke , then vpon an honest , learned , and well qualified man to bring vp their children ? it may be , hence it is that dogges are able to make syllogismes in the fields , when their young masters can conclude nothing at home , if occasion of argument or discourse be offered at the table . looke vpon our nebilitie and gentry now adaies ( saith a wise and graue historian ) and you shall see them bred , as if they were made for mother end then pastime and idlenes ; they obserue moderation neither in talke nor apparell : good men , and such as are learned , are not admitted amongst them ; the affaires of their estates they impose vpon others , &c. but to view one of them rightly , ( saith sen●ca ) looke vpon him naked , lay-by his estate , his honors , et aliae fortunae mendacia , his other false disguisements of fortune , and behold his mind , what and how great he is , whether of himselfe , or by some borrowed greatnesse . but touching parents , a great blame and imputation ( how iustly i know not ) is commonly laid vpon the mother ; not onely for her ouer tendernesse , but in winking at their lewd courses ; yea , more in seconding , and giuing them encouragement to doe wrong , though it wore , as terence saith , against their owne fathers . i dare not say it was long of the mother , that the son told his father , he was a better man , and better descended then he . nor will i affirme that it is her pleasure , the chamber-maid should be more curious in fitting his tuffe , then his master in refining his manners . nor that it is she that filleth the cisterne of his lauish expence , at the vniuersitie , or innes of court ; that after foure or fiue yearesspent , hee returnes home as wise as ammonius his asse , that went with his master euery day to the schoole , to heare origen and porphyrie reade philosophy . but albeit , many parents haue beene diligent enough this way , and good masters haue likewise done their parts , and neither want of will or abilitie of wit in their children to become schollers , yet ( whether out of an ouer-weening conceipt of their towardnesse , a pride to haue their sonnes out-goe their neighbours , or to make them men before their times ) they take them from schoole , as birds out of the nest ere they be slidge , and send them so young to the vniuersitie , that scarce one among twentie proueth ought . for as tender plants , too soone or often remooued , beginne to decay and die at the roote ; so these young things of twelue , thirteene , or foureteene , that haue no more care then to expect the next carrier , and where to sup on fridaies and fasting nights : no further thought of studie , then to trimme vp their studies with pictures , and place the fairest bookes in openest view , which poore lads , they scarce euery opened or vnderstand not ; that when they come to logicke , and the crabbed grounds of arts , there is such a disproportion betweene aristotles categories , and their childish capacities , that what together with the sweetnesse of libertie , varietie of companie , and so many kinds of recreation in towne and fields abroad , ( being like young lapwings apt to be snatched vp by euery buzzard , they prooue with homers willow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and as good goe gather cockles with calignlas people on the sand , as yet to attempt the difficulties of so rough and terrible a passage . others againe , if they perceiue any wildnesse or vnstaiednesse in their children , are presently in despaire , and out of all hope of them for euer prouing schollers , or fit for any thing else ; neither consider the nature of youth , nor the effect of time , the phisition of all . but to mend the matter , send them either to the court to serue as pages , or into france and italy to see fashions , and mend their manners , where they become ten times worse . these of all other , if they bee well tempered , prooue the best mettall ; yea tulli● as of necessitie desireth some aboundant ranknesse , or superfluitie of wit in that yong-man , he would choose to make his orator of . vellem ( saith he ) in adolescente aliquod redundans & quod amputem : i wish in a yong man something to spare , and which i might cut off . this taken away ere degenerate with luxurious abundance , like that same ranke vine the prophet ieremie speaketh of , you shall finde the heart divino sain editum : and sound timber within to make mercurie of , qui non fit ex quouis lign● , as the prouerbe saith . and some of a different humour will determine , euen from the a , b , c. what calling their children shall take vpon them , and force them euen in despight of nature , like lycurgus his whelpes , to runne contrarie courses , and to vndertake professions altogether contrarie to their dispositions : this , saith erasmus , is , peccare in genium . and certainly it is a principall point of discretion in parents to be throughly acquainted with , and obserue the disposition and inclination of their children , and indeed for euery man to search into the addiction of his genius and not to wrest nature as musitians say , out of her key , or ( as tullie saith ) to contend with her , making the spaniel to carrie the asses loade ; which was well obserued by the lacedamonians and ancient romanes , in laying forth instruments of sundry occupations , before their children at a certaine age , they to choose what liked them best , and euer after to take vpon them that profession whereunto they belonged . how many are put by worldly and couetous fathers inuita minerua , to the studie of the lawes ( which studie i confesse to be honourable and most deseruing , ) who notwithstanding spend most of their time euen in diuinitie at the innes of he court ? and how many divines haue we , ( i appeale to the courts , ) heires of their fathers , friends , ( or purchased ) advousons , whom the buckram bagge would not better beseeme then the bible ? being neuer out of law with their parishioners , following their suites and causes from court to court , terme to terme , no atturney more . in like manner i haue knowne many commanders and worthy gentlemen , aswell of our owne nation as strangers , who following the warres , in the field and in their armes , haue confessed vnto me , nature neuer ordained them for that profession , had they not fallen accidentally vpon it , either through death of friends , harshnesse of masters and tutors , thereby driuen from the vniuersitie ( as an honorable friend of mine in the low countries hath many times cōplained vnto me : ) or the most common mischiefe , miserablenesse of greedie parents , the ouerthrow and vndoing of many excellent and prime wits ; who to saue charges , marrie a daughter , or preferre a yonger brother , turne them out into the wide world with a little money in their purses ( or perhaps none at all ) to seeke their fortunes , where necessitie deiects and besots their spirits , not knowing what calling or course to take ; enforceth them desperate to begge , borrow , or to worse and baser shiftes ( which in their owne natures they detest as hell ) to goe on foote , lodge in ale-houses , and fort themselues with the basest companie , till what with want and wandring so long in the circle , at last they are ( vpon the center of some hill ) constrained to say ( as hercules between his two pillars ) non vlterius . much lesse haue parents now a daies that care to take the paines to instruct , and reade to their children themselues , which the greatest princes and noblest personages haue not beene ashamed to doe . octauius augusins caesar , read the workes of cicero and virgil , to his children and nephewes himselfe . anna the daughter of alexi● the grecian emperour , was by her father so instructed , that while shee was yet a yong and goodly ladie , shee wrote of her selfe a very learned and authentique historie of the church . aemilius paulus the sonne ( who so brauely ended his daies at cannas when his colleague forsooke him ) seeing the fauour of the state not inclineable towards him , left the citie , and onely spent his time in the countrey , in teaching his owne children their latine and greeke ; notwithstanding he daily maintained grammarians , logicians , rhetoricians , painters , caruers , riders of great horses , and the skilfullest huntsmen he could get , to instruct and teach them in their seuerall professions and qualities . the three daughters of euer-famous sr. thomas moore , were by their father so diligently held to their booke ( notwithstanding he was so daily emploied being l. chauncelor of england ) that erasmus saith , he found them so readie and perfect in liuie , that the worst scholler of them , was able to expound him quite through without any stop , except some extraordinarie and difficult place . quod me ( saith he ) aut mei similem esset remoraturum . i shall not neede to remember , within memorie those foure sisters , the learned daughters of sr. anthonie cooke , and rare poetresses , so skilfull in latine and greeke , beside many other their excellent qualities , eternized alreadie by the golden pen of the prince of poets of our time ; with many other incomparable ladies and gentlewoman in our land , some yet liuing , from before whose faire faces time i trust will draw the curtaine . lastly , the fault may be in the scholler himselfe , whom nature hath not so much befriended with the gift of vnderstanding , as to make him capable of knowledge ; or else more vniust , disposed him to sloath , or some other worse inbred vice . marcus cicero , albeit hee was the sonne of so wise , so eloquent , and so sober a father ( whose very counsell and companie had beene enough , to haue put learning and regard of well liuing into the most barbarous gete : ) and had crattippus , so excellent a philosopher to his reader at athens : yet by the testimony of pliny , he proued so notorious a drunkard , that he would ordinarily drinke off two gallons of wine at a time , and became so debauched euery way , that few of that age exceeded him . sundry the like examples might be produced in our times , but one of this nature is too many . others on the contrary , are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and haue no other helpes saue god , and their owne industry ; wee neuer reade of any master virgil euer had . s. augustine likewise saith of himselfe : se didicisse aristotelis categorias nemine traden●● : that he learned aristotles categories , or praedicaments , no man instructing him ; which , how hard they bee at the first to wade thorough without a guide , let the best wit of them all try . and beda our countrey-man , ( for his profound learning in all sciences ) sir-named venerabilis , attained to the same within the limits of his cell in northumberland , though it is said he was once at rome . ioseph scaliger taught priuatly many yeares in a noblemans house , and neuer made abode in any vniuersitie , that euer i heard of , till called in his latter yeares to leyden in holland : and many admirable schollers and famous men , our age can produce , who neuer came at any vniuersitie , except to view the colledges , or visit their friends , that are inferiour to few doctors of the chaire , either for learning or iudgment , if i may so say , pace matris academiae . chap. . of a gentlemans carriage in the vniuersity . hauing hitherto spoken of the dignitie of learning in generall , the dutie and qualitie of the master , of a readie method for vnderstanding the grammar , of the parent , of the child : i turne the head of my discourse , with my schollers horse , ( whom mee thinkes i see stand ready brideled ) for the vniuersitie . and now , m. william howard , giue me leaue ( hauing passed that , i imagine , limbus puerorum , & those perillous pikes of the grammar rules ) as a well willer vnto you and your studies , to beare you company part of the way , and to direct henceforth my discourse wholly to your selfe . since the vniuersitie whereinto you are embodied , is not vntruly called the light and eye of the land , in regard from hence , as from the center of the sunne , the glorious beames of knowledge disperse thēselues ouer al , without which a chaos of blindnesse would repo●●esse vs againe : think now that you are in publike view , and nucibus reliclis , with your gowne you haue put on the man , that from hence the reputation of your whole life taketh her first growth and beginning . for as no glorie crowneth with more abundant praise , then that which is heere won by diligence and wit : so there is no infamie abaseth the value and esteeme of a gentleman all his life after , more then that procured by sloath and error in the vniuersities ; yea , though in those yeares whose innocencie haue euer pleaded their pardon ; whereat i haue not a little meruailed , considering the freedome and priuiledge of greater places . but as in a delicate garden kept by a cunning hand , and ouerlooked with a curious eye , the least disorder or rankness● of any one flower , putteth a beautifull bed or well contriued knot out of square , when rudenesse and deformitie is borne withall , in rough and vndressed places : so , beleeue it , in this paradise of the muses , the least neglect and impression of errors foot , is so much the more apparant and censured , by how much the sacred arts haue greater interest in the culture of the mind , and correction of manners . wherefore , your first care , euen with pulling off your boots , let be the choice of your acquaintance and company . for as infection in cities in a time of sicknesse , is taken by concourse , and negligent running abroad , when those that keepe within , and are warie of themselues , escape with more safetie : so it falleth out here in the vniuersitie ; for this eye hath also her diseases as wel as any other part of the body , ( i will not say with the physitians more ) with those , whose priuate houses and studies being not able to containe them , are so cheape of themselues , and so plyable to good fellowship abroad ; that in mind and manners ( the tokens plainly appearing ) they are past recouerie ere any friend could heare they were sicke . entertaine therefore the acquaintance of men of the soundest reputation for religion , life , and learning , whose conference and company may bee vnto you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a liuing and a mouing library . for conference and conuerse was the first mother of all arts and science , as being the greatest discouerer of our ignorance , and increaser of knowledge , teaching , and making vs wise by the iudgements and examples of many : and you must learne herein of plato , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , to be a louer of knowledge , desirous to heare much ; and lastly , to inquire and aske often . for the companions of your recreation , consort your selfe with gentlemen of your owne ranke and qualitie ; for that friendship is best contenting and lasting . to be ouer free and familiar with inferiors , argues a basenesse of spirit , and begetteth contempt : for as one shall here at the first priz : himselfe , so let him look at the same rate for euer after to be valued of others . carry your selfe eeuen and fairely , tanquam in statêra , with that moderation in your speech and action , ( that you seemed with vl●sses , to haue minerua alwaies at your elbow : ) which should they be weighed by enuy her selfe , the might passe them for currant ; that you bee thought rather leauing the vniuersitie , then lately come thither . but hereto the regard of your worth , the dignitie of the place , and abundance of so many faire presidents , will be sufficient motiues to stirre you vp . husband your time to the best , for , the greedy desire of gaining time , is a couetousnesse onely honest . and if you follow the aduice of erasmus , and the practise of plinius secundus , diem in operas partire , to deuide the day into seuerall taskes of studie , you shall finde a great case and furtherance hereby ; remembring euer to referre your most serious and important studies vnto the morning , which sin sheth alone ( say the learned ) three parts of the worke . iulius caesar hauing spent the whole day in the field about his militarie affaires , diuided the night also , for three seuerall vses ; one part for his sleepe ; a second , for the common-wealth and publique businesse ; the third , for his booke and studies . so carefull and thriftie were they then of this precious treasure , which we as prodigall lauish out , either vainely or viciously , by whole moneths and yeares , vntill we be called toan account by our great creditor , who will not abate vs the vaine expence of a minute . but for as much as the knowledge of god , is the true end of all knowledge , wherein as in the boundlesse & immense ocean , all our studies and endeuours ought to embosome th●selues : remēber to lay the foundation of your studies , the feare and seruice of god , by oft frequenting prayer and sermons , reading the scriptures , and other tractates of pietie and deuotion : which howsoeuer prophane and irreligious spirits condemne , and contemne , as politian a canon of florence , being vpon occasion asked if hee euer read the bible ouer ; yes once ( quoth he ) i read it quite thorough , but neuer bestowed my time worse in all my life . beleeue you with chrysostome , that the ignorance of the scriptures , is the beginning and fountaine of all euill : that the word of god is ( as our sauiour calleth it ) the key of knowledge ; which giuen by inspiration of god , is profitable to teach , to conuince , to correct and to instruct in righteousnesse . and rather let the pious and good king alphonsi●s , be a president vnto you , and to all nobilitie , who read ouer the bible nor once , nor twice , but foureteene times , with the postils of lyra and burgensis , containing thrice or foure times as much in quantitie , and would cause it to be caried ordinarily with his scepter before him , whereon was engrauen , pro lege & grege . and that worthy emp. & great champion of christendome , charlemaigne , who spent his daies of rest ( after so mnay glorious victories obtained of the saracens in spain , the hunnes , saxens , gothes and vandals in lumbardie and italy , with many other barbarous nations , whereof milions fell vnder his sword ) in reading the holy scriptures , and the workes of the fathers , especially s. augustine , and his bookes de ciuitate dei , in which hee tooke much delight : whom besides , it is recorded , to haue beene so studious , that euen in bed , he would haue his pen and inke , with parchment at his pillow readie , that nothing in his meditation , nothing might ouer-slip his memorie : and if any thing came into his mind , the light being taken away , a place vpon the wall next him , was thinly ouer-laid with●waxe , whereon with a brasen pin he would write in the darke . and we reade , as oft as a new king was created in israel , he had with the ornaments of his kingly dignitie , the booke of the law deliuered vnto him ; signifying his regall authoritie , was lame and defectiue , except swaied by piety and wisedome , contained in that booke . whereunto alludeth that deuice of paradine , an image vpon a globe , with a sword in one hand , and a booke in the other , with , ex vtroque caesar ; and to the same purpose , another of our owne in my minerua britann● , which is a serpent wreathed about a sword , placed vpright vpon a bible , with the word , initium sapiemia . chap. . of stile in speaking and writing , and of historie . since speech is the character of a man , and the interpreter of his mind , and writing , the image of that ; that so often as we speak or write , so oft we vndergoe censure and iudgement of our selues : labour first by all meanes to get the habit of a good stile in speaking and writing , as well english as latine . i call with tully , that a good and eloquent stile of speaking . where there is a iudicious fitting of choise words , apt and graue sentences vnto matter well disposed , the same being vttered with a comely moderation of the voyce , countenance and gesture . not that same ampullous and scenical pompe , with emptie furniture of phrase , wherewith the stage , and our pettie poeticke pamphlets sound so big , which like a net in the water , though it feeleth weightie , yet it yeeldeth nothing ; since our speech ought to resemble , wherin neither the curiousnesse of the picture , or faire proportion of letters , but the weight is to be regarded : and as plu●arch saith , when our thirst is quenched with the drinke , then we looke vpon the ennameling and workmanship of the boule ; so first your hearer coueteth to haue his desire satisfied with matter , ere hee looketh vpon the forme or vinetrie of words , which many times fall in of themselues to matter well contriued , according to horace : rembe●● dispositam vel verba invita feq●untur . to matter well dispos'd , words of themselues do fall . let your stile therefore bee furnished with solid matter , and compact of the best , choise , and most familiar words ; taking heed of speaking , or writing such words , as men shall rather admire then vnderstand . herein were tiberiu● , m. ante●ie , and m●cenas , much blamed and iested at by augustus , himselfe vsing euer a plaine and most familiar stile : and as it is said of him , verbum insolens tanquam scopulum effugiens . then sententious , yea better furnished with sentences then words , and ( as tully willeth ) without affectation : for as a king said , dum tersiari studemus eloquendi formula , subterfugit nos clanculùm , apertus ille & familiaris dicendi modus . flowing at one and the selfe same height , neither taken in and knit vp too short , that like rich hangings of arras or tapistry , thereby lose their grace and beautie , as themistocles was wont to say : not suffered to spred so farre like soft musicke in an open field , whose delicious sweetnesse vanisheth , and is lost in the ayre , not being contained within the walles of a roome . in speaking , rather lay downe your words one by one , then powre them forth together ; this hath made many men naturally slow of speech , to seem wisely iudicious , and be iudiciously wise ; for , beside the grace it giueth to the speaker , it much helpeth the memorie of the hearer , and is a good remedie against impediment of speech . sir nicholas bacon , sometime lord chancellor of england , and father to my lord of s. alb●n●s , a most eloquent man , and of as sound learning and wisedome , as england bred in many ages : with the old lord william burgbley , lord treasurer of england , haue aboue others herein beene admired , and commended in their publique speeches in the parliament house and starre-chamber : for nothing drawes our attention more then good matter , eloquently digested , and vttered with a gracefull , cleere , and distinct pronuntiation . but to be sure your stile may passe for currant , as of the richest alloy , imitate the best authors as well in oratorie as historie ; beside the exercise of your owne inuention , with much conference with those who can speak well : nor bee so foolish precise as a number are , who make it religion to speake otherwise then this or that author . as longolius was laughed at by the learned , for his so apish and superstitious imitation of tully , in so much as hee would haue thought a whole volume quite matred , if the word possibile had passed his pen ; because it is not to be found in all tullie : or euery sentence had not sunke with , esse posse videatur , like a peale ending with a chime , or an amen vpon the organes in paules . for as the young virgin to make her fairest garlands , gathereth not altogether one kind of flower ; and the cunning painter , to make a delicate beautie , is forced to mixe his complexion , and compound it of many colours ; the arras-worker , to please the eyes of princes , to be acquainted with many histories : so are you to gather this hony of eloquence a , a gift of heauen , out of many fields ; making it your owne by diligence in collection , care in expression , and skill in digestion . but let me leade you forth into these all-flowrie and verdant fields , where so much sweete varietie will amaze , and make you doubtfull where to gather first . first , tullie ( in whose bosome the treasure of eloquence seemeth to haue beene locked vp , and with him to haue perished ) offereth himselfe as pater romani eloquij : whose words and stile ( that you may not bee held an heretique of all the world ) you must preferre aboue all other , as well for the sweetnesse , grauitie , richnesse , and vnimitable texture thereof ; as that his workes are throughout seasoned with all kind of learning , and relish of a singular and christianlike honesty . there wanted not in him ( saith tacitus ) knowledge of geometry , of musicke , of no manner of art that was commendable and honest ; he knew the subtiltie of logicke , each part of morall philosophy , and so forth . how well he was seene in the ciuill lawes , his bookes de legibus , and his actions in verrem , will shew you : which are the rather worthy your reading , because you shall there see the grounds of many of our lawes heere in england . for the integrity of his mind , though his offices had lien suppressed , let this one saying ( among many thousands ) perswade you to a charitable opinion of the same : arecta conscientia transuerfum vnguem , non oportet quenquam in omni sua vita discedere . whereto i might adde that tale of gyges ring in his offices , which booke let it not seeme contemptible vnto you , because it lyeth tossed and torne in euery schoole ; but be precious , as it was sometime vnto the old lord burghley , lord high treasurer of england , before named ; who , to his dying day , would alwaies carry it about him , either in his bosome or pocket , being sufficient ( as one said of aristotles rhetoriques ) to make both a scholler and an honest man. imitate tullie for his phrase and stile , especially in his epistles ad atticum ; his bookes de oratore : among his orations , those pro m. marcello , pro archia poeta , t. annie milone , sext. rose . amerino , pub. quinctio : the first two against catiline ; and the third action against verres . these in my opinion are fullest of life , but you may vse your discretion , you cannot make your choice amisse . after cicero , i must need● bring you caesar , whom tullie himselfe confesseth of all orators , to haue spoken the most eloquent and purest latine ; et haue bene loquendi laude●● ( saith he ) 〈◊〉 uteris , & ijs quidem reconditis & exquisith , summoque studio & diligentia est consequ●tus . and , in qūo ( saith quintilian ) ●anta vis , id acumen , ea concitatio , vt illum codem animo dixisse appareat quo bellauit . in whom there was so great vehe mency , that fine iudement , that courage and motion , that it seemes hee wrote with the same spirit hee fought . to reade him as you ought , you must bring with you an able iudgement , beside your dictionarie ; by reason of the diuersitie of countries . tracts , places , riuers , people , names of ancient cities and townes , to be sought out , in moderne , strange , and vnknowne names : of materials in buildings ( as in his bridge ouer the rhine framed , ex tignis , trab●bus , fibulis , sublicis , longurijs , &c. ) which , except you were seene in architecture , you would hardly vnderstand : then strange names and formes of warlike engines and weapons then in vse : sundry formes of fortification , water-workes , and the like ; which notwithstanding , since haue beene made knowne and familiar vnto vs , by the painefull labours of those all-searching wits , lipsius , ramus , gionanni de ramellis , and others : and may be read in english excellently translated and illustrated , by that learned and truly honourable gentleman , sr clement edmondes knight , clearke of his maiesties most honorable priuie counsell , my worthy friend : though many excellent workes of caesars , as his epistles , his astronomy , &c. through the iniquitie of enuious time , are vtterly lost and perished . now offereth himselfe cornelius tacitus , the prince of historians ; of whō i may not vntruly say ( as scaliger of virgil ) & euius ore nil tomere excidit , as well for his diligence as grauitie ; so copious in pleasing breuitie , each sentence carrying with it a kind of loftic state and maiestie , such as should ( me think ) proceed from the mouth of greatnesse and command ; in sense retired , deepe , and not fordable to the ordinarie reader . hee doth in part speake most pure and excellent english , by the industry of that most learned and iudicious gentleman ; whose long labour and infinite charge in a farre greater worke , haue wonne him the loue of the most learned , and drawn not onely the eye of greece , but all europe to his admiration . but there being , as lipsius saith , suus cuique lingua genius : let me aduise you of this by the way , that no translation whatsoeuer will affect you , like the authors owne and proper language : for to reade him as hee spake , it confirmeth our iudgments with an assured boldnesse and confidence of his intent and meaning ; remouing that scruple of iealousie we haue commonly of ignorant and vnfaithfull pens , which deale many times herein , sublesta fide . besides , it is an iniurie to the author , who heereby loseth somewhat of his value : like a peece of rich stuffe in a brokers shop , onely for that it is there at a second hand , though neuer worne , or newly translated but yesterday . the next titus liuius , whom like a milky fountaine , you shall euery where finde flowing , with such an elegant sweetnesse , such banquetlike varietie , that you would imagine other authors did but bring your mouth out of taste . in his first decade , you haue the comming of aeneas into italy , the building of rome , the first choise of the senate , the religious rites of numa , the braue combate of the horatij and curiatij , the tyranny of tarquine , the rape of lucrece by sextus his sonne , and first consuls created . in the third , the historie of the second punicke warre , hannibals passage against the league ouer the riuer iberus , who after eight moneths siedge ; tooke saguntum ; his passage ouer the pyrenean hills , his forraging of france : after ascending the alpes , with his ouerthrow of the romanes , with his horse troop●s at the riuer t●cin● , where scipi● ( after a●ricanus ) rescued his father , beeing verie grieuously wounded . his second ouerthrow of the romanes , at the riuer trebia , his hard passage in cruell weather and tempests , ouer the apponin● , &c. in the fourth , is recorded the occasion of the warre , against philip king of macedonia ( concerning the comming in of two young men of acarnania , into the temple of ceres at athens : ) against whom sulpitius was sent , by whom the macedonians were ouerthrowne in a● horse battaile : how l. furius subdued the rebellio●s gaules , ouerthrew hamilcar with thirtie fiue thousand carthaginians ; with many other expeditions of philip of macedon , and sulpitius . in the fift , the going out of the fire in the temple of vesta ; how titus s●mpronius gracch●● , subdued the celtiberian spaniards , and built a towne in spaine called gracchuris , after his name ; posthumius albinius triumphed ouer the portugals : the number of the citizens of rome reckoned by the poll , with the law of volu●●●ius saxa , by which no woman was to inherit , &c. be then acquainted with quintus curtius , who passing eloquently with a faithfull penne and sound iudgement , writeth the life and acts of alexander ; in whom you shall see the patterne of a braue prince , for wisedome , courage , magnanimitie , bountie , courtesie , agilitie of body , and whatsoeuer else were to be wished in maiestie ; till surfeiting ( in the best of his age ) on his excessiue fortunes , and euen burthensome to himselfe : by his ouer-greatnesse , he became 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an vnprofitable burthen of the earth , and from the darling of heauen , to be the disdaine of all the world . after him ( whom indeed i should haue preferred before , as being honoured with the title of historia● 〈◊〉 ) followeth salust , commended most for breuitie ; as also for the richnesse of his speech and phrase ; but wherein his breuitie consisteth , the most are ignorant . our grammarians imagine , because his discourses ( as they say ) are only of the matter and persons barely and nakedly described , without circumstance and preparation , counsels and deliberations had before , effects and euents after : which is quite contrarie ; as may be seene by the conspiracie of catilin● , which hee might in a manner haue set downe in three words . but how amply , and with what adoe doth he describe it ? what circumstances more open , more abundant , then where he saith ; the romane souldiers being amazed with an vnwonted vprore , betooke them to their weapons : some hid themselues , others aduised their companions to stand st●●tly to it : they were afraid in euery place , the multitude of enemies was so great . the heauen was obscured with night , and thicke cloudes , the perill wis doubtfull : and lastly , no man knew whether it were safest for him to flye , or to stay by it ? and let them now see their error , who affirme his discourse to be vnfurnished of counsels , deliberations , consultations , &c. is not the reason set downe , why iugurth assaulted cirtha at the arriuall of the embassadours ? the intent and preparation of the warre by metellus the consull , laid open in an ample manner , wherein consisteth the richnesse of his discourse ? his breuitie indeed , worthy your obseruation and imitation , consisteth in shutting vp whole and weightie sentences in three words , fetching nothing afarre , or putting in more then needs ; but in quicke and stirring asyndeta's after his manner : as the most learned haue out of him obserued . and since it is tullies aduice , as was his owne vse ( as himselfe testifieth ) non in philosophia solum , sed etiam in dicendi exercitatione , cum gracis latin● con●●ngere : by this time acquaint your selfe with that golden cyri p●dia of xenophon , whom heere you shall see a couragious and braue commander , marshalling an army : there a most graue and eloquent philosopher , in the person of cyrus , shaping out vnto vs with inke of nectar , a perfect and absolute prince , ( to the example of all princes and nobilitie ) for his studies , his dyet , his exercise , his carriage , and euery way manner of liuing : insomuch , as the noble scipio africanus , as well in his warres abroad , as in peace at home , aboue all other held xenophon in highest regard , euer saying , he could neuer commend him sufficiently , or reade him ouer often enough . hitherto haue i giuen you a taste ( at your own choice ) as well for vniuersall historie , as your imitation in writing and speaking . that i account vniuersall , which entreateth of the beginning , increase , gouernment , and alterations of monarchies , kingdomes , and common-wealths : and to further you herein , you may reade iustine , diodorus siculus , zonaras , oresius ; of more later times , sabellicus , carion , with some others . for speciall historie , that reporteth the affaires and gouernment of particular estates ; you haue the most ancient herodotus , the noble and eloquent thucydides , arrianus , halicarnassaeus , polybius , suetonius , and others . all historie diuideth it selfe into foure branches : the first spreadeth it selfe into , and ouer all place , as geographie : the second , groweth and gathereth strength with tract of time , as chronologie : the third , is laden with descents , as genealogie : the fourth and last ( like the golden bow proserpins gaue aeneas ) is that , truly called by cicero , lux veritatis , which telleth vs of things as they were done , and of all other most properly is called historie . for all historie in times past , saith tullie , was none other then annalium confectio , the making of annales , that is , recording of what was done from yeere to yeere . but while i wander in forraigne historie , let me warne you , nefis peregrinus domi : that you be not a stranger in the historie of your owne countrey , which is a common fault impoted to our english trauellers in forreine countries ; who curious in the obseruation and search of the most memorable things and monuments of other places , can say ( as a great peere of france told me ) nothing of their owne our countrey of england , being no whit inferior to any other in the world , for matter of antiquitie , and rarities of euery kinde worthy remarke and admiration . herein i must worthily and onely preferre vnto you the glorie of our nation , m. camden , aswell for his iudgement and diligence , as the puritie and sweet fluence of his latine style ; and with him the rising starre of good letters and antiquitie , m. iohn selden of the inner temple . as for giraldus , geoffrey , higden , ranulph of chester , walsingham a monke of s. athanes with the rest , they did cum saculo caecutire , and tooke vpon credite many a time more then they could well answer ; that i may omit polydore virgil and italian , who did our nation that deplorable iniurie , in the time of k. henrie the eight , for that his owne historie might passe for currant , he burned and embezeled the best and most ancient records and monuments of our abbeies , priories , and cathedrall churches , vnder colour ( hauing a large commission vnder the great seale ) of making search for all such monuments , manuse . records , legier bookes , &c. as might make for his purpose ; yet for all this he hath the ill lucke to write nothing wel , saue the life of henrie the seuenth , wherein he had reason to take a little more paines then ordinarie , the booke being dedicated to henrie the eight his sonne . no subiect affecteth vs with more delight then historie , imprinting a thousand formes vpon our imaginations , from the circumstances of place , person , time , matter , manner , and the like . and , what can be more profitable ( saith an ancient historian ) then sitting on the stage of humane life , to be made wise by their example , who haue trod the path of error and danger before vs ? bodin tels vs of some , who haue recouered their healthes by reading of historie ; and it is credibly affirmed of king alphonsus , that the onely reading of qui●● . curtius , cured him of a very dangerous feuer . if i could haue beene so rid of my late quartane ague , i would haue said with the same good king : valeat avicenna , vi●at curtius ; and haue done him as much honour , as euer the chians their hippocrates , or the sun-burnd aegyptians their aesculapius . for moralitie and rules of well liuing , deliuered with such sententious grauitie , weight of reason , so sweetened with liuely & apt similitudes , entertaine plutarch ; whom according to the opinion of gaza the world would preserue ( should it be put to the choice to receiue one onely authour ( the sacred scriptures excepted ) and to burne all the rest ) especially his li●es and morals . after him , the vertuous and diuine seneca , who for that he liued so neere the times of the apostles , and had familiar acquaintance with s. paul ( as it is supposed by those epistles that passe vnder either their names ) is thought in heart to haue beene a christian ; and certes so it seemeth to me , by that spirit , wherewith so many rules of patience , humilitie , contempt of the world , are refined and exempt from the dregges of paganisme . some say that about the beginning of neroes raigne , he came ouer hither into brittaine ; but most certaine it is , he had diuers lands bestowed on him here in england , and those supposed to haue laine in essex neere to camalodunum , now maldon . againe , while you are intent to forreine authors and languages , forget not to speake and write your owne properly and eloquently : whereof ( to say truth ) you shall haue the greatest vse , ( since you are like to liue an eminent person in your countrey , and meane to make no profession of schollership . ) i haue knowne euen excellent schollers so defectiue this way , that when they had beene beating their braines twentie , or foure and twentie yeeres about greeke etymologies , or the hebrew roots and rabbines , could neither write true english , nor true orthographi● : and to haue heard them discourse in publike , or priuately at a table , you would haue thought you had heard loy talking to his pigges , or iohn de indagine , declaiming in the praise of wild geese ; otherwise for their iudgement in the arts and other tongues very sufficient . to helpe your selfe herein , make choice of those authors in prose , who speake the best and purest english. i would commend vnto you ( though from more antiquitie ) the life of richard the third written by sir thomas moore , the arcadia of the noble sir philip sidney , whome du bartas makes one of the foure columnes of our language ; the essayes and other peoces of the excellent master of eloquence , my lord of s. albanes , who possesseth not onely eloquence , but all good learning , as hereditarie both by father and mother . you haue then m. hooker his politie ; henrie the fourth well written by sir iohn hayward ; that first part of our english kings by m. samuel daniel . there are many others i know , but these will tast you best , as proceeding from no vulgar iudgments : the last earle of northampton in his ordinary stile of writing was not to be mended . procure then , if you may , the speeches made in parliaments frequent learned sermons , in terme time resort to the starre-chamber , and be present at the pleadings in other publique courts , whereby you shall better your speech , enrich your vnderstanding , and get more experience in one moneth , then in other foure by keeping your melancholy studie , and by solitarie meditation . imagine not that hereby i would binde you from reading all other bookes , since there is no booke so bad , euen sir be●is himselfe , owleglasse , or nashes herring , but some commoditie may be gotten by it . for as in the same pasture , the oxe findeth fodder , the hound a hare , the stork a lizard , the faire maide flowers ; so we cannot , except we list our selues ( saith seneca ) but depart the better from any booke whatsoeuer . and ere you begin a booke , forget not to reade the epistle ; for commonly they are best laboured and penned . for as in a garment , whatsoeuer the stuffe be , the owner ( for the most part ) affecteth a costly and extraordinarie facing ; and in the house of a countrey gentleman , the porch of a citizen , the carued gate and painted postes carrie away the glorie from the rest : so is it with our common authors● if they haue any 〈◊〉 at all , they set it like veluet before , though the backe , like ( a bankerupts doublet ) be but of poldauie or buckram . affect not as some doe , that bookish ambition , to be stored with bookes and haue well furnished libraries , yet keepe their heads emptie of knowledge : to desire to haue many bookes , and neuer to vse them , is like a childe that will haue a candle burning by him , all the while he is sleeping . lastly , haue a care of keeping your bookes handsome , and well bound , not cas●ing away ouermuch in their gilding or stringing for ostentation sake , like the prayer bookes of girles and gallants , which are carried to church but for their outsides . yet for your owne vse spare them not for noting or interlining ( if they be printed ) for it is not likely you meane to be a gainer by them , when you haue done with them ; neither suffer them through negligence to mold & be moath-eaten , or want their strings and couers . king alphonsus about to lay the 〈…〉 at naples , called for vitr●vius his book of architecture ; the booke was brought in very bad case , all dustie and without couers : which the king obseruing said , he that must couer vs all , must not goe vncouered himselfe : then commanded the booke to be fairely bound and brought vnto him . so say i , suffer them not to lie neglected , who must make you regarded ; and goe in torne coates , who must apparell your minde with the ornaments of knowledge , aboue the roabes and riches of the most magnificent princes . to auoide the inconuenience of moathes and moldinesse , let your studie be placed , and your windowes open if it may be , towards the east , for where it looketh south or west , the aire being euer subie●t to moisture , moathes are bred and darkishnesse encreased , whereby your mappes and pictures will quickly become pale , loosing their life and colours , or rotting vpon their ●loath , or paper , decay past all helpe and recouerie . chap. . of cosmographic . that like a stranger in a forraine land , yee may not wander without a guide , ignorant of those places by which you are to passe , and sticke amused , amazed in the labyrinth of historie : cosmography a second ariadne , bringing a lines enough is come to your deliuery , whom imagine standing on a faire hill , and with one hand , pointing and discoursing vnto you of the coelestiall sphaere , the names , vses , and distinctions of euery circle , whereof it consisteth , the scituation of regions according to the same , the reason of climates , length and shortnesse of dayes and nights , motion , rising and setting as well of fixed stars , as erratique , eleuation of the pole , paralells , meridians , and whatsoeuer els respecteth that coelestiall body . with the other hand downeward , she sheweth you the globe of the earth , ( distinguished by seas , mountaines , riuers , rockes , lakes and the like , ) the subiect of geographie , which defined according to ptolomey and others , is an imitation of the face ( by draught and picture ) of the whole earth , and all the principall and knowne parts thereof , with the most remarkeable things 〈◊〉 belonging . a science at once both feceding the eye and minde with such incredible varietie , and profitable pleasure , that euen the greatest kings and philosophers , haue not onely bestowed the best part of their time in the contemplation hereof at home , but to their infinite charge and perill of their persons , haue themselues trauailed to vnderstand the scituation of farre countries , bounds of seas , qualities of regions , manners of people and the like . so necessary for the vnderstanding of historie ( as i haue said ) and the fables of poets , ( wherein no small part of the treasure of humane learning lyeth hid ) that without it we know not how the most memorable enterprises of the world haue bin carryed and performed ; we are ignorant of the growth , flourish and fall of the first monarchies , whereat historie taketh her head and beginning : we conceiue nothing of the gouernment , and commodities of other nations , wee cannot iudge of the strength of our enemies , distinguish the limits betweene kingdome and kingdome , names of places from names of people : nay ( with mounsier gaular● ) we doubt at paris whether wee see there the same moone wee haue at london or not : on the contrary , we know this and much more , without exposing ( as in old time ) our bodies to a tedious trauaile , but with much more ease , hauing the world at will , or ( as the saying is ) the world in a string , in our owne chamber . how praeiudiciall the ignorance of geography hath beene vnto princes in forraine expeditions against their enemies , vnfortunate cyrus will tell you , ●h● beeing ignorant of oaxis and the streights , was ouerthro●ne by thomiris the scythian queene ; and of two 〈◊〉 thousand persi●ns in his armie , not one escaped through his vnskilfulnesse herein , as iustine reporteth . and at another time what a memorable victorie to his perpetuall glorie carryed l●onidas from the persians , onely for that they 〈◊〉 vnacquainted with the streights of * thermopylae ? and the foule ouerthrow that crassus receiued by the parthians , was imputed to nothing else , ●hen his ignorance of that countrie , and the passages thereof . alexander , therefore taking any enterprise in hand , would first cause an exact mappe of the country to bee drawne in collours , to consider where were the safest entrance , where he might passe this riuer , how to auoide that rocke , and in what place most commodiously giue his enemie battaile . such is the pleasure , such is the profite of this admirable knowledge , which account rather in the member of your recreations then seuerer studies , it beeing beside quickly , and with much ease attained vnto . prince henry of eternall memory , was herein very studious , hauing for his instructour that excellent mathematician , and ( while hee liued ) my louing friend master edward wright . to the attaining of perfection herein , as it were your first entrance , you are to learne and vnderstand certaine geometricall definitions , which are first punctum , or a pricke ; a line , a superficies either plaine , convexe or concave , your angels right , blunt and sharpe , figures , circles , semicircles , the diameter , triangles , squares of all sorts , paralells and the like , as master blundevile in his first booke of the sphaere will shew you ; for you shall haue vse of many of these , to the vnderstanding thereof . cosmography containeth astronomie , astrologie , geography and chorography . astronomie considereth the magnitude and motions of the coelestiall bodies . the coelestiall bodies are the eleuen heauens and sphaeres . the eleuenth heauen is the habitation of god and his angels . the tenth the first mooouer . the ninth the christall●ne heauen , the eight the starry firmament . then the seuen planets in their order , which you may remember in their order by this verse . post sim svm sequitur , vltima lvn asub●st : would you count the planets soo●e , remember sim svm and the moone . the first letter s for saturne , i for iupiter , m for mars , s for the sunne , v venus , m mercurie ; lastly the moone . the imperiall heauen is immoueable , most pure , immense in quantitie , and cleere in qualitie . the tenth heauen or first moouer , is also most pure and cleare , and maketh his reuolution in foure and twentie houres , carrying with the swiftnesse the other heauens violently from east to west , from their proper reuolutions , which is from west to east . the ninth , or christalline heauen , moueth by force of the first mouer , first from east to west , then frō west to east vpon his owne poles , and accomplisheth his reuolution in . yeares . and this reuolution being finished , plato was of opinion , that the world should be in the same state it was before ; i should liue and print such a book againe , and you reade it in the same apparell , and the same age you are now in . two schollers in germany hauing laine so long in an inne , that they had not onely spent all their money , but also ran into debt some two hundred dollers ; told their host of plat●s great yeare , and how that time sixe and thirtie thousand yeares the world should be againe as it was , and they should be in the same inne and chamber againe , and desired him to trust them till then : quoth mine host , i beleeue it to be true ; and i remember sixe and thirty thousand yeares agoe you were here , and left iust such a reckoning behind to pay , i pray you gentlemen discharge that first , and i will trust you for the next . the eight heauen or glorious starry firmament , hath a threefold motion , ( viz : ) from east to west in foure and twenty houres , secundism primum mobile ; then from west to east , according to the motion of the ninth heauen ; then sometimes to the south , and somtime towards the north , called motus trepidationis . touching the motions of the planets , since you may haue them in euery almanacke , i willingly omit them . the spheare of the world consisteth of ten circles , the aequinoctiall , the zodiacke , the two colures , the horizon , the meridian , the two tropiques , and the two polar circles . the aequinoctiall , is a circle diuiding the world , as in the midst equally distant from the two poles : it containeth three hundred and sixtie degrees , which being multiplyed by sixtie , ( the number of miles in a degree ) make one and twentie thousand and sixe hundred miles , which is the compasse of the whole earth . the third part of which ( being the diameter ) about seuen thousand and odde miles , is the thicknesse of the same . those who dwell vnder the aequinoctiall , hauing no latitude either to the north or south , but their daies and nights alwaies of an equall length . the zodiacke is an oblick circle , diuiding the spheare athwart the aequinoctiall into points , ( viz : ) the beginning of aries and libra : in the midst whereof is the eclipticke line ; the vtmost limits thereof are the two tropiques , cancer and capricorne : the length thereof is three hundred and sixtie degrees , the bredth sixteene . it is diuided into twelue signes , sixe northerly , and sixe southerly : the northerne are , aries , taurus , cancer , gemini , leo , virgo ; southerne , libra , scorpio , sagittarius , capricornus , aquarius , pisces : he turneth vpon his owne poles from west to east . the two colures , are two great moueable circles , passing through both the poles of the world , crossing one another with right sphearicall angles : so that like an apple cut into foure quarters , they diuide into equall parts the whole spheare : the one passeth thorough the aequinoctiall points and poles of the world , and is called the aequinoctiall colure : the other passeth through the solstitiall points , and is called the solstitiall colure . the horizon , is a circle immoueable , which diuideth the vpper hemispheare , or halfe part of the world from the neather : it hath the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is termin● , or to bound or limit ; because , imagine you stood vpon high-gate , or the towre hill at greenewich , so farre as you can see round about as in a circle , where the heauen seemeth to touch the earth , that is called the horizon : the poles whereof , are the point iust ouer your head , calleth zenith in arabian ; and the other vnder your feete , passing by the center of the world , called nadir . the meridian is an immoueable circle , passing through the poles of the world : it is called the meridian of meridies noonetide , because when the sun rising frō the east , toucheth this line with the center of his body , then it is noone to those ouer whose zenith that circle passeth , and midnight to their antipodes , or those who are iust vnder them in the other world . the number of meridians , are . ( allowing two to euery degree in the aequinoctiall ) which all concenter in either pole , and are the vtmost bounds of longitude . by the meridian , the longitude of all places is gathered , and what places lye more easterly or westerly from either . the longitude of any place , is that distance you find vpon the aequinoctiall , betweene the meridian of the place , whose longitude you desire ; and the first meridian which directly passeth ouer the canarie , or fortunate ilands : which distance or space you must account by the degrees , purposely set vpon the brazen circle ; or if you please by miles , allowing sixtie to euery degree . longitude is onely taken east and west . latitude is the distance of the meridian , betweene the verticall point ( or pole of the horizon ) and the aequinoctiall , being euer equall to the height , or eleuation of the pole aboue the horizon : or more plainly , the distance of any place , either north or south from the aequinoctiall , which you are to take ( vpon the standing globe ) by the degrees of the brazen meridian , that countrey or place in the globe , whose latitude you desire , being turned directly vnder it . the tropicke of cancer is an imaginary circle , betwixt the aequinoctiall and the arcticke circle ; which circle the sunne maketh about the thirteenth day of iune , declining at his farthest from the aequinoctiall , and comming northerly to vs-ward ; then are our daies at the longest , and nights shortest . capricorne the like to the antarcticke circle , making our daies the shortest about the twelfth of december . the arcticke circle ( anciently accounted the horizon of greece ) is a small circle : the center whereof is the north pole of the world , which is inuisible ; it is so called from arctes the beare , or charles w●ine , the northerne starre , being in the tip of the taile of the said beare . the antarctike , which is neere to the south pole , and answering the other vnder vs. but i had rather you learnd these principles of the sphere by demonstration , and your owne diligence ( being the labour but of a few houres ) then by meere verball description , which profiteth not so much in mathematicall demonstrations . wee will therefore descend to geographi● , which is more easie and familiar , ( the definition i gaue you before . ) i come to the subiect , the terrestrial globe , which is composed of sea and land. the sea is a mightie water , ebbing and flowing continually about the whole earth , whose parts are diuersly named according to the places whereupon they bound . in the east it is called the indian sea ; in the west the atlanticks , so named from the mount atlas in mauritania : in the north , the hyperborean ; in the south , the meridionall , or south sea , commonly called mar del zur . the mediterranean sea , is that which stretcheth it selfe by the middest of the earth from west to east , diuiding europe , asia , and africa . sinus ( or a gulfe ) is a part of the sea , insinuating and embosoming it selfe within the land , or betweene two seuerall landes : as the gulfe of venice , the persian gulfe , the red sea , sinus mexicanus , vermilius , gangeticus . fretum ( or a streight ) is a narrow passage betweene two lands , as the streight of magellan , anian , gibralterre , &c. an hauen , is the entrance of the sea within the land , at the mouth of some riuer or creeke , where shippes may ride at anchor . a lake , is a great and wide receptacle of water , euer standing still , and not mouing out of the place ; as the lake asphal●i●es , lacus larius , or lago di como , lansann● by geneva , &c. the earth , is either continent or iland . a continent is the land , continued without any diuision of sea , as the low countries to germany , that to austria , austria to hungary , &c. an iland , called insula , quasi in sale , is a land encompassed round with the sea , as great britaine , ireland , corsica , candia , &c. an isthmus , or chersonesus , is a streight or necke of land betweene two seas , as cimbri●a , chersonesus , taurica , aurea , and achaica . peninsula ( quasi penè insula ) is a land enuironed with the sea , except at some narrow place or entrance ; as that vaste continent of peru and brasil in america , were an iland , but for that streight or necke of land , betweene panama and nombre de dies : which philip the second , king of spaine , was once minded to haue cut for a shorter passage for ships into the south sea , but vpon better deliberation he gaue ouer his proiect . a cape or head of land , is the vtmost end of a promontorie , or high land , standing out into the sea , as the cape de bu●na speranza , cape mendozi●● , s. vincene , cape verde , the great cape s. augustine in america , &c. proceeding now to vnderstand the seuerall parts and regions of the world , with their scituation ( as it is meet , dwelling in an house , you should know all the roomes thereof ) you may if you please , obserue ptolomi●s method , beginning first with europe ; and herein with our northerne ilands of great britains , ireland , the orchades , and thule , which are the contents of his first table , and so forth into europe : but he was erronious in his descriptions , obscure by reason of his antiquitie , the names of places since changed ; nauigation by the benefit of the load-stone , perfected ; the want whereof heretofore hath beene occasion of infinite errors among the ancients , as well diuines as historiographers and geographers : as lactantius and s. augustine , could neuer bee perswaded , that there were antipodes , or people going feete to feet vnder vs ; the contrary whereof experience hath taught vs. arrianus , that much esteemed greeke authour , affirmed the scituation of germany to be very neere to the ionique sea. stephanus also , another countrey-man of his , saith that vienna was a citie of galilie . strabo saith , that danubius hath his head neere to the adriatique sea , which indeed ( being the greatest riuer of europe ) riseth out of the hill arnoba in germany , and by hungaria , and many other countries , runneth into sclauonia , receiuing threescore other riuers into his channell : it is therefore farre more safe to follow our later writers . in euery countrey ( to giue one instance for all ) in your obseruation you are to follow this method ; first to know the latitude , then the longitude of the place , the temperature of the climate , the goodnesse or barrennesse of the ground , the limits of the countrey , how it is bounded by sea or land , or both ; by east , west , north , or south : into what prouinces it is diuided within it selfe , the commodities it affoordeth , as what mines , woods or forrests ; what beasts , fowles , fishes , fruits , herbs , plants ; what mountaines , riuers , fountaines and cities : what notable matter of wonder or antiquitie : the manners , shape , and attire of the people ; their building , what ports and hauens ; what rockes , sands , and such like places of danger , are about the place : and last of all , the religion and gouernment of the inhabitants . you shall haue drawne vpon your globe or mappe , vpon the vastest seas ( where most roome is to bee spared ) a round figure , representing the mariners compasse , with the two and thirtie winds ; from euery of which there runneth a line to the land , to some famous citie , hauen , or either ; to shew you , in that sea and place what course you are to keepe to goe thither , whether full north , north-east , south , or south-west , and so forth . these winds , of the spaniards are called rombes : and for that , columbus and vesputius , italians , with others , first discouered the east and west indies ; the eight principall winds , are commonly expressed in the italian . this compasse hath the needle in manner of a flowre-deluce , which pointeth still to the north , i could wish you now and then , to exercise your pen in drawing , and imitating cards and mappes ; as also your pensill in washing and colouring small tables of countries and places , which at your leasure you may in one fortnight easily learne to doe : for the practise of the hand , doth speedily instruct the mind , and strongly confirme the memorie beyond any thing else ; nor thinke it any disgrace vnto you , since in other countries it is the practise of princes , as i haue shewed heretofore ; also many of our young nobilitie in england exercise the same with great felicitie . i haue seene french cards to play withall , the foure suites changed into maps of seuerall countries , of the foure parts of the world , and exactly coloured for their numbers , the figures . . . . . and so forth , set ouer the heads ; for the kings , queenes , and knaues , the pourtrai●s of their kings and queenes , in their seuerall countrey habits ; for the knaues , their peasants or slaues ; which ingenious deuice , cannot be but a great furtherance to a young capacitie , and some comfort to the infortunate gamester ; when , what he hath lost in money , he shall haue dealt him in land or wit. chap. . obseruations in suruey of the earth . first , how almightie god by his diuine prouidence so disposed the earth in the first creation ( not falling out by chance , as some haue thought ) that one countrey , in one place or other , is so neerely ioyned to the next ; that if after it might happen to be ouer peopled , as wel man as beast , by some smal streight or passage might easily bee prouided of a new habitation : which acosta hath well obserued , resoluing vs that doubt , how wilde beasts , as wolues , foxes , beares , and other harmfull beasts , should swim ouer so vaste seas , and breede in ilands . secondly , how the wit , disposition , yea , deuotion and strength of man , followeth the qualitie and temperature of the climate ; and many times the nature of the soyle wherein he liues : as wee see the easterne people of the world , very quicke in their inuentions , superstitious vnto idolatry , as in chin● , calecut , ia●a , and other places . on the contrary , those as farre north in lapla●d , ●●eland , and other places , as dull , and in a manner senc●lesse of religion , whereupon they are held the most notorious witches of the world . we see those that inhabit mountaines , and mountainous places , to be farre more barbarous and vnciuill , then those that liue in the plaines : witnesse the inhabitants of the huge hils sierras , and the andes in america , the mountainous north part of n●ua franci● , the nararrois in spaine , and the highland men in scotland . we see and finde it by experience , that where the soile is dry and sandy , the ayre is most pure ; and consequently , the spirits of the inhabitants actiue and subtile , aboue those who inhabite the fens and marishes . thirdly , consider the wonder of wonders , how the ocean so farre distant , holdeth motion with the moone , filling our shoares to the brim from the time of her appearing aboue the horizon , vntill she hath ascended the meridian : then decreasing as much vntill she toucheth the line of midnight , making his tide twice in foure and twentie houres and odde minutes : how the atlantick or westerne ocean is most rough and dangerfull , the south sea , or del zur , albeit of infinite vastnesse , on the contrary so calme and quiet , that you seemed rather to saile vpon dry land then water . how in the sea of cal●cut it is high water , but at euery full moone : in the sea by the shore of indus , but at euery new moone : how in the maine ocean the currant runnes from east to west , toward the streight of magellan , but from west to east in the med●erranean . fourthly , how in one place the north-wind , as vpon the coast of scythia , neere the mouth of the great riuer duin● , bloweth in a manner perpetually , so that the west or south-west winds are scarce knowne . in another , the east : in the indian sea the winds keep their turnes , obseruing the course of the sunne , which being in aries and libra , the westerne winds blow perpetually . neither lesse admirable are the in-land stoods , and fresh waters for their properties , as nilus , who onely by his ouerflowing , maketh aegypt fertile ( where it neuer raineth . ) eur●pus an arme of the sea by eub●●● ( an iland of the sporades in the aegean sea ) which ●bbeth and floweth seauen times in a day . likewise , much may bee said of our lakes and fountaines in england , scotland , and ireland , of turning wood into stone , iron , and the like . fiftly , it is worthy the consideration , how the diuine wisedome for the behoofe of mankind , hath set an enmitie betweene birds and beasts , of prey and rapine , who accompany not by heards : as lyons , beares , dogges , wolues , foxes , eagles , kites , and the like ; which if they should doe , they would vndoe a whole countrey : whereas on the contrary , those which are necessary and vsefull for mankind , liue gregatim , in heards and flockes , as kin● , sheepe , deere , pigeons , partridges , geese , &c. sixtly , how nature hath prouided for the creatures of the northerne parts of the world , as beares , dogs , foxes , &c. not onely thicke skinnes , but great store of haire or feathers , to defend them from the extremitie of the cold there : on the other side , to those in guiena , by reason of the extreame heate , none at all ; as you may see by the guiney dogges , which are daily brought ouer . seuenthly , how god hath so disposed the riuers , that by their crookednesse and winding , they might serue many places . let vs then consider , how the most fruitfull places and beautifull cities , haue become the dwellings and homes of the most slaues , as spaine ouer-runne by the moor●s , italy by the gothes and vandals ; and at this day , a great part of europe by the turke . how the earth like an aged mother , is become lesse fruitfull , as we see by the barrennesse sometime of the most fertile places , the decay of the stature and strength of men within these few yeares . it is also worthy obseruation , to see how the earth hath beene increased by the accesse of ilands , and againe beene diminished by inundation and gulfes breaking againe into the same . the ilands of the echinades , were cast vp by the riuer achelous , and the greatest part of aegypt by nilus , so were the rhodes and delos . of lesser ilands beyond melon anaphe , betweene lemnos and the hellesp●nt nea , ( as one would say new-come ) and else-where alône , thera , therasia , and hiera , which also from the euent was called automate . and that sundry goodly countries on the contrary , haue beene eaten vp by the sea , our neighbour zeland , and many other places will giue lamentable testimonie : beside the face of the earth hath since the creation , bene much altered by avulsion or diuision of the sea , as sicily was diuided and seuered from italy ; cyprus , from syria ; eub●● from boetia , atlas and macris from eub●●● , barbycus from bythinia , lencosia from the promontorie of the syrenes : and as some suppose , le●bos from ida , prochyta and p●th●●usa from misena ; and which is more , spaine , from barbarie , as strabo is of opinion . againe , it is affirmed by volseus , that our great britaine hath beene one continent with france , and that tract betweene douer and calais , hath beene gained by the sea , there called mare gess●riacum . excellent is that contemplation , to consider how nature ( rather the almightie wisedome ) by an vnsearchable and stupendious worke , sheweth vs in the sea , the likenesse and shapes , not onely of land creatures , as elephants , horses , dogges , hogges , calues , hares , snailes , &c. but of fowles in the ayre , as hawks , swallowes , vultures , and numbers the like ; yea , it affordeth vs men and women , and among men , euen the monke : but hereof see iu●tius in his batania , and if you please alex : ab alexandris with some others . moreouer what inestimable wealth it affoordeth in pearles , corall , amber , and the like . by reading you shall also finde what strange earthquakes , remoouing of whole townes , hilles , &c. haue beene vpon the face of the earth , raising of it in one place , leauing gulfes , and vastitie in another : and lucius marcius , and sextus iulius being consuls in rome , in the country of mutinum , two mountaines met and ioyned themselues together . in the raigne of nero , vectins marcellus being ouerseer of nero's affaires , and steward of his court , medowes and oliue trees were remooued from a common high way side , and placed a good way off on the contrary side ; so whereas they stood before on the right hand , as one trauelled , they were now on the right hand . the like happened within these few yeeres to pl●●rs a towne of the grisons among the alpes . lastly , let vs take a view of the earth it selfe , which because it was diuided with the sea , riuers , marshes , &c. yet making one absolute circle , homer calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and for this cause numa pompilius dedicated a temple to vesta in a round forme : the roundnesse of it is prooued of mathematicians by shadowes of dials , and the eclipses ; also by descent of all heauie things to the center , it selfe being the center of the vniuerse , as aristotle and ptolomey affirme . now in respect of heauen , it is so small a point , that the least starre is not darkened with the shaddow thereof : for if the smallest starre , albeit in iudgement of our sence , seemeth but a pricke or point , yet farre exceedeth the bodie of the earth in greatnesse , it followeth in respect of heauen , that the earth must seeme as little . beside , if the earth were of any quantitie in respect of the higher orbes , the starres should seeme bigger or lesse in regard of those hypsomata ( altitudes ) or the climes : but it is certaine that at the selfe same time , sundrie astronomers finde the same bignesse and eleuation of the selfe same starre obserued by their calculation , to differ no whit at all ; whereby we may see if that distance of place which is on the earth ( in respect of the heauenly orbes ) exceedeth all sence , it followes that the earth ( poore little point as it is ) seemes the like , if it be compared with heauen : yet this is that point , which with fire and sword , is diuided among so many nations , the matter of our glorie , our seate ; heere we haue our honours , our armies , our commands ; heere we heape vp riches , at perpetuall warre and strife among our selues , who ( like the toad ) shal fall asleepe with most earth in his pawes : neuer thinking how of a moment of time well spent vpon this poore plot or dung-hill common to beasts as well as our selues , dependeth eternitie , and the fruition of our true happinesse in the presence of heauen , and court of the king of kings for euer and euer . now i must take leaue of our common mother the earth , so worthily called in respect of her great merits , of v●i for shee receiueth vs being borne , shee feedes and cloatheth vs brought forth , and lastly as forsaken wholly of nature , shee receiueth vs into her ●●p , and couers vs vntill the dissolution of all , and the last iudgement . thus haue i onely pointed at the principles of cosmographie , hauing as it were giuen you a taste , and stopped vp the vessell againe , referring the rest to your owne diligence and search . and herein you shall haue your helpes , m. blund●●ile in his treatise of cosmographie and the sphaere , d. deo , m. cooke in his principles of geometrie , astronomie and geographie : ge●●● frisins , ortelius , copernicus , cl●nius the iesuite , ioannes de monte regis , mercator , munster , hunter , and many others ; of ancient writes ptolomey , dionisius halicar nasseus . for mappes i referre you wholly vnto ortelius and those set last forth by hondius being later then plancius , and more perfect by reason of the late discouerie , made by scho●ten , vnto the . and . degrees of southerly latitude beyond the streight of magellan ; and of late m. henrie hudson , to the . or . to the north-west , beyond terra de labrador : to omit that terrible voyage of barentson and his companie , for the discouerie of the north-east passage , by the backe-side of noua z●mla , which out of a dutch translation you may reade in english . chap. . of geometrie . since plato would not suffer any to enter his schoole , which was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or not entred into geometrie ; and xenocrates turned away his auditors , if vnfurnished with geometrie , musicke and astronomie , affirming they were the helpes of philosophie : i am also bound by the loue i beare to the best arts and your studies , to giue it you also in charge . philo the iew calleth it the princesse and mother of all sciences , and excellently was it said of plato , that god did alwaies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; but more diuinely of salomon : that god did dispose all his creatures according to measure , number and weight ; that is , by giuing the heauens their constant and perpetuall motion , the elements their places and praedominance according to lightnesse or grauitie , and euery creature its number and weight , without which , it were neither able to stand vpright or mooue . to the cōsideration of which depth of wisedome let vs vse the helpe of this most ingenious and vsefull art , worthy the contemplation , and practise of the greatest princes , a science of such importance , that without it , we can hardly care our bread , lie drie in our beds , buy , sell , or vse any commerce else whatsoeuer . the subiect of geometrie is the length , breadth , and height of all things , comprised vnder the figures of triangles , squares , circles , and magnitudes of all sorts , with their termes or bounds . it hath properly the name from measuring the earth , being first found out in aegypt ; for when nilus with his ouer-flowing drowned and confounded the limits of their fields , certaine of the inhabitants more ingenious then the rest , necessitie compelling , found out the rules of geometry , by the benefit whereof , after the fall of the water , euery man had his owne portion of ground lotted and laide out to him : so that from a few poore and weake principles at the first , it grew to that height that from earth it reached vp to the heauens , where it found out their quantities , as also of the elements and the whole world beside . out of aegypt , thales , brought it into greece , where it receiued that perfection we see it now hath . for by meanes hereof are found out the formes and draughts of all figures , greatnesse of all bodies , all manner of measures and weights , the cunning working of all tooles , with all artificiall instruments whatsoeuer . all engines of warre , for many whereof ( being antiquated ) we haue no proper names ; as exosters , sambukes , catapultes , testudo's , scorpions , &c. petardes grenades , great ordnance of all sorts . by the benefit likewise of geometrie , we haue our goodly shippes , galleies , bridges , milles , charriots and coaches ( which were inuented in hungarie and there called cotzki ) some with two wheeles , some with more , pulleies and cranes of all sorts . shee also with her ingenious hand reares all curious roofes , and arches , stately theaters , the columnes simple and compound , pendant galleries , stately windowes , turrets , &c. and first brought to light our clockes and curious watches ( vnknowne to the ancients : ) lastly our kitchin iackes , euen to the wheele-barrow . beside whatsoeuer hath artificiall motion either by ayre , water , winde , sinewes or chords , as all manner of musicall instruments , water workes and the like . yea , moreouer such is the infinite subtiltie , and immense depth of this admirable art , that it dares contend euen with natures selfe , in infusing life as it were , into the sencelesse bodies of wood , stone , or mettall : witnesse the wooden doue of archytas , so famoused not onely by agellim , but many other authors beyond exception , which by reason of weights equally peized within the bodie , and a certaine proportion of ayre ( as the spirit of life enclosed ) flew cheerefully forth as if it had beene a liuing doue . albeit iul. cals . scaliger accounteth this doue no great peece of workemanship , when he saith , he is able to make of his owne inuention with no great labour , a ship which shall swimme , and steere it selfe , and by the same reason that architas his doue was made , that is , by taking the pith of rushes couered ouer with bladders , or those thinne skinnes , wherein gold-beaters beate their leaues , and wrapped about with little strings of sinewes , where when a semicircle shal set one wheele on going ; it mooning others , the wings shall stirre and mooue forward . this archytas was a most skilfull mathematician , as it may be gathered out of horact , who calleth him mensorem , a measurer et marie & terra , numeroque carentis arena , of sea and land , and number-wanting sand . and not inferiour to the aforesaid doue of archytas was that woodden eagle , which mounted vp into the aire , and flew before the emperour to the gates of norimberg of which , as also of that yron flie , that flew about a table , salust lord of bartas maketh mention . ramus attributeth the inuention of either of these , in the preface of his . booke of his mathematicall obseruations , to ioannes regiom●ntanus . callicrates , if we may credite plinie , made antes and other such like small creatures of iuorie , that their parts and ioynts of their legges could not be discerned . myrmecides milesius also among other monuments of his skill , made a coach or waggon with foure wheeles , which together with the driuer thereof , a flie could easily hide and couer with her wings : besides a ship with her sailes , which a little bee could ouerspread . varr● teacheth how small peeces of this nature and subtilest workmanship , may be discerned , that is , saith he , by laying close about them , blacke horse haires . of later times , hadrian iunius tels vs that he saw with great delight and admiration , at mechlin in brabans , a cherrie stone cut in the forme of a basket , wherein were fifteene paire of dice , distinct each with their spots and number , very easily of a good eye to be discerned . and that the ilias of homer written , was enclosed within a nut , cicere tels vs he saw it with his eyes , though alexander thought it worthy of a farre better case , the rich cabinet of darius . by the statue of homer the ancients vsually set a nightingale ( as by orpheus a swanne ) for the manifold varietie and sweetnesse of his voice , or the continuance or holding out to the last the same sweetnesse : for some are of opinion , that the perfection of musicall sounds are to be discerned in the nightingales notes . plinie reckoneth vp sixteene seuerall tunes shee hath , and fitteth them to latine words very properly as vnto ditties , which the translator of plinie hath nothing neere so well fitted in the english which might surely haue beene as wel done , as i haue obserued in their notes . but to returne , scaliger ( whether in iest or earnest i know not ) tels cardanus of a flea he saw with a long chaine of gold about his necke , kept very daintily in a boxe , and being taken forth , could skip with his chaine , and sometime sucke his mistresses white hand , and his belly being ful , get him to his lodging againe , but this same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alexander wittily scoffed , when he gaue a fellow onely a bushell of pease , for his paines of throwing euery time a pease vpon a needles point standing a pretty way off . archimedes to the wonder of all the world , framed a brasen heauen , wherein were the seauen planets with their motions . hereof claudian wrote a wittle epigram . sap●r king of persia ( as du bartas in the sixt day of his diuine weeke mentioneth ) had an heauen of glasse , which , proudly sitting in his estate , he trod vpon with his feete , contemplating ouer the same , as if he had beene iupiter , and vpon this occasion calling himselfe brother to the sunne and moone , and partner with the starres ; for in his letter to the emperour constantius he beginneth thus : rex regum sap●r , particeps syderum , frater soli● & luna , &c. nor must i forget that heauen of siluer sent by ferdinand the emperour , to solyman the great turke , wherein the motions kept their true courses with those of the heauens , the starres arising and setting , the planets keeping their oblique motion , the sunne eclipsed at his iust time , and the moone duely changing euery moneth with the same in the heauen . by these see the effects of this diuine knowledge , able to worke wonders beyond all beleefe , in so much as archimedes affirmed , hee would moue the whole earth , might a place bee giuen him whereon to stand . but i rather beleeue him , who saith , the foundation thereof shall neuer be mooued . much was it , that with his left hand only , he could by his skil draw after him the weight of fiue thousand bushels of graine , and deuise ( at the cost of hier● ) those rare engines , which shot small stones at hand , but great ones a farre of ; by benefit of which deuice onely , while the stones fell as thicke as haile from heauen among the enemies , syracusa was preferred from the furie of marcellus ready to enter with a resolute and most powerfull armie . the oracle of apollo being demanded when the warre and miserie of greece should haue an end , replyed : if they would double the altar in delos , which was of a cubique forme ; which they tryed by adding another cube vnto it , but that auailed nothing . plato then taking vpon him to expound this riddle , affirmed the greekes , were reproued by apollo because they were ignorance of geometry . nor heerein can i blame them , since the doubling of the cube in solides , and quadrature of the circle in plaine , hath euer since so troubled our greatest geometricians , that i feare except apollo himselfe ascend from hell to resolue his owne probleme , we shall not see it among our ordinarie stone-cutters effected . but in briefe , the vse you shall haue of geometry , will be in suruaying your lands , affoording your opinion in building anew , or translating ; making your milles aswell for grinding of corne as throwing foorth water from your lower grounds , bringing water farre off for sundry vses . seeing the measure of timber , stone and the like ( wherein gentlemen many times are egregiously abused and cheated by such as they trust ) to contriue much with small charge and in lesse roome . againe , should you follow the warres ( as who knowes the bent of his fate ) you cannot without geometry fortifie your selfe , take the aduantage of hill or leuell , fight , order your battaglia in square , triangle , crosse ( which forme the prince of orange hath now alate taken vp ) cres●entwise ( and many other formes iovius sheweth ) leuell and plant your ordinance , vndermine , raise your halfe moones , bulwarkes , casamates , rampires , rauesins , with many other meanes as of offence and defence , by fortification . so that i cannot see how a gentleman , especially a souldier and commander may be accomplished without geometrie , though not to the heighth of perfection , yet at the least to be grounded and furnished with the principles and priuie rules heereof . the authors i would commend vnto you for entrance hereinto are in english. cookes principles , and the elements of geometry , written in latin by p. ramus , and translated by m. doctor hood , sometime mathematicall lecturer in london . m. blundeuile , euclide translated into english. in latine you may haue the learned iesuite clauius , melancthon , frisius , valearius his geometry military . albert durer hath excellently written heereof in high dutch , and in french fercadell vpon euclide , with sundry others . chap. . of poetrie . to sweeten your seuerer studies , by this time vouchsafe poetry your respect : which howsoeuer censured and seemeth fallen from the higest stage of honour , to the lowest staire of disgrace , let not your iudgement be infected with that pestilent ayre of the common breath , to be an infidell ; in whose beleefe , and doer of their contrary actions , is to be religious in the right , and to merit if it were possible by good workers . the poet , as that laurell m●i● dreamed of , is made by miracle from his mothers wombe , and like the diamond onely polished and pointed of himselfe , disdaining the file and midwifery of sorraine helpe . hence tullie was long ere he could be deliuered of a few verses , and those poore ones too : and ovid , so backeward in prose , that he could almost speake nothing but verse . and experience daily affordeth vs many excellent yong and growing wits , as well from plow as the pallace , endued naturally with this diuine and heauenly guift , yet not knowing ( if you should aske the question ) whether a metaph●re be flesh or fish . if bare saying poetrie is an heauenly gift , be too weake a proppe to vphold her credite with those buzzardly poore ones , who hauing their feathers moulted can creepe no farther then their owne puddle , able onely to enuie this imperi●ll eagle for sight and flight ; let them if they can looke backe to all antiquitie , and they shall finde all learning by diuine instinct to breathe from her bosome , as both plato and tullie in his tusculanes affirme . str●●● saith , poetrie was the first philosophie that euer was taught , nor were there euer any writers thereof knowne before musaus , hesiod and homer : by whose authoritie plato , aristotle and gale● , determine their weightiest controuersies , and confirme their reasons in philosophie . and what were the songs of linus , orphens , amphi●● , olympus , and that dittie i●pa● sang to his harpe at did●'s banquet , but naturall and morall philosophie , sweetened with the pleasaunce of numbers , that rudenesse and barbarisme might the better taste and digest the lessons of ciuilitie ? according to lucretius ( italianized by ariosto ) and englished by sir iohn harrington , sed veluti putri● 〈◊〉 hia tetra medentes , cum dare conantur , priùs or as pocula circum contingunt mellis , dulci flavoque liqu●re , vt puerorum at as impr●vida iudificetur , &c. as leaches when for children they appoint , their bitter worme-wood potions , first the cup about the brimme with honnie sweete they noint , that so the childe , beguild may drinke it vp , &c. neither hath humane knowledge beene the onely subiect of this diuine art , but euen the highest mysteries of diuinitie . what are the psalmes of dauid ( which s. hillari● so aptly compareth to a bunch of keies , in regard of the seuerall doores , whereby they giue the soule entrance , either to prayer , reioycing , repentance , thanksgiuing , &c. ) but a diuine poeme , going sometime in one measure , sometime in another ? what liuely descriptions are there of the maiestie of god , the estate and securitie of gods children , the miserable condition of the wicked ? what liuely similitudes & comparisons , as the righteous man to a bai● tree , the soule to a thirstie hart , v●itie to oyntment , and the dew of hermon ? what excellent allegories , as the vine planted in aegypt ; what epiphonema's , prosopopoca's and whatsoeuer else may be required , to the texture of so rich and glorious a peece ? and the song of salomon ( which is onely left vs of a thousand ) is it not a continued allegorie of the mysticall loue betwixt christ and his church ? moreouer the apostles themselues haue not disdained to alledge the authoritie of the heathen poets , aratus , me●ander and epimenides ; as also the fathers of the church , nazianzen , s. augustine , bernard , pr●demius , with many others , beside the allowance they haue giuen of poetrie , they teach vs the true vse and end thereof , which is to compose the songs of sion , and addresse the fruite of our inuention to his glorie who is the author of so goodly a gift , which we abuse to our loues , light fancies , and basest affections . and if mechanicall arts hold their estimation by their effects in base subiects , how much more deserueth this to be esteemed , that holdeth so soueraigne a power ouer the minde , can turne brutishnesse into ciuilitie , make the lewd honest ( which is scaligers opinion of virgils poeme ) turne hatred to loue , cowardise into valour , and in briese , like a queene command ouer all affections ? moreouer the muse , mirth , graces , and perfect health , haue euer an affinitie each with either . i remember plutarch telleth vs of telesilla , a noble and braue ladie , who being dangerously sicke , and imagined past recouerie , was by the oracle , aduised to apply her minde to the muse and poetrie ; which shee diligently obseruing recouered in a short space , and withall grew so sprightly couragious , that hauing well fortified argos with diuers companies of women onely , her selfe with her cōpanions sallying out , entertained cleomenes k. of the lacedamoniās with such a camisade , that he was faine to shew his back , leauing a good part of his people behinde , to fill ditches ; and then by plaine force of armes draue out demaratus another king , who lay very strong in garrison within . alexander by the reading of homer , was especially mooued to goe thorough with his conquests . leonidas also that braue king of the spartanes , being asked how ti●taus ( who wrote of warre in verse ) was esteemed among poets , replied excellently● for my souldiers , quoth he , mooued onely with his verses , runne with a resolute courage to the battaile , fearing no perill at all . what other thing gaue an edge to the valour of our ancient britons , but their bard●s ( remembred by athenaus , lucan and sundry other , ) recording in verse the braue exploits of their nation , and singing the same vnto their harpea at their publike ●easts and meetings ? amongst whom taliessi● a learned bard , and master to merlin , sung the life and actes of king arthur . hence hath poetry neuer wanted her patrones , and euen the greatest monarches and princes , as well christian as heathen , haue exercised their inuention herein● as that great glorie of christendome charlemaine , who among many other things , wrote his nephew roulands epitaphe , after he was slaine in a battell against the sarracens , among the * pyrenaan hills : alphonsiu king of naples , whose onely delight was the reading of virgil : robert king of sicilie ; and that thrice renowned and learned french king , who finding petrarchs toombe without any inscription or epitaphe , wrote one himselfe , ( which yet remaineth ) saying ; shame it was , that he who sung his mistresse praise seauen yeares before her death , and twelue yeares should want an epitaphe . among the heathen are eternized for their skill in poesie , augustus caesar , octanius , adrian , germanicus . euery child knoweth how deare the workes of homer were vnto alexander , euripides to a●yntas king of macedon , virgil to augustus , theocr●us to ptolomey and ●●v●nic● , king and queene of aegyp● : the stately pindar to hiere king of sicilie , ennius to scipie , ausonius to gratian , ( who made him pro-consull : ) in our owne countrey , a chaucer to richard the second , gower to henrie the fourth , with others i might alledge . the lady anne of bretaign● , who was twice french queene , passing through the presence in the court of france , espying chartier the kings secretarie , and a famous poet , leaning vpon his elbow at a tables end fast asleepe , shee stooping downe , and openly kissing him , said ; we must honour with our kisse , the mouth from whence so many sweete verses and golden poems haue proceeded . but some may aske me , how it falleth out , that poets now adaies are of no such esteeme , as they haue beene in former times ? i answere , because vertue in our declining and worser daies , generally findeth no regard : or rather more truly with aretin● ( being demaunded why princes were not so liberall to poesie , and other good arts , as in former times ) because their conscience telleth them , how vnworthy they are of the praises giuen them by poets ; as for other arts , they make no account of that they know not . but since we are heere ( hauing before ouer-runne the champaigne and large field of historie ) let vs a while rest our selues in the garden of the muses , and admire the bountie of heauen , in the seuerall beauties of so many diuine and fertile wits . we must beginne with the king of latin● poets , whom nature hath reared beyond imitation , and who aboue all other onely , deserueth the name of a poet ; i meane virgil . in him you shall at once finde ( not else-where ) that prudence , efficacie , varietie , and sweetnesse , which scaliger requireth in a poet , and maketh his prime vertues . vnder prudence is comprehended out of generall learning and iudgement , that discreete , apt suting and disposing , as well of actions as words in their due place , time and manner ; which in virgil is not obserued by one among twentie of our ordinary grammarians , who ( to vse the words of the prince of learning hereupon ) onely in shallow and small boates , glide ouer the face of the virgilian sea. how diuinely , according to the platonickes , doth he discourse of the soule ? how properly of the nature , number of winds , seasons of the yeare , qualities of beasts , nature of hearbs ? what in-sight into ancient chronologie and historie ? in briefe , what not worthy the knowledge of a diuine wit ? to make his aentas a man of extraordinary aspect , and comlinesse of personage , he makes venus both his mother and ladie of his horoscope . and forasmuch as griefe and perpetuall care , are inseparable companions of all great and noble atchieuements , he giues him achates quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his faithfull companion ? what immooued constancy , when no teares or entreaty of eliza could cause him stay ? what piety , pitty , fortitude , beyond his companions . see how the diuine poet gaue him leaue to be wounded , lest his valour in so many skirmishes might bee questioned , and that a farre off , not at hand , that rather it might be imputed to his fortune , then his rashnesse or weaknesse ; then by one who could not be knowne , to giue the enemie occasion rather of feare , then of challenging the glorie . and whereas he bringeth in camilla , a couragious lady , and inuincible at the swords point in encountring other ; yet he neuer bringeth her to try her valour with aeneas . againe , that tarchon and she might shew their braue deeds he makes aeneas absent : as also when turnus so resolutely brake into his tents . lastly , what excellent iudgment sheweth he in appropriating the accidents and histories of his owne times , to those of the ancient , as where he bringeth in venulus plucked by force from his horse , and carried away with full speed ? the like caesar confesseth to haue happened to himselfe . aene as with his right arme naked , commaunds his souldiers to abstaine frō slaughter . the like did caesar at the battaile of pharsalie , and with the same words . but thus much out of the heape and most iudicious obseruations of the most learned scaliger . efficacie is a power of speech , which representeth a thing after an excellent manner , neither by bare words onely , but by presenting to our minds the liuely idea's or formes of things so truly , as if wee saw them with our eyes ; as the places in hell , the fierie arrow of acesta , the description of fame , the flame about the temples of ascanius : but of actions more open , and with greater spirit , as in that passage and passion of dido , preparing to kill herselfe . at trepida & coeptis immanibus effera dido , sanguineam voluens ac●em , m●●ulisque trementes interfusa genas , & pallida marte futura , interior a domus irrumpit limin● , & altos conscendit furibunda rogos , ensemque recludie dardanium , &c. which for my english readers sake , i haue after my manner translated , though assured all the translations in the world must come short of the sweetnesse and maiesty of the latine . but she amazd and fierce by cruell plots , rouling about her bloody eye , her cheekes all-trembling and arising , full of spots , and pale with death at hand , perforce she breakes into the in-most roomes . — enraged then she climbes the loftie pile , and out of sheath the dardane sword doth draw : ne're for such end ordained ; when a while the troian garments , and knowne couch she saw , with trickling teares her selfe thereon she cast , and hauing paus'd a little , spake her last . sweete spoiles , while fates and heauens did permit , receiue this soule , and rid me of my cares ; what race my fortune gaue i finish'd it , &c. moreouer , that liuely combat betweene nisus and volscens , with many other of most excellent life . a sweete verse is that , which like a dish with a delicate sauce , inuites the reader to taste euen against his will ; the contrarie is harshnesse : hereof i giue you an example in the description of young pallas ( whom imagine you see laid forth newly slaine vpon a biere of crabtree and oken rods , couered with straw , and arched ouer with greene boughes ) then which no nectar can be more delicious . qualem virgine● demessum pollice florem , seu mollis viola , seu languent is hyacinthi , cui nec sulger adhuc , nec dum sua ferma r●cessit , non iam mater alit tellus viresque ministrat , &c. euen as the flower by maidens finger mowne , of th'drooping hy'cinth , or soft violet , whose beautie's fading , yet not fully gone ; now mother earth no more doth nourish it , &c. the like of faire eurialus breathing his last . purpureus veluti cum flos succisus aratro , languescit moriens , lassove papauera collo demisere caput , pluvia cum fortè gravantur . looke how the purple flower , which the plow hath shorne in sunder , languishing doth die ; or poppies downe their wearie neckes do bow , and hang the head , with raine when laden lie , &c. this kind , plutarch tearmeth flowery , as hauing in it a beautie and sweete grace to delight , as a flower . varistie , is various , and the rules of it so difficult , that to define or describe it , were as to draw one picture which should resemble all the faces in the world , changing it selfe like pr●tens into all shapes : which our diuine poet so much , and with such excellent art affecteth , that seldome or neuer he vttereth words , or describeth actions spoken or done after the same manner , though they be in effect the same ; yea , though the conclusion of all the bookes of his aeneides bee tragicall , saue the first ; yet are they so tempered and disposed with such varietie of accidents , that they bring admiration to the most diuine iudgements : among them all not one like another , saue the ends of turnus and mezentius . what varietie in his battailes , assailing the enemies campe , besieging cities , broyles among the common people , set battailes in fields , aides of horse and foot ? &c. neuer the same wounds , but giuen with diuers weapons , as heere one is wounded or slaine with a peece of a rock , a flint , fire-brand , club , halberd , long pole : there another with a drinking boule or pot , a rudder , dart , arrow , lance , sword , * bals of wildfire , &c. in diuers places , as the throat , head , thigh , breast , hip , hand , knee , before , behind , on the side , standing , lying , running , flying , talking , sleeping , crying out , entreating . of place , as in the field , in the tents , at sacrifice , vpon the guard , in the day time , in the night . to proceede further , were to translate virgil himselfe ; therefore hitherto of varietie . i forbeare his most liuely descriptions of persons , times , places , and manner ; his most sweete and proper similitudes , as where he resembleth aeneas , who could not be mooued by any entreatie or teares of dido , or her sister anna , to a stubborne oake after this manner . at veluti annosam valido cum robore quercum , alpini borea nunc hinc , nunc flatibus illinc , eruere inter so certant ; it strider , & altè consternunt terram concusso stipite frendes , &c. as when the alpine winds with each contend , now this , now that way , with their furious might , some aged oake vp by the rootes to rend , lowd whistling's heard , the earth bestrewed quite ( the body reeling ) all about with leaues : while it stands firme , and irremoued cleaues vnto the rocke ; for looke how high it heaues the loftie head to heauen-ward , so low the stubborne roote doth downe to hell-ward grow . againe , that elegant comparison of ar●●ns ( hauing cowardly slaine the braue ladie camilla , and retired himselfe for feare● into the body of the armie ) to a wolfe that had done a mischiefe , and durst not shew his head . at velut ille prius que●●tela inimica sequantur , continuò in montes sese anius abdidit altos occiso pastore lupus , magnove iuvenco conscius audacis facti , caudamque remulcens subiecit pauit antem vtero , sylvasque petiuit , &c. and as a wolfe that hath the shepheard slaine , or some great beast , before the countrey rise , knowing him guiltie , through by-waies amaine hath got the mountaines , lee●ing where he lies , or clapt his taile betwixt his legges , in feare tane the next coppise , till the coast be cleare . after virgil , i bring you ouid , as well because they liued in one time , ( yet ouid confesseth he saw virgil but once in all his life ) as that he deserueth to be second in imitation , for the sweetnesse and smooth current of his stile , euery where seasoned with profound and antique learning : among his workes , his epistles are most worthy your reading , being his neatest peece , euery where embellished with excellent and wise sentences ; the numbers smoothly falling in , and borrowing their lustre and beautie from imitation of natiue and antique simplicitie : that of acontius is somewhat too wanton ; those three , of vlysses , demophoon , and paris to o●none , are suspected for the weaknesse of conceit , in regard of the other , to be none of ouids . concerning his bookes , amorum and de arte amandi , the wit with the truly ingenuous and learned will beare out the wantonnesse : for with the weeds there are delicate flowers in those walkes of venus . for the argument of his metamorphosis , he is beholden to parthenius , and diuers others , and those who long before wrote of the same subiect . about the yeare . when the king of poland made warre in moscouia , certaine polonian embassadours trauailing into the in-most places of moscouia , as farre as podolia and kiouia : they passed the great riuer boristhenes , hauing in their company a certaine young gentleman , very well seene in the latine , greeke , and hebrew tongues ; withall , an excellent poet and historian : he perswaded the polonians to well horse themselues , and ride with him a little further ; for he would ( said he ) thew them ouids sepulcher ; which they did : and when they were gone six daies iourney beyond boristhenes , through most vaste and desolate places , at last they came into a most sweete and pleasant valley , wherein was a cleere running fountaine , about which the grasse growing very thicke and high , with their swords and fauchions they cut it downe , till at last they found a stone , chest , or coffin , couered ouer with stickes and shrubs , whereon , it being rubbed and cleansed from mosse and filth , they read ouids epitaph , which was this : hîc situs est vates , quem diui caesaris ira augusti , latia cedere iussit hume : sapè miser voluit patrijs occumbere terris , sed frustrà : hunc illi fata dedere locum . this his sepulcher ( saith mine authour ) remaineth vpon the borders of greece , neere to the euxine sea , and is yet to be seene . of lyricke poets , as well greeke as latine , hold horace in highest account , as the most acute and artificiall of them all , hauing attained to such height , that to the discreete iudgement , he hath cut off all hope of equalizing him : his stile is elegant , pure and sinewie , with most wittie and choice sentences , neither humili contentus stylo ( as quintilian saith of him ) sed grandil●quo & sublimi . yea and if we beleeue scaliger , more accurate and sententious then pindar . his odes are of most sweete and pleasant inuention , beyond all reprehension , euery where illustred with sundrie and rare figures , and ve●ses so sluent , that the same scaliger protesteth he had rather be a composer of the like , then be king of whole arragon . in his satyres he is quicke , round and pleasant , and as nothing so bitter , so not so good as iuvenal : his epistles are neare ; his poetica his worst peece , for while he teacheth the art , he goeth vnartificially to worke , euen in the verie beginning . iuvenal of satyrists is the best , for his satyres are far better then those of horace , and though he be sententiously tart , yet is his phrase cleare and open . persius , i know not why we should so much affect him , since with his obscuritie hee laboureth not to affect vs ; yet in our learned age he is now discouered to euery schoole-boie : his stile is broken , froward , vnpleasing and ha●sh . in martial you shall see a diuine wit , with a flowing puritie of the latine tongue , a true epigrammatist : his verse is cleare , full , and absolute good , some few too wanton and licentious , being winked at . lucane breathes with a great spirit , wherefore some of our shallow grammarians , haue attempted to equall him with virgil : but his errour is , while hee doth ampullare with bigge sounding words , and a conceipt vnbounded , furious and ranging , and cannot with virgil containe himselfe within that sweete , humble and vnaffected moderation ; he incurreth a secret enuie and ridiculous contempt , which a moderate and well tempered style auoideth . seneca , for maiestie and state yeeldeth not to any of the grecians whosoeuer , cultu & ni●ore , to vse scaligers words , farre excelling euripides : and albeit he borrowed the argument of his tragaedies from the graecians , yet the spirit , loftinesse of sound , and maiestie of stile is meerely his owne . claudian , is an excellent and sweete poet , onely ouerborne by the meannesse of his subiect , but what wanted to his matter he supplied by his wit and happie inuention . statius is a smooth and a sweete poet , comming neerest of any other to the state and maiestie of virgils verse , and virgil onely excepted , is the prince of poets aswell greekes as latine ; for he is more slowery in figures , and writeth better lines then homer . of his works his sylue are the best . propertius is an easie cleare and true elegiacke , following the tract of none saue his owne inuention . among comicke poets , how much antiquitie attributed to plautus for his pleasant veine ( to whom volcatius giueth the place next to cacilius , and varro would make the mouth of muses ) so much doe our times yeeld to terence , for the puritie of his stile : wherefore scaliger willeth vs to admire plautus as a comoedian , but terence as a pure and elegant speaker . thus haue i in briefe , comprised for your behoofe , the large censure of the best of latine poets , as it is copiously deliuered by the prince of all learning and iudge of iudgements , the diuine iul. cas. scaliger . but while we looke backe to antiquitie , let vs not forget our later and moderne times ( as imagining nature hath heretofore extracted her quintessence , and lest vs the dregges ) which produce as fertile wits , as perhaps the other , yea and in our brittaine . of latine poets of our times in the iudgement of beza and the best learned , buchanan is esteemed the cheife : who albeit in his person , behauiour , and fashion , he was rough hewen , slouenly and rude , seldome caring for a better out side then a rugge-gowne girt close about him , yet his inside and conceipt in poesie was most rich , and his sweetnesse , and facilitie in a verse , vnimitably excellent , as appeareth by that master peece his psalmes ; as farre beyond those of b. rhenanus , as the stanza's of petrarch the times of skelton : but deseruing more applause ( in my opinion ) if hee had fallen vpon another subiect ; for i say with one , mihi spiritus diuinus eiusmod● places quo scipsum ingessit a patre , & illorū piget qui dauid psalmos suis calamistris inustos sperarant efficere plausibiliores . and certaine in that boundlesse field of poeticall inuention , it cannot be auoided , but something must be distorted beside the intent of the diuine enditer . his tragedies are loftie , the stile pure , his epigrams not to be mended , saue heere and there ( according to his genius ) too broad and bitter . but let vs looke behinde vs , and wee shall finde one english-bred ( whose glorie and worth , although cineri suppôsta doloso ) is inferiour neither to buchanan , or any of the ancients , and so much the more to be valued , by how much the brighter he appeared out of the fogges of barbarisme and ignorance in his time ; that is , ioseph of exeter , who liued vnder henrie the . and richard the first , who wrote that singular and stately poeme of the troian warre , after the historie of dares phrygius , which the germanes haue printed vnder the name of cornelius nepos . he died at bourdeaux in france , where he was archbishop , where his monument is yet to bee seene . after him ( all that long tract of ignorance , vntill the daies of henrie the . ( which time erasmus calleth , the golden age of learning , in regard of so many famously learned men , it produced more then euer heretofore ) flourished sir thomas more , sometime lord chancellor of england : a man of most rich and pleasant inuention : his verse fluent , nothing harsh , constrained or obscure ; wholly composed of conceipt , and inoffensiue mirth , that he seemeth ad lepôres fuisse natum . how wittily doth hee play vpon the arch-cuckold sabinus , scoffe at frenchified lalus , and herney a french cowardly captaine , beaten at the sea by our english , and his shippe burned , yet his victorie and valour to the english disgrace , proclaimed by brixius a germane pot-aster ? what can be more loftie then his gratulatorie verse to king henrie vpon his coronation day ? more wittie then that epigramme vpon the name of nicolaus an ignorant phisitian , that had beene the death of thousands , and abyngdons epitaph ? more sweete then that nectar epistle of his , to his daughters margaret , elizabeth , and cicelie ? but as these ingenious exercises bewraied in him an extraordinary quicknesse of wit and learning , so his vtopia his depth of iudgment in state-affaires , then which , in the opinion of the most learned budaus in a preface , before it our age hath not seene a thing more deepe & accurate . in his yonger yeeres , there was euer a friendly and vertuous emulation , for the palme of inuention and poesie , betweene william lillie the author of our grammer , and him , as appeareth by their seuerall translations of many greeke epigrammes , and their inuention tried vpon one subiect ; notwithstanding they lou'd and liu'd together as deerest friends . lillie also was beside , an excellent latine poet , a singular graecian ; who after he trauelled all greece ouer , and many parts of europe beside , and liued some foure or fiue yeeres , in the i le of the rhodes : he returned home , and by iohn collet deane of paules , was elected master of pauls schoole , which he had newly founded . shortly after , began to grow eminent , aswell for poesie as all other generall learning , sir thomas challoner knight ( father to the truly honest , and sometime louer of all excellent parts , sir thomas challoner , who attended vpon the late prince ) borne in london , brought vp in cambridge ; who hauing left the vniuer sitie , and followed the court a good while , went ouer with sir henry knyuet , embassadour to charles the fift , as his friend and companion : what time the emperour being preparing a mightie fleete against the turkes in argier , the english embassadour , sir thomas challoner , henry knowles , m. henry isam , and others , went in that seruice as voluntaries with the emperour . but the galley wherein sir thomas challoner was , being cast away by foulenesse of weather , after he had laboured by swimming for his life as long as he was able , and the strength of his armes falling him , he caught hold vpon a cable throwne out from another galley , to the losse and breaking of many of his teeth , and by that meanes saued his life . after the death of king henry the . he was in the battaile of muskleborough , and knighted by the duke of s●mmerset . and in the beginning of the raigne of queene elizabeth , hee went ouer embassadour into spaine , where at his houres of leisure , he compiled ten elegant bookes in latine vers . de ropub . anglorum instauranda ; superuised after his death by malim , and dedicated to the old lord burghley , lord treasurer . being sent for home , by her maiestie , he shortly after died in london , and was buried in paules neere to the steppes of the quire , toward the south-doore , vnder a faire marble ; but the brasse and epitaphe written by doctor haddon , by sacrilegious hands is since torne away . but the muse and eternall fame haue reared him a monument more lasting and worthy the merit of so excellent a man. of english poets of our owne nation , esteeme sir geoffrey chaucer the father ; although the stile for the antiquitie , may distast you , yet as vnder a bitter and rough rinde , there lyeth a delicate kernell of conceit and sweete inuention . what examples , similitudes , times , places , and aboue all , persons , with their speeches , and attributes , doe as in his canterburie-tales ( like these threds of gold , the rich arras ) beautifie his worke quite thorough ? and albeit diuers of his workes , are but meerely translations out of latine and french , yet he hath handled them so artificially , that thereby he hath made them his owne , as his troilus and cresseid . the romant of the rose , was the inuention of ithan de mehunes , a french poet , whereof he translated but onely the one halfe : his canterburie-tales without question were his owne inuention , all circumstances being wholly english. hee was a good diuine , and saw in those times , without his spectacles , as may appeare by the plough-man , and the parsons tale : withall an excellent mathematician , as plainly appeareth by his discourse of the astrolabe to his little sonne lewes . in briefe , account him among the best of your english bookes in your librarie . gower being very gracious with king henrie the . in his time carried the name of the onely poet , but his verses to say truth , were poore and plaine , yet full of good and graue moralitie : but while he affected altogether the french phrase and words , made himself too obscure to his reader ; beside his inuention commeth farre short of the promise of his titles . he published onely ( that i know of ) three bookes , which at s. marie oueries in southwarke vpon his monument lately repaired by some good benefactor , lie vnder his head ; which are , vox clamantie , speculum meditantis , and confessio amantis . he was a knight , as also was chaucer . after him succeeded lydgate , a monke of burie , who wrote that bitter satyre of peirs plow-man . he spent most part of his time in translating the workes of others , hauing no great inuention of his owne . he wrote for those times a tollerable and smooth verse . then followed harding , and after him skelton , a poet laureate , for what desert i could neuer heare ; if you desire to see his veine and learning , an epitaph vpon king henry the seauenth , at west-minster will discouer it . in the latter end of king henrie the . for their excellent facultie in poesie were famous , the right noble henrie earle of surrey ( whose songs and sonnets yet extant , are of sweete conceipt : ) and the learned , but vnfortunate , sir thomas wyat. in the time of edward the sixth liued sternhold , whom king henry his father , a little before had made groome of his chamber , for turning certaine of dauids psalmes into verse : and merrie iohn heywood , who wrote his epigrammes , as also sir thomas more his vtopia , in the parish wherein i was borne ; where either of them dwelt , and had faire possessions . about queene maries time , flourished doctor phaer who in part translated virgils aeneids , after finished by arthur golding . in the time of our late queene elizabeth , which was truly a golden age ( for such a world of refined wits , and excellent spirits it produced , whose like are hardly to be hoped for , in any succeeding age ) aboue others , who honoured poesie with their pennes and practise ( to omit her maiestie , who had a singular gift herein ) were edward earle of oxford , the lord buckhurst , henry lord paget ; our phoenix , the noble sir philip sidney , m. edward dyer , m. edmund spencer , m. samuel daniel , with sundry others ; whom ( together with those admirable wits , yet liuing , and so well knowne ) not out of enuie , but to auoide tediousnesse i ouerpasse . thus much of poetrie . chap. xi . of musicke . mvsicke a sister to poetrie , next craueth your acquaintance ( if your genius be so disposed . ) i know there are many , who are adeo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and of such disproportioned spirits , that they auoide her companie ; as a great cardinall in rome , did roses at their first comming in , that to auoide their sent , he built him an house in the champaigne farre from any towne : or as with a rose not long since , a great ladies cheeke in england , their eares are readie to blister at the tendrest touch thereof . i dare not passe so rash a censure of these as pindar doth , or the italian , hauing fitted a prouerbe to the same effect , whom god loues not , that man loues not musicke : but i am verily perswaded , they are by nature very ill disposed , and of such a brutish stupiditie , that scarce any thing else that is good and sauoureth of vertue , is to be found in them . neuer wise man ( i thinke ) questioned the lawfull vse hereof , since it is an immediate gift of heauen , bestowed on man , whereby to praise and magnifie his creator ; to solace him in the midst of so many sorrowes and cares , wherewith life is hourely beset : and that by song , as by letters , the memorie of doctrine , and the benefits of god might be for euer preserued ( as we are taught by the song of moses , and those diuine psalmes of the sweete singer of israel , who with his * psalterie so lowdly resounded the mysteries and innumerable benefits of the almightie creator , ) and the seruice of god aduanced , as we may finde in . samuel . vers . . psalme . . . and . . . and in sundrie other places of scripture , which for breuitie i omit . but , say our sectaries , the seruice of god is nothing aduanced by singing and instruments , as we vse it in our cathedrall churches , that is , by “ antiphonie , restes , repetitions , varietis of moodes and proportions with the like . for the first , that it is not contrary , but consonant to the word of god , so in singing to answer either : the practise of m●riam the prophete●se , and sister of moses , when she answered the men in her song , will approue ; for repetition , nothing was more vsuall in the singing of the leuites , and among the psalmes of dauid , the . is wholly compounded of those two most gracefull and 〈◊〉 figures of repetition , symploce and anaphora . for resting and proportions , the nature of the hebrew verse , as the meanest hebrician knoweth , consisting many times of vneuen feete , going sometime in this number , sometimes in that ; one while ( as s. hierome saith ) in the numbers of sappho ; another while of alcaus , doth of neoessitie require it : and wherein doth our practise of singing and playing with instruments in his maiesties chappell , and our cathedrall churches , differ from the practise of dauid ; the priests and leuites . doe we not make one sound in praising and thanking god , with voyces and instruments of all sorts . d●●●e ( as s. hierome saith ) reboet laquear ●empli : the roofe of the church ecchoeth againe , and which lest they should cauill at as a iewish ceremonie , we know to haue beene practised in the ancient puritie of the church ; but we returne where we left . the physitians will tell you , that the exercise of musicke is a great lengthner of the life , by stirring and reuiuing of the spiri●s , holding a secret sympathy with them ; besides , the exercise of singing , openeth the breast and pipes ; it is an enemy to melancholy and deiection of the mind , which s. chrysostome truly calleth , the deuils bath . yea , a curer of some diseases : in apugli● , in italy , and therea bouts , it is most certaine , that those who are stung with the taramula , are cured onely by musicke . beside , the aforesaid benefit of singing , it is a most ready helpe for a bad pronunciation , and distinct speaking , which i haue heard confirmed by many great diuines : yea , i my selfe haue knowne many children to haue bin holpen of their stammering in speech , onely by it . plato calleth it , a diuine and heauenly practise , profitable for the seeking out of that which is good and honest . homer saith , musitians are worthy of honor , and regard of the whole world ; and we know , alb●it ly●urgu● imposed most streight and sharpe lawes vpon the lacedaem●ni●ns , yet he euer allowed them the exercise of musicke . aristotle auerreth musicke to be the onely disposer of the mind to vertue and goodnesse ; wherefore he reckoneth it among those foure principall exercises , wherein he would haue children instructed . tulli● saith , there consisteth in the practise of singing , and playing vpon instruments , great knowledge , and the most excellent instruction of the mind : and for the effect it worketh in the mind , he termeth it , sta●ilem , thesaurum , qui moros instituit , componi●que , ac mo●tit ●rarum ardores , &c. a lasting treasure , which rectifieth and ordereth our manners , and allayeth the heate and furie of our anger , &c. i might runne into an infinite sea of the praise and vse of so excellent an art , but i onely shew it you with the finger , because i desire not that any noble or gentleman should ( saue his priuate recreation at leasurable houres ) prooue a master in the same , or neglect his more weightie imployments : though i auouch it a skill worthy the knowledge and exercise of the greatest prince . king henrie the eight could not onely sing his part sure , but of himselfe compose a seruice of foure , fiue , and sixe parts ; as erasmus in a certaine epistle , testifieth of his owne knowledge . the duke of venosa , an italian prince , in like manner , of late yeares , hath giuen excellent proofe of his knowledge and loue to musicke , hauing himselfe composed many rare songs , which i haue seene . but aboue others , who carryeth away the palme for excellency , not onely in musicke , but in whatsoeuer is to be wished in a braue prince , is the yet liuing maurice landgraue of hessen , of whose owne composition i haue seene eight or ten seuerall sets of morets , and solemne musicke , set purposely for his owne chappell ; where for the greater honour of some festiuall , and many times for his recreation onely , he is his own organist . besides , he readily speaketh ●en or twelue seueral languages : he is so vniuersall a scholler , that comming ( as he doth often ) to his vniuersitie of marpurge , what questions soeuer he meeteth with set vp , ( as the manner is in the germane and our vniuersities ) hee will extempore , dispute an houre or two ( euen in bootes and spurres ) vpon them , with their best professors . i passe ouer his rare skill in chirurgeri● , he being generally accounted the best bone-setter in the country . who haue seene his estate , his hospitalitie , his rich furnished armorie , his braue stable of great horses , his ●●tesie to all strangers , being men of qualitie and good parts , let them speake the rest . but since the naturall inclination of some men , driueth them ( as it were ) perforce to the top of excellencie : examples of this kind are very rare , yea great personages many times are more violently carried , then might well stand with their honours , and necessitie of their affaires : yet were it to these honest and commendable exercises sauouring of vertue , it were well : but many neglecting their duties and places , will addict themselues wholly to trifles , and the most ridiculous and childish practises . as eropus king of macedonia , tooke pleasure only in making of candles : domitian , his recreation was to catch & kill flyes , and could not be spoken with many times in so serious employment . p●olomans philadelphus was an excellent smith and a basket maker . alphonso atestino duke of ferra●ra , delighted himselfe onely in turning and playing the ioyner . rodolph the late emperour in setting of stones , and making watches . which , and the like , much eclipse state and maiestie , bringing familiaritie , and by consequence contempt with the meanest . i desire no more in you then to sing your part sure , and at the first sight , withall , to play the same vpon your violl , or the exercise of the lute , priuately to your selfe . to deliuer you my opinion , whom among other authors you should imitate and allow for the best , there being so many equally good , is somewhat difficult ; yet as in the rest herein you shall haue my opinion . for mo●●●s , and musicke of pietie and deuotion , as well for the honour of our nation , as the merit of the man , i preferre aboue all other our phoenix , m. william byrd , whom in that kind , i know not whether any may equall . i am sure , none excell , euen by the iudgement of france and italy , who are very sparing in the commendation of strangers , in regard of that conceipt they hold of themselues . his cantiones 〈◊〉 , as also his gradualia , are meere angelicall and diuine ; and being of himselfe naturally disposed to grauitie and pietie , his veine is not so much for light madrigals of canzonets , yet his virginella , and some others in his first set , cannot be mended by the best italian of them all . for composition , i preferre next ludouico de victoria , a most iudicious and a sweete composer : after him orlando di lasso , a very rare and excellent author , who liued some forty yeares since in the court of the duke of baueir . he hath published as well in latine as french many sets , his veine is graue and sweete : among his latine songs , his seuen poenitentiall psalmes are the best , and that french set of his wherein is susanna vn jour . vpon which dittie many others haue since exercised their inuention . for delicious aire and sweete inuention in madrigals , luca mar●●zio excelleth all other whosoeuer , hauing published more sets then any authour else whosoeuer ; and to say truth , hath not an ill song , though sometime an ouer-sight ( which might be the printers fault ) of two eights , or fifts escape him ; as betweene the tenor and base in the last close , of , i must depart all haplesse : ending according to the nature of the dittie most artificially , with a minim rest . his first , second , and third parts of thyrsis , veggo dolca 〈◊〉 ben chi fa hoggi mio sole cantava , or sweete singing amaryllie , are songs , the muses themselues might not haue beene ashamed to haue had composed . of stature and complexion , hee was a little and blacke man : he was organist in the popes chappell at rome a good while , afterward hee went into poland , being in displeasure with the pope for ouermuch familiaritie with a kinswoman of his , ( whom the queene of poland , sent for by luca marenzio afterward , she being one of the rarest women in europe , for her voyce and the lute : ) but returning , he found the affection of the pope so estranged from him , that hereupon hee tooke a conceipt and died . alphouse ferabosco the father , while he liued , for iudgment and depth of skill , ( as also his sonne yet liuing ) was inferior vnto none : what he did was most elaborate and profound , and pleasing enough in aire , though master thomas morley censureth him otherwise . that of his , i saw my ladie weeping , and the nightingale ( vpon which dittie master bird and he in a friendly aemulation , exercised their inuention ) cannot be bettered for sweetnesse of aire , or depth of iudgement . i bring you now mine owne master , horatio vecchi of modena ; beside goodnesse of aire most pleasing of all other for his conceipt and varietie , wherewith all his workes are singularly beautified , as well his madrigals of fiue and sixe , as those his canzonets , printed at norimberge : wherein for tryall , sing his viuo in fuoco amoroso lucretia mia , where vpon i● catenat● more , with excellent iudgement , hee driueth a crotchet thorough many minims , causing it to resemble a chaine with the linkes . againe , in s●is potessi raccor'i m●i sospiri , the breaking of the word sospiri with crotchet & crotchet , rest into sighes : and that , fa mi vn canzon● , &c. to make one sleepe at noone , with sundry other of like conceipt , and pleasant inuention . then that great master , and master not long since of s. markes chappell in venice ; second to none , for a full , loftie , and sprightly veine , following none saue his owne humour : who while he liued , was one of the most free and braue companions of the world . his poenitentiall psalmes are excellently composed , and for pietie are his best . nor must i here forget our rare countrey-man , peter phillips , organist to their altezza's at bruxels , now one of the greatest masters of musicke in europe . he hath sent vs ouer many excellent songs , as well motets as madrigals : he affecteth altogether the italian veine . there are many other authors very excellent , as boschett● , and clandie de monte verde , equall to any before named ; gimmoni ferreti , stephano felis , giulis rinaldi , phillipe de monte , andrea gabrieli , cyprian de rore , pallaui ceno , 〈◊〉 , with others yet liuing ; whose seuerall workes for me here to examine , would be ouer tedious and needlesse ; and for me , please your owne eare and fancie . those whom i haue before mentioned , haue bene euer ( within these thirtie or fortie yeares ) held for the best . i willingly , to auoide tediousnesse , forbeare to speake of the worth and excellency of the rest of our english composers , master doctor douland , tho : morley , m. alphonso , m. wilbie , m. kirbie , m. wilkes , michael east , m. bateson , m. deering , with sundry others , inferior to none in the world ( how much soeuer the italian attributes to himselfe ) for depth of skill and richnesse of conceipt . infinite is the sweete varietie that the theorique of musicke exerciseth the mind withall , as the contemplation of proportions , of concords and discords , diuersitie of moodes and tones , infinitenesse of inuention , &c. but i dare affirme , there is no one science in the world , that so affecteth the free and generous spirit , with a more delightfull and in-offensiue recreation , or better disposeth the minde to what is commendable and vertuous . the common-wealth of the cynethenses in arcadia , falling from the delight they formerly had in musicke , grew into seditious humours and ciuill warres , which polybius tooke especially note of : and i suppose , heereupon it was ordained in arcadia , that euery one should practise musicke by the space of thirty yeares . the ancient gaules in like manner ( whom iulian tearmed barbarous ) became most curteous and tractable by the practise of musicke . yea , in my opinion , no rhetoricke more perswadeth , or hath greater power ouer the mind ; nay , hath not musicke her figures , the same which rhetorique ? what is a reuert but her antistrophe ? her reports , but sweete anaphora's ? her counterchange of points , antimetabole's ? her passionate aires but prosopopoe's ? with infinite other of the same nature . how doth musicke amaze vs , when assures of discords she maketh the sweetest harmony ? and who can shew vs the reason why two basons , bowles , brasse pots , or the like of the same bignesse ; the one being full , the other emptie , shall , striken , be a iust diapason in sound one to the either ; or that there should bee such sympathy in sounds , that two lutes of equall size being laid vpon a table , and tuned vnison , or alike in the gamma , g sol re vt , or any other string ; the one stricken , the other vntouched shall answer it ? but to conclude , if all arts hold their esteeme and value according to their effects , account this goodly science not among the number of those which lucian placeth without the gates of hell , as vaine and vnprofitable : but of such which are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the fountaines of our liues good and happinesse : since it is a principall meanes of glorifying our mercifull creator , it heigthens our deuotion , it giues delight and ease to our trauailes , it expelleth sadnesse and heauinesse of spirit , preserueth people in concord and amitie , allaieth fiercenesse and anger ; and lastly , is the best phisicke for many melancholly diseases . chap. . of drawing , limning , and painting : with the liues of the famous italian painters . since aristotle numbreth graphice generally taken , for whatsoeuer is done with the pen or pencill ( as writing faire , drawing , limning and painting ) amongst those his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or generous practises of youth in a well gouerned common-wealth ; i am bound also to giue it you in charge for your exercise at leasure , it being a quality most commendable , and so many waies vsefull to a gentleman . for should you ( if necessitie required ) be employed for your countries seruice in following the warre , you can describe no plot , manner of fortification , forme of battaglia , situation of towne , castle , fort , hauen , iland , course of riuer , passage through wood , marish , ouer rocke , mountaine , &c. ( which a discreete generall doth not alwayes commit to the eye of another ) without the helpe of the same . in all mathematicall demonstrations nothing is more required in our trauaile in forraine regions . it bringeth home with vs from the farthest pa● of the world in our bosomes , whatsoeuer is rare and worthy the observance , as the generall mappe of the country , the riuers , harbours , hauens , promontories , &c. within the landscap , of faire hils , fruitfull vallies : the formes and colours of all fruites , seuerall beauties of their floures , of medicinable simples neuer before seene or heard of : the orient colours , and liuely pictures of their birdes , the shape of their beasts , fishes , wormes , flyes , &c. it presents our eyes with the complexion , manner , and their attire . it shewes vs the rites of their religion , their houses , their weapons , and manner of warre . beside , it preserueth the memory of a dearest friend , or fairest mistresse . and since it is onely the imitation of the surface of nature , by it as in a book● of golden and rare-limmed letters , the chiefe ende of it , wee reade a continuall lecture of the wisedome of the almightie creator , by beholding euen in the feather of the peacocke a * miracle , as aristotle saith . and that you should not esteeme basely of the practise thereof , let me tell you that in ancient times painting was admitted into the first place among the liberall arts , & throughout all greece taught only to the children of noble men in the schooles , and altogether forbidden to be taught to seruants or slaues . in no lesse honour and esteeme was it held among the romanes , as we finde in plinie and many others who euery where advance the professors ; and the dignity of the practise thereof nothing base or seruile , since one of the most noble families in rome , the fabij thought themselues much honoured by the addition of that sirname pictor . for the first of that name , although he was most honourably descended , honoured with many titles , consulships and triumphs , excellently learned in the lawes , and beside accounted in the number of the orators of his time ; yet he thought his skill in painting added to these honors , and his memory would heare the better of posteritie , for that he was endued with so excellent & quality : for after with his owne hand he had painted the temple of salus round about within , and finished his worke , he wrote in faire letters in an eminent place , quintus fabius pinxi . neither was it the exercise of nobilitie among the ancients onely , but of late dayes and in our times we see it practised by the greatest princes of europe , without praeiudice to their honors . francis the first , king of france , was very excellent with his pencill ; and the vertuous margaret queene of navarre beside her excellent veine in poesie could draw and limne excellently ; the like is reported of 〈◊〉 duke of savois . nor can i ouerpasse the ingenuitie and excellency of many noble and gentlemen of our owne nation herein , of whom i know many ; but none in my opinion , who deserueth more respect and admiration for his skill and practise herein then master nathaniel bacon of broome in suffolke ( younger sonne to the most honourable and bountifull minded sir nicholas bacon , knight , and eldest barronet , ) not inferiour in my iudgement to our skilfullest masters . but certainely i know not what fauourable aspect of heauen that right noble and ancient family , which produceth like delicate fruites from one stemme so many excellent in seuerall qualities , that no one name or family in england can say the like . painting is a quality i loue ( i confesse ) and admire in others , because euer naturally from a child , i haue beene addicted to the practise hereof ; yet when i was young , i haue beene cruelly beaten by ill and ignorant schoolemasters , when i haue beene taking , in white and blacke , the countenance of some one or other ( which i could do at thirteene and fourteene yeares of age : beside the mappe of any towne according to geometricall proportion , as i did of cambridge when i was of trinitie colledge , and a iunior sophister , ) yet could they neuer beate it out of me . i remember one master i had ( and yet liuing not farre from s. athanes ) took me one time drawing out with my pen that peare-tree and boyes throwing at it , at the end of the latine grammar● which he perceiuing , in a rage strooke mee with the great end of the rodde , and rent my paper , swearing it was the onely way to teach mee to robbe orchard as beside , that i was placed with him to bee made a scholler and not a painte● , which i was very likely to doe ; when i well remember he construed vnto me the beginning of the first ode in horace , edite , set ye forth , 〈◊〉 , the sportes , atavit r●gib●● , of our ancient kings ; but leauing my ingenious master , to our purpose . for your first beginning and entrance in draught , make your hand as ready as you can ( without the helpe of your compasses ) in those generall figures of the circle , ovall , square , triangle , cylinder , &c. for these are the foundation of all other proportions . as for example , your ovall directs you in giuing a iust proportion to the face . your square or cube for all manner of ground plots , formes of fortification , wherein you haue no vse of the circle at all . your circle againe directs you in all orbicular formes whatsoeuer , and so forth of the rest . hauing made your hand fit and ready in generall proportion , learne to giue all bodies their true shaddowes according to their eminence and concauity , and to heigthen or deepe as your body appeareth neerer or farther from the light ; which is a matter of great iudgment , and indeede the soule ( as i may say ) of a picture . then learne all manner of draperie , that is , to giue garments and all manner of stuffes , as cloth , silke , and linnen their naturall and proper soldes ; which at the first will seeme strange and difficult vnto you , but by imitating the choisest printes and peeces of the most iudicious masters , with your owne obseruance you will very easily attaine the skill . but since i haue already published a booke of drawing and limming ; wherein i haue discouered whatsoeuer i haue thought necessa●ie to perfection herein , i will referre you for farther instruction to it , and onely here giue you the principall authors for your imitation . since , as i said , proportion is the principall and chiefe thing you are first to learne , i commend vnto you that prince of painters and graund-master albert durer , who beside that his peeces for proportion and draperie are the best that are , hee hath written a very learned booke of symmetrie and proportions , which hath beene since translated out of high dutch into latine . and though his peeces haue beene long since worne out of presse , yet you may happen vpon them among our skilfull painters , which if you can get reasonably keep them as iewels , since i beleeue you shall neuer see their like : they seeme old , and commonly are marked with a great d in an a. for a bold touch , varietie of posture , curious and true shaddow : imitate goliziu● , his printes are commonly to be had in popes head alley . himselfe was liuing at my last being in the low countries at harl●● ; but by reason of the losse of one of his eyes , he hath giuen ouer a hinge in copper , and altogether exerciseth his pencill in oyle . the peeces of michael angelo are rare and very hard to be comeby . himselfe liued in rome , and was while hee liued esteemed the best painter in europe , as verily it seemeth by that his famous peece , of the last iudgment in the popes chappell , being accounted one of the best in the world . hans holben was likewise an excellent master , hee liued in the time of king henry the eight , and was emploied by him against the comming of the emperor charles the . into england . a i haue seene many peeces of his in oile , and once of his owne draught with a penne a most curious chimney-peece k. henry had bespoke for his new built pallace at bridewell . of later times and in our age the workes of shadan , witrix , and my honest louing friend crispin de pas of vtrecht are of most price ; these cut to the life , a thing practised but of late yeares : their pieces will best instruct you in the countenance , for the naturall and 〈◊〉 dowes therof , the cast and forme of the eie , the touch of the mouth , the true fall , turning & curling of the haire , for ruffes , armour , &c. when you are somewhat ready in your draught ( for which you must prouide pens made of rauens quils , black lead , dry pencils made of what color you please by grinding it with strong wort , & then rowling it vp pencilwise and so let it dry ) get my booke , entituled the gentlemans exercise , which will teach you the vse and ordering of all manner of colours for limning , as how to make any one colour what you please by the composition of many , as a scarlet , carnation , flame colour , all manner of greenes for leaues or banckes , purples for the breake of the morning , the violet , the hyacinth , &c. all manner of changeable colors in garments of silke ; brownes & blackes for haire colours , the colours of barks of trees , the sea , foūtains , rocks , flesh colours or carnations for the face & complexiō , with the manner of preparing your card , & inbriefe whatsoeuer is needfull to be knowne of a practitioner . now hauing your colors in their shels finely ground and washed , and varietie of pencills great and small , beginne first to wash ouer some plaine printes , then after to imitate to the life ( according vnto my directions in that booke : ) wherein by degrees you will take incredible delight , and furnish your conceipts and deuices of emblems , anagrams , and the like with bodies at your pleasure , without being beholden to some deare and nice professed artist . painting in oyle is done i confesse with greater iudgment , and is generall of more esteeme then working in water colours ; but then it is more mechanique and will robbe you of ouer much time from your more excellent studies , it being sometime a fortnight or a month ere you can finish an ordinary peece . i haue knowne michael lanss of delf in holland , the most excellent painter of all the low countries , to haue beene ( at times , ) a whole halfe yeare about a picture , yet in the end to haue blurred it out ( as it is his manner ) for some small disresemblance , eyther in the eye or mouth ; so curious is the workemanshippe to doe it well : beside oyle nor oyle colours , if they drop vpō apparell , will not out ; when water colours will with the least washing . but lest you should think me ignorant or enuious , i wil not conceale frō you the manner of working herein , and though it may bee you shall not practise it , it may profit others . first for your table whereupon to draw your picture , plane it very euen , and with size ( made of glue sodden long in faire water , till the glue be quite dissolued ) mingled and heat with spanish white finely ground , white it ouer ; then let it dry , then white it ouer againe , and so the third time , when being dry , scrape it very euen with a sharpe knife till it be smooth , then prime it with red lead or some other colour , which being drie , draw your picture out vpon it with a peece of chalke , pencill of coale , lastly , with black lead ; so lay on your colours . grind all your colours in linseede oyle , ●aue when you grinde your white for ruffes and linnen ; then vse the oyle of walnuts , for a linseede oyle will turne yeallowish . hauing all your colours ready ground , with your pallet on the thumbe of your left hand , & pencills for euery colour , in the same lay your colours vpon your pallet thus : first , your white lead , then lake , iuorie , blacke , seacoale blacke ( as you see the complexion ) lampe blacke , vmber for the haire , red lead , yealow oaker , verdigreace ; then your blewes , masticot and pinke , the rest at your pleasure , mixing them on the other side of the pallet at your pleasure . to begin a picture , first drawe the eye , the white thereof make of white lead with as little char-coale black ; hauing finished it , leaue from the other eye the distance of an eye , then draw the proportion of the nose , the compasse of the face , after that make the mouth , the eare , the haire , &c. after you haue made the white of the eyes and proportion of the nose , &c. lay your carnation or flesh colour ouer the face , casting in here and there some shadowes which worke in with the flesh colour by degrees . your flesh colour is commonly compounded of white lead , lake , and vermilion , but you may heighthen or decpen it at your pleasure . then shadow the face all ouer as you see cause , and finish the nose , compassing the tippe of it with some darke or light reddish shadow . the shaddowes for your face are compounded commonly , of iuory , blacke , white lead , vermilion , lake , sea-coale blacke , &c. then shaddow your cheekes and lippes ( with the mouth stroke , which make of lake onely ) with vermilion and lake as you list mixed together . now make the circles of the eyes . for the gray eye , take charcoale blacke and white lead heighthened or deepened at your pleasure . for the blacke circle of the eye , take vmber , sea-cole-blacke , and a little white , and mixe them as you thinke fit . for the round ball in the eye take lampe-blacke and verd-greace , for lampe-blacke will hardly dry without it . for the hands and the shaddowes betweene the fingers vse the same flesh-colours and shaddowes as in the face for heighthening or deepening . if you would make a flesh-colour of a swarthy complexion , mingle white lead , lake , and yealow oker together , and in the shadodwes , put in some vmber and sea-coale blacke . for blacke haire , take lampe● blacke onely , and when you will haue it brighter , mixe it with a little vmber , white , and red lead . for flaxen haire , take vmber , and white lead ; the browner you will haue it , put in the more vmber , the whiter more white ; but if darker , yet adde to a little sea-coale blacke . for yealow haire , take masticote , vmber , yealow oker , and a little red lead ; if you will haue it redder , put in the more red lead and vmber . for a white haire , take halfe iuorie blacke , and halfe of vmber , and with your knife temper them well vpon your pallet with white lead , with more white , or vmber , or i●ory , raising or deepening it at your pleasure . for the teeth , take white lead , and shaddow it with char-coale blacke . for ruffes , lawnes , and linnen . for linnen , take white lead mingled with char-coale black , so making it whiter or darker at your pleasure ; for your sine lawnes , put a little oyle smalt in amongst it , and with a fine little bagge of taffata stuffed with wooll or the like , take vp the colour and presse it hard downe where you would haue it . for veluets of all colours . for blacke-veluet , take lampe-blacke and verdigreace , for your first ground ; but when it is dry , lay it ouer with iuory blacke and verdigreace , ( to help it to dry ) and for the shaddow vse white lead , with a little lampe blacke . for greene veluet , take lamp blacke , and white lead , and worke it ouer like a russet veluet ; then being dry , draw it onely ouer with verdigreace , and a little pinke , and it will be a perfect greene veluet . for a sea-water greene veluet , lay on the aforesaid mingled russet verdigreace onely , if you will haue it more grassy , put to more pinke . for a yellowish greene , put a little masticot among your verdigreace at your pleasure : but note this , al your shaddowing must be in the russet , and these greens onely drawne lightly ouer . for red veluet , take vermilion , and shaddow it with browne of spaine , and where you will haue it darkest , take sea-cole blacke mingled with spanish browne , and shaddow where you will , letting it dry , then glaze it ouer with lake , and it will be a perfect red veluet . for a crimson or carnation veluet , put the more or lesse white lead to the vermilion , as you shall see cause . for blew veluet , take oyle smalt , and temper it with white lead ; ●he brighter you will haue it , put in the more white ; the sadder , the more smalt . for yellow veluet , take masticot and yellow oker , and deepen it for the shaddow with vmber . for tauny veluet , take browne of spaine , white lead , and lampe blacke , mixed with a little verdigreace to shaddow it , where you see occasion ; and when it is dry , glaze it ouer with a little lake , and red veluet added vnto it . for purple veluet , take oyle smalt , and temper it with lake , halfe lake , halfe smalt ; then take white lead and order it as bright or as sad as you list . for ash-coloured veluet , take char-cole blacke , and white lead , and make a perfect russet of the same , deepning it with the black , or heigthening it with your white at your pleasure . for haire-coloured veluet , grinde vmber by it selfe with oyle , and lay it on your picture , and heigthen with white lead and the same vmber . for sattens in oyle colours . for blacke satten , grinde lamp black with oyle , then mixe it with some white lead ; where you will haue it shine most , mingle some lake with your white lead . for white satten , take white lead ground with oyle , then grinde iuorie black by it selfe , and where you will haue it sad , adde more of the blacke . for greene satten , take verdigreace and grinde it by it selfe , then mixe some white lead with it ; and where you will haue it bright , adde some pinke : if more inclining to a popingiay , adde more pinke to your white lead ; and to deepen it more , adde more verdigreace . for yellow satten , grinde masticot by it selfe , yellow oker by it selfe , and vmber by it selfe ; where you will haue it lightest , let the masticot serue ; where a light shaddow , let the oker serue , where the darkest or saddest , vmber onely . for blew satten , take oyle , smalt , and white lead , ground by themselues ; white lead for the heigthening , and smalt for your deepening , or darkest shaddow . for purple satten , mixe oyle , smalt , with lake , and white lead : heigthening with white lead . for orenge tauny satten , take red lead and lake , where you will haue it brightest take red lead by it selfe , and where made sad , lake . for red satten , grinde browne of spaine by it selfe , mingling vermilion with the same ; where you would haue it light , put in a little white lead . for haire coloured satten , take vmber and white lead ; heigthen with your white lead , and for the darke shaddow of the cuts , adde to your vmber a little sea-cole blacke . for taffata's . make your taffata's all one as you doe your sattens , but you must obserue the shaddowing of taffata's ; for they fall more fine with the solds , and are thicker by much . for changeable taffata's take sundry colours , what you please , and lay them vpon your garment or picture one by another ; first casting out the solds , then with your pencill driuing and working them finely one into another . for cloth. cloth likewise is as your sattens , but that you must not giue so shining and suddaine a glosse vnto it . for l●●ther . as buffe , take yellow oker , and some white lead mixed with it : and where you will haue it darker by degrees , mixe vmber with it , and when you haue wrought it ouer , take a broad pencill and frieze it ouer with vmber and a little sea-coale blacke . for yellow leather , take masticot and yellow oker , shaddow it with vmber at your pleasure . for blacke leather for shooes , lampe blacke , shaddowed with white lead . for white leather , white lead , shaddowed with iuorie blacke . to expresse gold and siluer . to expresse gold vpon armour , or the hilt of a sword or rapier , take vmber , red lead , and masticot ; lay your ground onely red lead , if you please , mixed with a little pinke , and where you will haue the shaddow darke , vse vmber , where the light , masticot . for siluer , take char-coale blacke and white lead ; where you will haue it darke , vse more char-coale , and for the light , giue it a bold and suddaine stroke with your white . and thus you make your pearle . note , that you must grind your sea-coale and char-coale ( of a sallow , if you can get it ) in faire water first , and when it is dry , grind it in oyle . for skie and landscape . for a sky or landscaps , that seeme a great way off , take oyle smalt , or bice if you will , and with linseed oyle onely temper it on your pallet ( for in grinding smalt or bice , they vtterly lose their colour ) with white lead , and where it looketh redde as the morning , vse lake , &c. of wood colours , barkes of trees , &c. your wood colours are compounded either of vmber and white , char-coale and white , sea-coale and white , vmber blacke and white , or with some greene added . sometime adde a little lake or vermilion . of sundry greenes in oyle . for a deepe and sad greene , as in the in-most leaues of trees , mingle indico and pinke . for a light greene , pinke and masticot : for a middle and grasse-greene , verdigreace and pinke . remember euer to lay on your yellowes , blewes , reds , and greenes , vpon a white ground which giueth them their life . to make cleane your pencils , rub soape hard into them , and lay them by a while , after wash them in warme water . to make cleane your grinding stone and mullar , rub it ouer with crums of bread . to keepe your colours from drying in the heate of summer , set them in the bottome of a bason of water . if you would get farther experience , acquaint your selfe with some of our excellent masters about london , where there are many passing iudicious and skilfull . the onely and most esteemed peece in the world for iudgement and art , is the battaile ( commonly called , the battaile of doomes day ) fought in the night betweene s●lym the first , emperour of the turkes , and ishma●l sophi king of persia. it is a night peece done by bellino , the famous venetian painter , by the commandement of s●lym , after his victorie , and sent as a present to the duke and state of venice , where it yet hangeth in their counsell chamber . there is likewise a very rare and admirable peece in and warpe , done by a blacksmith vpon this occasion . this smith falling in loue with a painters daughter , ( who vowed neuer to marrie any , but of her fathers profession ) gaue ouer his trade of a smith , and sell to painting some foure or fiue yeares : in which time , the hope of gaining a faire maid guiding his hand , hee became so cunning , that he not onely obtained his wench , but a masse of wealth by his pencill ; there being offered for this one peece alone , seauen thousand crownes . it hangeth in one of the great churches there , s. georges or our ladies , i remember not well which . but thus much of drawing and painting in generall . now it shal not be amisse , for the aduancement of this excellent skill , which none can loue or admire more then my selfe ( that i may omit the liues of the ancient graecian and romane painters ) to come neerer our times , and acquaint you with the best masters italy alone hath affoorded . ioannes cimabus . italy being ouer-runne , and miserably wasted with warres , what time all good learning and arts lay neglected , about the yeare . painting and painters were there so rare , that they were faine to send into greece for men skilfull herein . of whom the italians learned the rudiments and principles of this art , in a manner quite lost amongst them . so that while certaine graecian painters , sent for by some of the nobilitie of florence , were painting a church in florence , one ioannes cimabus a young man , and naturally affecting this art , grew so farre into familiar acquaintance with them , that he learned the manner of their draught , and mingling colours , that in a short time he excelled the best masters among them ; and was the first that i can find among the italians , that brought painting into credit , and got a name by his skill herein . for some of his peeces for the raritie , were carried out of his house into the new church in florence , with musicall instruments of all sorts , and solemne procession● others being vttered at great rates ouer all france and italy ; in so much , as charles the french king moued with his fame , came to florence to see his worke. he died in the yeare . leauing behind him his scholler giotto , who by the opinion of dante 's in his purgatorie farre surpassed him : he was so humorous , saith the interpreter of dante 's , that if himselfe or any other espyed any fault in his work , he would ( like mishael ianss , now liuing at delft in holland ) deface and breake it in peeces , though he had bestowed a tweluemoneths paines thereon . andrea taffi . about this time also , the graecians brought the art of working in musiue , or mosaique to venice , where in s. markes church they wrought it ; with whom taffi falling acquainted , hee drew one of the best masters among them , named apoll●●●m , to florence , who taught him to bake mosaique glasses , and to temper the size for them : so they wrought together ; but the rudenesse of that age was such , that neither they nor their workes were in that esteeme as they deserued . gaddo gaddi . about this time also liued gadde gaddi , a very rare master , a florentine borne ( for the fine and subtile aire of florence , hath produced men of more sharpe and excellent spirits , then any other place of italy ) who excelled in mosaique , and wrought it with better iudgement then any before him ; insomuch as hee was sent for to rome , anno. the yeare after the great fire , and burning of the church of s. iohn lateran● , and the pallace of pope clement the fifth : whence well rewarded , he returned backe into tuscane , where he dyed anno . margaritene . margarit●n●● was borne in arezz● , a very skilfull master : he was the first that deuised laying gold or gilding vpon bole armoniacke to be burnished , as we see it in knops now adaies vpon the valences and canopics of beds ; and to make a glew for picture tables , that should neuer decay . giotto . giotto was not onely a rare painter , but also an excellent architect , for all manner of curious conceipt in building : and to say truth , was the first who of latter times in italy brought picture into admiration , and her true height . he was borne at vespign●●● , a village fourete●ne italian miles from florence : his father was an husbandman , and gi●tt● being a boy of some twelue yeares of age , was set by him to keepe sheepe : but nature hauing ordained him for another end ; the boy while hee was tending his sheepe , would be practising with a sticke vpon the sand , or dustie high-way , or vpon void places vpon walls with a coale , to draw whatsoeuer sorted with his fancie . it fortuned on a time , while he was drawing the picture of one of his sheepe , cimabus to passe by , who admiring such art in the boyes draught , ( who had neuer any other direction saue out of his naturall inclination ) demanded of him if he would dwell with him : who answered , yea , if his father were so contented . the father agreed , and placed him with cimabus , who in short time so excelled , that he farre surpassed the rusticke greeke manner of working , bringing forth a better moderne art , and the true working by the life , which had not beene knowne in two hundred yeares before . he was very inward and familiar with dante 's the poet , whose picture he drew : he was of all others famous for his skill and conceipt in expressing affections , and all manner of gesture , so that he might be truly called natures scholler . his workmanship is especially seene at acesi , a citie of vmbria , in the cloisters of s. francis , where the body of s. francis lyeth buried : where among other rare inuentions of his , is to be seene a monke kneeling before obedience , who putteth a yoake vpon his necke , he holding vp both his hands to heauen , and shee laying her forefinger vpon her mouth , casteth vp her eyes towards christ , from whose side the blood issueth in great abundance . on either hand of her stand wisedome and humility , to shew where true obedience is , there is wisedome and humility , which helpe to finish euery good worke : on the other side is an historie where chastity standeth vpon a strong and high rocke , as not to be won , or mooued by the force of kings , though they seeme to offer crownes , scepters , and palmes . at her feete lyeth purity , in the shape of a childe washing it selfe , and by chastity standeth pennance , hauing diuen away with her discipline winged loue : in a third place standeth pouerty barefooted , treading vpon thornes , a dogge barking at her ; at one side , a child throwing stones at her , on the other , another child with a sticke putting the thornes towards her legs . this pouerty is marryed to saint francis , whom christ giueth by ioying their hands : in a fourth place is saint francis , praying with such great deuotion , and inward affection expressed in his countenance , that it detaineth the beholder with singular admiration . from thence returning toward florence , he wrought in distemper ( as we call it ) or wet with size , sixe histories of patient i●b , wherein are many excellent figures : among others the positures and countenances of the messengers bringing the sorrowfull newes vnto him , which are not to be mended : withall a seruant , with one hand keeping off the slies from his sore master , and with the other stopping his nose : the countenances and draperies of the standers by done with such grace and iudgement , that the same hereof presently went ouer all italy . insomuch that pope benedict sent a messenger from rome into tuscany to know what manner of man giotto was , and what his workes were ; beeing purposed to beautifie saint peters church with sacred histories by the hand of some excellent master . this messenger or courtier from the pope , taking his iourney to florence , passed by siena , and still enquiring out the best masters , tooke a draught of something from euery one of them to carry back to the pope , to choose as he thought best : comming to florence in a morning betimes , he came to the shop of giotto , desiring ( as he had done of others ) to giue him a touch with his pencill , or some peece to show his holinesse . giotto being merily disposed , tooke a sheete of paper , vpon which , with a pencill ( setting one arme vnder his side ) hee drew so absolute a circle , that by no co●passe a truer could be drawne ; hauing done , smiling he gaue it to the cour●●ier , saying , there is my draught . the cour●ier imagining he had flouted him , said , is this all ? giotto replyed , it is all , and more then enough . when the pope with others of iudgement saw it , and heard the manner how carelesly he did it , he admired and confessed , he passed all men of his time in excellency it this being knowne , it grew a prouerbe in italy , m●re round then giotto's circle . the pope after this , did him much honour , and very liberally rewarded him . hee had painted vpon a certaine wall the picture of the virgin mary , and when this wall was to be mended , such care ( by reason of the excellency of his art ) was had of this picture , that it was cut square and taken downe whole out of the wall with a great deale of paine and cost . he made in mosai●●● , in the fore court of saint peter , the ship wherein peter and the apostles were in danger of drowning , their actions and gestures full of feare , the sailes full of wind , with the behauiour of fishermen in such extremitie . at avag●●● , hee wrought for pope cle●●●● the fift ; & in many other places of france his workes are yet remaining . anno . he was at last sent for by robert king of naples , for whom there ( in the church of the cloyster of saint clare ) he made many histories both of the old and new testament , with the whole historie of the reuelation : it is said that herein his invention was admirable , and that he was much holpen by his deare and ingenious friend dan●es the poet. the king was not onely pleased with the excellencie of his hand , but with his many witty answers and conceipts ; wherefore sometime he would sit by him halfe a day together to see him worke . once the king said vnto him , giotto i will make thee the foremost man of my court ; i beleeue it ( quoth giotto ) and that ( i thinke ) is the reason why i am lodged in the porters lodge at your court gate . another time also the king said thus vnto him , giotto , if i were as thou , the weather is so exceeding hot , i would giue ouer painting for a while ; whereunto giotto replyed , indeed sir , if i were as you , i would let it rest indeed . another time , being at worke in the great hall of the court , the king merily requested him , to paint him out his kingdome ; giotto made no more adoe , but presently painted an affe with a saddle on his backe , and smelling at another new saddle that lay before him at his feet , as if he had had a mind to that , rather then the other vpon his backe ; and vpon each saddle a crowne and a scepter : the king demanded what he meant thereby ; giotto replyed , such is your kingdome and subiects , for they desire new lords daily . in his returning to fl●rence , he made very many rare peeces by the way , deuised many excellent models for building ; beside other his workes in caruing , plaistique , &c. the citie of florence not onely roially rewarded him , but gaue him and his posteritie a pension of an hundred crownes a yeare , which was a great summe in those times . he died to the griefe of many , in the yeare . and was buried at florence , vpon whom angelus politianus wrote this epitaph worthy so excellent a man. ille ego sum per quem pictura extincta re●ixis , cui quam recta manu● , ●am fuit & facilis . natura decrat , nostra quad defuit arti , plus licuit nulli pingere necmeli●● . miraris * ●turri● egregiam sacre are sonantem , hac qu●que de module cre●it ad astra 〈◊〉 ; denique sum iottus , quid opus suit illareferre ? hoc nomen lengi carminis instar erit . stephano fiorentino . this stephano beeing giotto's scholler , what with his masters furtherance , and his owne industry , became not onely equall to his master , but in some respects excelled him , as many of his works doe manifest , namely the virgin mary in the church called camp● sante at pisa , which to say truth , excelled that of his masters in the cloister of sant● spirit● in florence . he painted the transfiguration of our blessed sauiour in the mount with moses and elias , where the light was seene to shine downe vpon the apostles , who with such a faire action lay so wrapped in their mantles that ye might perceiue all the foldings vpon the ioints , and made the nakednes to shine through their thinne cloathes , which was neuer seene before or vsedby giotto . in another chappell he made the fall of luci●er , wherein hee shewed many excellent foreshortnings of bodies , armes , and legges ; wherefore by the artists of his time . he was named occhi● di natura , the eye of nature , he wrought at rome , milane , and many other places : many excellent pieces of his are yet to bee seene in florence , which for breuity i omit the dyed anno . petro laurati of siena . petro laurati was famous in his time , especially for making of glories , wherein he surpassed all others before him . at arezze with excellent skill hee painted vpon a ●eeling angels dancing as in a ring about mary , seeming to sing and play on instruments ; where in their eyes and countenances you may see expressed a true godly ioy : another troope of angels with various and delicate action carrying her vp into heauen . he dyed , . b●namic● buffalmacco . buffalmacco was scholler to taffi , and as excellent in his profession , so was he merry and of pleasant conceit : wherefore hee was familiar with brun● and calandrin● , rare artists and of his owne humour , many of whose iestes are recorded by boccace . buffalmacco being a young youth while he dwelt with taffi , was called vp by his master by two or three of the clocke in winter mornings to his worke , grinding of colours or the like , which grieued him much ; and bethinking himselfe how to make his master keepe his bed , he got vp in the fields some thirty or forty dorres or beetles , and a little before his master should rise , fastning little waxe candles vpon their backs , puts them in lighted , one by one into his masters chamber ; who seeing the lights moouing vp and downe , began to quake for feare , committing himselfe to god with hattie prayer , and couered himselfe ouer head and eares in his bed , hauing no mind to worke or awake buffalmacco . in the morning ●ee asked buffalmacco if hee had not seene a thousand diuels as he had ; who answered no , for he was asleepe , and wondered he called him not : called ? saide taffi , i had other things to thinke of then to paint , i am fully resolued to goe dwell in another house . the night following though buffalmacco had put in but onely three lights into his chamber , yet could he not sleep for feare al that night : it was no sooner day but taffi , left his house with intēt neuer to come into it againe . buffalmacco hereupon went to the priest of the parish to desire his aduice , telling him that in his conscience the diuell next vnto god hated none more then painters , for that , said buffalmacco , we make him odious in the peoples eyes by painting him terrible and in the vgliest shape we can deuise ; and more to spight him , wee paint nothing but saints in churches to make the people more deuout then otherwise they would , wherefore the diuels are very angry with vs , and hauing more power by night then by day , they play these prankes , and i feare they will doe worse except we gine ouer this working by candle light . this he spake so confidently , and in so deniure a manner to the priest , that the priest anouched it to be true , and with great reasons perswaded taffi euer after to keepe his bed ; which beeing published about , working by candle-light was left through the towne euer after . the first proofe of his skill he shewed at a nunnery neere pisa now wholly ruined , being the birth of christ , where herod killed the children of bethlem ; where the affections and lookes of the murtherers , mothers , nurses resisting with biting , scratching , tearing , pulling , &c. are excellently expressed . moreouer , he drew the foure patriarkes , and the foure euangelists , where he expressed saint luke with great art , blowing the inke in his pen to make it runne . he was in his time one of the merriest and finest companions of the world : he died , anno . ambrosio lorenzetti of siena . this ambrosio was a painter of siena , he was chiefely commended for that grace he had in contrining postures and accidents of history : he was the first that most liuely could resemble tempests , stormes , raine , &c. he was very moderate , and went rather like a philosopher then a painter . he dyed at siena . petro cavallini of rome . this was scholler vnto gi●tt● , and wrought with him in the ship of mosaique in the front of saint peters in rome . there is yet a crucifixe of his yet to bee seene at arezzo , and another in the church of saint paul in rome , of admirable life and skill . he was wondrous deuout and religious . he dyed . and lyeth buryed at pauls without rome with this epitaph . quantum romana petrvs decus addidi● vibi , pictur● , tartum da● decus ipse p●l● . simon of siena . simon of siena was a rare artist , and liued in the time of the famous and laur●ate poet francis petrarch , in whose verses he liueth eternally , for his rare art & iudgement showne , in drawing his laura to the life . for invention and variety he was accounted the best of his time . andreas orgagna . andreas orgagna was a fl●rentine , and both a painter , poet , architect and caruer , though hee began first with caruing . one of his best peeces he wrought in pisa , which was all sorts of worldly and sensuall epicures , rioting and banquetting vnder the shaddow of an orenge tree , within the branches and bowes whereof , sly● little amorettos or cupids , shooting at sundry ladies lasciuiously dancing and dallying amongst them ; which ladies were then liuing , and all discerned by their seuerall countenances : as also many gallants and princes of that time drawne in the same table . on the other side of the table , he made an hard rocke , full of people , that had left the world , as being eremites , seruing of god , and doing diuers actions of pietie , with exceeding life ; as here one prayeth , there another readeth , some other are at worke to get their liuing , and among the rest , there is with admirable art and iudgment , an eremite milking of a goat . withall , saint macharius , who sheweth the miserable estate of man to three kings riding on , hunting in great state with their queenes , and sheweth the● a graue wherein lie three dead kings , whose bodies are almost rotten ; whereon they looke with a great feare , liuely expressed in their countenances , and one wishly looking downe into the graue , stoppeth his nose , &c. ouer this flyeth death in blacke with a sith in his hand : all about on the earth lye people along of all ages , sexe , and condition , slaine , and dying by sundry meanes . he also painted the iudgement , where hee placed in hell most of his foes that had molested him , and among the rest a scrivener , whose name was cecehode ascol● , and knowne for a notable knaue in his profession , and a coniurer beside , who had many wayes molested him : he was by children and boyes discerned to be the same man , so well had he exprest him to the life . he dyed aged . yeares , . and lyeth buryed at florence . thomas masaccio . this thomas , sirnamed masaccio or the slouen ( for that he neuer cared how hee went in his cloathes ) was borne in the castle of saint iohn de valderno ; and being a youth , so much addicted his mind vnto painting , that hee cared in a manner for nothing , not so much as to demand money of his debters where it was due , but when meere necessitie draue him thereunto ; yet was he curteous vnto all . he excelled in perspectiue , and aboue all other masters laboured in nakeds , and to get the perfection of foreshortning , and working ouer head to bee viewed standing vnder . amongst other his workes , that of saint peter taking a penny out of the fishes mouth , and when he payeth it for tole , is famous . in briefe , he brake the ice to all painters that succeeded for action in nakeds and foreshortnings , which before him were knowne but of few . for by his peeces and after his practise , wrought fryer iohn of ficsole , frier phillip phillipine , alessan : baldovinetti , andrea del caslagna , verochio dominico de grillandaio , di botticello , leonarde de vinci , pedro di perugia , frier bartholome ● of saint marks , mariotte , albertinell , the rare and euer admired michael angelo , bonarotti , raphael d' v●bine , and sundry others . he dyed it was suspected of poison in the . yeare of his age . his epitaph was written in italian by hannibal coro . leon baptista alberti . this alberti was an excellent linguist , hauing his latine tongue very exactly . he was borne in florence , and was both an excellent painter and architect ; hee wrote tenne bookes of architecture in latine , which he published in print , anno. . moreouer hee wrote three bookes of the art of painting , a treatise of measuring heigthes , besides certaine bookes of policy , with many other discourses . he was descended of a noble house , and was very inward with pope nicholas the fi●t . he was excellent for the descriptions of battailes , night workes , glittering of weapons , and the like . frier phillipo lippi . phillipo lippi borne in florence , was a poore childe , and left fatherlesse and motherlesse , was brought vp by an aunt ; at eight yeares of age , placed in a monasterie of the ●●cobines , where out of his naturall inclination , he practised drawing and painting ; and in short time grew to that excellence , that he was admired of all : making in his cloyster many histories in we● , after masaccio's manner . at seuenteene yeares of age he forsooke his order . being in la marcad ' ancona , he put himselfe with some friends to sea , but were in short time taken by the pirats of barbaris , and sold into the country for slaues , wearing heauie chaines about their legges . in this estate liued phillipo eighteene moneths , but growing familiar with his master , one day , when he saw his time and his master in a good humour , tooke a coale , and vpon a white wall drew him from head to foot : this being seene of his fellow slaues , and shewed vnto his master , who had neuer seene a picture before , was cause of his deliueance : for making his escape , or at least his master winking thereat , he made shift to come to naples , where hee wrought in colours a most curious altar-table for king alphonsus . hence hee went to florence , and made another altar-table , which pleased cosmo de medicis wondrous well ; whereupon hee was employed by cosmo in making many small pictures , whereof some were sent vnto eugenius the fourth , whereupon he grew in great fauour with the pope . he was so addicted vnto women , that what euer he got , hee bestowed and spent it among them : whereupon cosmo shut him vp into a chamber in his house , that he might follow his worke close ; but hauing beene thus mewed vp by the space of two daies , the humou● of gadding tooke him againe in the head ; and one euening cutting his sheets , made ropes of them , and so gat out at a window . but shortly after , found and brought to cosmo againe , he had libertie to go and come at his pleasure , and was better attended and serued then before . for said cosmo. the excellence of rare spirits are heauenly formes , and no burden-bearing mules . many excellent peeces he made in florence , admired and applauded by the best masters . at pr●t●o by florence , where hee was acquainted , the nunnes of sancta margarita procured him to make their high altar-table , where being at worke , hee espied a beautifull virgin , a citizens daughter of florence , whose name was francisco bati : this maid was there kept to be made a nunne ; she was most beautifull , her name was lucretia , & so he wrought with the nunnes , that he obtained leaue to draw her picture ; but by continuall gazing vpon her countenance , he became so enamoured of her , that what by close messengers and other meanes , he got her out of the nunnerie : he got her away and married her , and by her he had a sonne , named also phillip , who became an excellent painter . this frier phillips workes are to bee seene at prato . and amongst other s. bernard layed out dead , his brethren mourning about him , and many cripples and diseased persons , which ( as it was said ) with touching the herse and his body , were healed . then hee most excellently wrought the martyrdome of s. stephen , the beheading of s. iohn baptist , with many others . he died aged fiftie seuen , anno . hee had a stately monument of marble erected ouer him ; his epitaph was written by angelus politianus , which for the elegancy i will set downe . co●ditus his ego sum , picturae fama philippus , nulli ignota mea est , gratia mir a manus . artifices , potui digitis animare colores : sperataque animos fallere voce di● . ipsa mess stupuit natura expressa figuris , meque , suis fassa est artibus esse parem . marmorco tu●ulo medices laurentius hic me condidit ; antè humil● p●l●ere tectus eram . antonello de messino . antonello borne at messino , ought not to be forgotten , who was the first that brought painting in oyle into italy . for certaine oyle peeces being sent by the merchants out of flanders to alphonsus , the first king of naples , which the king had in great admiration , for that they could not be washed out with water : comming to the view of antonello , antonello could neuer be in quiet vntill he had found out the inuentor , whose name was iohn van eyck , who entertained antonello very curteously , and shewed him his art what he could ; but at last , iohn van eyck dying , antonello returned vnto venice , where his workes of the magnifici were much admired , and for that he brought the working in oyle the first into italy ; he was honored with this epitaph . d. o. m. antonius pict●r , pracipuum messan● & t●tius siciliae ornam●ntum , hac hum● contegitur , non sol●m suis picturis in quibus singulare artificium , & venustas fi●t , sed & quod coloribus el●● miscendis splendorem & perpetuitatem primus italica pictura con●ulit , summo semper artificum , ●●●di● celebratus . dominico ●irlandaio . this dominico was a florentine , by profession at the first a gold-smith , but falling to painting , hee became a great master therein . his first worke was a chappell for the family of the vespucci , wherein hee drew in his sea habit , and standing vpon an vnknowne shoare , americus vesputius , who gaue america her name . his best peeces are to be seene at s. maria n●vella in florence . he died anno . raphaell d'vrbine . i ouerpasse for breuitie sake , many other excellent and famous artists of italie , equalling the former , as bellino , pallaiuoli , botticello , verrocchio , andreas mantegna of mantua , so highly esteemed and honoured of duke luduvico gonzaga ; francesco francia , michael angelo : and will comprise them in the excellencie of one onely raphaell d'vrbine , who was borne at vrbine ; whose fathers name was gi●vanni de santi , a painter also . this raphaell was brought vp vnder petro perusini in perusia , where he so gaue his mind from a child vnto drawing and painting , that in short time hee contended for the palme with the greatest masters of europe , and was for his admirable inuention , sirnamed the wonderfull . there was a great aemulation betweene raphaell and the afore named francesco francia , who liued and wrought at b●logna , till at the last through meere admiration , by report of each others skill , they grew most louing friends , greeting each either by letters continually ; yet had francia neither seene raphaell vrbine , nor any of his workes ( by reason he was old and could not trauaile , abiding alwaies in bologna ) vntill it fortuned that raphaell vrbine hauing made a s. cicilia in a faire altar-table , for the cardinall de pucci santi quatro , which was to be set at bologna , at s. giovanni sopra monte ( or on the hill : ) which table he shut in a case , and sent it to francia , as vnto a deare friend , that if any thing were amisse , or it happened to be defaced or iniured in the carriage , hee would amend it : and beside , so much befriend him , as to set it vp in the place appointed , and to see it want nothing fitting . when he vnderstood thus much by raphaels letter , hee opened the case with great ioy , and set the peece in a good and faire light ; which when he had throughly viewed , he was so amazed , and grew so out of conceipt of himselfe and his owne worke , confessing his worke to be nothing , in respect of raphaell vrbines : which so strucke him to the heart , that he died ( presently after he had set the peece in his place ) anno . the fame of raphael vibine at this time was so great , that he was sought for and employed by the greatest princes of europe , as namely , the popes adrian and leo ; francis the first , king of france , henry the eight , king of england ; the dukes of florence , vrbane , mantu● , and diuers others . those stately hangings of arras , containing the historie of s. paul out of the acts ( than which , eye neuer beheld more absolute art , and which long since you might haue seene in the banquecting house at white-hall ) were wholly of his inuention , bought ( if i be not deceiued ) by king henrie the eight of the state of venice , where raphaell vrbine dyed . i haue no certainty , but sure i am , his memorie and immortall fame , are like to liue in the world for euer . if you would reade the 〈◊〉 at large of the most excellent painters , as well ancient as modern , i refer you vnto the two volumes of vasari , well written in italian ( which i haue not seene , as being hard to come by ; yet in the libraries of two my especiall and worthy friends , m. doctor mountford , late prebend of pauls , and m. inigo lones , surueyer of his maiesties workes for building ) and caluin mander in high dutch ; vnto whom i am beholden , for the greater part of what i haue heere written , of some of their liues . chap. . of armorie , or blazon of armes , with the antiquity and dignitie of heralds . it is meete that a noble or gentleman who beareth armes , and is well descended , bee not onely able to blazon his owne proper coate ; deriue by pedegree the descent of his family from the originall , know such matches and allies as are ioyned to him in blood : but also of his prince , the nobilitie , and gentry where he liueth , which is not of meere ornament , as the most suppose , but diuersly necessary and of great consequence : as had i fortuned to haue liued in those times , when that fatall difference of either rose was to be decided by the sword ; with which partie in aequitie and conscience could i haue sided , had i beene ignorant of the descent and pedegree royall , and where the right had beene by inheritance of blood , match , or alliance . how should we giue nobilitie her true value , respect , and title , without notice of her merit : and how may we guesse her merit , without these outward ensignes and badges of vertue , which anciently haue beene accounted sacred and precious ; withall , discerne and know an intruding vpstart , shot vp with the last nights mushrome , from an ancient descended and deseruing gentleman , whose grandsires haue had their share in euery foughten field by the english since edward the first ? or my selfe a gentleman know mine owne ranke ; there being at this instant the world ouer , such a medley ( i had almost said motley ) of coates , such intrusion by adding or diminishing into ancient families and houses ; that had there not beene within these few yeares , a iust and commendable course taken by the right honorable the earles marshals , for the redresse of this generall and vnsufferable abuse , we should i feare me within these few yeares , see yeomen as rare in england , as they are in france . besides , it is a contemplation full of pleasing varietie , and for the most part , sympathizing with euery noble and generous disposition , in substance the most refined part of naturall philosophie , while it taketh the principles from geometry , making vse almost of euery seuerall square and angle . for these and other reasons , i desire that you would bestow some houres in the studie of the same : for a gentleman honorably descended , to be vtterly ignorant herein , argueth in him either a disregard of his owne worth , a weaknesse of conceipt , or indisposition to armes and honorable action ; sometime meere ideotisme , as signeur gaulart , a great man of france ( and none of the wisest ) inuiting on a time many great personages and honourable friends to his table , at the last seruice a march-pane was brought in , which being almost quite eaten , hee bethought himselfe , and said ; it was told mee , that mine armes were brauely set out in gold and colours vpon this march-pane , but i haue looked round about it and cannot see them : your lordship ( said one of his men ) eate them vp your selfe but now . what a knaue ( quoth mounsieur gaulart ) art thou ? thou diddest not tell me before ieate them , i might haue seene what they had beene . the dignitie and place of an herald , among the ancient romans was very great ; that same lus feciale , or law of armes , being first instituted by ancus martius , as liuis testifieth , though some ascribe it to numa pompilius , who ordained a colledge of heralds . the office of an herald , was to see that the romanes made not warre iniustly with any of their confederates ; to determine of warre , peace , leagues , agreements , wrongs taken or offered by them or their enemies , and the like . now if the enemy had offered them wrong , or taken away any thing from them by violence , they first sent messengers to demaund their right , and the restoring of that they had taken away ; which was done in a soleanmne●sorme , and the words pronounced distinctly , and with a loud voyce : and this manner of deliuering their message , was called clarigatio . the forme was this , ioucn●●egotestem facio , siego impiè iniusletque , illas res dedier populo romano mibique exposco , ●unc patriae compotem nunquam sinas esse . if they refused their demaunds , or to make ●●stiitution : first all league and friendship ( if any were betwixt them ) being renounced and broken , after thirty daies , ( which they solemnly obserued ) they proclaimed open warre , and with fire and sword inuaded the enemies countrey , and by force recouered their owne . neither was it lawfull , for either consull or senate , or any of the common people , to take vp armes against an enemy , without the consent and approbation of the heralds . among the heralds , there was one the cheese and aboue the rest , whom they called pater patratus ; and hee was chosen one who was to haue children , and his owne father aliue : him one of the inferior heralds , crowning his head and temples with veruaine , made him the cheese or king , either in concluding peace , or denouncing warre . the most ancient forme of denouncing warre , is set downe at large by liuie . the tybarens are reported to haue beene so iust in their making warre , and defiance of their enemies , that they would neuer meete them , but first they would send them word of the day , place , yea , and very houre they meant to fight . moreouer , if any complaint by the enemy were made of breach of the league , the heralds examined the truth , and hauing found out the authours , they deliuered them vp to the enemy to doe with them as hee listed : or if any without the consent of the people , senate & heraldes , eyther fo●ght or made peace , entred league , &c. the romanes freede themselues again , by deliuering vp the authors to their enemies . so were the consuls t. veturi●s . & sp. postumius for their error at caudium , and making peace with the samnites contrary to the will of the people and senat , together with t. numicius and q. aemilius tribunes , deliuered to the enemy . the words of postumius himselfe , ( who made request that himselfe with the rest , who had offended , might be deliuered to the enemy ) are thus recorded by livie . dedamur per ficiales , nudi vinctique ex●lvamus religions populu● , fi qua obligavimns : ne quid divini bum●●ive obstet , quo minus instuns piun . qu● de integreine 〈◊〉 bellum . the forme and words on their deliuery to the enemies hands , were these : quandoquidem hice homines iniussu populi romani , quiritum soedus ictu● iri sposponderunt , atque ob ●am rem noxam nocuerunt : ob eam rem quo populus romanus seelere impio sit solutus , bos●e homines vobis dedo . and so , many yeares after was c. mancinus deliuered to the numantines , with whom hee had entred into league contrary to the will , and without the knowledge of the senate . heraldes also examined and determined of wrongs and iniuries done vnto embassadours , and punished them by deliuering vp in like manner , the parties offending , vnto the nation or state offended . they looked also to the strict obseruing of euery branch of the league , or truce ; in briefe their authority was comprised in these few words , ' belli , pacis , foederum , induciarum , oratorum feciales indices sunte . spurius fusius was the first herald that cuer was created among the romanes , and had the name of p●ter patratus in the warre which tullus hostitius made against old latines . their priuiledges were great and many , and too long for me here to reckon vp . and to conclude , for farther search of their institution , priuiledges , and office , i referre you to iehan le feron , a french authour . i purpose not heere to enter into a large field and absolute discourse of blazonry with all the lawes & termes thereof , hauing beene already preuented by bara , vpton , gerrard leigh , master ferns , master guillim ( late portculleis pursuiuant ) in his methodicall display of heraldry , with sundry others . so that , in a manner , more cannot bee saide then hath beene : my selfe besides hauing written something of this subiect heretofore , but onely to poynt vnto you as a stranger vpon the way , the fairest and shortest cut vnto your iournies end in this art. the word blazon is from the french e●blasonner ; and note that we in england vse herein the same tearmes of art with the french : because the ancients of our nobility for the greater part , acknowledge themselues to bee descended out of normandy , and to haue come in with the conquerour , many retaining their ancient french names , & charges vnto this day ; as beauchamp , beaumont , sacuill , neuill , with many others . your a. b. c. in this art , let be the knowledge of the sundry formes of shieldes or escotcheons which are , and haue beene ordinarily borne in ancient times . among all nations we of europe haue onely two kinds in vse ( the lozen●s excepted ) viz. that we vse in england , france , germany , &c. and the ouall they beare in italy : which forme they yet ( from the old romanes ) holde in vse . the word escotcheon is deriued from the french un esci● , that from the latine scutam , and that againe from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greeke , which is leather ; because the ancients had their shieldes of tanned leather , the skinnes laid thicke one ouer another , as appeareth by that of vlysses , vpbraiding aiax : quae nisi fecissem , frustra telamone creatus , gestasset laeva taurorum tergora septem . and caesar ( saith cābrensis ) fighting hand to hand with nennius , a british king fast had his sword , nayled into nennius his shield ( being of hard leather , ) at which aduantage nennius had slaine him , had not labienns the tribune stepped in betweene , and rescued his master . now the ancient shields by reason that they were long , and in a manner of that forme as some of the knights templers had theirs , as appeareth vpon that their monument in the temple church , differed much from the buckler or target which was round , as it may appeare out of livie . clypeis a●tem romani vsi sunt ( saith he ) deinde postquam facti sunt stipendiarij , scuta pro clypeis fectre . and virgil compareth the great eye of cycl●ps to an argolican target , for who will deny but that an eye is round ? that their shieldes ( as i haue said ) were long , and in a manner couered the whole body , he saith else-where , scutis protecti corporalongis . hereupon scutum was called in greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it resembled a dore , which is euer more long then broad . the carthaginians made their shieldes of gold . m. aufidius tels vs that his ancestours ( being romanes ) had theirs of siluer . alexander king of the iewes opposed against prolomy . fighting men , which hee tearmed h●catomachi , as much to say as , fighting each man against an hundred , because they vsed brasen shields . the numidians vsed shieldes made of elephants hides impenetrable to any dart , yet on the other side they had this discommoditie , that in rainy weather they would like a sponge so soake in the water , and become hereby so heauy , the souldiers could hardly beare them . the shield in times past was had in such honour , that he who lost or alienated the same , was accounted as basely of as he that with vs runnes from his colours , and was seuerely punished : and the graecians fined him at a greater rate who lost his shield , then he who lost his sword or speare . because that a souldier ought to take more care that he receiueth not a mischiefe , then he should doe it of himselfe . bitter was that iest of scipio , when hee saw a souldier bestow great cost in trimming and glazing his shield : i can not blame thee ( quoth he ) that thou bestewest so much cost vpon thy shield , because thou trustest more to that then to thy sword . the lacaeademonians of all other the most warlike , by the lawes of lycurgus , brought vp their children to the vse of shields from their infancy ; and famous is that lacaedemonian mother for that her speech to her son , when she deliuered him a shield going to the warre 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sonne either bring backe this shield , or bee thou brought backe thy selfe ( dead ) within it . but thus much of the shield or escotcheon . armes or ensignes at the first had their chiefe vse for distinction of tribe from tribe , armie from armie being composed of two or moe colours , whereof one was euer white or yealow , which we now tearme mettals , and that of necessitie ; for without the mixture of one of these , the other as too darke of themselues , could not bee discerned farre , neyther of white and yealow onely , as participating too much of the light . hence they say ( though not generally true ) where there is wanting colour or mettal , it is false armorie . i will not stand here to dispute ouer philosophically , as some haue done , of the praeeminence of one colour aboue another , or out of profound ignorance affirme blacke to be the most ancient colour , because darkenesse was vpon the face of the earth in the chaos ; as if colour were not qualitas visibilis luminis beneficio , and privati● were formarum susceptibilis ; and white the next , because god said fiat lux , as if light were a qualitie resulting of an lementarie composition , it beeing created before all mixed bodies : yea with aristotle i rather affirme blacke properly to be no colour at all , as partaking of the pure elements nothing at all , for he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the elements mingled together , as earth , water , aire , not yet reduced to their proper substance , as wee may see in charcoales , all bodies consuming but not consumed , whereupon it is called niger , of the greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth dead , as a colour proper to dead things . the colours , to say truth , immediately proceeding from the elements , are yellow and white : yellow beeing an effect of the fire . and all heate ( as we may see in gold ) begotten by the heate of the sunne , by the mixture of the clearest and most pure quicke-siluer , and the finest red brimstone , in fruite and corne ripened by the heate of the same , in choller , vrine , lie boyled , the bellies of hot venemous serpents and the like . the white is proper to the water and earth , as we way see in all watery bodies congealed , as ice , snowe , christall , glasse , pretious stones beaten into to powder : also the most rootes , the pulpe of apples , peares , and the like of watry substance , of earth in the ashes of wood and stones burned , all which turne white , being by the fire purged from water and aire . concerning the aire it selfe , it hath no colour at all . now after your two mettals , yealow and white , gold or siluer , which in armory we cal or & argent , you haue foure principall colours , viz. sable or blacke , azure or blew , gules or red , verd or greene. there are others , as purpure sanguine tenn● , which are in more vse with the french and other nations then with vs in england . from simple colours and diuision by bare lines , they came to giue their charges quicke and liuing things , such as sorted best with their fancies and humours , neyther without reason . the alani a warlike people , and extreame louers of their liberty , gaue in their ensigne a cat , a beast which of all other cannot brooke bo●●●ge . the gothes to expresse their crueltie with their ranging resolution , gaue a beare ; the romanes gaue the eagle , which euery legion seuerally bare . the reason whereof iosephus giueth , quòd & vniuersarum anium regnum habeat , & sit valentistima , so did the thebans and persians , as forcatulus reports ; beside , xenophon ( saith he , ) remembreth he saw in the armie of cyrus a golden eagle displayed , borne vpon a long speare , as his ensigne . yet generally plinie saith , the charges of their ensignes were of siluer , because that mettall was most sutable to the day light , and was to be discerned farther : so portius latro telleth catiline of his siluer eagle borne before him as the ensigne of his rebellion and furie . besides the eagle , the romanes vsed to beare in their banners the wolfe , in memorie of remus and romulus , fed by the milke of a shee-wolfe , as livie sheweth . when they vndertooke any expedition wherein great secrecy was to be vsed , then they aduanced the minotaure in their standards , to shew that the counsaile of commanders ought to be no lesse kept secret then the labyrinth which was the abode of the minotaure . withall they bare the horse , as the most martiall beast , and seruiceable in the warre , being full of furie , and desirous of victorie ; and in the ides of december , a horse was sacrificed to him who had broken the right wing of his enemies battaile : lastly , they bare a hogge in their ensignes , because the warre being finished , they vsed to make a truce by sacrificing a young swine ; which whosoeuer violated or went backe from , ought forth with as a hogge to be stoned to death : hereupon they had a forme of battaglia which they tearmed the hogges face . but all these ( the eagle onely excepted ) were by caius marius turned out of vse : but i shall haue elsewhere occasion to write more at large of these and the like imperiall badges . the kings of portugall bare in a field argent fiue escotcheons azure , each charged with as many plates ; on a bordure gules tenne castles , or , in remembrance of fiue kings , whom ( each seuerally leading a mightie army ) alphonsus the first , king of portugall ouerthrew neere to the city of scallabis in portugal now called trugill● ; there appearing at the same time ( saith osorius ) christ crucified in the heauen , whose fiue wounds those fiue plates represent . those castles are his holds in barbary which he wonne from the moores . the dukes of bavaria haue anciently borne their armes palie bendy arg . and azure , for that it resembled the party coloured cassocks of the ancient b●ij , who were those gaules that attempted the surprise of the capitol , whom virgil describing as by night , saith , virgatis lucens sagulis , which hee vnderstandeth by the white , as most easily to bee discerned in the night time . the towne of dort or dordrecht in holland , from a ciuill broile that long since occasioned much slaughter , staining the streetes ( being onely two aboue a mile in length , ( the riuer running in betweene ) with blood , bare in a field gules a pale argent . the city of collen , in regard it can shew the monuments of the three kings who offered to our sauiour , beareth argent , on a chiefe gules three crownes or. the city of andwarpe in brabant , for that sometime a tyrant prince was lord of that place , and punished offenders in cruell manner , by cutting off their hands ( whose pourtraiture cut in stone to the life , stands erected ouer one of the ports toward the sceld , with a sword in one hand , and a mans hand smitten off in the other ) beares foure hands , couptè in salteir , an eagle double necked , displaied in chiefe , to signifie that it is an imperiall citie ; and hence had it the name of antwerpe , as much to say as hand●werpen , which in dutch signifieth to cast or throw away the hand . the stoute and warlike henry spencer bishop of norwich , who supprest by his courage and valour , that dangerous rebellion , and about nerthwalsham , ouerthrew litster the captaine , hath ( as it is to bee seene vpon his monument in the body of the qui●e of christ-church in norwich ) ouer his proper coate of spencer , vpon an helmet , his episcopall miter , and vpon that michaell the arch-angell with a drawne sword . marie coates are conferred by the prince or state vpon merit and desert , for some honourable act performed to the common-wealth , or honour of the prince ; as that deuice vpon sir francis drake ( which was q. elizabeths owne ) now vsurped and borne ( the colour of the field changed siō sable into azure ) by oliuer à noert of vtrecht , who also of late yeares sailed about the earth . and at my last being in the low countries , was captaine of a foot company of dutch in huysden . the said coate fairely cut in stone , standeth ouer a porch at the entry of his house there . the mound or ball with the crosse , was by charles the fifth , added by way of augmentation , to the armories of the palsgraue of the r●ine , in regard of vienna , so brauely defended by phillip earle palatine , together with the count solmas , against the furie of solyman , who laid siedge to it with aboue . men ; yet glad ( at the rumour of the emperour charles his comming ) to shew his backe . for solyman , ( as himselfe was wont to say ) seared not charles as he was emperour of germany , but that good fortune which euer attended him in his greatest enterprises . and no doubt but the blessing of god was vpon him , as being one of the most religious , iust and worthiest princes that euer liued . the family of the haies in scotland , bare arg. three escotcheons gules , vpon this occasion . at what time the danes inuaded scotland , and in a set batraile had put the scots to the worst : one hay with his two sonnes being at plow not farre off , and seeing his countrey-men flying frō their enemies , to come vp a narrow lane walled with stone on both sides , towards him ; with their plowbeames in their hands , meeting them at the lanes end , in despite beate them backe to charge their enemies afresh , reuiling their cowardize , that now hazarded the whole kingdome : whereupon with a stout resolution they put themselues againe into array , and returning backe vpon the danes ( who were both disordered , and in a feare lest a new supply had come downe to the scots succour ) ouerthrew them vtterly , and regained a most memorable victory . he●eupon hay was by the king ennobled , and had giuen him for his bearing , in a field siluer , three escotcheons gules : the rest a plow-man with his plow-beame on his shoulder : and withall for his maintenance , as much land as a faulcon put off from hand could sly ouer erc she did alight , which land in scotland is to this day called hay his land ; and the faulcon alighting vpon a stone , about seuen miles off , gaue it the name of the falcons stone , euen to this day . armes againe are sometimes taken from professions , and those meanes by which the bearers haue raised themselues to honourable place ; as the dukes of florence , for that they are descended from the family di medic● , or phisitians , bare in a field azure , sixe lozenges . sometimes they are wonne in the field from infidels , ( for no christian may directly beare anothers coate by his sword ) as was the coate of millan from a sarace● ; it being an infant naisant , or issuing from the mouth of a serpent . and after the winning of granad● from the moores , in the times of ferdin 〈◊〉 and is●bell , kings of castile , the pomgranate the armes of that kingdome , was placed in the bast of the escotcheon royall ; and in regard it was gained principally by the meanes of archerie , the bow and quiuer of arrowes was stamped vpon the spanish sixpence , which remaineth at this day to be seene . coates sometimes are by stealth purchased , shuffled into records and monuments , by painters , glasiers , caruers , and such : but i trust so good an order hath beene lately established by the right honorable , the late cōmissioners for the office of the earle marshalship , & carefull respect of the heralds with vs , that all hope of sinister dealing in that kind , is quite cut off from such mercenary abusers of nobilitie . many times gained at a cheaper rate , by bearing , as the boores in germany , and the netherlands , what they list themselues ; neither can their owne inuentions content them , but into what land or place soeuer they trauaile , if they espy a fairer coate then their owne ( for they esteeme coates faire or good , as our naturals , according to the varietie of colours ) after their returne they set it vp in glasse for them and their heires , with the crest and open beauer , as if they were all princes ; as at wodrichom or worcom , hard by louestein , i found ouer a tradesman coate , no worse crest then the three feathers in the crown , and in many other places whole coates of the french nobilitie . heereof examples in those parts are so frequent , that i must say , inopem me copia fecit . now being acquainted with your colours , the points and euery place of the escotchcon , which the accidence of armorie of master guillims display , will at large instruct you in , begin to practise the blazon of those coats which consist of bare and simple lines , without charge , as that ancient coate of waldgra●● , who beareth onely party per pale arg. and gules ; and the citie of virecht partie per bend of the same . then your fields equally compounded of moe lines , as quarterly , b●ndey , barrey , gyronned , checkey , masculie , &c. withall , know the names and vse of all manner of your crooked lines , as endemed , embat●elled , nebulè , or vndeè , danncé●●●è , &c. know then those honorable and prime places , or ordinaries , with their species , as the cheese , so called of chef in french , that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it possesseth the head , or vpper third part of the escotcheon . the fesse holding the middle third part of the shield , containeth vnder it the barre , barrulet , coste , barresgemells , &c. the bend , the bendlet , single and double cotize . next know the furres , counterchangings , bordures , tressures , orles , frets ; all formes of crosses , differences of brothers , roundles of euery kind ; as beasan●s , pla●es , pommices , &c. then proceede to the blazon of all vegetable things , as flowers , trees , &c. then to all quicke and liuing things , as beasts , birds , fishes , serpents , and the like . when you haue done , know honorable additaments , whether they be by way of augmentation , or markes and differences of alliance . coates of augmentation , as those of queene katherine parre , queene katherine howard , and queene iane seymor , conferred by king henry the eight . by cantons , as ferdinand king of spaine , honoured sir henry guilford with a canton of granado : and king iames , molin● , the v●ne●ian embassadour , with a canton of the rose of england , and thistle of scotland empaled . then ensue differences of alliance , by bordures , labels , bends , quarterings , and the like . by the bordure , no where more frequent then in the soueraignes coate , when the blood roiall was deriued into so many veines , to the distemper of the whole body , vnder the dissention of yorke and lancaster . thomas of woodstocke , as also humphrey duke of glocester ( who lyeth buried in the abbey of s. albanes , vpon the south-side of the quire , and not in paules ) bare the soueraigne coate within a bordure argent . richard plantagenet ( sonne and heire of richard earle of cambridge ) duke of yorke , and father to edward the fourth , bare quarterly france and england , within a bordure argent , charged with lionceeaux purpure . edmund of hadham , sonne of owen tuder , by queene katherine , the soueraigne coat within a bordure azure , with martlets and flower-de-luces or. iohn beaufort , sonne of iohn of gaunt , and his posteritie , the same within a bordure componeè , argent and azure . charles the seuenth , king of france , in the yeare . gaue leaue vnto nicholas duke of ferrara , to beare the armes of france in a shield , within a bordure componeè or and gules , before the armes of ferrara , in recognisance of the league and fidelitie , wherein hee promised to stand bound to serue the king at his own charges . and for the like respect , lewis the eleuenth , in may , . allowed pietro de medici , to beare three flower-de-luces in his shield , which i haue seene borne in cheife , vpon one of his sixe lozenges . of difference by the labell . a second difference is by the labell , borne chieefely as the difference of the elder brother . as edward the blacke prince , and all our princes of wales , eldest sonnes to the king , beare their fathers soueraigne coate , with a labell of three points , siluer . iohn of gauns had his labell ermin . edmond of langley duke of yorke , on his labell siluer , nine torteauxes . edmond plantagenes , sonne and heire of richard duke of yorke , earle of ru●land , ( who being a child scarce twelue yeares of age , was stricken to the heart with a dagger by the lord clifford at the battaile of wakefield ) had vpon his labell of fiue points argent , two lionceaux gules , with nine torteauxes . the coate of vls●er and mortim●r being ●mpaled with his owne , as may be seene in the windowes of f●deringhay castle , the mansion house of the duke of yorke , where by his father richard duke of yorke , and cicely nevill his mother , hee lyeth buried ; whose bodies remoued out of f●deringhay church-yard , ( for the chancell , in the quire wherein they first were laid , in that fury of knocking churches and sacred monuments in the head , was also felled to the ground ) lapped in lead , were buried in the church by the commandement of queene elizabeth , and a meane monument of plaister wrought with the trowell , erected ouer them , very homely , and farre vnfitting so noble princes . i remember master creuse , a gentleman , and my w●rthy friend , who dwelt in the colledge at the same time , told me , that their coffins being opened , their bodies appeared very plainly to be discerned ; and withall , that the dutchesse cicely had about her necke , hanging in a silke riband , a pardon from rome , which penned in a very fine romane hand , was as faire and fresh to be read , as it had beene written but yesterday . of difference by the bend. a third difference , is by the bend baston , &c. as the house of bur●●● beareth fr●●●● , with a b●tune gules , though the proper and true coate of 〈◊〉 is of , a lyon gules , within an orle of escallops azure . lewis earle of eureux in normandy , brother to philip le b●ll , bare seme de france , with a batune componeè , argent and gules . iohn earle of l●●●aster , and brother to richard the first ( afterward king ) bare for his difference a batune azure . if the mother be of the ligne royall , many times her coate is preferred into the first quarter ; as h●nry earle of d●●●nshire , and marqu●sse of exeter , ●●re his mother k●tharines coate , who was daughter to king edward the fourth . and the like humphrey stafford , who was the first duke of buckingham by anne platag●n●● : his mother , ● the coate of thomas of woodstocke , whose daughter she was . this coate , i remember , standeth in the great chancell window in the church of kimbalt●n . in france it hath beene , and it yet a custome among the nobilitie , to 〈◊〉 their owne proper coates , and take others ; as perhaps their wi●es , or the armes of that srig●●●● , whereof they are lords : or whence they haue their titles , as mons. hugues , brother to king philip , marrying the daughter and heire of herbere earle of ver●●●d●●●s , forsooke his proper coate , and bare his wiues , which was checky , or , and azure , onely three flower-de-luces added in chiefe , to shew he was of the blood . and robert coun● de dreux , albeit he was brother to king lewis 〈◊〉 , bare checky , azure and or , with a bordure gules . robert duke of burgogne , brother to henry the first , tooke for his bearing , the ancient armes of the dukes of burgogne , which was bendy or and azure , within a bordure gules , giuen by charlemaigne to sanson duke of burgogne . and whereas we in england allow the base sonne his fathers coate , with the difference of a bend batune , sinister , or bordure engrailed , or the like : it was in france a long time forbidden ( i thinke vnder the capets ) to the princes of the blood ; as 〈◊〉 earle of m●mfort , base sonne to king robert , was forced to leaue his fathers coate , and beare gules , a lion à la queue fourcheè or , passeè per à lentour , argent ; for , le maison de france ●●●●tant les bastardes , no leur endurè son armeirè , &c. saith tillet . the last and least obseruation is of crests , the helmet , the mantle , and doubling thereof , which according to the manner of diuers countries , are diuersly borne . in germany they beare their beauers open with barres , which we allow in england to none vnder the degree of a baron : in some places they haue no crests at all . if you would farther proceed in nobilitie or heraldry , i would wi●h you to reade these bookes of 〈◊〉 ob●●itie in gener●●● : simon simonius de n●●ilit●●e , 〈…〉 at leipsig . . chassan●●●● , his catalogus gloria mun●● . hippolitus à collibus , his axumata nobilitatis . conclusiones de nobilitate & doctorain . published by one of meckleburg , who concealeth his name , printed . dedicated to the archbishop of breme . petrus eritzius , coun●●●●er to the elector of brandenburge , published conclusiones de nobilitate , in quarto . lionellus de pracedentia ●omi●um . of the spanish nobilitie these authors haue written . ioannes ab arce offalora , in folio . priuilegios y franquezas y libertades des bijos d●algos de senniorio de vizcaia , &c. in fol. ludovicus de moll●●a , de primog●nior●m hispanicorum iure , &c. in fol. iosephus de sesse , in decis . aragon . decis . . . . &c. gonzales de c●rte , his nobliza del andaluzia , in fol. of italy , sicily , naples , &c. scipie mazzella nelle neapoli illustrata , in quarto . paulus merula in cosmograph . lib. . pt . . in italian . of france . the workes of tillet , fer●● , charles l'ois●●● , choppin , theatre d'honneur . of germany , or the empire . fran. contzen , his politiques , in fol. the collections of goldastus , with some others . the practise of blazonrie . willeged the first abbot dyed the same yeare that off a did , of very griefe it was thought , for the death of his king and kinsman , whom he dearely loued . anno ● . after him succeeded these in order . eadricke . vulsigus . wul●●●us . eadfrithus . wulsinus , who built saint peters church , saint michaels and saint stephens , and made a faire market place in the towne . alfricke . aldredus , who digged vp and searched the ruines of verlam-cesire , which in his time were dens of theeues and whores ; saued all the tile and stone for the repaire of the church , and in digging vpon the north side in the vale found oaken plankes pitched , shelles peeces of oares , and a rusty anchor or two . eadmer , after his death ( being a religious and a good man ) imitating his predecessour , saued all the ancient coines , vrnes and other antiquities hee could finde there . leofricke , was sonne to the earle of kent , and after being chosen to be archbishop of canterburie , he refused it : this abbot in a time of dearth solde all the iewels of his church to buy bread for the poore . after him succeeded alfricke . leostan . fr●theric . paul. in this abbot were giuen to the monastery of saint albanes , the celles of wallingford , of tinnemuth , of bealvare , of hertford and binham . richard , who liued in the time of william rusus , when the cell of saint marie de wymonaham or windham in norfolke was giuen vnto this abbey , beeing sounded by william de albeney , father to william de albeney first earle of arundell . gaufridus , who founded the nunnery of sopwell therby on the other side of the riuer , founded and so called vpon this occasion : two poore women hauing built themselues a small cabben , liued in that place a very austere life , praying , and seruing god with great deuotion ; and for that they liued for the most part with no other sustenance , saue bread and the water of a well there , wherein they vsed to soppe or dippe their bread , it had ( saith mine author ( a monke sometime of that abbey ) the name of sopwell . then radulphus . robert. simon . garmus . iohn . william &c. off a gaue to this his abby of saint albans , these towns following , viz. thei l , edel●●●●● , wiclesfield , cages●o cum suis , berechund , rike●aresworth , bacheworth , crok●leie , michelfield , britchwell , watford , bilsey , merdell , * haldenham , spr●t , enefeild , st●●●●●● , h●●●●●ted , winelesham , biscopsco● , c●d●●●dune , and mild●●dune . egelsride his sonne and successour gaue a sandruge and penefield . alfrick● abbot of this church , ( after archbishop ) & leofrick his brother gaue kingesbury , c●ealdwich , westwic , flamsted , nort●●● , r●●●●hang w●●●●field , birstan , and vpton . aethelwold bish. of dorchester gaue girshuna , cuicumba , tyme , aegelwin , redburne , thuangnā , lingley , grenburga . one tholfe gaue estune and oxaw . one sexi gaue h●chamsted . one ha●dh gaue newha● and beandise . therefeld , a religious woman gaue a sceanl●a & bridel . aegelwina another gaue batesden , offal and standune . one aegelbert gaue craniford . a●●an , cutesham . winsimus gaue esenden . osulsus and his wife gaue st●dham and wilsin●● : others walden , cudicote , scephal , bethell , with sundry other celles , churches , and goodly possessions of me vnnamed . if i should set you downe the inestimable wealth consisting in plate , iewells , bookes , costly hangings , altar-cloathes , and the like , which by our english kings , nobilitie and others haue from the foundation vnto the dissolution , with the sundry priuiledges this abby had , i should weary my selfe with writing , and you with reading ; but i omit them , hauing onely proposed a mirrour to the eyes , not of the church pillars of ancient , but the church pillers of our times . the auncestors of this noble family were frenchmen borne , taking their surname of a towne in normandy called sackuill , whereof they were lords , and came into england , to the aide of duke william the conquerour , as appeareth by an auncient manuscript or chronicle of brittaine , now in the custody of mr. edward gwinn , where he is called a chiefetaine , and is the seauenth man ranked in a catalogue of names there ; for as it may be obserued out of mr. camdens remaines , that the better sort about the time of the conquest began to take vp surnames , so againe they were not setled amongst the common people vntill the raigne of king edward the second . he moreouer affirmeth , that the most ancient and of best account , were deriued from places , whereof this name of sackuill is one , and to adde yet more vnto it , ordericus vitalis the monke , in his normane story saith , that herbrann de sackuill , was liuing in the time of william the conquerour , being father of three noble knights , iordan , william , and robert de sackuill , and of a vertuous and beautifull ladie , named auice , who was married to walter lord of alfage & hugleuill , by whom shee had issue ; iordan l. of alfage & hugleuill , that married iulian the daughter of one gods●all , who came into england with q. adelize , of lo●●ine , the wife to king henry the first : after whose death , the said queene married to william de albency earle of arundell , from whom the now right honorable , thomas earle of arundell , and surry , and earle marshall of england is descended . s. iordan de sackuill knight , the eldest sonne , was sewer of england by the gift of the said conquerour , but liued and died in normandy . s. robert de sackuill knight , the yonger sonne liued in england , and gaue together with his body the mannor of wickham in suffolke● to the abbey of s● . iohn baptist in colchester , leauing issue a son named s● . iordan de sackuill , a very eminent man in the time of king richard the first , as appeareth by a charter of the said king , made to the monkes of bordes●ey in buckinghamshiere . s● . iordan de sackuill , that obtained of king iohn a friday market weekely , and a faire once a yeare in his towne of sackuill in normandy , as saith the kings publike records in the tower of l●●don . holiinshed , fol. . doth there ranke iordan de sackuill , as a baron , calling him one of the assistants to the . peeres of this realme , to see the liberties of magna charta confirmed . and for further proofe , that they were men of no meane ●anke , it is apparent in the red booke of the excheaquer in the . and . yeeres of the said kings raigne , in these words , hubertus de anestie tenes , . food . in anestie , & parua hornmcad , & dimid . 〈◊〉 . in anestie de honore richard● de sack●yle . agai●e , s● . iordan de sackuill knight , grand● childe to the said iordan de sackuill , was taken prisoner at the battaile of e●esham , for siding with the barons against king henry , the third , in the . yeare of his raigne , whose sonne and heire , named andrew sackuill , being vnder age at the time of his fathers death , and the kings wa●d , was like wise imprisoned in the castle of deuer , ann. . e●n . . and afterward by the speciall command of the said king , did marry ermyn●●de an honourable ladie , of the houshold to queene 〈◊〉 or , whereby he not onely gained the kings fauour , but the greatest part of his inheritance againe . from whom the aforesaid richard earle of dorset , with s● . edward sackuill knight of the bathe , his brother ( and others ) are descended ; one of whose auncestors , by marrying a daughter and co-heire of rase de denn , sonne of rodbert pincerna , that held the lordship of buckhurst , with diuers other mannors and lands in sussex , about the time of the normain conquest . in right of which marriage they haue euer since continued lords of the said mannor of buckhurst with diners other manors and l●nds in sussex , &c. which william earle of devonsh● was sonne of s● . william cavendish , of chattesworth in the said countie of derby knight , treasurer of the chamber to king henry the eight , edward the sixt , and queene marie ; by his wife elizabeth , daughter of lohn hardwick , of hardwick esquire . the auncestors of this noble familie , called themselues g●r●ms , whose issue in processe of time , assumed to themselues , the surname of cavendish , as being lords of the towne and mannor of cavendish in suffolke ; out of which familie disbranched that famous trauailer , mr. thomas cavendish , who was the third that trauailed about the world , whose voyage you shall finde , set downe at large in the english discouerers , written by mr. 〈◊〉 . it is borne by the name of hobart , and was the proper coate of sir iames hobart knight , atturney generall vnto king henry the seauenth ; a right good man , withall of great learning and wisedome : hee builded the church of lodd●n , and saint olaues , commonly called saint toolies bridge in the county of norfolke . this worthy knight lyeth buryed vnder a faire monument in the middle i le on the northside in christs church in norwich but it is now borne ( with the coate of vister by the gift of king iames vnto him as a barronet ) by the honourable and nobly minded sir henry hobart knight and baronet , lord chiefe iustice of the common pleas , of blickling in the county of norfolke ; whose vprightnesse in iustice , and loue to his country , hath ( like his owne starre communicatiue of it selfe ) dispersed the fairer beames into all places . r●x dilect● 〈◊〉 s●o roberto de woodhouse , archidiacone de richm●nd thesa●rario s●o salutem . negotia●os & statum regni contingentia , &c. vobis mandamus ●irmiter i●iungentes quod omnibus alijs prater●issis &c. beside i haue s●ene the will of king henry the fourth , and he●rie the fifth , where one was a gentleman of henry the fourth's chamber , and by his will made one of his executors ; as also he was to henry the fifth , who wrote his letter to the p●ior , and chapter of the church of the trinitie in norwich , to giue him leaue to build himselfe a chappell in their church . so that from time to time , they haue held an honourable place , and at this day are worthy stayes and pillars of iustice in their countries . nor must i heere let fall the worth of two sons of this gentleman , sir thomas woodhouse knight ( who marryed blanch sister to the right honourable henry now viscount rochf●rt ) and master roger woodhouse his brother , gentlemen , not onely learned , but accomplished in what euer may lend lustre to worth and true gentilitie . this was also the coate of sir thomas louell , knight of the garter , made by king henrie the seuenth , of whose ho●se hee was treasurer , and president of the counsell . this sir thomas louell was a fift sonne of sir ralphe louell of barton bendish , in the countie of norfolke . this his coate with the garter about it , standeth ouer lincolnes inne gate . he founded the nunnery of halliwell ( where was also his house ) on a wall of which not ma●y yeares since was to be read this inscription . all ye nuns of halliwell , pray ye both day and night : for the soule of sir thomas louell , whom harry the 〈◊〉 made knight . it appeareth also that sir william louell lord morley , was knight of the garter : for in morley * church the seate of his baronnie , is yet remaining in a glasse window ( which i haue seene ) this coate with the garter about it . this coate armour is verie ancient , as is proued by sundry bookes of armes , church windowes , and seuerall deeds , wherof i haue seene two bearing date anno . richard the . with seales of this very coate fixed thereunto , with this inscription about the same ( viz : ) sigillum robertide ashfield ; as also another deed bearing date , anno . henrie the fixt , made from robert the sonne of iohn ashfeild of stow-langton , esquire , to simon finchan● , and iohn whitlocke , with a faire seale of red waxe : whereupon was a griff●● s●iant , with his wings displayed , ouer whose body is this armes , with this inscription about the who●e seale ( viz : ) s. robertide ashfeild armig. the aboue named robert ashfeild builded the church of stow langton , in the quire whereof ( which i haue seene ) hee lyeth butied vnder a faire marble ; he was seruant vnto the blacke prince , whom he followed in his warres in france . this coate is thus borne by sir lohn ashfeild , knight , sole heire of that family , now gentleman of the bedde chamber to prince charles . this ancient name and family of crow , was anciently of suffolke ; for about the time of k. edward the . thomas crow of suffolke the elder , purchased bradsted in kent , whose sonne thomas crow the yo●ger married ioane the onely daughter and heire of nicholas boare , son of iohn , sonne of richard boare , that married lora the daughter of simon stocket of bradsted in kent . the aforesaid ioane brought to thomas her husband , his house called stockets with a chancell built by the aboue named simon stockets , as appeareth by a french deede tempore edw. . as also a house and certaine land called boars , by whom shee had issue iohn crow the elder , father of henry crow , father of william crow of bradsted esq. who married anne the second daughter and coheire of iohn sackuill of chiddingleigh in sussex esq. the said mannor of chiddingleigh hath beene in the possession of the sackuills aboue three hundred yeeres , and at this day is part of the inheritance of the right honorable richard sackuill earle of dorset and baron of buck●urst ; which william crow and ann● his wife , hath issue , sackuill crow their sonne and heire now liuing , with others . this coate of talbot belongeth vnto the right worshipfull master thomas talbot , doctour of the ciuill law of miliers hall in wim●ndham in the countie of norfolke , a very learned and honest gentleman . if you would proceede further in blazonry , and the true knowledge of the des●●●ts of our english nobility , i refer you to that exact , iust and elaborate worke of my singular and learned friend master augustine vincent , rouge-croix , very shortly to be published● which let it be vnto you ( of all that haue written in that kinde ) instar omnium . so i referre you henceforward to your priuate reading and obseruation . chap. . of exercise of the body . i now from your priuate studie and contemplation , bring you abroad into the open fields , for exercise of your body , by some honest recreation , since aristotle requireth the same in the education of nobilitie , and all youth . since the mind from the ability of the body gathereth her strength and vigor . anciently by the ciuill law these kinds of exercises were onely allowed of , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are the exercise of armes by single combate , as running at tilt-barrians , &c. coiting , throwing the hammer , sledge , and such like . running , iumping , leaping , and lastly wrestling : for the first , it is the most noble , those epithites of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , haue beene the attributes of kings and princes , whose delight in auncient times was to ride and mannage great horses . hereby you are ennabled for command , and the seruice of your country . and what , saith tullis , can bee more glorious , then to bee able to preserue and succour our country , when she hath neede of our helpe ? it is the onely commendation that saluste giues to iugurth , who did not ( saith he ) giu● himselfe ouer to be corrupted by sloath and riot ( as many of our gallants now adayes doe ) but as it is the custome of that nation , exercised himselfe by riding , throwing the dart , and running with his equals : and though he excelled all other in the height of glorie , notwithstanding he was held deare and beloued of all men , &c. and casar vsed the exercise of ●iding so much , and hereby became so actiue and skilfull , that laying his hands behinde him , he would put his horse to his full carreer , make him on the suddaine take hedge or ditch , & stop him , put him into a ring , and the like . and marius after he had beene seauen time ● consul , and fourescore yeares of age , exercised himselfe daily in the field of mars with the romane youth , instructing them to handle their weapon , to ride , &c. the like also did pompey euen to his last expedition . and virgil speaking ( i take it ) of the spartan youth : saith , venat● invigilant pueri , sylva●que , fatigans . flect●r● ludis equos , & spicula tendere cornu , &c. and at this day it is the onely exercise of the italian nobility , especially in naples , as also of the french ; and great pitty of no more practised among our english gentry . running at the tilt is a generous and a martiall exercise , but hazardous and full of danger ; for many hereby ( euen in sport ) haue lost their liues , that i may omit henry the french king , with many other princes and noble personages of whom historie is full . tilting and torneaments were inuented by manuel comnenus emperour of constantinople , as saith nicetas , who wrote about the yeare . before his time wee reade not any where that this exercise was vsed vnder the romane empire . the same nicetas reporteth of a solemne iustes or torneaments which the saide manuel comnenus shewed vnto the latines at antioch , what time they went to make warre in the holy land : for the latines making a braue shew in their rich armour well horsed , with their lances , and presenting themselues before the emperor ; the emperour to shew them that the graecians were nothing inferiour vnto them in brauery or courage , appointed a day when they and the latines ( for the glory of either empire ) should so many to so many , and with lances without points , encounter eyther brauely moūted , and made one of the number with his graecians ; who , saith nicetas , so brauely carryed himselfe , that he vnhorsed two latine commanders , casting them from the saddle to the ground . in our launces now adayes ( of what wood soeuer they are made of ) there is nothing so much danger as hath beene in times past : neyther in our moderno practise of warre haue they almost any vse at all . the prince of orange hath abandoned them , hauing not a launce in his whole armie , but hath carbines in their roome . spinola hath some troopes of them , yet not many , as i obserued . those of shertogen-bosch vnder grobbendonckse , are esteemed the best horse spinola hath . for throwing and wrestling , i hold them exercises not so well beseeming nobilitie , but rather souldiers in a campe , or a princes guard : neither haue i read or heard of any prince or generall commended for wrestling , saue epaminondas achmat the last grand signeur and emperor of turkie , who tooke great delight in throwing the hammer , and was so strong that he ouerthrew his stoutest iauizaries , there being reared in constantinople for one extraordinary cast which none could come neere , two great pillars of marble . running and agility of body haue beene esteemed most commendable in the greatest princes and commanders that euer liued ; and the old romanes ( next after trial made of their strength , and view of their limmes and person ) chose their souldiers by running , for it was an old custome among them , to assault the enemy by running all close together in grosse to the charge . and casar tells vs that strokes are surer laid on , and the souldier made more nimble and ready in running and by motion . homer gaue achilles ( which perhaps some of our great feathered gallants would disdaine , yet haply better deserue ) the epithite of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or swiftfooted . and a alexander we reade excelled all his court in running . sertorius a braue commander vnder caesar , could nimbly runne vp the most steepe mountaines , leape broken and vnpasseable rockes , and like inuious places ; insomuch as metellus beeing sent with a powerfull armie against him , he knew neither where to finde him , nor how to come by him , by reason of his nimble footemanship . thereupon he sent his colleague pompey , who beeing by sextorius ouerthrowne at the first encounter , escaped very narrowly ; for beeing vnhorsed , and hauing receiued a great wound , while the souldiers were busied in striuing , some for his horse , others for the most rich furniture ( his caparison , bridle , saddle , stirrops , being in a manner all of gold , and shining with pretious stones of inestimable valew ) watching his opportunity , by swiftnes of foot escaped from them all , and returned safe to his quarter . leaping is an exercise very commendable , and healthfull for the body , especially if you vse it in the morning , as we reade alexander and epimanondas did . vpon a full stomacke or to bedward , it is very dangerous , and in no wise to be exercised . the skill and art of swimming is also very requisite in euery noble and gentleman , especially if he looketh for emploiment in the warres ; for hereby ( besides the preseruing of his owne life vpon infinite occasions , ) he may many waies annoy his enemie . horatius cocles onely by the benefit of swimming saued his country , for when himselfe alone had long defended , and made good the bridge ouer tyber against the hetruscans , the romanes brake it downe behind him , wherewith , in his armour , he casthimselfe into the riuer , & ( notwithstanding a shower of darts & arrowes were sent after him ) swam with safety into the city , which rewarded him with a statue erected in the market place , and as much land as he could encompasse with a plough in a day . and as desperate was the attempt of a number of romane gentlemen in the first carthaginian warre , who leaping in a night from the hatches of their ships into the sea , by maine force thrust and drew the carthaginian shippes into the hauen , and deliuered them to luctatius their generall . and as resolute was that attempt ( no whit inferiour to the former ) of gerrard and haruey , two gentlemen of our owne nation , who in eightie eight in the fight at sea , swam in the night time , and pierced with awgers , or such like instruments , the sides of the spanish gallions , and returned backe safe to the fleete . scauola , a man of inestimable courage , and who came with caesar in his expedition for brittaine , after hee had made good a whole day together , a mightie rocke or passage against the brittaines , in the night time loden with double armes and an heauy shield , cast himselfe into the deepe , and swam safe to caesar and his fleete . neither is it to be wondred at , that the romanes were so skilfull in swimming : for they were daily exercised in the same after their other exercises , and had a place in the riuer of tyber appointed vnto them for the same purpose , adioyning to the field of mars ; and another of great depth , rough and full of whirlpits on purpose , to exercise their horses in . shooting also is a very healthfull and commendable recreation for a gentleman ; neither doe i know any other comparable vnto it for stirring euery part of the body : for it openeth the breast and pipes , exerciseth the armes and feet , with lesse violence , then running , leaping , &c. herein was the emperour domitian so cunning , that let a boy a good distance off hold vp his hand , & stretch his fingers abroad , he would shoote through the spaces without touching the boyes hand , or any finger . and commodus ( saith herodian ) had so good an aime , that he would fixe on the brow of a deere two shafts as euenly , and spreading in distance , as if they had beene his owne hornes . but for the further excellence and vse of this exercise , i referre you to that excellent booke of m. aschams , intituled toxophilus , wherein you shall finde whatsoeuer is requisite to be knowne of a compleate archer . hawking and hunting are recreations very commendable and befitting a noble or gentleman to exercise ; hunting especially , which xenophon commendeth to his cyrus , calling it a gift of the gods , bestowed first vpon chiron for his vprightnesse in doing iustice , and by him taught vnto the old heroës and princes ; by whose vertue and prowesse ( as enabled by this exercise ) their countries were defended , their subiects and innocents preserued , iustice maintained . for there is no one exercise that enableth the body more for the warre , then hunting , by teaching you to endure heate , cold , hunger , thirst ; to rise early , watch late , lie and fare hardly : and eusebius is of opinion , that wilde beasts were of purpose created by god , that men by chasing and encountring them , might be fitted and enabled for warlike exercises . heereupon alexander , cyrus , and the old kings of persia , employed themselues exceeding much herein , not to purchase venison and purucy for the belly , but to maintaine their strength , and preserue their health , by encreasing and stirring vp the naturall heate within , which sloth and sitting still wasts and decaies : to harden the bodies by labour against the enemy ; and withall , to search out the natures of wilde beasts , which knowne , they might leaue the same recorded to their posteritie . and the famous phisitian quercetan , aboue all other exercises commendeth this as most healthfull , and keeping the bodie sound and free from diseases . the old lord gray ( our english achilles ) when hee was deputie of ireland , to inure his sonnes for the war , would vsually in the depth of winter , in frost , snow , raine , and what weather soeuer fell , cause them at midnight to be raised out of their beds , and carried abroad on hunting till the next morning ; then perhaps come wet and cold home , hauing for a breakfast a browne loase , and a mouldie cheese , or ( which is ten times worse ) a dish of irish butter : and in this manner the spartans and laconians dieted , and brought vp their children till they came vnto mans estate . hawking was a sport vtterly vnknowne to the ancients , as blondinus and p. iouius in the second booke of his historie , where he entreateth of the muscouitish affaires witnesseth ; but was inuented and first practised by fredericke barbarossa , when he besieged rome : yet it appeareth by firmicus , that it was knowne twelue hundred yeares since , where he speaketh of falconers , and teachers of other birds : and indeed beyond him , i thinke it can no where be found that falconrie was knowne . there haue beene many who haue written of falconrie , fredericke the second , emperour of germany ( whom melancthon worthily commendeth , and equalleth to the ancient heroës , for his many victories archieued by his valour : his skill in all learning , being able to speake foureteene seuerall languages : his libertie , magnificence , affabilitie , mil●nesse , &c. insomuch , that in him alone , saith he , ended and died the remainder of ancient maiestie ) wrote heereof two excellent bookes , which ioachi●● camerarius ( hauing by him the first coppie in a manuscript ) published together , with a treatise of albertus magnus , of the nature of hawkes , and printed it at norimberge . budaus hath also written a large discourse of hunting and hawking , part whereof is annexed to the latter end of henry estienn●s french and latine dictionarie : in english m. blundeuiles booke is the best that i know . by the canon law hawking was forbidden vnto clergie men , as afterward hunting , by reason the exercise and instruments wherewith beasts are slaine , are militarie , and not so well agreeing ( as they giue the reason ) with spirituall warfare : but i cannot see but that they ( many of them being great princes , and pillars of the church , daily employed and pressed with the weight of state affaires ) may haue their recreatiōs as well as others . but to preuent their pastime , there is such an order taken with their parkes , that many of our best bishopricks can now adaies scarce shew one of ten , or twentie . norwich had thirteene parkes , and of all other was most iniustly dealt withall . if they had taken away twelue and left the odde one , it had beene indifferent ; but to rob the church of all , was more then too much . but as allow not altogether that seuere education of the old spartan● in their children , hazzarding many times the healths of young and tender bodies , by some tedious ague ; yea , also their liues , by the mischance of a leape or stumbling of your horse : so as much doe i detest that effoeminacie of the most that burne out day and night in their beds and by the fire side , in trifles , gaming , or courting their yellow mistresses all the winter in a citie ; appearing but as cuckoes in the spring , one time in the yeare to the countrey and their tenants , leauing the care of keeping good houses at christmas , to the honest yeomen of the countrey . some againe are so intent to their pleasure , that they neuer care for keeping within , as sometime was mithridates , that it is reported of him ; for seauen yeares space together hee neuer came within house , neither in citie nor in the countrey . and barnaby viscount of millan , was so carried away with the loue of hunting , that hee made a law ; whosoeuer should kill any wilde boare , or had killed any in fiue yeares before that his statute was enacted ( contrary vnto an ancient edict ) or were priuy to the eating of any at any gentlemans table , should be imprisoned and tortured after a greeuous manner . beside , he afflicted the countrey marueilously , by dispersing many thousands of dogges to be kept and brought vp in villages and among the paisants , to their infinite trouble and charge . mahomet sonne to amurath , on the contrarie , when he made warre in caramania , turned out of seruice . of his fathers faulconers , and caused as many of olde huntsmen to follow armes , and his campe , in stead of the kennell . cap. . of reputation , and carriage in generall . there is no one thing that setteth a fairer stampe vpon nobilitie then euenesse of carriage and care of our reputation , without which our most gracefull gifts are dead and dull , as the diamond without his foile : for hereupon as one the frontispice of a magnificent pallace , are fixed the eies of all passengers , and hereby the heigth of our iudgements ( euen our selues ) is taken ; according to that of the wiseman , by gate , laughter , and apparrell , a man is knowne what he is . wherefore i call it the crowne of good parts , and loadstone of regard . the principall meanes to preserue it is temperance and that moderation of the minde , wherewith as a bridle wee curbe and breake our ranke and vnruly passions , keeping as the caspian sea , our selues euer at one heigth without ebbe or refluxe . and albeit true it is that galen saith , we are commonly beholden for the disposition of our minds , to the temperature of our bodies , yet much lyeth in our power to keepe that fount from empoisoning , by taking heede to our selues ; and as good cardinall poole once said , to correct the malignitie of our starres with a second birth . for certainly vnder grace it is the roote of our reputation and honest fame ; without the which , as one saith , we are dead long before we are buryed . ● . for moderation of the minde and affections , which is the ground of all honestie , i must giue you that prime receipt the kingly prophet doth to a yong man , teaching him wherewith to cleanse his way , that is ; by keeping , saith he ( oh lord ) thy statutes , meaning the feare of god in generall , without which ( hee euer first striking at the head ) our iudgements are depraued , and left to our selues we are not able to giue any thing his true esteeme and value . therefore first to be truly honest is to bee truly religious , for if the feare of men be a great motiue to keepe our selues within compasse , much more will the feare of god , recall vs from our lusts and intemperance . hereby the minde getteth the dominion and vpperhand , wisely gouerning that goodly kingdome nature hath allotted her . and if it was sometime said of fabiu● , citiùs solē è sua sphara diuelli , quam fabium ab honestate potuisse , how heedfully ought a christian who carrieth the lanterne in his hand , looke to his feete , when an heathen could goe so directly in the darke , onely by the glimpse of nature and without stumbling ? moreouer since the ciuill end of our life is , v● in honore cum dignitate v●vamus , you shall withall finde good learning and the artes to conferre a great helpe and furtherance hereunto , being a polisher of inbred rudenesse and our informitie , and a curer of many diseases our minds are subiect vnto : for we learne not to begge to ourselues admiration from other , or boastingly to lay to view so rich and pretious furniture of our minds , but that we may be vsefull to others , but first to our selues ; least ( as some pretious receipt ) while we keepe that in a boxe which can cure another ; our selues lie lame and diseased . the first vse then hereof ( i meane your learning ) as an antidote against the common plague of our times , let it confirme and perswade you , that as your vnderstanding is by it ennobled with the richest dowrie in the world , so hereby learne to know your owne worth and value , and in choice of your companions , to entertaine those who are religious and learned : for as i said heretofore , conuerse of old was the mother of skill and all vertuous endeauours , so say i now , of all vice and base●es if regard be not had . therefore hold friendship and acquaintance with few , and those i could wish your betters , at the least of your owne ranke , but endeare your selfe to none ; gaud●bis minùs , minies dolebis . the best natures i know delight in popularitie , and are pliable to company-keeping , but many times buy their acquaintance at ouer deare a rate , by being drawne either into base actions and places of which they are ashamed for euer after ; or to needlesse expence by laying out or lending to importunate base and shamelesse companions , gaining losse of their monies , time , sorrow and griefe of friends , disrepute of the better sort , and lastly contempt of the vilest among the common vulgar . anti●chus epiphanes , king of asia , for his popularity and delight in company , was sir-named the mad : and likewise for the same appius claudius was depriued of his office , and fearing beside shame the hatred of the senate , counterfeiting blindnesse , for euer after kept himselfe at home . we reade also of a certaine king of the gothes , who making his souldiers his drinking companions , was for his free and kind heart at the last drowned by them in a tub of ale. nor mistake me that i swerue so much on this side , that i would deny a prince or gentleman the benefit of discourse and conuerse with the meanest : for maiestie and greatnesse cannot alwaies stand so bent , but that it must haue the remission and relaxation sometime to descend from the court to the cottage , which cannot choose but giue it the better tast and rellish . adrian the emperour would most curteously conferre with the meanest , detesting those his high minded courtiers , who vnder a colour of preseruing his estate and honour , enuied him this sweetnesse of humilitie and priuacie . vespasian in like manner was woont not onely to salute the chiefe senators of rome , but euen priuate men , inuiting them many times to dine and suppe with him , himselfe againe going vnto their houses . philopoemen was so curteous and went so plaine , his hostesse in meg●ra tooke him for a s●ruing-man . and certainly this affabilitie and curtesie in greatnesse , draweth our eyes like flowers in the spring , to behold , and with admiration to loue it wheresoeuer we finde it . there is no better signe ( saith one ) in the world of a good and vertuous disposition , then when a prince or gentleman maketh choice of learned and vertuous men for his companions ; for presently he is imagined to bee such an one as those to whom he ioyneth himselfe : yea saith aristotle , it is a kinde of vertuous exercise to bee conuersant with good and vnderstanding men . whom then you shall entertaine into the closet of your brest , first sound their religion ; then looke into their liues and carriage , how they haue beene reckoned of others . lastly , to their qualitie how or wherein they may be vsefull vnto you , whether by aduice and counsell , direction , helpe in your studies , or seruiceablenesse in your exercise and recreations . there is nothing more miserable them to want the counsell of a friend , and an admonish●r in time of neede : which hath beene and is daily the bane of many of our yong gentlemen , euen to the vtter ruine of themselues and their posteritie for euer . who when like alciates fig-tree vpon the high and innacessible rocke , they are out of reach and cannot be come vnto by men who would dresse and preserue them ; espied a farre off are onely preyed vpon and haunted by vultures and dawes ; and while one addeth fewell to the fire of his expence , for the which he is like to pay twentie for two , at twentie and one ; another sootheth him in play ( knowing the best fishing is in troubled waters ) another tēdreth him a match of light stuffe : all at once preying for themselues , these greene things of sixteene or eighteene are quite deuoured before they were ripe . wherefore i must next commend vnto you frugality , the mother of vertues , a vertue which holdeth her owne , layeth out profitably , auoideth idle expences , superfluity , lauish bestowing or giuing , borrowing , building , and the like : yet when reason requireth can be royally bountifull , a vertue as requisite in a noble or gentleman , as the care of his whole estate , and preseruation of his name and posterity ; yet as greatly wanting in many , as they come short of the reputation and entire estates of their forefathers , who account thrift the obiect of the plow or shoppe , too base and vnworthy their consuleration , while they impose their faire estates and most important businesse , vpon a cheating steward , or craftie bailiffe , who in few yeares ( like the young cuckow ) are ready to deuoure their feeder ; and themselues like sleepie pilots , hauing no eye to the compasse , or sounding their estates , are runne on ground ere they be aware . first then assoone as you shall be able , looke into your estate , labouring not onely to conserue it entire , but to augment it either by a wise forethought , marriage , or by some other thriftie meanes : and thinke the more yee are laden with abundance , the more neede ( like a vine ) ye haue neede of props and your soundest friends to aduise you . neither doe i imagine you will be so rash as to giue no care to good counsell , to your ruine , as caesar did , when hee refused a booke of a poore scholler , wherein the intended plot against him was discouered . marcus ca●o , who was so victorious in warre , so prudent in peace , so eloquent in the oratorie , learned in the lawes , neglected not thereby his estate , but looked , as livi● saith of him , euen into his husbandry himselfe : and plutarch writeth of philopoemen , a great and famous commander , that notwithstanding his great affaires and employments , hee would euery morning bee stirring by breake of day , and eyther to dressing of his vines , digging or following his plough : and cicero to heighthen the honor of king d●iostar●s reporteth thus of him , in deiotaro sunt regia virtutes , quod i● ca●sar , ignorare non arbitror , sed pr●●cip●è singularis & admiranda frugali●as . and the romanes had a lawe that hee who could not looke into his owne estate , and imploy his land to the best , should forfeite the same , and be held for a foole or a mad man all his life after . aristid●s , albeir he was an excellent man otherwise , yet herein he was so carelesse that at his death he neither loft portion for his daughters , nor so much as would carry him to the ground , and defray the charge of his funerall . be thriftie also in your apparrell and clothing , least you incurre the censure of the most graue and wisest censor , cui magna corporis cultus cura , 〈◊〉 magna virtutis inturia : and henry the fourth , last king of france of eternall memory , would oftentimes merily say , by the outside onely , he could found the depth of a courtier : saying , who had least in them made the fairest shew without , inviting respect with gold lace and great feathers , which will not be wonne with toyes . neyther on the contrary , be so basely parsunonious or frugall , as is written of one of the kings of france , in whose accounts in the eschequer are yet remaining . item so much for red satten to sleeue the kings old doublet : item a halfe-penny for liquor for his bootes , and so foorth . or to bee knowne by a hat or doublet tenne or twenty yeares ; then with some miserable vsurer curse the maker for the slightnesse of his felt or sluffe , murmuring it will not last to see the reuolution of the first moouer . but vsing that moderate and middle garbe , which shall rather lessen then make you bigger then you are ; which h●th been● , and is yet obserued by our greatest princes , who in outside goe many times inferiour to their groomes and pages . that glory and champion of christendome , charles the fift , would goe ( except in times of warre ) as plaine as any ordinary gentleman , commonly in blacke or sadde stuffe , without lace or any other extraordinary cost ; onely his order of the golden fleece about his necke in a ribband : and was so naturally frugall , not out of parsimonie ( being the most bountifull minded prince that euer liued ) that as guicciardin● reporteth of him , if any one of his points had chanced to breake , he would tye it of a knot and make it serue againe . and i haue many times seene his excellence the prince of orange that now is , in the field , in his habite as plaine as any country gentleman , wearing commonly a suite of haire-coloured slight stuffe of silke , a plaine gray cloake and hat , with a greene feather , his hatband onely exceeding rich . and ambrose spin●la generall for the archduke , when he lay in weasell at the taking of it in , one would haue taken , but for an ordinary merchant in a plaine suite of black . and the plainnes of the late duke of norfolke derogated nothing from his esteeme . so that you see what a pitifull ambition it is , to striue to bee first in a fashion , and a poore pride to seeke your esteeme and regard , from wormes , shells , and tailors ; and buy the gaze of the staring multitude at a thousand , or fifteene hundred pounds , which would apparrell the duke and his whole ●rande consiglio of venice . but if to do your prince honour , at a tilting , employed in embassage , comming in of some great stranger , or you are to giue entertainment to princes or noble personages at your house , as did cosmo de medici , or haply ye command in the warres , spare not to be braue with the brauest . philopoemen caused his souldiours to beespare in apparrell and diet ( saith plutarch , ) and to come honourably armed into the field : wherefore hee commanded in goldsmiths shoppes to breake in peeces pots of gold and siluer , and to be imployed in the siluering of bittes , guilding of armours , inlaying of saddles , &c. for the sumptuo●s cost vpon warlike furniture , doth encourage and make great a noble heart : but inother sights it carryeth away mens minds to a womanish vanitie , and melting the courage of the mind , ( as homer saith it did achill●s , when his mother laid new armes and weapons at his feete . ) the spaniard when he is in the field , is glorious in his cassocke , and affecteth the wearing of the richest iewels ; the french huge feathers , scarlet , and gold lace : the english , his armes rich , and a good sword : the italians pride is in his neapolitan courser : the germanes and low dutch to be dawbed with gold and pearle , wherein ( say they ) there is no losse except they be lost . but herein i giue no prescripon . i now come to your diet , wherein be not onely frugall for the sauing of your purse , but moderate in regard of your health , which is empaired by nothing more then excesse in eating and drinking ( let me also adde tobacco taking . ) many dishes breede many diseases , dulleth the mind and vnderstanding , and not onely shorten , but take away life . we reade of augustus that he was neuer curious in his di●t , but content with ordinary and common viandes . and cato the censor , sayling into spaine , dranke of no other drinke then the rowers or slaues of his owne galley . and timotheus duke of athens was wont to say , ( whō plato invited home to him to supper , ) they found thēselues neuer distempered . contrary to our feastmakers , who suppose the glory of entertainment , and giuing the best welcome to consist in needelesse superfluities and profuse waste of the good creatures , as scylla made a banquet that lasted many dayes , where there was such excessiue abundance , that infinite plenty of victualls were throwne into the riuer , and excellent wine aboue forty yeares old spilt and made no account of ; but by surfetting and banquetting , at last he gat a most miserable disease and dyed full of lice . and ca●sar in regard of his lybian triumph , at one banquet filled two and twenty thousand roomes with ghests , and gaue to euery citizen in rome ten bushels of wheate , and as many pounds of oyle , and besides three hundred pence in mony . we reade of one smyndirides , who was so much giuen to feasting , and his ease , that hee saw not the sunne rising nor setting in twenty yeares ; and the sybarites forbad all smiths and knocking in the streetes , and what thing soeuer that made any noise , to bee within the city walls , that they might eate and sleepe : whereupon they banished cocks out of the city , and invented the vse of chamberpots , and bad women a yeare before to their feasts , that they might haue leisure enough to make themselues fine and braue with gold and iewels . aboue all , learne betimes to auoide excessiue drinking , then which there is no one vice more common and reigning , and ill beseeming a gentleman , which if growne to an habit , is hardly left ; remembring that hereby you become not fit for any thing , hauing your reason degraded , your body distempered , your soule hazarded , your esteeme and reputation abased , while you sit taking your vnwholesome healthes , — vt iam vertigine tectum ambulet , & geminis exsurgat mensa lucernis . — vntill the house about doth turne , and on the board two candles seeme to burne . by the leuiticall law , who had a glutton or a drunkard to their sonne , they were to bring him before the elders of the city , and see him stoned to death . and in spain● at this day they haue a law that the word of him that hath beene convicted of drunkennesse , shall not bee taken in any testimony . within these fiftie or threescore yeares it was a rare thing with vs in england , to see a drunken man , our nation carrying the name of the most sober and temperate of any other in the world . but since we had to doe in the quarrell of the netherlands , about the time of sir iohn norrice his first being there , the custome of drinking and pledging healthes was brought ouer into england : wherein let the dutch bee their owne iudges , it we equall them not ; yea i thinke rather excell them . tricongius and the old romanes had lawes and statutes concerning the art of drinking , which it seemes , are reuiued , and by our drunkards obserued to an haire . it being enacted , that he who after his drinks faltered not in his speech , vomited not , n●yther reeled , if he dranke off his cups clean●ly , seek not his wind in his draughs , spit not , left nothing in the pot , nor spilt any vpon the ground , he had the prize , & was accounted the brauest man. if they were contented herewith , it were well , but they daily inue●t new and damnable kinds of carrow●ing ( as that in north-holland and frizeland ( though among the baser sort ) of vpsi● monikedam , which is , after you haue drunke out the drinke to your friend or companion , you must breake the glasse full vpon his face , and if you misse , you must drinke againe , ) whence proceede quarrelling , re●iling , and many times execrable murthers , as alexander was slain in his drunkennesse ; and domitius , nero's father slew liberius out right , because he would not pledge him a whole carrowse , and hence arise most quarrells among our gallant drunkards : vnto whom if you reade a lecture of sobrietie , and how in former ages their forefathers dranke water , they sweare water is the frogges drinke , and ordained onely for the driuing of milles , and carrying of boates . neither desire i , you should be so abstemious , as not to remember a friend with an hearty draught , since wine was created to make the heart merry , for what is the life of man if it want wine ? moderately taken it preserueth health , comforteth and disperseth the naturall heate ouer all the whole body , allayes cholericke humours , expelling the same with the sweate , &c. tempereth melancholly . and as one saith , hath in it selfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a drawing vertue to procure friendship . at your meate to be liberall and freely merry , is very healthy and comely , and many times the stranger or guest will take more content in the chearelinesse of your countenance , then in your meate . augustus the emperour had alwayes his mirth greater then his feasts . and suctonius saith of titus , vespasians sonne , he had euer his table furnished with mirth and good company . and the old lord treasurer of england , lord william burghley , how emploied soeuer in state affaires , at his table hee would lay all businesse by , and bee heartily merry . charles the great vsed at his meates to haue some history read , whereof hee would afterwards discourse . and francis the first , king of france , would commonly dispute of history , cosmography , poetry . his maiesty our soueraigne , altogether in points and profound questions of diuinity . when i was in virocht , and liued at the table of that honourable gentleman , sir iohn ogle , lord gouernour , whither resorted many great schollers and captaines , english , scottish , french , and dutch , it had beene enough to haue made a scholler or souldier , to haue obserued the seuerall disputations and discourses among many strangers , one while of sundry formes of battailes , sometime of fortification , of fireworkes , history , antiquities , heraldrie , pronunciation of languages , &c. that his table seemed many times a little academic . in your discourse be free and affable , giuing entertainment in a sweete and liberall manner , and with a cheerefull courtesie , seasoning your talke at the table among graue and serious discourses , with conceipts of wit and pleasant inuention , as ingenious epigrammes , emblemes , anagrammes , merry tales , wittie questions and answers , mistakings , as a melancholy gentleman sitting one day at a table , where i was , started vp vpon the suddaine , and meaning to say , i must goe buy a dagger , by transposition of the letters , said : sir , i must goe dye a begger . a plaine country man being called at an assize to bee a witnesse about a piece of land that was in controuersie , the iudge calling , said vnto him , sirrha , how call you that water that runnes on the south-side of this close ? my lord ( quoth the fellow ) our water comes without calling . a poore souldier with his musket and rest in breda , came one day in , and set him downe at the nether end of the prince of orange his table , as he was at dinner ( whit●●r none might bee priuiledged vnder the degree of a gentleman at the least to come : ) the gentleman-vsher of the prince demanded of him , if hee were a gentleman : yes quoth the souldier , my father was a goldsmith of andwarpe : but what can you doe in your fathers trade , ( quoth he ) i can set stones in mortar , for he was a bricklaier , and helped masons in their workes . for epigrammes , pasquine will afford you the best and quickest i know . you shall haue them all bound in two volumes . i remember hee tells vs once vpon a sunday morning , pasquine had a sowle shirt put on , and being asked the cause , pasquine made answer , because my laundresse is become a countesse . you shall haue a taste of some of my anagram● such as they are . vpon the prince . carolvs . ô clarus . charles prince of wales . all fraunce cries , ô helpe vs. of the queene of bohemia and princesse palatine of the rhene , my gracious ladie , elisabetha stevarta , has artes beata velit . being requested by a noble and religious ladie , who was sister to the old lord , de la ware , to try what her name would afford , it gaue me this : iane west . entua iesû . and vpon the name of a braue and beautifull ladie , wife to sr. robert mordaunt , sonne and heire to sr. le straunge mordaunt knight and barronet in the country of norfolke : amie mordaunt . tumore dianam . tumore dianam . minerua , domat . me induat amor . nuda , ó te miram . vi tandem amor . vpon the name of a faire gentlewoman this in italian : anna dvdlaeia . e●la nuda diana . vpon a sweete and modest young gentlewoman , mistris maria mevtas . tuame amaris to comfort my selfe liuing in a towne , where i found not a scholler to conuerse withall , nor the kindest respect as i thought : i gaue this my poesie , the same backward and forward svbi dvra arvdibvs . of m. doctor hall deane of worcester , this , added to the body of a glorie , wherein was written iehouah in hebrew , resembling the deitie . ioseph hall all his hope . of a vertuous and faire gentlewoman at the request of my friend who bar● her good will : francis barney . barres in fancy . and this , theod●sia dixon . a deo dixit honos : or o dea , dixit honos . of my good friend m. doct. dowland , in regard hee had slipt many opportunities in aduancing his fortunes , and a rare lut●nist as any of our nation , beside one of our greatest masters of musicke for composing : i gaue him an embleme with this ; ioannes dovlandvs . annos iudendo hausi . there were at one time in rome very wittie and vnhappy libels cast forth vpon the whole cōsistory of cardinals in the nature of emblemes . i remember cardinal farnesi had for his part a storke deuouring a frogge , with this , mordeo non morde●tes . bellarmine a tiger fast chained to a post , in a scroule proceeding from the beasts mouth in italian : da mi mia libertà , vederete chi io sono : that is , giue me my libertie , you shall see what i am , meaning perhaps he would be no longer , &c. and those were very knauish that were throwne vp and downe the court of france , the escotcheon or armes of the partie on the one side of a pastboard , and some ingenious deuice on the other ; as one had the armes of the house of di medici of florence , on the one side , on the other an inkhorne with the mouth turned downward , with this tart pasquil : elle faut d'encre : and so of the whole court. emblemes and impresa's if ingeniously conceipted , are of daintie deuice and much esteeme . the inuention of the italian herein is very singular , neither doe our english wits come much behind them , but rather equall them euery way . the best that i haue seene , haue beene the deuises of ti●tings , whereof many are reserued in the priuate gallery at white hall , of sr. phillip sidn●ie's , the earle of cumberland , sr. henry leigh , the late earle of essex , with many others , most of which i once collected with intent to publish them , but the charge disswaded me . but aboue all , in your talke and discourse haue a care euer to speake the truth , remembring there is nothing that can more preiudice your esteeme then to be lauishtongued in speaking that which is false , and disgracefully of others in their absence . the persians and indians had a law , that whosoeuer had beene thrice conuicted of speaking vntruth , should vpon paine of death neuer speake word all his life after . cato would suffer no man to bee praised or dispraised , but vsed alwaies such discourse as was profitable to the hearers ; for as one saith , dict●ria minuum maiestatem . iestes and scoffes doe lessen mai●stie and greatnesse , and should be farre from great personages , and men of wisedome . chap. . of trauaile . i will conclude with trauaile , which many disallow in gentlemen , yea and some great trauellers themselues ; but mee thinkes they are as one who hath filled his owne belly , and denieth the dish to his fellow . in my opinion nothing rectifieth and confirmeth more the iudgment of a gentleman in forteine affaires , teacheth him knowledge of himselfe , and setleth his affection more sure to his owne country , then trauaile doth : for if it be the common law of nature , that the learned should haue rule ouer and instruct the ignorant , the experienced , the vnexperienced , what concerneth more nobility , taking place aboue other , then to be learned and wise ? and where may wisedome be had , but from many men , and in many places ? hereupon we find the most eminent and wise men of the world to haue beene the greatest trauailers ( to omit the patriarches and apostles themselues in holy writ ) as plato , pythagoras , aristotle , theophrastus , osyris king of aegypt , who trauelled a great part of the world , and caused to be engrauen vpon his sepulcher , heere vnder i lie king osyris , eldest sonne of saturne , who haue left no part of the world vnsearched , whitherto i haue not come , teaching againe whatsoeuer i haue found , for the vse and commoditie of mankinde . and xenophon to intimate vnto vs the benefit and excellent vse of trauaile , saith that cambyses , by his trauaile learned many excellent things , which he taught cyrus his sonne : and hauing trauailed as farre as mero● ( as a perpetuall monument of his long voyage ) he built a citie in the forme of a persian shield . and it was the vsuall boast of alexander ( said archelaus a cosmographer ) that he had found out more with his eies , then other kings were able to comprehend in thought : and to no small commendation of himselfe , menelaus in homer , reporteth that hee had beene in aegypt , cyprus , phoenicia , and seene thebes hauing an hundred gates , and at euery gate two hundred horse-men for the guard . but say some , few of our gentlemen are bettered by their trauaile , but rather returne home worse then they went in manners , and many times in religion , therefore it were better they ●arried still at home , according to clandian : fulix qui patrijs avum transegit in agris , ipsa domus puerum quem vid●t ipsa senem : qui bacule nit●●s , in qua repta●it arena , vni●● numerat sacula longa casa . hee 's blest who in 's owne countrie ends his daies , whose homestead see 's his old age and his birth , &c. but this happinesse is but pu●rorum bea●●tude , as one saith ; and the greatest vnhappinesse to the truly generous and industrious minde . if therefore you intend to trauell , you must first propound vnto your selfe ; the end , which either is ad v●luptatem vel ad vtilitatem , pleasure or profit . for the first , euery one naturally affecteth , and the foole himselfe is tickled with the sight of strange townes , towers and habits of people . therefore you must hold you to the other which is profit , which againe hath two branches , your owne priuate , or the publique ; your priuate , as the recouery of your health , by some outlandish meanes , as the water of the spaw , some phisitian , famous for his cure in such & such kinds , change of aire , or gaining as a merchant by trasique , or some profession wherein you excell others . the publique is the generall good of your countrey , for which we are all borne , it challenging a third part of vs. but before you trauaile into a strange countrey , i wish you ( as i haue heretofore said ) to be well acquainted with your owne ; for i know it by experience , that many of our yong gallants , haue gone ouer with an intent to passe by nothing vnseene , or what might bee knowne in other places ; when they haue beene most ignorant here in their owne natiue countrey , and strangers to their iust reproofe could discourse , and say more of england then they . in your passage , i must giue you in either hand a light , preseruation , and obseruation . preseruation of your minde , from errors , and ill manners ; of your bodie from distemperature , either by ouer eating , drinking , violent or venereal exercise . for there is not any nation in the world more subiect vnto surfets then our english are , whether it proceedeth frō the constitution of our bodies , ill agreeing with the hotter climates , or the exchange of our wholsome diet and plentie , for little and ill drest ; or the greedinesse of their fruits and hotte wines , wherewith onely wee are sometime constrained to fill our bellies , i am not certaine . no lesse perill there is , ab istis callidis & calidis soli●●●liabus , which almost in euery place will offer themselues , or be put vpon you by others . keepe the fountaine of your minde from being empoisoned , especially by those serpents , error and atheisme , which you shall finde lurking vnder the fairest flowers : and though you heare the discourses of all , and listen to the charmes of some , discouer your religion or minde to none , but resembling the needle of the compasse , howsoeuer for a while mooued or shaken , looke northerly , and be constant to one . to be carried away with euery fancie and opinion , is to walke with c●i● in the land of * giddinesse , the greatest punishment that god laied vpon him . before you enter into obseruation , first seeke the language that you may be fit for conference , and where the language is best spoken there settle , and furnish your selfe with the discreetest and most able masters . for as heere in england , so in other places , the language is spoken with more elegancie and puritie in some places more then others . for the french , orleans and thereabouts is esteemed the best . florence for the italian , lipsick for the high dutch , and valledolid for the spanish . to helpe you in coniugating your verbes , you may vse the helpe a while of a grammer of that language , but in generall you must expect your perfection from conference ; for hereby the true accent , and the natiue grace of pronunciation ( which no booke can teach ) is onely attained . now aswell for neighbourhood sake , as that the french tongue is chiefely affected among our nobility , it being a copious and a sweete language , wherein so many famous workes by as great wits as any euer europe bred , haue beene published : i wish you first of all to see france , being seated vnder a temperate and most wholesome climate , and shall not endanger your health so much , as being sent vpon the suddaine from a colde countrey , into the scorching heate of another more remote . i will not stand to make any topographicall description of the countrey , i being herein both preuented long since by a faithfull pen ; beside i remember i am to write onely one chapter , not a volume . you shall finde the french , i meane of the noblest and better sort , generally free and curteous , vnto whom euen among their princes , state and maiesticque retirednesse are burthensome , so that sometime you shall see them familiar with the meanest . la nouë speaking of the french nobilitie , saith elle est tres vallere●se & courtoise : et ● y à estat en la chrestienté , on elle soit 〈◊〉 si grand ●●●brè . they are exceeding valiant and curteous , and there is no estate in christendome where they are in so great number . they delight for the most part in horsemanship , fencing , hunting , dancing , and little esteeme of learning and gifts of the minde ; contrary to the custome of the ancient roman●s , as cate the cens●r , c●sar , pa●lus aemylius and many others , no lesse famous for knowledge then action ; whereof themselues and their friends oftentimes complaine . commi●●s layeth the fault vpon the remissenesse of parents in their education . il● nourissent leur enfans seulement à faire les s●ts , en habillements et en par●lles : de nulle le●tre ils n'ont cognoissance , they breed their children to play the wa●ton fooles , both in apparell and words , but as for learning they know nothing . the french are full of discourse , quicke witted , sudden in action , and generally light and inconstant ; which c●sar found long since , writing of them , quod sunt in consilijs capiendis mobiles , & nouis plerumque rebus student , and else-where , he calles galloru● subita & repentina consilia , moreouer as among the spanish and dutch , one fashion of apparell still obserued amongst them , argueth a constancie of minde and humour , so their change and varietie , their vainnesse and leuitie ; for euery two yeere their fashion altereth . their exercises are for the most part tennise play , pallemaile , shooting in the crosse-bow or peece , and dancing . concerning their dyet , it is nothing so good or plentifull as ours , they contenting themselues many times with meane viandes● onely in the solemne feasts , and banquets of entertainment , they are bountifull enough , yea farre exceede vs : as for the poore paisant , he is faine oftentimes to make vp his meale with a mushrome , or his grenoilles ( in english frogs , ) the which are in paris and many other places commonly sold in the market . concerning their building , is it very magnificent and i know not whether in all europe , any buildings may for maiesty and state be compared with those of france , ( though they haue beene miserably spoiled by the last ciuill wars ) they being the best architects of the world ; vpon the view of some of which ( as breathing on a faire hill ) i will detaine you a while . and first wee will begin with the lovure in paris . the lovure is the royall seate of the kings of france , famous throughout all europe , situate neere to the towne walles on the west side : by which ru●neth the riuer of se●●e , which in old time serued rather for a fortresse then a kings house , and herein was a tower wherein were kept the king● reuenues and treasure . which after by king francis the first , was pulled downe , and in this place was begun the building of the front , which is of masonry , so enriched with pillars , frizes , architr●●es and all sort of architecture with such excellent symmetry and beauty , that throughout all europe , you shall hardly finde the like . it was begunne by francis the first , finished by henry his sonne , vnder the appointment of the lord of clagny , and afterwards encreased by francis the second , charles the . last of all made the wonder of all other workes by that beautifull gallery , the worke of henry the . the tuilleries sometime belonged to the suburbes of saint honorè in paris , by the side of the lovure , and was indeed a place wherein they made tiles , and by reason there were many faire gardens about it , the queene mother drawing the plot her selfe , seeing it a pleasant and fit place , began first to build here . it is a roiall worke all of free stone . the portall or entrance is very stately of marble pillars and iasper . fontaineblea● is scituate in the forrest of biere , in a plaine encompassed with great woods , and was in olde time a retiring place for the kings of france . francis the first , who loued to build , tooke great pleasure in this seate and builded here the house , as we see it at this present ; the base court hereof is esteemed the fairest of all franc●● in the second court there is the purest and fairest fountaine esteemed in the world , wherefore it was called bell●●au● , and so fontaine belle 〈◊〉 . r. francis loued this place so well , that he spent most of his time here , beautifying it while hee liued with all sorts of commodities , goodly galleries , sto●es , &c. and caused the r●rest masters of europ● in painting tobe sent for , for the beautifying it with all manner of histories . also heere he placed the rarest antiquities he could get . in briefe , whatsoeuer he could wrap or wring , he thought too little for this place ; it is about . . leagues from paris . bl●is is an ancient castle 〈◊〉 from the riuer of lo●●e vpon an hill . here the old kings of france were wont to reside , especially louis the twelfth tooke delight in this place , who was called pater patri● . it hath belonging vnto it two goodly forrests , one on this side the riner , the other on the other . going forth of the gardens of the house , you passe into the forrest vnder foure rowes of elmes , at the least . hundred paces : this is rather remarkeable for the antiquity then the beauty . the towne standeth beneath , about the which are these faire places within . or . leagues , bury , b●●●●●gard , ville-sansm , chind●ny , and some others . amboise is one of the principall buildings of france , it also standeth vpon the loire vpon a high sea●● ; at the foote hereof is the towne , and neere that a goodly forrest : this castle is seene a great way off both by the hill , and the valley yeelding so goodly a prospect , as i neuer beheld a better , for from the terrasses that enuiron the castle , you may easily discerne tours and the abbay of mar●●●stier seauen leagues off ; the castle standeth vpon a rocke , at the foote whereof there is a cloister . this house is in picardi● , vpon the way from paris to soissons , distant from paris . leagues , . from soiss●n● ; it standeth close vpon the forrest of ret●● it is of very great receipt , as may appeare by the enclosure of the par●e . here king francis ( whose onely delight was in building ) for many yeares together set mason● a work● , the rather because it adioyned vnto the greatest ●orrest of all france , himselfe louing hunting exceedingly . here are the goodliest walkes in europe , for the tre●s themselues are placed in curious knots , as we vse to set our her●●s in gardens . charleval is in normandy vpon the way from paris to r●v●n , neere to the village of fl●●ry . it was built by charles the . at the instance of the lord of 〈◊〉 it standeth in a valley enclosed with mountaines aboue , which is the forrest of lyons : among ●hose mountaines are many goodly prospects one within another , it is . leagues by a pleasant valley easily discerned to the riuer seime● had it beene quite finished it had been● the chiefe building of france . this castle or royal house is called b●is de vin●●●● it is scituate within one league of paris , and two of saint denuis the place of buriall of the french kings , so that these three stand in a manner in a triangle . it is a very sumptuous worke and of admirable art : it was begun by charles countie of valeis , brother to philiy the faire , and finished a good while after by charles the fift . this house hath many faire courts in it , withall about it a parke , containing in circuit , or . thousand pace● , which amount to two leagues and an halfe , stretching on the south , euen vnto the riuer of s●ine , and by north vnto the riuer of mar●● , which ioyning at the village of constuen●● ( so called of their meeting ) neere chare●●●●● fall downe vnto paris . this in ancient times was the vsuall court and abode of the french kings , but now little freequented , and falling in a manner to ruine . but i omit farther to speake as well of the royall houses , and those of the noblesse , being indeed the beauty of france . whereof there are many other , as s. ma●● , chen●ncean , chamb●●rg , boul●gu● , creil , coussie , folembray , montargis , s. germain and la mu●tl● , which are all the kings houses and worthy your view and regard , if you happen to finde them in your way . in briefe hold france for one of the most rich , fertilest , and brauest kingdomes of the world. and since spaine and france , are but one continent , let vs passe the pyrenean hils , and take some obseruations there . spaine lyeth southerly from france , in northerne latitude from . to . degrees or there about , in the same heigth and paralell with the azores ilands . it is farre hotter then fra●●e , a very dry country , yet abounding in sweet springs , riuers , and all sorts of fruites . pasture there is little or none in respect of the great heat , but infinitely furnished with vineyards , oliue trees , hauing corne sufficient saue onely in the skirts of the country , which are mountainous , hilly and barren , yet abounding in goates and other cattell . for victuals you shall finde it very scarce , not that the counttey affordeth not a sufficiency , but that the people beingby cōstitution , hot & dry , are not able to digest heauy and more solid meat , like vnto ours ; but rather chuse fruits , sallets and sweet meates , as mermalade , by them called membrillada ( for membrill● is a quince ) and conserues of all sorts , for coolenesse and lightnesse of digestion . the people are by nature generally proud and haughty , but withall very ciuill , faithfull to their friend , and aboue all to their prince , for seldome or neuer haue any of that nation bin known to haue bin traitors : their souldiers are infatigable , resolute , and obedient vnto their commanders , but withall lasciuiously giuen , and too cruell in victory . the gentry affect not the countrey , but desire to liue in walled townes altogether , where they dedicate themselues either to some imployment of state , or businesse of warre , saue such who are of the better sort , dedicated to the church , of whom there is at the least a third part . their habite in apparell is all one for colour and fashion , which hardly makes a distinction of parties ; onely they are discerned by their seruants ( in whom they obserue an excellent equipage ) their regelado horses , ca●oches and horselitters . the women are blacke , and little , but very well fauoured , and for discourse admirable : these haue a more eminent distinction of habit , and are all discerned by their apparell of what qualitie they are , they affect strangers much , and are liberall in their conuerse with them . the heart of the countrey is very scarce of fish , that which they haue , are either tons or pilchards , brought salted from biscay , on the one side , and from valencia on the other : yea , the church for want of fish is faine to giue a licence to cate the entrailes of beasts vpon fasting dayes . all their meate , fruits and bred are sold by the pound , and not except before an officer which they call alcalda , so that no stranger can be dec●iued either in waight or price . they treade their corne out with oxen in the fielde assoone as it is reaped , their mules and horses eating the straw with barley , for oates they are not so well acquainted with . it is a countrey for trauaile very combersome in respect of lodging and dyet , except when you come into the walled townes , where you shall according to their manner be accommodated well enough . they trauaile all on mules , keeping their horses for beautie and shew , putting them to no vse , saue onely to be led vp and downe . their coines are the best of europe , ●ince all their neighbours make a gaine of them , as a peece of eight reals ( or sixe pence of our money ) goeth in france for foure shillings & sixe pence : a doublon in gold , that which is a pistolet with them , being thirteene shillings , is in france and other places . reals , which is . s. . pence of our money . most of the coine that passeth for ordina●y and triuiall things , as wine , bread , melons , peaches , is of brasse , which they cal quartas and quartillias . of their marauedies , twenty make three pence . their buildings are faire and stately , and the king , though hee hath many goodly houses & palaces , as in siuill . granado , toledo , cordo●a , valladolid , &c. yet the esc●rial , seuen leagues from madrid , is the place where the king most resides , and this exceedes all the buildings of christendome , for beauty and curiosity in contriuing , to which i● adioyned one of the goodliest monasteries of the world , wherein are to be seene the rarest water-workes that men can deuise . spaine being diuided into many kingdomes or prouinces , you are allowed to carry about you , onely but an hundred reals ; what you haue aboue it is forfeited , and for that purpose , at euery bridge or passage where the countries part , you are to be searched . and i hope you haue heard so much of the inquisition and the danger thereof , that i shall not here need to giue you any caueat . na●arre affordeth , by reason of the mountaines , a very hard passage . whereof pampel●na is the chiefe citie , herein are the best muttons , and made the strongest wines : this countrey is so abundant in rosemary , that they make it their ordinary fewell in heating their ouens , and for their other vses . aragon aboundeth in wine and corne , which portugall so wanteth , that all the corne in that kingdome is not able to suffice lisbone onely , but they are faine to haue it of the bretaigners , hollanders , and from the azores ilands . last of all it is worthy the noting , how that in their vniuersities , as salamanca , alcala , c●nimbra , &c. and other of their colledges , they care little for the latine , but dispute and keepe their exercises in spanish or the portugueze tongue , yet haue they great schollers in all professions . thus haue i onely giuen you a taste how and what , especially to obserue in your trauaile . i willingly omit to speake of italie , germany , and other countries , by reason they haue beene so exactl● described by master sands and others , vnto whose ample discourses ( excepting your personall experience ) i referre you , it being here mine onely intent , but to giue you some few directions in generall : and so i conclude , wishing all happinesse to your selfe , and prosperous successe to your studies . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e pindar . in ne●sis , ode . io●●es monach . in vita alexandri . regum . cap. . ver . . ignatius lib. epist. cap. . cicero . arist. in e●●icis . notes for div a -e sy●●● in his fairy queene . nobilitie defined . aentas siluius lib. . de ge●●is alyhonsi . georg. f●s●●llus this happened at the councell of constance , where the doctors and knights were ( about some serious businesse ) diuided into two seueral assemblies . a pertinax , or stubborne , so sir-named , because he came from his father , who would haue made him a scholler , he choosing rather to be a wood-monger . capitolinus ● . see the treasure of times . ex historia lo●●●bard . the inge●●●ous reply of colonell edmonds . plutarch . in lycurgi & numa comp . machiauell . hist. floren●in . lib. . a described by lucian to be aged , b●ld , & wrinckled , browne coloured , clad with a lio●s skin , holding in his right hand a club , in his left a bow , with a q●●●er at his back , & long small chaines of gold and amber fastned through little holes to the tip of his tongue , drawing a multitude of people willing to ●ollow after him , onely shaddowing vnto vs the power of eloquence . plato in timaeo . pi●r . vak●●●● lib. . of bastardie . . question . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in andr●●eda . concerning vice and basenesse . concerning pouertie . . question . of aduocates and phisitians . . question . extat lex constantini , lib. . co●ici● . aristophanes in pluto . to whom was first giuen , being a deuoute and most religious king , the gift of curing the kings euill , whence it hath beene deriued to our kings of england his successors . of merchants . question . hippolitus à collibus , axiom , de nobilitate . chrysost , super mathaeum . francis. pa●●icium de repub. lib. . cap. . arist. politic . . cap. . of salomons merchants . see chronicles . cap. . verse . chron. . . verse . of mechanicall arts and artists . . question . xenophon in occ●●●mica . a faint and spent reason . ●ippolyt . à coll. in axiomat . nobilis atis . the fruit and vse of nobilitie . which was the office of a ba●on in ancient times . in lexic● . demost. oly●th . ● . a concord makes might hippolytu● à collibus . notes for div a -e si ad naturam eximiam eruditi● accesseris 〈…〉 singulare quoddam existere sole● , cit. ●te a●chia po●ta . nic●phorus , lib. . cap. . regum . . cap. . . psalm . ● . prou. . plato , lib. . de re●ub . ecclesiast . . vo●isc●i● taci● . plutarch in corialano . eutropiu●● plutarch . alcia● . in emblem . iacob . wimphe 〈◊〉 . appian . notes for div a -e plato p●litic . . in ph●●dre . the first and maine errors of masters . in e●bi● . cicero pro rose . comaedo . quintilian , lib. inst●ti● . . cap. . virgil. senec. de moribus . erasm. in epist. ad ( christianum iubece●sem . pl●● . epist. l●b . . clcero pr● plan● . conue●se with the learned better th● reading . iipsius in epist. plutarch . ad trasanum . phil●●●●● , physic●rum . see m. doctor webbe his appeale to truth . georgio . . a augustus and octa●●us caesar. d●●ny●ius . . armelius . 〈…〉 &c. notes for div a -e in gorgia . horac . lib. . ode . phili● de commines , lib. . seneca ad lucil. epist. . matres omnes silys in p●ccato & auxilio in paterna inu●ia e●se solem . terms . ● heaut●●● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . de oratore . ier. . . shee is cited by b iewel in his apologie . in farragine episle larum . george buchanan . cicero offic. lib. . marcus cicero , cum pater abstin●●tis simus suiras , bi●os congros haurire ●olitus est ( test● plani● . ) temulen●●● impegis scyphum m. agrippa . valer. max. notes for div a -e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 euripides in andromache . seneca de breuitate vitae , cap. . & . d. pezel . post●ll . melan●●l on . preferring ● o● eouer wickedly and prophanely the odes of pindar , before the psalmes of dauid . chrysoft . in epist. ad celoss . cap. . luke . . . tim. . . in vita alphonsi . eginardue in vita caroli magni . notes for div a -e cicero . de orato●e . ci● . in prolog . r●●tor . an arte po●t . hen●icus oilauus angliae rex in cysstola quadam ad erasmum ro●crod . in farragi●● epist. a exod. . cicero . tacitus in oratore . ad atticum , lib. . caesar. cicero , lib. . de claris oratoribus . quintilian . lib. . a● filium . corn. tacitus . t. liuius . q. curtius . t●liad . salustius . scaliger pe●t . lib. cap. . xenophon . speciall history . history , how diuided . a●●●id . . cic. . de oratore . the old lord treasurer burleigh , if any one came to the i. i. of the counsell , for a licence to trauaile , he would first examine him of england ; if he found him ignorant , would bid him slay at home and know his own countrey first . his britannia with the life of queene elizabeth . his lanus angl. titles of honour . together with his ma●e clausum , though not yet printed . the iniurie polydore virgil , did to our nation . diodorus sicula . plutarch , how highly valewed among the learned . the iust praise of seneca . in vita seneca . the late published life of henrie the seauenth . seneca epist. . the epistles of bookes , oft times the best peece of them . how to keepe your bookes . the answer of king alphonsus , concerning vitru●ius . mappes and pictures . notes for div a -e a meridians , paralels , &c. the necessity of cosmography . * thermopylae that long hill of greece through which there is a straight & a narrow passage environed with a rough sea and deepe senne ; so called from the wels of who● waters which are there among the rocks . cosmography a sweet and pleasant study . the principles of geometry first to be learned . vide clerian . in sacr●bos●● , ed●t●●l● . the planets in their order . a merry tale of two poore schollers and their host. diuision of the spheare . the aequinoctiall line . the zodiack . the colures . the horizon the meridian longitude . latitude . of the tropickes . the arcticke circle . the antarcticke circle . the sea. a gulfe . a streight . a hauen . a lake . of the earth . a continent . an iland . an isthmus . peninsula . a cape . ptolo●i●s method best to be obserued . the sundry errors of historians and others , for want of skill in geography what to obserue in a strange countrey . of the mariners compasse . washing of mappes and globes in colours , very profitable to a learner . notes for div a -e countries had not their scituations by chance . the wit and constitution of men , according to the temper of the body . mountainers more barbarous , then those of the vallies . of the ocean , the diuers & wonderfull motions therof . and so swift , that from moabar to maedagascar ( or the i le of s. laurence ) they may come in twentie daies , but are not able to re●nne in . moneths . so from spain into america in thirty daies , but cannot returne in three monthes . iul. c. scaliger , excre . . the strange properties of floods and lakes . beasts & birds vseful to man , liue in heards and flocks . of the creatures in hot and cold countries . of riuers . of certaine ilands cast vp by seas and riuers . many countries againe lost by inundation . strabo lib. . great brittaine supposed to haue beene one continent with france . see olaus magnus his description of the northerne parts of the world . at swartwale neere brill in holland , is to be seene a mermaides dead body hanging vp . a●ist . lib. me●●or . . cap. . ptolom . cap. . alphrag 〈◊〉 disert . . augustine . m. hughes de vs● globiyr . at frankford , amsterdam , and turned into french. m. edward wright de vs● sphera . notes for div a -e lacrius lib. . wisedome chap. . petrach de regno lib. . ● . . protiu in eucl●d . lib. . c. . martianus capellain geem . precleses in euclid . lib. . c. . see the hungarian history . whence couch had the name agellius l. cap. . scaliger ●uercis . . ad cardanum . horat. lib. . c●rm . ode ● . bartas le 〈◊〉 du . semain . plin. l. . c. . & lib. . c. . varr● de ling● a latin. lib. . iunius lib. animad cap. . plin. lib. . cap. . pliny lib. . cap. . ex●rcitat . carl. rhodigin . lib. . cap. . p. ●onius & sabellicus is suppleme● : hist. lib. . this heauen was carried by . men before solyman , and taken to peeces and set vp againe by the maker . plutarch in marcello . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 psalm . . notes for div a -e plato in p●●dro . 〈…〉 hil. in prologo psalm . psal. . psal. . psal. . psalm . . * the place to this day is called rowlands vallie , and was in times past a great pilgrimage , there being a chappell built ouer the tombe , & dedicated to our ladie , called commonly but corruptly our ladie of rouceuall . panormitan , lib. . de geslis alphensi . a who gaue him , it is thought , his mannor of ewhilme in oxfordslhire . to charles the eight & lewis the twelfth . prudence . in poetie . lib. . qui & idea , ca. . aeneid , . par●ise ciuibus . aneid . . sweetnesse . aeneid . . aeneid . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pale scal. lib. . p●c● cap. . * phalari●a . aeneid . . aeneid . . ouid. virgilium 〈◊〉 v●di . vide surium , in commentari● retum in orbe gestarum . anne . fol. . horace . scaliger poet. lib. . totius t●●aco●●●usis rex . iuvenal . persius . martial . lucane . seneca . claudian , ignobili subiecte oppressus . statius . propertius . plautus . terence . buchanan . iul. cas. scaliger . ioseph of exeter . sir thomas more . william lillie . sir thomas challoner . sir geoffrey chaucer . gower . lydgate . harding , skelton . henrie batle of surrey . sir thomas wyat. northmimmes in herford-shire neere to s. albanes . notes for div a -e deut. . * it was an instrumēt three square , of . strings , of incomparable sweetnesse . “ answering one another in the quire. chron. . ca. . ver . . and . i● lib. de a●gore animi . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 odyll . . arist. politic. cicero t●sc . quast . lib. . erasm. in farragine epist. d. of venosa the iust praise of maurice lan●graue of hessen . 〈…〉 . 〈…〉 . m. william ●yrd . ludouice de victoria . luca mar●nzio . horatio 〈◊〉 . horatio vecchi . giou 〈◊〉 croce peter phillips . boschett● his motets of . parts , printed in rome . polyb. lib. . cap. . iulian imperat. in epist. ad antioch . rhetorique and musicke their affinitie . the strange effects and properties of musicall proportions . notes for div a -e the manifold vse of painting or l●●ning . iob : . . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lomazi●e alber● . durer . ●ub gol●●ius . michael angelo . ha●ns holben . a he painted the chappell at white hall , and s. iames ioseph of arimathia , lazarus rising from the dead , &c. were his . ioan. sha●●● , witrix . crispin de pas●e of painting in oyle . of preparing your table for an oyle picture . a the fi●●er for our yealow ruffes . * the modell of the steeple of the cheefe church in florence notes for div a -e lib. . dionysius halicarna● antiquit . rom. lib. bal●asar ayala de●nic & off●●s bell. lib. . i●n . lib. . & 〈◊〉 . lib. cap. . & dion . halicarn . lib. . antiquit . rom. livi●● l. ● . . cicero offic. lib. . flor. l. . cap. . vide no●●um marecellum . lib. . cicero lib. . delegitus . de laprimitive institution d●s ●●ys , herauldz et poursus vans d' armes . girald . camb. ●iv . lib. . iosephus . plutarch in vita pelop●●a . arist 〈◊〉 lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iosephus lib. . xenophon . de cyri. paed . lib. . curtius lib. . martij pueri . porcina srons , pitrius lib. . hierog . 〈◊〉 . the corte of portugall . osorius de r●gis institutions . d. of bavaria . m freeherus in origine , palasina● . verslegan . 〈◊〉 . freherus . dr origine yala● . solymans opinion of the emperour charles . holinshead in the t●●le of scotland . the originall of the noble family of the ha●es in scotland . aluares de violla . fields of equall composition . the fesse . remaines . m. guillim in his display . of difference by the bordure . tillet . tillet . * alduham . a sandrige . a 〈…〉 so that iames was atturney generall vnto henry , & now henry vnto iames. m. iohn woodhouse . * in norfolk . master ●ug . vincent . notes for div a -e in l. sol●●● . ● . de alea lusu & ale●●● . of horsemanship . of tilting and torneaments . guide panci●llo . in lib de reb . no viter re●ertis , tit . . nicetas , lib. . of throwing , leaping , and wrestling . of running . c. casar in epistolis . a to cure the smalnes●e of his voice , he would vsually run vp a hil , a fit embleme for such as when they haue ascended the heigth of preferment , both looke and speak big . of leaping . of swimming . liv. lib. . decad. . the resolute aduenture of gerrard and haruey in . of shooting . langius , lib. . epist. . quercetan . in diatetico poly . hist. sect. . cap. . iul. firmicus lib. . , cap. . melancthon lib. . chron● . folio . budaus de venatione & aucup●o . concil au●el . cap. . agath●usi . . epanneusi . ● . ● . ex●● . de clerico ●enatore . volatteran , lib. . av●iq● . ionius in barnaba . 〈◊〉 lib. . notes for div a -e ecclesiastic . psal. ● . . athenaeus lib. . cap. . diodorus lib. . . magnus lib. . cap. . erasim lib. . apotheg . ca spartians . xi●hilinus . plutarch . in philo●●m . philip commines , c. . ludouis viues . in emblem . of frugalitie . iustine . plutarch in philopoemen . ci● pro deiotaro . iulia●us 〈◊〉 decura ●urio : plutarch in aristide . the modesty and humility of charles the fifth . the duke of norfol●● . machiauest● in host. florent . in philopoem . plutarch . of diet. seneca rhet. . cicero pro caetio . pluta●●h de sanitate tuenda . plutarch . in scylla . sab●ll . em●●ad . . su●toni●● . euery romane penny was about seuen pence halfe penny of our mony . c. rh●digi● . lib. . cap. . suidas & politian . lib. miscellan . drinking the destruction of wit , & plague of our english gentry . inv●nal . saty● . drunkennes not many yeares since very rare in england . plin lib . historia sub finem . prouerb . . ecclesiast . . vers . ● . athena●s . sleidan lib. affability in discourse . this hapned in norfolke . of a souldier of breda . pasqu●●e , a marble image in rome , on which they v●e to sixe libels . because an earle in rome had marryed a chamber-maide . plato saith , it is onely allowed , physitions to lie for the comfort of the sicke . notes for div a -e d●●●ys . halicarna●● . d●●●er . s●c . lib. . di●g l●ers . lib. . in vita arthel . lipsiu● . * nod. gene. . m. dallington . casar com. . the lovure . the tuilleries fontaineblea● . bl●is . amboise . villiers cos●ere●● . charleval . the castle of 〈◊〉 . of spaine . yet the finest wooll is of s●g●uia . the reformed school by john dury. dury, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing d ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing d estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the reformed school by john dury. dury, john, - . hartlib, samuel, d. . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by r.d. for richard wodnothe ..., london : [ ?] "the publisher to the reader" (p. [ - ]) is signed: samuel hartlib. date of publication from wing. reproduction of original in british library. "a copy of mr. john dury's letter to samuel hartlib": [ ] p. at end. eng education -- early works to . a r (wing d ). civilwar no the reformed school. by john dury. dury, john f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - ali jakobson sampled and proofread - ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the reformed school . by john dvry . london , ●●●●ted by r. d. for richard wodnothe at the star under s. peters church in corn-hill . the publisher to the reader . christian reader , nothing from without hath supported my spirit in the course of life , wherein god hath led me hitherto ( through manifold private difficulties and publick desertions , ) but the usefulnesse thereof towards the publick . & whiles the graciousnesse of providence hath from time to time succoured me , chiefly then when i was sinking under my ●●rdens ; i have been taught from within , to look up to god alone in well-doing , till he bring his salvation out of sion : for , to propagate this salvation of his with my poor talents , and to stirre up others to contribute ●●eir help thereunto , is the utmost aim which i have in the agency for lear●ing ; wherein the goodnes of the par●ament hath owned me . and althoug● towards the businesse it self , nothi●● hath been further done then to na● me for it ; ( which for the time ha●● made my burdens somewhat heavie● yet because my genius doth leade● this way ; and i hope still in god th●● he will not leave me without encouragements : therefore i am not weary in well-doing , so long as i have opportunity . having then , upon a motion made by some , made my self instrumentall to draw forth from others these following directions , towards the reforming of schools , and the advancement of piety and learning therein ; i thought it expedient to acquaint thee with them , christian reader ; that if thou doest think thy self any way concerned either in furthering the benefits of such a way of education towards others ; or in partaki●● thereof for thine own , thou mayest bethink thy self how to do that which is fitting and conscionable ; that such an endeavour as this may be set forward towards the publick good . for mine own part , i shall confesse freely , that amongst all the objects whereunto i have dedicated my thoughts and pains ( whereof the extent is as large as every good and rationall work in the whole life of christianity ) there is not any one which doth lie nearer my heart then this of the education of children in the way of christianity . for , all things being rightly weighed , we shall perceive that this endeavour alone , or nothing , will be able to work a reformation in this our age . for whiles the magistracy and ministry is made an object of violent contradictions , and thereby almost wholly put out of frame and made uselelesse , as to the reforming of vices in church and commonwealth ; it cannot be expected , although they be never so knowing and willing , that in the execution of their places , they should be able to bring matters to perfection . therefore , to meddle directly with the multitudes of aged people ( the objects of their charges ) who are now settled and habituated in the way of their own choosing , and to think to draw them from it , is to attempt , without discretion , an impossibilitie . for it is not possible , that the extraordinary strains and distempers , whereinto we are fallen in these times , can be reformed without some extraordinary abilitie , either of outward authority and power to restrain exemplary disorderlinesse ; or of inward conviction , to leade men captive under the yoke of christ , which are things 〈◊〉 decayed , now adayes , amongst the professions of men . seeing then , the corruptions of those that are of age , are too strong and sturdy to be conquered by ordinary and weak means , and none extraordinary or strong enough , are apparent ; it followeth , that there is none other way left , but to deal with the young ones , before any corrupt habits , and perverse engagements be confirmed upon them ; that they may be trained up from their infancy , to a course of reformation , both of virtue and learning . but because the training up of schollars in one school or two , though very great and most exactly reformed , will be but an inconsiderable matter , in respect of a whole nation , and have no great influence upon the youth thereof , where so many schools remain unreformed , & propagate corruptions ; therefore the propagation of reformed schools is mainly aimed at ; and to that effect , the training up of reformed school-masters , is one of the chief parts of this designe . now to endeavour to make out this , that the readiest way to reform both church and common-wealth , is ●o reform the schools of education therein ; and that the way to reform these , is to send forth reformed school-masters amongst them , is , as i suppose , altogether superfluous : for it cannot be thought , that any rationall man should be such a stranger unto the affairs of humane societies , as not to see , that from the ordinary schools , all magistrates , and ministers , and officers of state are taken throughout the nations of the world , to be set over others ; and that the impressions both of vice and virtue , which they have received in the schools , are exercised , and become effectuall , for good or evil , afterward , in their places towards the church and common-wealth : so that the schools are to be looked upon ▪ as the ordinary and naturall fountains of a settlement , as of our corruption , so of our reformation ; if god will blesse us with any . and the school-master in a well ordered common-wealth , is no lesse considerable then either the minister or the magistrate ; because neither the one nor the other will prosper or subsist long without him . i shall not need to adde any thing further concerning this subject , to make thee sensible , either of the usefulnesse of the undertaking , or of the scope of my negotiation in it . this onely i would have thee further to observe , judicious and truely christian reader ( for none but such can see any thing in this businesse ) that the authour of this new model of schooling was intreated to put it to paper , upon a serious motion made to him , and to some friends of his , by others ; for the entertaining and regulating of a christian association , whereof all the members might be serviceable to each other , and to the publick : therefore he speaks not in his own name alone concerning the association , but in the name of those , who were jointly called upon to give their assent thereunto , who agreed with him in these proposals . the motion is not as yet come to maturitie in the resolution of those that first made it , and the cause is of some conveniences to effect it , and the fears of unsettlement , after that it shall be set upon : and till there be a further ground laid for the prosecuting of this designe ; it is needlesse to give the directory concerning the education of girls . in the mean time , i have thought good to publish this , with an addition of some directions for teaching of logick ; that such as can judge , may see that there is an easier and readier way to attain the perfection of virtue and happinesse , known and practicable , then as yet hath been published to the world , or put in practice by any ; and that to set these wheels agoing , nothing is wanting , but a quiet place of abode , and some assurance of necessary protection . let thy prayer go along with it , to supply these wants , if thou hast any rationall or spirituall apprehension of the good sought thereby unto all : and if thou canst , say with the prophet psal. . v. . o that the salvation of israel were come out of sion ! when the lord bringeth back the captivitie of his people , jacob shall rejoice , and israel shall be glad . to the expectation and accomplishment of this hope and promise , i leave thee , in him who is the god of our salvation , and the confidence of all the ends of the earth , and of them that are afarre off upon the sea , psal. . ver. . in whom i rest , thy most willing servant , for the advancement of piety and learning , samuel hartlib . the reformed school . concerning an association for the education of children . upon the motion which is made of entring into a societie , wherin a certain number of children , boyes & girles , should be educated unto religion , to morall sciences & virtues ; we shall return this answer . . that we hope never to bee found unwilling to contribute that which we can , towards the advancement of godliness in any body or societie ; or towards the reformation of vices , which bring the judgments of god upon this babylonian generation wherin we live . . that we conceive the wayes of christian associations amongst those that are of riper years ; and the rules of christian education amongst those that are not yet come to years of discretion , to be most conducible unto these ends : therefore as we shall bee willing to become serviceable , and concurre with such as entertai● these thoughts ; so wee shall desire to see the hand of providence leading , and opening a door for action to us . . and that we may be able to discover whether yea or no , how far , what way , and with whom this aim should be prosecuted ; we shall offer ( to those that make the motion to us , and to all others whose inclinations may bend this way ) these following points to be taken into consideration : that if upon the proposall thereof , any just engagement doth follow ; we may see god before us in the prosecution of this enterprise . first of the association . . the association should be only of free persons : therefore we shall not consent to joyn with any ( specially with women ) but such as are free to dispose of themselves this way , either by their owne right , as being under no parents or tutors to whom they are accountable of their actions : or by the full consent of freinds that may pretend to have some right to oversee them , and controll their proceedings . . those that associat should not come together to live an easie life without all cares ; but their whole aime should be , to advance the life of christianity in themselves and others , with all diligence . . the way of 〈…〉 the societie , of staying in it , and of going out of it , should be free : only at the coming in , and going out ; the expresse motives should be declared for which the association is taken up , or left off ; that all things may be done openly and to edification , as it becometh the children of light . . the form of the societie should consist in the cohabitation of those that are associated in one house , for the joint exercise of daily worshipping of god , for the furtherāce of profitable employments by mutuall concurrence , for the comfort of table-communion , and for mutuall assistance in necessary consultations . as concerning the place of cohabitation , it may easily be found when the number and names are known , of those that will associat . the daily worshipping of god should be performed in prayers , meditations , and conferences about the word of god : whereof , the exercises ought to bee regulated in privat and public , jointly & severally , according to the capacity and free willing inclinations of those that shall engage to entertaine the same . 〈◊〉 furtherance of profitable employments should be partly for the improvement of rationality , discretion and prudency , to manage rightly the affaires wherin every one by his calling is bound to do service unto others . partly for the improvement of handy-works and tradings proper to either sex , which may become a relief to the poore ; according to the proportion which every one shall be willing to enlarge himself in . for the enioyment of table-societie ; there should be a certain rate set down for dyet and other things ; and a steward appointed who should have the care of providing all things according to the rates appointed ; who should give in his accounts weekly and monethly of all his disbursments . the mutuall assistance to be given in necessary consultations should respect three things : first , the matters of spirituall concernment in common ; secondly , the matters of common outward concernment ; and thirdly , the matters of particular concernment whether spirituall or bodily . concerning all matters of common concernment , whether spirituall or outward ; there should be of course some set times appointed , wherin , first , the spirituall state of the societie , and then the outward affaires , should be taken into consideration . as for the spirituall state ; matters of commō edification are to be minded therein , as the fruit of that watchfulness which christians ought to have over each other in the common profession of the name of christ . as for the outward affaires ; all orders tending to regulate the same should be setled by mutuall and free consent : concerning which , this fundamentall rule is to be observed : that , nothing is to be counted a matter of common concernment , but that wherein every one doth knowingly and judiciously professe himself to be concerned freely and willingly . concerning matters of particular concernment ; any time should be free for those that stand in need of councell , to call the rest of their associats , either all or some , to give them assistance there 〈◊〉 ▪ if these generall rule●●e first assented unto by those who are willing to ●●gage in such a way ; the particulars may be afterward set downe to be ratified by common consent , concerning the exercises of daily worship , meditation and conferences how to advance 〈◊〉 christianity in each other thereby , and concerning the course of their daily employments in other things . secondly of the education of children . the girles should all be lodged in the same house with the associated women ; to be under the perpetuall inspection of the governess , by whom , their severall tasks for all the dayes of the week and houres of the day , should be set unto them ; and the tymes of taking an account of them concerning every thing , ordered and strictly observed . the boyes should be in a severall house , or part of the house so , that they should not be able at any time to have free communication with the girles ; but should be alwayes under the inspection of their tutors who should be men belonging to the association , for such offices which women are not fit to be employed in : and these tutors and teachers should all be under one generall overseer , who should give them their tasks , and see the same performed according to settled orders . the main scope of the whole work of education , both in the boyes and girls , should be none other but this ; to train them up to know god in christ , that they may walke worthy of him in the gospell ; and become profitable instruments of the common-wealth in their generations . and in order to this , two things are to bee taught them . first , the way of godliness , wherein every day they are ●o be exercised , by prayers , reading of the word , catecheticall institutions , and other ●xercises subordinat unto the life of christia●ity . secondly , the way of serviceableness towards the society wherin they live , that they may be enabled each in their sex respectively , ●o follow lawfull callings for profitable uses ; ●nd not become a burden to their generation ●y living in idleness and disorderlinesse , as most commonly those do which come from the schools of this age . the rule then according to which their ●ducation is to be reformed fundamentally , ●s this . that no time of the day is to be lost without some teaching exercise ; and that nothing ●s to bee taught but that which is usefull in ●t self to the society of mankind , therin fitting ●hem for employments approvable by the gospel ; and which will bring them to be●ave themselves so as it becometh those who ●re called to walke with the lamb upon mount ●ion in the presence of god , that is , as saints ●n his church . upon this ground , all the matters of shew ●nd appearance , which please the fancies of ●en in the world , whether they be in points ●f knowledge or practice ; ( wherin all the ●ime of the youth is most commonly spent in ordinary schools ) are to be laid aside in the course of this education . therefore as to the girls , the ordinary van●●ty and curiosity of their dressing of hair an● putting an of apparell ; the customes and prin●ciples of wantonness and bold behaviours which in their dancings are taught them ; an● whatsoever else doth tend onely to fomēt pri● and satisfie curiosity and imaginary delights shall be changed , by this our course of edu●cation , into plain , decet cleanliness and health full wayes of appa●relling themselves ; an● into such exercises of their hearts , heads an● hands , which may habituat them through the fere of god , to become good and carefu● houswiues , loving towards their husbands an● their children when god shall call them t● be married ; and understanding in all thing belonging to the care of a family , accordin● to the characters which salomon doth give 〈◊〉 a virtuous godly woman . and such as ma● be found capable of tongues and science● ( to perfect them in graces and the know●ledge of christ for all is to be referred t● him above the ordinary sort ) are not to b● neglected ; but assisted towards the improv●●ment of their intellectuall abilities . as for the boyes ; the same rule is to be o●served in the way of their education , bo● for tongues , sciences and employments . s●●●at all the preposterous methods of teach●●g the same ; by which , not only their time is ●●st , but their spirits and affections are in●red to evill customes of disorderliness , of ●anity , pride and self conceitedness , which is the root of all our contentions about matters ●f learning and science falsly so called : and ●ll the unprofitable exercises of their mind ●nd body in things which take them off from ●e aime of christianity unto the customes of ●e world shall be altered into profitable ●mployments which may fit them to be good commonwealths men , by the knowledge of ●l things which are fundamentall for the ●●tlement of a state in husbandry , in ne●●ssary trades , in navigation , in civill of●●ces for the administration of justice ; in ●e●ce and war ; and in oeconomicall duties 〈◊〉 which they may be serviceable to their own ●●milies , and to their neighbours . and if these generall grounds be assented ●nto by those that have a mind to associat , ●d to help forward the education of youth ●r a beginning of some reall reformation in ●r age ; the particular models both for boyes ●●d girls institution , inspection and employ●ents may be soon added , and offered to their ●●nsideration . the directory for the particular education of boyes . if we suppose that fifty or threescore boye● are to be educated , according to the princi●ples heretofore mentioned ; we conceive the care which is to be taken of them should b● ordered after this manner . . let there be one governour over them and three ushers under him . . let these ushers do all things by the governours direction , which he shall afte● previous consultation with them , give : th●● they may the better understand their wor●● and go about it with cheerfulnesse . . and that these may without distractio● be able to attend their work ; let them b● provided with all outward things necessa●● for lodging , food , and raiment , without the cost or care , by the diligence of him the shall be steward of the association . . let the governour and ushers obser● the settled rights and duties of their severa● places , and the determined rules of educ●●tion towards the children . the rights and duties of the governour , and ushers places . as it is the governours duty to instruct and oversee the ushers in all ●ings which concerne the children ; so it ●all not be lawfull for ushers to alter any ●ing in the orders which the governour ●all settle , without his knowledge and ap●●obation . . the governour shall have power , as t , ●ovide and place , so to displace the usherso 〈◊〉 he shall see cause : which cause , it will be fit 〈◊〉 him to make known to any of the asso●●tion , who shall desire to be informed ●ereof . . the governour shall give all his di●●●●ctions in writing to the ushers . . every usher shall have a peculiar number 〈◊〉 schollars committed to his inspection ●●ose lodgings shall be together , all next unto ●s chamber , that in the night-season as well by day , he may oversee them . . the ushers shall see their peculiar schol●●s rise and go to bed , at the houres appoin●● : and when their schollars are retired or ●●ne to bed ; they shall come to the gover●●ur every evening before they go to bed ●●emselves ; that they may conferre about their ●●tters together . . the governour shall either by himself or some other see both the ushers and their scholars in their severall quarters at the set hours , before he goeth to bed himself : and the steward shall see the other servants retired and all the doores shut at the hour appointed , and shall bring such keyes to the governour as b● shall ordain to be brought unto him . the rules of education . the chief rule of the whole work is , tha● nothing may be made tedious and grievous t● the children : but all the toilsomeness of the● business the governour and ushers are t● take upon themselves ; that by diligence an● industry , all things may be so prepared , methodized and ordered for their apprehension ; the their work may unto them be as a delightfu● recreation by the variety and easiness thereo● the things to be lookt unto in the care o● their education , are . their advanceme● in piety . . the preservation of their healt● . the forming of their manners . . the● proficiency in learning . concerning their advancement in piety . that they may be advanced in piety ; the shall be exercised every day , . in prayers . ● in reading the scriptures . . in cateche●icall conferences . . and on the lords day ●n the duties of solemne worship . their daily prayers , reading of scriptures , ●nd conferences , shall go together in this order . in the evening when the time of retiring is ●ome , every usher shall see his scholars in ●heir chamber ( for if they could be all that ●elong to each usher made to sleep in one ●rge chamber like a gallerye , two and two ●● a bed ; the way of overseeing , and uniting ●hem in their exercises would be most commo●ious : ) and when they are going to uncloth ●hemselves , one of their number shall be taken ● his turn according to a list , to go before ●e rest in a short prayer or the usher himself all do it before they begin to put off their ●lothes ; each of them kneeling at the beds-side ●here he is to sleep : and the prayer being ●ded he whose turn it is shall read unto them ●me part of the holy scriptures , while they ●cloth themselves ; and pray in two or three ●ords for a blessing upon their rest . he ●hose turn it is to do this duty , shall sleep ●at night with the usher to whose care he is ●mmitted ; and in the morning shall rise with ●m half an hour before the rest ; to waken ● fellow-scholars ( at the hour appointed ) ● cause them rise , which whiles they are a doing , and putting on their clothes , and combing their heads ; he shall againe with a previous short ejaculation , reade some part of the scripture unto them ; and with a short prayer ( every one of the rest kneeling o● standing by the bed where he slept ) thank god for his preservation over them in the night past , and crave his direction , blessing and protection for the day following . this is to be done within the space of half an hour , to be measured by a sand glasse : after which time , every one shall go abroad for the space of another half hour to stretch , wash , and cleanse himself : till , by the ringing of a bell ▪ the whole family be called together : at thi● meeting , the women and girls shall be in on● roome by themselves , and the men an● boyes in another , so that they shall not se● one another , and yet both be able to hear him , who shall be appointed to go befor● them all in the family-duty . he shall be som● man of the association in his daily or weekl● turn , as they shall appoint it , who shall wit● a short prayer crave a blessing upon the● meeting , and read a parcell of the holy scrip●tures , and conclude the reading with a sho● prayer : all which shall not exced the space o● half an houre : and the next half hour fo●lowing shall be spent in catecheticall exerc●ses and conferences according to the ord●● which the governour shall settle in that mat●er differently towards the different ages and ●egrees of proficiency in the younger and more ●ged scholars . as for the members of the as●ciation ; their conferences shall not be ●inted within such a time , but may be exten●ed at pleasure : only the way how they ought 〈◊〉 be ordered , that all may profit therby , and ●●nfusion may be avoided ; is to be determi●ed by the governour , with their approbation . at dinner and supper-time ( which shall ●ot exceed half an houre ) one of the chil●en shall in his turn daily crave a blessing in ●●e name of all , upon their food : and read part of the scripture unto them while they ●e at table ; and when they have done , they all jointly sing a stave or two of a psalme 〈◊〉 thanksgiving . after supper , before they go to their ●hambers , they shall meet all againe in their ●●verall roomes each sex by themselves , to ●●yn in prayer , and in reading the word , as in ●●e morning they did , for the space of half an ●●ur : and another half hour afterward shall 〈◊〉 spent in conferences ; wherin the children ●●ll be encouraged , and accustomed to pro●●se questions to their teachers , or to one ●●other concerning matters of doubt which ●●y have been incident unto their thoughts , ●●her from the reading of scripture or some , other thing observed in the day-time : which being done , they shall all retire unto their severall quarters , and prepare to go to bed . this course of daily exercise in piety is to be continued without interruption , no bod● is to be exempted from it , but only in case o● sickness . on the lords day , over and above the daily sacrifice within doores to be observed the children shall be brought forth unto the public meetings , to joyn with the congrega●tion of others in the worship of god ; and 〈◊〉 the intervalles of times between the pub● meetings , and the last sermon and supp●● time ; conferences shall be entertained wi● them , concerning the things which they ha● heard . and if those of the association should e●tertain any propheticall exercises among themselves , or with others , from without ; the some of the most advanced schollars shou● be admitted to be present with them . this care of advancing piety and keep● the lords day , is to be made the chief ●f things belonging to their education . concerning the preservation of their hea● the next principall care is concerning 〈◊〉 preservation of their health , wherin 〈◊〉 ●hings belonging . to their diet. . their sleep●ng . . to their bodily exercises . and to their cleanlinesse are to be rightly ordered , and ●verseen ; that the orders may be observed . concerning their diet. their diet shall be appointed for every ●ay of the week what it shall be , and when it ●hall be given them . their breakfast , at of the clock in the ●orning , of bread and butter or some other ●ing . they may be at it for the space of half 〈◊〉 hour . their dinner of good healthfull plain food . competency is to be upon the table for ●em precisely at of the clock . their supper of some food of light and ●sie digestion is to be upon the table precisely ● half an hour past six of the clock , and be●re seven , taken away . bread and beer of good quality shall not be ●fused to any that shall desire it , in case of 〈◊〉 being satisfied with the ordinary al●wance . in case of sickness there should be a peculiar ●om appointed for them , and some to attend ●em , with such a diet as shall be prescribed ; ●d to entertain them with such thoughts ●d conversation , as shall be fitting for their ●position of mind . concerning their sleep and rest . in winter , the aged scholars shall be wa●kened at five ; in sommer , at four of the clock in the morning : the yonger , in som●mer at five ; in winter , at six in the morning and they shall all be in bed before , or at ni● of the clock at night . the governours , ushe● and steward , if they be in health , should n● go to bed till ten. concerning their bodily exercises . they shall exercise and stir their bodyes 〈◊〉 the morning-season before dinner from 〈◊〉 till a clock , and before supper they sh● again exercise themselves in sommer , fro● half an hour past five , till half an hour pa● six , and in winter , from five till six , and fro● half an hour past twelve after dinner , t● half an hour past one , it shall be free 〈◊〉 them , to do privat businesses , in their cha●bers or else where . the particular wayes of exercising the bodyes shall not be left at random , but o●dered to some advantage of the associati● and of their own experience in matters eit● of husbandry , or manufactures , or of ●litary employments . concerning their cleanliness . they must be taught cleanliness without curiosity ; and made in love with it , as it is ●sefull for health ; in which respect the care of 〈◊〉 must be recommended to them , and obser●ed in them .x. in their feeding , that through ●rediness they eat or drink nothing that is ●asty . . in their body , head hands feet and ●lothing ; that they keep themselves from ●ilthiness of sweat , from vermine and other ●ncleanness . . in their chamber , that they ●efile it not with stench , or suffer it to be un●wept ; but that they keep it clean and sweet with refreshment of aire . concerning the forming of their manners . godliness and bodily health are absolutly ●ecessary ; the one for spirituall , and the other for their temporall felicitie : next ●nto these two , to make up and perfect the ●tate of their happiness ; care must be taken of their manners . by which word i under●tand their outward life , aswell in respect of the actions which they do , as in respect of ●heir cariage and behaviour in performing the same : that those may be just and honest ; ●his , civil and unblameable . for , good manners , in this sense , are farre to be preferred unto all humane learning of what kind soever ; because without morall honest● all the perfection of learning is nothing els● but an instrument of wickedness to increas● and aggravat the miseries of mankind : whera● without learning this alone with bodi●● health is a sufficient ground to partake 〈◊〉 temporall felicitie . and because in the ordinary schools the care is wholly neglected and the youth 〈◊〉 left to habituat it self to its corrupt inclina●tions , while their wits are sharpened a●● exercised in all the subtilties of humane a●●● and sciences ; therefore satan doth fortifie 〈◊〉 strong holds by these within them , to ma●● them impregnable : and their spirits ( as 〈◊〉 find by dolefull experience in these times ) a● heighthned to that degree of unconscion●bleness in deceit ▪ mischief and malice , th●● nothing in former ●ges can be compar●● therunto . which should make us so much 〈◊〉 more carefull to rectifie this evill in o●● scholars , by how much it is neglected 〈◊〉 others , and destructive to all . the way then to reforme our scholars this matter , and the care to be taken of the● should have two parts . the one should rel●● unto the inward principles of moralitie ; 〈◊〉 work the true impressions thereof upon the ●pirits . the other should relate unto their out●ard behaviour and carriage towards their ●eighbour , to make it decent and without ●ffence . and the first of these cannot be ●ightly taken up without the last , because without the observation of their unseemly ●ehaviour and offensive carriages ; a disco●erie can not be made of the diseases of their ●ules , that the remedies of wholesome in●tructions , admonitions and corrections ●ay be applyed therunto . this then is the master-peece of the whole art of education , ●o watch over the childrens behaviour in ●heir actions of all sorts , so as their true in●linations may be discovered ; that the inward ●auses of their vicious disposition and di●tempers being found out ▪ the true and pro●er remedies thereof may be applyed unto ●hem . and this is to be the subject whereof the governour and ushers are to have daily conference every night : that upon the parti●ular discoveries of the severall inclinations ●f their scholars by the qualities of their ●nruliness ; they may judiciously determine ●hat to do with them , and how to proceed ●owards them , to reforme that which is amisse . ●here we conceive this studie should con●aine these endeavours . first , to discerne the proper character of ●very childs humour by his behaviour ; to discover the predominant qualitie thereof , and what is good , and what is evill in it . secondly , to contemplate rationally the inward disposition and frame of his spirit ; to find out the principles , by which he is led , and from whence that humour and behaviour doth arise ; and the impressions of virtu● whereof he may be made capable . thirdly , to determine the way how to de● with him ; that is , not only how to corre●● his outward visible misbehaviours ; and 〈◊〉 incourage him in that which is good and decent : but how to make him sensible , and rationally apprehensive of the true ground● , both of the correction , and encouragement . here againe i conceive their studie m● runne in these channels . first , what peculiar restraint to lay upo● them , lest they get a custome in that whi●● is evill . secondly , what rationall maximes , an● rules of moralitie to infuse unto them , a●●cording to the degree of their capacitie , a●●bent of their inclination in that which ● good . thirdly , how to ingraft those rationa● maximes and rules upon the main princi●ples of godliness ; that their spirits may 〈◊〉 raised , and their resolutions exalted to 〈◊〉 things morally just and decent , not on●● because they are found in reason to be so , but because they who do them , are bound in conscience through love and feare towards god to do all things as in his presence , with ●elight and care to do alwayes that which is well pleasing in his sight . so that all morall actions to free them from hypocrisie , and make them truly virtuous ; that is , without ●ll leaven of pride and self-seeking ( which will mixe themselves with spirituall actions ●lso , if care be not taken to set our heart ●right ) must be reduced unto the grounds of christianity ; and made conformable unto the life of christ ; by comparing our way , ●nd our mind in following him , with his way ●nd his mind in walking before us amongst ●hen towards god . and except their educa●on by the reformation of their manners fi●ally tend and result unto this ; it will avail ●hem nothing towards the salvation of their ●●uls ; it will only make lesse them hurtfull ●nto the societie of mankind . now the particulars which are subordinat ●nto this care and studie are innumerable ; ●ut yet certain generall rules may be pru●entially set down , according to which , they ●ould be limitted and directed to order their conversation and behaviour towards the ●ds aforesaid , and by which , those that watch ●ver them should take notice of their wayes and give an account thereof unto the governour of which rules it will suffice at this time to give these heads . first , laws are to be published amongst them concerning their very looks , their angry words , and their hasty actions , proceeding from passion , and tending to the breach of christian love ; forbidding the same under the notion that they are contrary to the life of christ . secondly , rules and directions ( leading them to the practice of justice , equalitie , meeknesse , humility , love and liberality ; an● to the hatred of iniuriousness , pride and covetousness ) are to be published , and hung 〈◊〉 in their chamber and school , and made familiar and plain unto their capacity and memorie . both these sorts of laws may be gather● out of salomons proverbs for the main substance thereof , and from other scriptures ▪ and so be delivered as the will of god un● them , to oblige their conscience therunto . thirdly , the law of watchfulness ( whic● they ought to have over themselves for the ob●servation of these rules ) is not only to 〈◊〉 taught them ; but some that are more stay● then others , and better set , are to be ma● monitors of the rest , and besides the monitor● spyes are to be appointed to oversee them : an●●n cases of grosse failing , after due admonitions , some exemplary punishments of shame and smart may be used , that all may feare . fourthly , the great law of truth and of faithfulness ( to suppresse the basenesse of lying and of deceitfulness in words , promises and actions ) is above all other rules to be prescribed and pressed upon them in their dealings towards one another : and speciall care is to be had to observe the practise thereof . and , that the lying and deceitfull spirit may be hunted out from amongst them ; a speciall reward is to be proposed unto every one that shall , upon due admonition of his neighbour before witnesses , discover to the usher any matter of falshood practised by any . for , nothing doth more inwardly corrupt the spirit , then a course of falshood ; nor doth any thing more deeply discover the wickednesse of the heart and want of true virtue , then this . fifthly , the civilities to be used towards strangers , to receive and entertaine them courteously ; to be generously affected towards them , and the way to maintein the principles , and practises of publick spiritedness without ostentation and vain-glory , should be described and taught them . sixtly and lastly , the seemly way to carry their bodyes , to looke upon people stayedly and freindly in their salutation and conversation with them should be made known unto them by example and rule . concerning all which directions , how to propose , and apply them , towards the corrupt dispositions of children to rectifie the same ; the ushers themselves are to be taught their duty , what to observe in them , and how to proceed in dealing with them . and 〈◊〉 must be the governours great and speciall care to see the ushers well principled and practised in this way , for , upon their abilitie , faithfulness , and diligence all depends . concerning their proficiencie in learning . the last and least part of true education is only minded in the ordinary schools , and that in a very superficiall and preposterous way ; for children are taught to read authors and learn words and sentences before they can have any notion of the things signified by those words and sentences , or of the authors strain and wit in setting them together : and they are made to learn by hear● the generall rules , sentences , and precep● of arts , before they are furnished with any matter wherunto to apply those rules an● precepts . and when they are taught these things wherin reason is to be employed , they are lead into a maze of subtile and unprofi●able notions ; wherby their mindes are puft ●p with a windy conceit of knowledge : their ●ffections taken off from the plainnesse of ●sefull truths ; their naturall corrupt incli●ations to pride , vain glory , and conten●iousnesse not reformed , but rather strength●ed in perversitie ; so that they become ●oth unwilling to seek , and incapable to ●eceive any truth either divine or humane ●n its simplicitie : for their heads are filled ●ith certain termes and empty shewes of ●earning ; which neither containe any sub●tance or solidity of matter ; or give them any ●ddresse by way of method to make use of ●hat which they know for the benefit of mankind . now , to rectifie this cause of our igno●ance and disorderliness which hath taken ●ossession of all schooles and universities , and ●ath spread it self over all matters of humane learning ; wee shall endevour to seek out the ●rue method of teaching sciences , by the grounds and rules which , we hope , none , ●hat is rationall and free from prejudice , will contradict . concerning the grounds and rules of teaching sciences . we take this to be the fundamentall and undenyable maxime of all order to be kept i● teaching of sciences , and educating of youth unto any part of learning : viz. that the whole way of his undertaking must be mad● answerable unto the nature of the end , an● proportionat unto the property of the meane● and parts of learning : and whatsoever i● not subordinat unto that , and proportion● unto these , is done irrationally and unprofi●tably towards the advancement of lear●ning . the grounds therefore from when● we shall gather all our rules to direct us i● the true method of profiting , are three ; the first , concerning the end ; the scond , concer●ning the meanes ; the third , concernin● the parts of learning . concerning the end of learning . the true end of all humane learning ● to supply in our selves and others the defect● which proceed from our ignorance of the n●●ture and use of the creatures , and the diso●●derliness of our naturall faculties in usi● them and reflecting upon them . from this truth follow these rules ● teaching . . that nothing is to be counted a mat● of true learning amongst men , which is n● directly serviceable unto mankind towar●●he supply of some of these defects , which de●rive us of some part of our naturall hap●iness . . that if any doth teach or learne any ●cience for any other end but this ; he doth by the false end , which he proposeth to him●●lf in teaching or learning ) pervert the truth either of the science , or of the method ●ereof , or of both : by which meanes , the ●emedie of our disease being spoiled ; he ma●eth so farre as in him lyeth our sickness in●rable . . that none ought to be taught any ●atter of science , before he doth understand ●e true end , wherefore he is to learne it , and ●ow he ought to use it ▪ towards that end : for ● he be ignorant of these two , he will not ●nly lose his labour ; but may become hurt●ll to himself and others by his knowledge . ●or as a thorne goeth up into the hand of a ●unkard ; so is a parable in the mouth of fools . ●rov . . . and at the best he will be un●rviceable and disproportionat to others in ●s walking therby : for as the legs of the ●me are not equall , so will a parable be in the ●outh of a foole prov. . . now , he is a ●ole who knoweth not the end and use of ●e things which he hath . . that to marshall sciences rightly , that they ●ay be taught orderly and profitably ; the subordination of their severall ends to eac● other ( as they jointly relate unto man to sup●ply his defects ) and the way of teaching the same ( as it is sutable to the capacity of thos● that are to be taught ) must be observed : so if these things be not observed ; either the sciences will be made useless to each other , o● all of them , to him that is taught . for , ho● can he , that teacheth them , benefit his scho●lars therby ? for the encyclopedia of scienc● must answer the whe●l of humane facultie and this wheel must answer the circle of the creatures whence man is to supply his d●●fects . as then in a watch , one wheel right set , doth with its teeth take hold of anothe● and sets that a work towards a third ; and all move one by another , when they are 〈◊〉 their right places for the end for which 〈◊〉 watch is made : so is it with the faculties 〈◊〉 the humane nature , being rightly ordered 〈◊〉 the ends for which god hath created the● but , contrarywise , if the wheels be not right set , or the watch duly wound up ; it is useless ● him that hath it ; and so it is with the facult● of man ; if his wheels be not rightly order and wound up by the ends of sciences in the subordination ; leading him to employ ● same , according to his capacity , to make ● of the creatures for that wherunto 〈◊〉 hath made them ; he becomes not only usele●●●ut even a burthen , and hurtfull unto him●elf and others by the misusing of them . concerning the means of learning . the true means by which all humane ●ciences are attainable , are three , and no ●ore : the first , is sense ; the second , tradi●on ; the third , reason . sense is the first , because it conveighs unto ●ur imagination the shapes and images of all ●ings , which memory doth keep in store , that ●eason may make use thereof . nor can any tradition be entertained with profit , but ●at , whereof the imagination hath received ●om sense the originall representations . tradition is the second , because it is no●ing else , but a communication of those ●bservations which others have made of the ●reatures , wherby our want of knowledge ● them is supplyed . for we ought , to en●ire of the former age , and be willing to ●ake search of their fathers ; because we are ●ut of yesterday and know nothing , and our ●yes upon earth are a shadow . job . . , . reason is the third and last means of ●umane learning , because it makes use of ● the reports of our senses , and of other ●ens tradition ; and without these it can ●ake no inferences to enlarge knowledge , or teach us the right use of creatures for necessary occasions . from the subordination of these means to one another , and their properties to advance us unto learning ; we shall gather these following rules of teaching arts and sciences . . the arts or sciences which may be received by meer sense should not be taught any other way : for it is no wisdome to make work to our selves : frustra fit per plura quod fieri potest per pauciora . . whatsoever in any art or science can be made obvious unto sense , is first to be made use of , as a precognition unto that which is to be delivered by way of traditionall o● rationall precept . as in nature sense is the servant of imagination ; imagination of memory ; memory of reason : so in teaching arts and sciences we must set these faculties a work in this order towards their proper objects in every thing , which is to be taught : whence this will follow , that as the faculties of mans soul naturally perfect each other by their mutuall subordination : so the arts which perfect those faculties should bee gradually suggested , and the objects wherewith the faculties are to be conversant according to the rules of art should be offered in that order , which is answerable to their proper ends and uses and not otherwise : for the proportion of every thing to its owne end , doth determine the order and place wherin we are to make use of it : for nothing is truly usefull , but as it is , in its naturall place . . as childrens faculties break forth in them , by degrees to be vigorous with their years and the grouth of their bodyes ; so they are to be filled with objects whereof they are capable , and plyed with arts : whence followeth that while children are not capable of the acts of reasoning ; the method of filling their senses and imaginations with outward objects should be plyed : nor is their memory at this time to be charged further with any objects then their imagination rightly ordered and fixed , doth of it self impresse the same upon them . moreover hence followeth , that no generall rules are to be given unto any , concerning any thing either to be known or practised according to the rule of any art or science ; till sense imagination and memory have received their impressions concerning that wherunto the rule is to be applyed ; and so farre as those faculties are stored with matters of observation , so farre rules may be given to direct the mind in the use of the same and no further . lastly hence followeth , that the arts or sciences which flow not immediatly from particular and sensuall objects , but tend immediatly to direct the universall acts of reasoning , must be taught after all the rest : because their use is to regulat that , which is to make use of all the rest , viz. the rational faculty ; therefore it is a very absurd and preposterous course to teach logick and metaphisicks before or with other humane sciences , which depend more upon sense and imagination then reasoning . concerning the parts of learning . the parts of humane learning wherin children are to be exercised are first the grounds and precepts of profitable arts and sciences . secondly , the tongues which are most usefull to enlarge the knowledge thereof . by profitable arts and sciences , we meane all matters of knowledge which direct man to the right use of all creatures , and the ordering of his owne faculties about them . the tongues which are ordinarily most usefull to enlarge the knowledge of these arts and sciences , are latin and greek ; and that which in an extraordinary way will in due time be usefull heerunto , is hebrew , and the other orientall tongues which are a kinne unto it . concerning these parts of learning , we lay down these maximes as grounds of teaching the same . . arts and sciences are immediatly usefull by themselves to restore the defects of our nature by the creatures . . tongues are no further finally usefull then to enlarge traditionall learning ; and without their subordination unto arts and sciences , they are worth nothing towards the advancement of our happiness . . the immediat use of tongues is only to understand what others say to us , according to their custome of speaking ; and to expresse our mind unto them significantly according to our custome . from these maximes we gather these following rules of teaching . . the teaching of arts and sciences ought not to be suspended upon the teaching of unknown tongues , but made familiar unto the childrens capacity in their mother-tongue first ; and afterward enlarged by the use of other tongues . . the arts and sciences which lead us most directly unto the use of the creatures without any reflexion upon our own faculties are first to be taught ; because they may be taken up by the simple acts of sense , imagination and memory , without much reasoning . . the arts and sciences which lead us to reflect upon the use of our owne faculties , are not to be taught , till we are fully acquainted with their proper objects , and the direct ●cts of the faculties about them . . the knowledge of tongues is the proper effect of memory , and not of any reasoning abilitie , because they depend upon the observation only of that which is the constant custome of people ; and not upon any rationall inducement why they do so . whence followeth . . that those things which are most helpfull and subservient unto memory , are to be set a work in teaching languages ; rather then those that employ the judgement . . that the wayes which fix and order the imagination most effectually towards the sound of the words and the thing signified therby , are most advantageous to this way of teaching . . that the teaching of words , is no further usefull then the things signified therby are familiar to the imaginatiō , and that the teaching of rules before the materiall sense of the words is known , or before the formall coherence of things which their construction is to represent in a sentence , can be apprehended ; is wholly preposterous and unprofitable to the memory . . so farre as children are capable of traditionall knowledge : so farre in every degree of science they may be taught the tongues which serve for that use ; but till they be fitted for the one , the other is useless to them . . whatsoever in the teaching of tongues doth not tend to make them a help unto traditionall knowledge , by the manifestation of reall truths in sciences , is superfluous , and not to be insisted upon , especially towards children . whence followeth that the curious study of criticismes , and observation of styles ●n authors , and of straines of wit , which speak ●othing of reality in sciences , are to be left ●o such as delight in vanityes more then in truths . from these maximes and rules the ra●ionality of the ensuing method may be made ●ut to the full , if time did permit ; but we shall ●ot insist upon that now : only we shall shew ●hat by them we are led to teach and consider ●atters of learning in this order . first , to consider the children that are to ●e taught ; secondly , the things which are to ●e taught unto them ; thirdly , the manner ●nd way of teaching the same . concerning the children ; we must reflect ●pon their ordinary capacities , and distin●uish the same into their naturall degrees . concerning the things which are to be ●aught ; we must reflect upon a twofold pro●ortion therin ▪ first , we must find out that which is proportionat to the degree of every ones capacity . secondly , we must order every thing which is sutable to each capacity , proportionally to the end for which it is to be taught , as in its proper place it is subordinat● unto other things , which must follow in the course of education . concerning the way and manner of teaching and proposing the same ; we must studie by the properties of things to be taught , to find all manner of advantages ; and according to circumstances determine the way which will bring no losse of time , nor be wearisom● and tedious to the children , and which wil● make the matters taught most easie for the● apprehension , and delightfull to their affections in apprehending the same . for , i suppose that this conclusion in this matter is a● firme , as any mathematicall demonstratio● in other matters . viz : if all degrees of childrens capacities be fitted with proper objects , if none of the things , which any 〈◊〉 their faculties can receive , be left untaugh● if no time be lost in teaching , nor any thi● offered before it be seasonable , if that whic● is taught in the first place be not disiointe● from that which followeth after , but made 〈◊〉 steppe therunto . if all matters offered , by their conjunctio● make him that receiveth them a perfect ma●●eading him without distraction to his true end : and if no servile constraint be laid upon the inclination of him that is taught , by forcible meanes to break his spirits : but his af●ections raised to a delightfull willingness , to ●eceive that which is offered ; by allurements ●nd generous insinuations readily . if ( i say ) all these things be observed , in the course of teaching ; then little or no●hing will be wanting , which can be wished ●or towards the advancement of learning in ●his way , or can be prosecuted by rationall ●ndevours and humane industry . of the ordinary degrees of childrens naturall capacities . till a childs tongue be untyed and confirmed in some measure to speak and imitate the ordinary sounds of speech ; he is to be ●ounted an infant . and this ordinarily is not ●ll children be four or five yeeres old : ●et , before this time their senses are awake , ●heir imagination is not idle ; and therefore ●ught to be exercised with some objects fitt ●r the framing of their memory towards ●ture preparatives of learning . from the time of infancy , till the age of ●entie ; there are three different degrees of ●apacities , which ordinarily shew themselves in three periods of yeeres ; from foure or five , till eight or nine , is the first , from eight or nine , till thirteen or fourteen , is the second ▪ and from thirteen or fourteen , till ninetee● or twenty , is the third period of capacity . in the first of these periods , the capacity of children is none other but sense and imagination , with the beginnings of memory . in the second , it is imagination and me●mory with the beginnings of reasoning , an● now we count him past childhood , and becomes a youth . in the third , he is capable of all the acts 〈◊〉 reasoning , and of the principles of judge●ment and prudencie ; wherby he ought t● order himself in all things aright toward god and man . and when a schollar 〈◊〉 brought thus farre , he is not to be under tutors any longer : and till he be brought th●● farre , he is not safe , without some tutori●● and discipline . concerning the things to be taught to each degree of capacity . first , while a child is capable of nothi●● but what he receiveth by sense and upon t●● similitudes of sensuall objects , by imagination ; nothing is to be offered unto his memo● but what can enter in , by those dores . here t●● he is to be taught . . to speake his mother-tongue , di●tinctly . . to read his mother-tongue readily , ●telligibly , and without any affectat chil●ish tone , with his owne naturall sound of ●peech . . to write his owne mother-tongue le●bly ; or any other tongue what soever , ●s to the forming of any letters after a copye . . to draw all manner of lines and ma●hematicall figures with a ruler and com●asses ; and other lines and figures , which ●re the rudiments of painting to represent the lineaments and features of things . . to know the signification of all numericall figures ; and to observe by the eye , ●are and hand , the differences of things in re●●ect of their number , their parts , their quan●●ties , their measures , their proportions and ●isproportions , and the like . . to take notice of all things offered to ●is senses ; to know their proper names , to ●bserve their shapes ; and to make circum●antiall descriptions thereof by word of ●outh , and painting in black and white . . to mind , and repeate the things which ●re to be related unto him ; which should be the generall heads of the history of the ●orld ; whereof the ground work should be the historicall cathechisme of the bibl● and the superstructure , a description of t● parts of the world ; of the things that 〈◊〉 therin ; and especially of the nations of 〈◊〉 earth ; and the chiefest revolutions a● changes which are befallen to his owne n●●tion since the beginning thereof . these things ought to be taught unto ch●●●dren before they come to any of the ushe● belonging to the association ; for ( none un● eight or nine ) ought to be brought unto the● except they be sufficiently qualified before th●● age with these endowments : and that the things may be taught sufficiently , as a prepa●●●tive for their future education in sciences ; peculiar school should be appointed as a n●●●sery not farre from the place of the soc●e●● wherin children of this age should be train●● up according to the directions which may 〈◊〉 given to that effect : and although the gove●●nour should not be charged with any peculi●● inspection over them ; yet he might be oblig● to repaire thither at certain convenient ti●● to helpe with counsell , by conferring wi● those that should teach them these things , a●● to oversee their way , and direct them chie● in point of manners ; how to prevent e●● habits , and the customes of perverse incl●●nations , which then beginne to take head an● discover themselves : and for want of d●prevention become ordinarily a great prejudice to their education in after times . secondly , from eight or nine , till thirteen or fourteen , a childs imagination and memory is throughly to be cultivated and exercised ; supposing then , that a child can speake his mother-tongue distinctly and readily , can read and write , and hath gotten a generall view of all things , and is able to name that which is obvious to his sense by its proper name in his mother-tongue : yet these impressions and shapes of things are like a chaos or confused masse of notions in his head . these now in the second period of his education are to be ordered , and his memory so exercised about them , as to prepare him to entertaine the traditionall and rationall learning which in the third and last period of his education is to be delivered concerning them . heer then the children shall be exercised . . in writing faire and readily ; and in drawing the pictures of things whereof the impressions are to be fixed in their memories . . in observing all things naturall and artificiall extant in the world , wherunto their imagination shall be ledd in a certain method ; to cause them reflect orderly upon them , and observe in them their severall kindes , coherences , differences , parts , actions ▪ properties , uses , and references unto man by trades and manufactures . . in learning all the names of the things themselves and of that which doth belong unto them in latin , in greek and in hebrew ; which tongues they shall withal● learne to reade and write ; and to interpre● so farre , as their experience in the observation of things doth go , and no further : for so farre their janua's in each tongue shall go and be offered to them pari passu , with that which they have been taught to observe in the things themselves . . in the practicall parts of the mathematicks ; wherin they shall be taught ( togethe● with their latin , greek , and hebrew names . ) . the geographicall descriptions of the world , and of the kingdoms thereof in globes and in plain tables . . the astronomicall descriptions of the heavens , in models , globes and plain tables . . the arithmeticall rules of addition , substraction , multiplication , division , the reduction of fractions , and the rule of proportions called the golden rule , and no further . . the geometricall doctrine of lines , surfaces , bodyes , and the rules of measuring the same , and shewing their proportions , together with the experimentall way of measu●ing land , and the use of the instruments be●onging to that part of mathematicall studies . . in the observation of husbandry and gardening ; of fishing and fouling ; and the generall rules thereof . . in the anatomy of mans body by a model and picture of all his parts , with their names in the learned tongues . . in the summary knowledge of the history of the four monarchies of the world , ●nd of their own nation : together with a brief of the history of the church since christs dayes . . in the rudiments and necessary rules of grammaticall constructions ; so farre as may inable them to interpret their janua's whereof they shall have learned the single words with the observation of the things ●hemselves : and these rules in all the three languages are to be given , first in that wherin they agree ; and afterward in that wherin they differ : and exercised in the reciprocal translations of their janua's . thirdly from thirteen or fourteen , till ninteen or twentie ; the things which are to be taught them , and wherin they shall be exercised , are all the usefull arts and sciences , which may fitt them for any employment in church and common wealth . here then all the meanes of traditionall and rationall learning are to be set a foot ; and to this effect they shall be taught their gramma● rules more exactly and fully then formerly ▪ and brought to read authors in all the sciences whereof they have gained the foundations ; with directions how to observe the marrow , and method of them ; and out of them to gather to themselves an encyclopoedia . to this effect . . the latine authors of agriculture cato , varro , columella , may be put into their hands by parcels , to be an enlargement unto that which they have alreadie been taugh● concerning husband●y . the naturall history of pliny an● others , by choice parcels are also to be perused by them ; and brought home to wha● they have formerly seen ; together which the histories of meteors , minerals , &c. . in like manner some models and book● of architecture , enginry , fortification , fire-works , weapons , military discipline ▪ and navigation are to be lookt upon . . the greek authors of morall philosophie , epictetus , ●ebes , arrianus , plato , xenophon , plutarch ; and some latin tract● in this kind should be read by them ; and a● account taken of their proficiencie therby . . the doctrine of oeconomicks , of civill government , and naturall justice and equitie in the laws of nations should be offered unto them ; as the grounds of that jurisprudentia whereof the summe is to be given out of the institutions of justinian and regulae juris . . the theorie of all the mathematicks , with the full practise of that which was deficient in their former institution ; where the opticks with the instruments belonging therunto , and the art of dialing is to be entertained ; and in arithmetick the way of keeping accounts . . the principles of naturall philosophie and the main grounds of medicin , with the instruments of distilling and other chimicall operations , and the art of apothecaries , are to be offered unto them partly in books , partly in the operations themselves by an ocular inspection thereof , and of their drugges . . the art of chirurgery described in books , with an ocular inspection of all their tooles , and compositions of plaisters and ointments , and the use thereof . . the rules of logick , rhetorick and poesie ; shewing them first how to analyse authors , and observe their art of reason and utterance to perswade : and then how to order their owne thoughts and expression , to search out truths and to declare the same ; historically , philosophically , oratorically , poetically . . directions for the studye of all humane histories and what to observe in them , for the attainement of wisdome and prudencie in the government of a mans owne life ; where with the directions to observe the wayes of others ; the rules of judgement , discretion , prudencie and civill conversation to order their owne wayes aright towards all , are to be given unto them which is to be concluded with a speciall recognition and insight into salomons proverbs , and ecclesiastes . and so they are to be sent into the world to apply themselves to any employment , or more particular study wherunto god shall call them . for now they will be fitted therunto so farre as humane industry can advance them . amongst all these , i have not mentioned musick ▪ vocall and instrumentall , by it self , because it is a part of the mathematicks and the practise thereof is to be insensibly at spare times brought in use amongst them as a part of their recreations . nor have i mentioned any hebrew books which they should read ; because their daily reading of the scriptures should be in greek and in hebrew : and their analyticall exercises should be employed for the most part in resolving the rationality of the scripture about the most materiall doctrines of divinity . nor have i mentioned any particular body of divinity to be put into their hands ; because i speak only of the method of humane learning , how it should be delivered ; and no divinity is to be taken up from the teaching of men : it is to be received from the holy scriptures alone : and the daily catecheticall exercises and conferences which will be appointed for these of this third period ; will sufficiently by gods blessing enable them in all the truths of divinity both theoreticall and practicall ; so that there will be no need of any other institution in that kind . thus i have done with all the matters which are to be taught to each degree of capacity within the period of the years appointed for their education : now followeth the last point of this method ; how all this is to be taught and expedited within the time appointed with ease and delight . concerning the manner and way of teaching all these things , to each capacity . in the manner of teaching , experience will bring the way unto perfection , if it be prosecuted , according to the maximes , and rules heretofore mentioned , in a constan● course . and to be able to put the design in practise ; three main things must be ordered : first the taskes of both the lesser and the greater parts of the work must be determined according to times and seasons ; what and when every thing is to be done . secondly , the way of proposing to the schollars that which they are to receive , and of entertaining them to dwell upon it , till it be fixed in their mindes , must be regulated . thirdly , the meanes and instruments wherby , all taskes are to be performed on all hands , both by those that propose , and those that receive and entertaine learning , are to be had in a readiness and ordered for use . concerning the taskes what and when every thing is to be done . salomon tels us , that there is a season to every thing , and a time to every purpose under the heaven ; eccles. c. . v. . and v. . and that god hath made every thing beautifull and consequently , delightfull and acceptable , in its proper time . if then we can discerne this time , and determine the work to be done in it we shall find successe in it , and that with ease . in the first period , from five till nine ; an order of taskes must be observed in the preparatorie school , aswell as in the other following . but now we shall not speak thereof , because we suppose that such a school cannot be had speedily ; and that we must take such scholars at first as can be had , till schoolmasters be trained up who shall be able to follow the directions which may be given for the training up of children in such a nursery . in the second period , from eight or nine , till thirteen or fourteen , we have five years , to bestow upon the objects of learning which are proper to that age and capacity , whereof the perfection is nothing else but memory . these five years shall be divided into three parts , whereof the first and second shall each comprehend two years ; and the third , one . in the first part ( that is in the two first years of this period ) they shall be led through all the objects of fancy and memory belonging to that period in the method ; which shall be prescribed unto the ushers : and to every thing which shall be shewed them by their ushers ; the latin and greek names shall be added and commended unto their remembrance . so that here , in these two first years they shall be obliged to runne over all the taskes of the whole period , to take up the ideas thereof , and keep them in memory with their two learned names only . and to that effect , in the first quarter of the first year , they shall be diligently exercised in writing the latin and greek characters faire and readily ; and in copying out some pictures , and the figures of models of things . then in the last quarter of that year , when they are stored with almost the half of the words of those two tongues ; the rudiments of the grammaticall rules of both tongues are to be taught them , so farre as to help them , to make use of their janua's therin ; which from that time forward they shall be made to ply diligently , till towards the end of the sccond year ; then about the last quarter thereof , they shall be taught to write hebrew faire and readily . and when they have attained to some perfection heerin , the rudiments of the hebrew grammar also shall be taught them , so farre as it doth agree with that which they formerly learned of the latin and greek grammars . in the second part of this period ( that is in the third and fourth years thereof ) the same taskes which formerly were taken in hand and prosecuted shall be renewed by the same method of leading them through all the objects belonging to the whole period the second time , only with a twofold difference : first , that to the latin and greek names of things which were formerly taught and now are to be repeated , the hebrew shall be added . secondly , that in this second course of observa●ion they shall descend to some things more ●articularly in every object , then they did in the first course ; and in a way more exact and ●istinct : wherby they shall be taught to look ●pon every thing so , as to take up the notion ●hereof orderly in four things when they once ●ave gotten the generall shape thereof in their mindes . the first is , to look upon the parts ●hereof , and know their distinct names in the ●earned ●ongues . the second is , to look ●pon the properties of those parts and the forme o● frame of the whole arising ●rom thence . the third is , to look upon the action or passion or fitness to action or passion which ariseth from that frame and properties of the whole and parts . and the fourth , is to look upon the usefulness which the thing , with the parts , properties and ●ctions thereof , hath towards man . when ●very object formerly observed in the bulk ●hall be thus reviewed in these particulars , and the chief names formerly not mentioned added therunto ; the second course of this period will be also finished : whereof at this time , this only is further to be added ; that , at the latter ●nd of the third year , and the beginning of the fourth , the grammaticall precepts are ●ully to be delivered in each tongue in respect of their differentiall properties , which thenceforth are to be taken notice of in the use of their janua's . in the third and last part of this perio● ( that is in the fifth year thereof ) they shall r●●peat all what in the four former years the● have learned : but chiefly the addition●● part of learning , which the second cou●● had , more then the first ; that is , their he●brew janua ; the particularities , to be● take● notice of , in the observation of all sensu●● objects , and the grammaticall differen●● in the constructions of the three tongues . in the third period of learning , from thi●●teen or fourteen , till nineteen or twentie ; 〈◊〉 have six years to bestow upon the traditionall and rationall wayes of teaching 〈◊〉 sciences : those years also shall be divided in●● three courses , and to each course two year● shall be allotted . in the first course of this third period , a● the sciences belonging therunto are to be de●livered historically , which may be done thr●● wayes . first , by way of ocular demonstra●tion in things that can be shewed unto sen●● in every science , whose subject hath any thin● of sense in it . secondly , by way of schemes a●● pictures to represent hieroglyphically the● things that have no visible shape ; and fo●●mally those things which have a reall shape but are not at hand to be seen and shewe● unto sense . and thirdly , by way of narratives and relations , expounding both tha● which is shewed unto sense , and that which is offered unto it in pictures and schemes , whether hieroglyphically or formally . in this course ( besides their janua's which are to be repeated ) the easiest of the latin and greek authors which handle the sciences ( whereof the ideas have been offered unto them ) are to be read by them according to the directions which shall be given : and after the first year of this course ( or sooner as upon triall shall be found expedient ) their speech shall be wholly latin ▪ and to beginne to translate some remarkable passages of greek authors into latin , and of latin authors into greek ; shall be one of their exercises . in the last quarter of this course ( or in the last half year as experience shall direct ) the grounds of logick shall be taught them so farre as to let them see . . what the faculty of reason is in man , and wherin it doth differ from imagination and memory . . what the use thereof is in all sciences . . what the acts thereof are , in making up many single thoughts into propositions ; and of many propositions said together to draw thence consequences . . how that these acts are to be taken notice of , and observed in the authors which they have read who write of sciences ; in whom they shall be taught to analyse some of their rationall propositions and consequences . thus the first course of thi● period shall be ended . in the second course ( that is , in the third and fourth year ) of this period , all the sciences belonging to the whole period shall b● taught dogmatically ; that is , the rules and precepts thereof shall be delivered , according to that order wherin they are subservient unto the necessities of man , and branch themselves out one upon another ; the latter growing up from the principl●s of the former ; an● all tending to make the creatures serviceable unto mankind ; or to rectifie his disorders within himself . in this dogmaticall course of sciences , towards the latter end of the first year thereof ( that is , in the last quarter of the third year of this period of education ) the precepts of logick shall be fully taught , first the analyticall , and then the geneticall way of reasoning , to find out truths which are doubtfull , and towards the latter end or the middle of the second year thereof , the precepts of oratory and poetry shall be taught them ; and they directed to observe in the authors which they have alreadie perused , how those precepts have been put in use by them , that they may learne to imitate their practise . in the third course of this period , that is , in the two last years thereof ; all the sciences belonging to the period shall be taught practically , that is they shall be exercised in the practise of all that which they have been ●aught , in the whole former course of their education : and they shall be put upon the occasions of making use of their skill in every science for their own and others advantage , and the improvement of the wayes of learning : and here as their genius shall lead them , they shall be left a little larger scope to follow it : either in wayes of action , or of theorie , or of utterance : in the first year of this course they should be exercised and put upon the practise of all ; but in the last year , according as their faculty should be found most eminent ( with some few directions and manuductions to improve it ) they should be suffered to apply it to the subject which amongst all the sciences they should like best to exercise themselves in . and in the latter end of this year , that is , in the last quarter thereof , having received such directions for the future government of their life as will be found necessary to order it judiciously and prudently ; they may be dismissed to take some publick service in hand ; or follow some private calling which the commanwealth doth stand in need of . and thus i have reckoned up the main and generall taskes , as they are to answer the years ; the subdivision thereof into moneths , weeks , dayes and hours will not be difficult ; and needeth not now to be insisted upon , but must be delineated before we set upon the work it self . we come now to speake in brief of the way of proposing those taskes unto the scholars , and of their way of entertaining their thoughts about them . concerning the way of proposing all the parts of learning unto the scholars , and of their entertaining the same , to fixe their mindes thereon . the way of proposing matters of learning is as considerable as any thing else in the work of institution ; and next unto that is the way of entertaining that which is proposed : the first of these is the proper work and industry , of the governour and ushers ; the second , of the scholars themselves , although the ushers also may and ought to have some hand therin . for the proposall of every thing , the governour shall prepare the particular matters of every thing which shall be taught for every houre of the day , throughout the whole course ; and deliver the same in writing quarterly , or monthly ( at least ) beforehand unto the ushers ; that they may be in full readiness and perfectly exercise themselves in every thing which they shall deliver to their scholars ●●d the matters should be thus long predeter●ined before hand , and given to the ushers , ●at if upon good grounds they shall suggest ●y thing to the governour for an alteration ●● that , which he shall have prescribed ; it may ●● in time considered between them , and ordered as need shall require , or found most ●xpedient . the matters to be proposed being thus ●repared , when the time comes to offer them ● the scholars ; the governour shall for every ●ifferent kind of exercise and institution give directions unto the ushers , how to behave ●hemselves towards the scholars , to make ●hem affectionat towards the taske which is ●o be offered unto them , that is , attentive and ●reedy to receive it : and to make them more ●erfect in following the directions and rules which in this nature shall be given : he shall ●imself give them an example of the practise ●f it towards the children ; shewing them , at ●very change of exercise and different way of institution , how they should go about their work : he shall therefore teach the first lesson of every kind himself in the presence of his ushers , that they may observe his way : and at the second lesson , when they shall beginne ●heir work ; he shall be present at it , to observe them how they performe it , and tell them of their faults if any be committed . two things are fundamentally to be hee● in the manner of proposing every thing : fir● that the schollars before the thing be prop●●sed be made sensible of the end , wherefore it taught them , and they ought to learne it , 〈◊〉 what the necessity , use , excellency and pe●●fection thereof is in the life of man &c. s●●condly , that the way of offering it unto the be the same at once to all , by all alike percep●ble , common , plain , distinct and orderly every part . and to these two fundamental whereof the first relates unto the will , t● second , unto the understanding ; a third 〈◊〉 be added relating to the memory , which 〈◊〉 that in the method of proposing every thing this rule be observed . let the generall notion of every object or the shape of the whole ; be first offered 〈◊〉 the imagination , and then the parts which a● contained under it , to be represented unto t● thought by way of division . and this bein● done ; let the mind afterward be led retrograde to review the parts as they look to o● another ; and make up the whole by way 〈◊〉 collection . and at the conclusion of every lesson , ● brief and summary recapitulation of tha● which hath been offered unto them is to be proposed ; and the question should be aske● whether any hath a doubt of any thing ? or ●ould have so●●● king repeated ; or further ex●ained ? that they should speak . the way of enterteining that which shall ●e thus proposed is partly in the scholars by ●●emselves , partly in them together with their ●shers . by themselves they shall entertain the things ●hich have been taught them , by the exerci●●s of writing , of painting , or drawing figures , ●f compendiating , and of methodizing , as ●hey shall from time to time he directed ; for ●e fixing of their thoughts upon that which ●hey shall have received ; and by the reading , ●nd understanding , and translating of their ●anua's , or of their authours from one tongue to another , according to the way which shall be shewed them . now , as the proposall of a lesson shall not ●st above half an houre at the most ; so the ●●ertaining of that which hath been offered , ●all follow immediately thereupon , for ▪ the ●a●e of another half houre , so that to e●e● lesson , a full houre , and no more shall ●e allotted ; whereof the first part shall be spent 〈◊〉 receiving , the second , in entertaining the ●houghts thereof . the entertainment of things received together with the ushers , shall be two wayes . ● . by shewing the exercises wherewith they ●ertained their thoughts by themselves . . by a constant course of repetitions to b● observed daily , weekly , monethly , quarter● and yearly ; whereof particular directio● are to be given in due time : but the gener● rule of proportion in all repetitions to 〈◊〉 observed is this ; that the third or fourth l●son , or period of lessons , is alwayes to be r●●petitorie in some degree or other ; more lesse , as the matter is more or lesse di●cult , and generally rather the third is to 〈◊〉 made repetitorie of two , then the fourth 〈◊〉 three : but experience will best determ● what is most expedient to be done in t● concerning the means and instruments w● are to be had in a readinesse , and ordered for use , that these tasks may thus be prosecuted on all hands . the things necessary to be made use of 〈◊〉 bringing all this to passe , are . a co●nient house fitted with rooms , wherein 〈◊〉 scholars may be at their exercises . . the sc●lasticall furniture , & dressing of those roo● . the books and other implements , wh● the ushers and scholars must have at ha● . the house , where this course of educ● should be intended , must not be within 〈◊〉 city , but should be near unto it , in a g● air , large and spacious ; and as it were in 〈◊〉 countrey , with large gardens and orch●●ear the places of tillage and of pasturage , ●hat the countrey may afford unto the scho●rs the aspect and observation of all natu●all things , wherein they are to be taught , and be city may afford them the sight of all ●rtificiall things ; of all trades and manu●ctures , wherewith they are to be made ac●uainted . the rooms wherein the scholars should be 〈◊〉 their exercises , should be foure : three lesser ●nes , for each usher and his peculiar scholars ●ne , and one large one ; or father a gallery ●hich should be for common use unto all . the scholasticall furniture and dressing ●f these rooms ought to be this . the large common room ought to be fur●●shed with all manner of mathematicall , na●rall , philosophicall , historicall , medicinall , ●ieroglyphicall and other sort of pictures , ●aps , globes , instruments , models , engines , ●nd whatsoever is an object of sense in refe●nce to any art or science , these things ●e to be set in their order , according as ●ey are subordinate unto severall sciences ; ●●at at the times appointed , the ushers may ●ade their scholars into it ; to receive the les●ns which they shall give them ▪ upon the ●cular inspection of the things , which shall ●e shewed unto them . the lesser rooms each ought to be furnished with a high seat for the usher ; that he m● overlook all his scholars , and with twen● distinct places , so ordered for the schol● to sit or stand in ; that their fac●● may ●e 〈◊〉 towards him : and each in his place may ha● his own deck , to keep all his papers and oth●● things to be used in good order . in each ● those rooms there should be an iron forna● or stove to keep it warm in the winter . the books which the scholars shall have 〈◊〉 the school shall be none but such as th●●● usher shall put in their hands . in the seco●● period of institution , they shall have a ● books but their latine , greek and h●●brew janua's , and the bible of the old 〈◊〉 new testament in these tongues , and i● their mother-tongue . in the third perio● besides these books , they shall have fr●● time to time , such as their usher by the g●●vernours direction shall furnish them with● and none other ; nor any longer then thinks fit . the instruments besides pen , ink and ●●●per , shall be a pen or stick with black lead ▪ pen-knife , a pair of compasses , a ruler , s●ate ; and some other implements which f●●● time to time shall be put in their hands , a●● taught to make use of according to the ●●●grees of their proficiency . of teaching logick . by logick i understand the art or skill , to make right use of our reasoning facultie . the facultie of reason in man , is that abilitie , by which he can set his thoughts in order to judge of all things , which are in his imaginations . as large then as the imagination or fancy of man is , so large is the use of reason ; that is to say , it doth reach unto all things , that can be thought upon , for all the thoughts of the heart of man are contained under this notion of imaginations ; whether they have an idea or not expresly formed in the mind ; for some thoughts are negative to all ideas . by an idea i mean the shape and representation of something which the mind doth frame unto it self by the imaginative facultie : for , the imaginative facultie is like a looking-glasse , which being turned to any object whatsoever doth receive the shape thereof , and represents it to the eye of the understanding : if then the understanding facultie doth look upon the shapes of things , which are in the imagination not confusedly , but in an orderly way , to compare them and lay them together for some purpose and aim , for which they are taken into consideration ; then it is said to proceed rationally ; but if it hath either no aim at all or no command of its own thoughts or sk●● to rule and order them to that aim , which 〈◊〉 doth consider them for : then it doth procee● without reason . now because to man , t●● facultie of reasoning is that universall light by which he is to guide his wayes in all particular objects as well of meditation , as o● action ; therefore if this light be darkene●● in him , then all is nothing but darknesse : b●● if the eye of his reason be clear , then all i● full of light , which he doth undertake to ac● or meditate . for this cause the art of reasoning as to man , is the chief of all othe● arts and sciences in humane things ; for by i● all other arts are found out ; and whatsoever is amisse in them may be rectified : and consequently to teach how to make use of that reasoning facultie , which we have to some good purpose , is in all humane things , the matter of greatest importance that can be thought : and yet such is the miserie of our life , that there is scarce any thing lesse minded ; or when minded , lesse taught in a right and profitable way . i shall not at this time intend to make this charge good against the ordinary teachers of logick , who for the most part , are so farre out of the way of right reasoning , that their very precepts are less●●●en rationall , and they themselves incapable 〈◊〉 better rules , till they be wholly untaught ●●at which they have learned . but i shall ( as ●●iefly as may be , to be well understood ) deli●●r my conceptions of the right way of teach●●g young scholars the art of reasoning by a ●ositive method to direct them in it , that in●●nd to teach others . i will suppose then , that young scholar is brought unto me , who is 〈◊〉 puris naturalibus ( as we use to say ) that 〈◊〉 , who is capable of institution in this kind , 〈◊〉 being no wayes prepossessed with any ha●its , which may make him unfit to receive the documents which are to be given him : ●nd as being onely possessed with the com●on notions of naturall things which are the objects of humane senses ; and under●tanding no more , but the proper sense of all the words of the language , by which the notions are expressed in the common speech wherein he is to be taught . to such a young ●an i first would deliver some common pre●ognitions concerning logick , and afterward would exercise his reasoning facultie in the way of meditation whereof i should find him ●apable , growing upon him by degrees , till i ●hould make him master of the use of all his ●houghts , to all purposes , which he should ap●ly them unto . the precognitions should bring him to consider himself . . that he hath a naturall abilitie to think and meditate , as all other men have . . that men of understanding are distinguished from fools by this , that they ca● make use of this abilitie understandingly that is to say , that they understand themselves what they do think and meditate , i● what order and to what purpose . . that therefore there is some way to order and direct the thoughts of the mind : that they may not wander at random as fools thoughts use to do . . that this way to order and direct our thoughts , being taught and delivered by certain precepts is called the art of reasoning or logick : and that he who is exercised to follow the same is a rationall man or good logician . . that of all other studies , this is the most worthy of a man , most profitable and most necessary to attain to the happinesse of this life , so farre as by humane faculties it is attainable : and therefore , with most earnest affections and desires to be attended unto . having by such preparations as these are , fitted his understanding and raised his affections to docilitie and attention ; i would begin to deliver unto him some precepts concerning the use of his first notions , and single thoughts , to reach him to take notice of them , what they are : not reflexively by the term of a second notion ( as the ordinary logicians do , teaching their scholars to speak they know not what , nor to what use ) but directly in the terms of a single proposition , to cause him to take notice of the sub●ect and praedicat thereof , and of the conne●ion of each to other in a way affirmative and negative : shewing him that every word ●n our common speech , doth stand for a single ●hought or notion of the mind , and that the words which we speak , should in their order and coherence expresse the order and coherence of our thoughts . having then shewed him what a single proposition is , what parts it is made up of ; how these parts are set together in our thoughts : what the differences of single notions are ; and of the wayes of their set●ing together to make a proposition of them ; ●nd how a single proposition doth differ from ● compound : how a compound is made up of two , three or more single ones : and what the wayes of composition are , and their diffe●ences ; and consequently , how many sorts ●f compound propositions there are in our notions to make up a period of speech : ha●ing , i say , shewed him all this , not in abstra●o and notionally , but by an example of very kind , and in concreto , as it were sensibly in the period of some discourse laid open to his thoughts , and analysed before him ; that they may be as it were led by the hand to consider of it ; then i would set him a dayly task of new examples which he should be obliged to take into his consideration , to resolve analytically by himself according to these precepts , which i should have given him concerning single and compound notions and propositions ; to the end that by thi● exercise of his thoughts in resolving the ordinary periodicall discourses of rational men into these parts and particles of pa●●● whereunto they are rationally resoluble : he may be accustomed to observe what use me● make of their notions single and compound to the extent of one period of their discourses : now whether the notions which he i● exercised in be materially rationall or no ; not at all materiall to his instruction , becaus● in this first degree of precepts , he is one● taught to take notice of the difference 〈◊〉 notions , and of the frames wherein they a●● set together , in the expressions which ratio●nally men use or may be used , but wheth●● they be rightly used in this place , and in re●spect of such and such matter yea or no , th●● is not to be the object of his consideration● this time , that is to be taught afterward due time . this being done i would proceed with him to the second degree of precepts , which should direct him to understand the use of his thoughts in matter of consequence , when one proposition is drawn out of another and becomes a conclusion arising from it . here i would let him know what a consequence is , how many wayes consequences may be inferred from premises , and what the principles are , from which consequences are raised , and by which they are to be tryed , and may be made conclusions . in this part of the doctrine as in the former , i would shew him by examples of every kind , how men of understanding make use of their thoughts , analysing their discourses wherein such acts of reasoning are expressed , whereof he should have received precepts ; and then according to the pattern of meditation , which i should have given him in this kind , i would oblige him to exercise himself by certain discourses containing principles and consequences drawn from them in some authours , which he should be put to resolve , as to the matter of consequentiall inferences , and the acts of drawing conclusions from premises to observe ; how these that use to discourse rationally do order their thoughts and expresse the same to the capacitie of others . then the scholar whom i should have taught these things , should in the third place be directed to take notice of the acts of reason , which are employed about the apprehension of arguments , and the relation of one thing to another by the notion of an argument . here then he should be taught what an argument is , how many differen● sorts of arguments there are in the use of reason to be laid hold on ; what their different relations are , and force of arguing , towards that whereof they are conceived to be arguments . this also should be laid ope● to him by precept and example , and practically in the analysis of some discourse ; or parcels of discourse in an authour shewed ▪ how these that are most rationall make use of those arguments in their discourses ▪ and when he hath been taught to observe these acts of reason in an author , he should be pu● as at former times to analyticall tasks to resolve the matter of some discourse into the severall arguments which it containeth , a● they stand singly by themselves , whereby he should be able upon examination to tell me where his authour maketh use of an argument taken from the cause , or from the effect , or from the subject , or adjunct , or the whole or the part , or contrary or similitude ▪ &c. and when he should be complete in this kind of exercise , then he should be brought to the fourth and last degree of analyticall doctrine , which is to learn to consider the whole body of a discourse , and to observe all the acts of reason , which a man of understanding doth make use of therein . here then he is to be taught what a rationall discourse is , what is to be observed in it . viz. the subject whereof it speaketh : the scope and purpose whereto it speaketh ; the parts whereof it is made up ; their coherence and distinction , as well in respect of the main body , as of every particular member of this discourse , and the order of every thing contained in it , with a reference to the matter and scope , that the whole wisdome of the authour may be discovered . and to instruct him to observe all this in an authour i would analyse a discourse to shew him , how he should proceed in ordering his thoughts to reflect upon all these things in his authour ; and having both by precept and example shewed him what he ought to do : i would give him a task to exercise his mind to do the like , and wherein he should fail , i would rectifie him till he should be complete in this act , and use of his reason also . all this being done by these degrees of analyticall doctrine , and as it were experimentall manuduction of his thoughts to the practise and use of reason ; i woul● then bring him to exercise his reason genetically , that is by a way of begetting an● producing notions within himself concerning a subject which should be given him to meditate on rationally . here then he should be taught what the difference and use is of analysis and genesis : viz. that by the exercise of the former we reflect upon the acts of other mens reasoning , and by the exercise of the latter we stirre up our own facultie to make use of it , to produce acts answerable to the rules which we have been taught . and to make him complete in this way also , first the precepts belonging to the way are to be delivered , and then an example of those precepts is to be given , and according to these precepts and example he is to be exercised , first to meditate upon a simple thema . ( as they call it ) genetically , and then upon a compound thema . by a thema is meant a matter of meditation , which is either a single notion or a proposition , either simple or compound : of which things it is needlesse now to speak at large . the summe of all is this : that the right use of reason is to be taught first in the practise , before it be taught in the theorie , and the analyticall way of practice is to go before the geneticall , and in this teaching the severall degrees of every practice are to be observed , and in every degree , whether the precepts directing the to mind observe the rules of practice , go before the example which the teacher is to propose ; or whether they follow the same as observations , to cause the mind reflect upon the things to be imitated in the example , or whether some precepts be given by way of praecognita before , or some by way of observation after the example ; it is not greatly materiall : if they never be separate , but go in their own degree of exercise together , the one alwayes giving light to the other , and both fitted by the prudencie of the teacher to the capacitie of the scholar . and when the use of reason hath been thus fully taught in a practicall way ; then the scientificall and notionall precepts thereof are to be delivered reflexively upon the rules of practice , which have been fully conceived . for the direct knowledge must be proposed before the reflex be offered , because none can reflect upon his way of knowing before he hath attained it ; therefore the way of knowing actually must be experimentally proposed , before the theoreticall way of apprehending matters be reflexively taught ; which is quite opposite to the practice of those that teach logick in an ordinary way : who deliver all even to children reflexively and scientifically : before they exercise them in any point of practice , except in that of a confused , endlesse , unprofitable way of disputing about notions which is falsly called logick , by which means those that should be made scholars of right reason , are made habitually wranglers about the terms of an art , which they never have been taught : and in stead of making use of their rationall facultie , to set it in a way to order their imaginations aright , they are onely directed and exercised to subtilize their imaginations , and pride themselves in this mainly to have such conceptions , a● are beyond the vulgar capacitie . as if to speak things in the air and out of the common use were to be rationall : but of the originall of these abuses , of the way , how men should be convicted of them and the means , how to rectifie them : and of the more speciall method of teaching the true art of reasoning in all the degrees and parts of the practice and theorie thereof ; i hope i shall at another time be able to speak more fully , when god shall give me better leisure without distraction to elaborate such tasks as in this and other kinds lie upon my hand . in the mean while , take this as a taste of what may follow in due time ; both for the illustration of this way by examples , and for the more particular deduction of every thing belonging ●hereunto . i rest upon all occasions of ser●ice in this or any other kind , your affectionate and loving friend and servant in christ john dury . a copy of mr john dury's letter to samuel hartlib . dear friend , i am glad that the directory for the education of children , and teaching of sciences is to your liking ; i would be more glad if god would open it a way for us to put in practice : and although nothing should be done therein by our selves in these distracted times ; ●et it may be a satisfaction to our minds , that we have not been wanting ●o our generation , so farre as god hath ●nabled us to trace the wayes of doing ●ervice to the publick ; and that we ●ave not buried our talents in the ●round , when opportunities have been offered to us to employ them . you hav● told me once or twice at severall oc●casions , that the discourses which dr kinner hath sent you from beyon● seas tend wholly to the same sco● which i have proposed to my self in the directory which i have sent you ; an● that my conceptions are as it were 〈◊〉 abridgement of that which he ha●● written to you ; as if i had read h●● contrivement of matters ; and take the cream of his whole counsell . 〈◊〉 is very possible that men of the sa●● judgement and principles , setti●● themselves to order one and the sam● work , though they never have confe●●red notions , may agree upon one a●● the same way : i am glad that 〈◊〉 thoughts and his , though neither 〈◊〉 us have had the perusall of one an●●thers papers , or any communicatio● with each other about that subject , 〈◊〉 so concurre , as to confirm you in the way which is most satisfactory to you●●udgement : you may say then to the ●orld ; that you have two witnesses to ●e and the same truth , and way of righteousnes ; and that gods spirit , and ●ight reason speaks the same thing in all ●en ; in all the parts of the world . i shall be glad at a convenient time , 〈◊〉 see those papers , whereof you say i ●ave already given you the substance ●efore i ever saw them : for i suppose ●hey will not onely adde to my thoughts ●pon that subject ; but perhaps give me ●ccasion to adde something to him for the accomplishment of your desires , and the benefit of the publick , whereunto ●ou know i have dedicated my self ; and ●herein by gods grace shall persevere ●nto the end : i rest , your most affectionate and faithfull servant in christ , john dury . finis . a new method of educating children, or, rules and directions for the well ordering and governing them during their younger years shewing that they are capable ... : also, what methods is to be used by breeding women ... / written ... by tho. tryon ... tryon, thomas, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a new method of educating children, or, rules and directions for the well ordering and governing them during their younger years shewing that they are capable ... : also, what methods is to be used by breeding women ... / written ... by tho. tryon ... tryon, thomas, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed for j. salusbury ... and j. harris ..., london : . "recommended to parents, nurses, tutors, and all those concerned in the educating of children." imperfect: pages stained and tightly bound with some loss of print. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng child rearing. education. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread - jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a new method of educating children : or , rules and directions for the well ordering and governing them , during their younger years . shewing that they are capable , at the age of three years , to be caused to learn languages , and most arts and sciences ▪ which , if observ'd by parents , would be of greater value than a thousand pounds portion . also , what methods is to be used by breeding women , and what diet is most proper for them , and their children ▪ to prevent wind , vapours , convulsions , &c. written ( to dis-engage the world from those ill customs in education , it has been so long used to ) by tho. tryon ; author of the way to health , long life and happiness . recommended to parents , nurses , tutors , and all others concerned in the educating of children . london : printed for i. salusbury , at the rising-sun in cornhill ; and i. harris , at the 〈◊〉 , in the poultrey , . price bound one shilling . to parents , tutors , nurses , and all others , concern'd in the education of children . it was for your direction , as well as for the advantage and benefit of children , that this small treatise was at first inended to be wrote and publish'd : 't is to you therefore that it is address'd , hoping that it may be found serviceable to you in the execution of your duty in many respects . for , first , it will constantly remind you of the necessity and obligation you lye under , in reference to the particular management and education of either your own or others children you have taken the charge of . nature puts upon you a necessity of taking care of the one , and your own voluntary act obliges you to the other . secondly , it will furnish you with directions , that shall be much easier to you , and more advantageous to the children you are to instruct . i need not undertake to shew the inconveniencies of the common method of education . the ill success that generally attends it , sufficiently detects it to be guilty of some grand mistakes and errors : it is not able to answer the end it proposes . for after abundance of useless pains , turmoil , and endeavours , whipping , exercising and instructing , when a child arrives at the years of maturity and discretion , ( as they call it ) he is not one jot mere vertuous , and scarcely ( if at all ) more learned than he was when he first set out . i have seen in holland , and other parts of the world , children entred upon businest , and very capable also of managing it , at those years , it may be , ours here in england are learning to spell and pronounce . is it not a scandalous thing , to see a great boy ; of fifteen or sixteen years old , trudging to school , with a great bundle of books under his arm , to learn to decline a noun and conjugate verb , and yet after all , remains uncertain , whether the genders of nouns be three or seven ? but by this time he is it seems a hopeful youth , and his master thinks fit that he be sent to the university . now there 's no help for it , he must be a schollar : and yet perhaps , when he comes to commence batchelour of arts , shall hardly be capable of determining whether the conclusion be part of a syllogism . this indeed is the craft of your common school masters , to keep children ( like spirits in a circle ) a long time under the terror of their iurisdiction and discipline , in order only to promote their own profit and interest . a mischievous way this , and ought to be taken nooice by the government . why sh●u'd the publick for so many years be deprived of the service of so many hopeful boys , who are ter a great deal to be entred upon action , and intrusted with the management of business , than to be compelled to sit in torment eight hours in a day under the grum and unpleasing aspect of an harsh vnd ill-natured pedagogue . we hope a great-deal of this may be prevented by the rules and methods we here propose : for what we here offer to your consideration , is neither so difficult , nor so chargeable : there is little but what is in the power , even of the poorest , to compass and accomplish , at least so far as concerns the making their children vertuous , and teaching them to write and read , which will mightily qualifie , and enable them to get an honest livelyhood in the world. by these , and such like methods , fathers and mothers may in a twelve-months time teach their children more of true and useful learning at home in their houses , than they learn at the common schools in five years . decem annos trivit legendo cicerone , to go ten years to school to learn to construe a latin author , and yet perhaps after all , not understand him to purpose . a very fine accomplishment , when in half the time he might have been taught to speak very readily three several languages . i shall no longer forestall your desires of reading and practicing these easie and natural rules that i have laid down . i had i declare no bye nor private respect in the printing of them , but was wholly influenced by my zeal to the service of the publick , that if it were possible i might contribute somewhat towards the ease , convenience and welfare of mankind ; which effect , if in any measure these papers shall obtain , i have all that i can desire . to his very worthy friend mr. tho. tryon , on his discourse of education . long since i wonder'd what the poets meant , when they a beard to aesculapius lent , ●nd yet deny'd apollo shou'd have one , ●ho ' he the father was , the other son. ●ut now the wonder ceases , having known , ●hat sons are wiser than their fathers grown ; ●nd what cou'd ne'er be done by ages past , ●s to perfection brought we see at last . ●hey made essays , but never cou'd arrive ●t the true course and method how to live . ●mperfect rules their glimmering light affords , ●dorn'd and dress'd in a fair robe of words , which please the ears , from whence contentment springs , ●n reading , but ne'er reach the truth of things . ●heir art might somewhat tow'rds the platform yield , ●ut thou , my friend , do'st the fair structure build . ●uch difference is 'twixt their attempts and thine , that thou perform'st what they cou'd but design . thou for mankind , chalk'st out the fairest way to truth and reason , where no man can stray . each single page such influence does impart , that it the fancy fills , and sways the heart . youth's best conductor , and its safest guide , steering a course betwixt contempt and pride . on this alone our welfare does depend ; here we see what 's amiss , and how to mend : what guilty education has deny'd , by these instructions may be well supply'd . this does the schools pedantick course o'er-rule , and makes a man of him they 'd make a fool. when a young spark has run thro' all the rules ; the flogging gantelope of hated schools ; and to the university repairs , to learn the terms of art and jargon there , the tedious discipline of seven long years . what is he better than my friend and i , an ant , or emmet , or a butter-fly , or any other thing beneath the sky . who reasons , dictates , solidly pursue , without regard to terms , of old or new : keep close to nature in her own plain away , by no new lights and notions led astray ? whilst all their art amounts to only this ; nego sequelam ergo falleris . a new method . of educatin● children . &c. of the capacity of children , together with a true method of their education . it is a truth generally acknowledged by christians , but seldom so well consider'd as it ought . that man is the compleat image of god and nature , and contains in himself the principles and properties of all things corporeal and incorporeal : that he is endued with an elemental or palpable body , actuated and informed by an ethereal spirit , which directly answers to the great soul of the world from whence it is taken , and whereof it is an epitome and abridgment or , if you please , the son and off-spring . and as the soul of man does contain all the true properties of the elements ●z . earth , air , water and fire , which are , as it were , the mothers of the body that nourish and sustain it ; so it has als● the principles of fire and light , that is spirit and life , that gives motion to the body , which bears relation to the sou● of the great world , or that mighty spirit which is the moving , vivifying creative , and conservative power o● god. now man being so wonderfully composed , his soul and spirit containing the true nature and properties of every being , he must consequently have a simile or agreement with the innat● nature , qualities , dispositions and inclinations of all beasts , fowl , fish herbs , seeds , &c. both in the visible and invisible world , and is thereby become a microcosm , a compleat image or resemblance of the universe . the earth essentially contains in i● self the vertues and qualities of all seeds , fruits and grains ; insomuch , that whatever is sown into it , immediately takes root , and attracts to it self an agreeable matter proper for the support and nourishment of its own body and spirit . the like is to be understood of the soul ; it being the universal humane ground , wherein whatever is sown , whether good or evil , takes root , and powerfully , though insensibly , draws agreeable matter out of all the powers and qualities of nature , to nourish and improve that seed , whereby it obtains a strong form in the soul , the essences whereof can never be destroy'd or defaced , especially if the seeds are sown in the first and tenderest age of the child . for then the soul is most empty and consequently most susceptible of impressions , and receiving any thing that is offer'd to it . all the powers of nature standing then , as it were naked , unbyass'd by custom and prejudice , with an earnest and ardent appetite , desiring to be stampt with some character or other , without any regard to either the beauty or value o● the impression , having no distinction betwixt good and evil. upon this account , whatever a child is first taught and accustomed to , not only takes the deepest root in the soul , but beget ; habits and complexions , and denominates the very constitution it self . this no wise man can deny , it being matter of fact , and common observation . besides , all the art and industry of the best tutors can never wholly remove or alter qualities and dispositions so earlily planted : tho● by continually representing to them good examples , back'd with wholsom and moral precepts , if the soul be of a mild and gentle nature , they may , for some time , seem to be subdu'd ; yet upon the least intermission , and neglect o● such a method , they shall be ready to exert themselves afresh , and perhaps , with redoubled vigour . therefore education and examples , in the infancy , and first ages of a child , that is , from two to eight , ten , twelve years , are the very foundation of vertue or vice , accord●ng as they are us'd or apply'd : for ●hen good and evil are indifferent to ●he soul ; and that which is first im●ibed , takes the deepest root , and begets the strongest habit . from hence it is manifest of what ●mportance it is , for fathers , mothers , nurses , &c. to whom the care of children is committed , to be watchful that ●he precepts and examples of vertue , have the honour in making the first ●mpression on their childrens souls : that they labour to acquaint them be●imes with the excellence of patience , humility and compassion : that they ●epresent to them the noble and tran●cendent dignity of justice , and shew ●hem the deformity of the contrary vice : that they make them understand , ●hat there is as much injustice in wrong●ng a man of a penny , as in cheating ●im of a pound : that writhing of the neck of a chicken with delight , is as great an evidence of the spirit of cruelty , as the stabbing a man. they are to ●ccustom their children to a proper and distinct method of speaking : i am perswaded , much of the stammering & lisping in many people , might have been prevented by a proper and due management in their childhood . they ought also to be very careful to teach them temperance in eating and drinking , and moderation in their sleep and exercises . by such methods as these , the seeds of vice might more easily , because timely , be subdued , and a foundation laid for the building up an excellent and accomplisht person . but seeing that the common custom of the world commands us , as soon as we are born , to be submitted to the care and tuition of women , on whose good or ill management of us in that tender age , a great part of the felicity or misery of our lives depend . and considering the impressions that women make , whilst they are impregnate and go with child , have a wonderful influence upon their issue , i think it will prove no worthless service to propose some observations and methods whereby they may be better directed to discharge their duty . ( . ) a good diet ought to be observed ; that is , they ought to accustom themselves to simple meats and drinks such in which no manifest quality is too predominant ; that is , not too sweet nor too bitter , too salt nor too sharp , &c. for all extreams beget their own qualities and complections . all strong drinks are to be avoided ; for nothing is more inimical to the nature of children , than things wherein heat has the ascendant . all spoon-meats are very proper and natural , except such as are made of spirituous liquors , as wine , ale , beer , cyder , &c. but if sweetned with sugar , as is commonly practised , they are exceedingly hotter , and ought to be avoided by all that value their own or their childrens health . but gruels , paps , rice , variously dress'd , are very wholsom . raw herbs made into sallads , and eaten with bread , butter and cheese , are excellently good ; and for drink ; midling beer or ale is the best , except water . ( . ) they are also , during their impregnation , to abstain from all foods that are made hot in their preparation , by boiling , stewing , roasting , baking , and the like . they ought to let them be quite cold before they eat them ; for their fiery sulphurous vapours do mightily generate windy diseases , and that epidemical distemper call'd the scurvy , both in the mother and child : for those fiery fumes and vapours that all hot foods send forth , are of a furious and unpeaceful temper , and contrary to the natural heat both of the stomach and the food it self . so that i affirm , the eating solid food hot , or before these deadly vapours have separated themselves , to be one of the grand causes of wind , especially in women and children , ( as we have largely demonstrated in our way to health , and other of our writings . ) ( . ) they ought to refrain the eating of all sorts of roots , as turnips , pa●snips , carrets , &c. for by reason of their crude and earthy qualities , they naturally beget wind. unripe fruit , and all things sharpned with viuegar oranges , lemons , &c. are hurtful : for being unequal in their parts , they generate cold windy humours , and afford a very small and imprope● nourishment , especially to persons u● der the circumstances we are no● speaking of . ( . ) they must be very careful , n● to exceed in quantity . all repletio● does in a very high degree obstruct the course of nature , and produces many diseases ; and utterly destroys the health and harmony both of body and mind , affecting both with some signal and irreparable damage , being of far more mischievous consequence than most do imagine . ( . ) they ought to forbear all robust , masculine labour and exercises , as likewise a soft and sedentary life : both the one and the other ought to be gentle and easie ; not too thoughtfully , engaging the mind , nor over-burdening the body . such a course wou'd strengthen nature , by removing obstructions , and causing the blood and humours to circulate with more freedom and facility . for it is observable in all countries where women live live temperately , use moderate exercises , eat simple foods and drink mostly water , that windy diseases are hardly ▪ ●wn to be found either in them or ●r children . ●astly . above all things , they ought ●beware that they do not give place passion , to suffer those irregular ●tions of the mind to reign and get 〈◊〉 dominion over them . these sort 〈◊〉 disturbances put the whole constitution out of tune , and make fierce and violent invasions on the sweetness of the good powers and qualities ; making the deepest impressions on the child , and powerfully incorporating with the ●erverse seed of their simile , whereby evil inclinations and dispositions are begotten , and do arise ; for there is a strong and unconceivable sympathy betwixt the mother and the child , both in vertue and vice : so that there is no evil indisposition that attends the mother , but the child participates thereof , receiving the nourishment both of spirit and body from her . nothing is more certain , than that every passion , when it arrives to extremity , begets its own complexion ; for it penetrates even to the center , joyns with its simile , and be●es strengthned by it . by this means , the irregular me● of mothers affect their children , 〈◊〉 often distempering their minds and 〈◊〉 dies ; which in a very short time becom● so deep and central , that they are hard● ever cured or eradicated . this it is to be an ignorant big● to custom and tradition . so unco● trollable is the dominion they have ob● tain'd , that they sway and biass us against all reason and experience . so preposterously is mankind blinded and depraved , that we can neither hear , see , feel , nor taste truth , nor the simplicity of nature's operations . all seed partakes of the nature and quality of the ground whereinto it is sown : if the ground be good , and the seed good , you may reasonably expect sound and firm fruit , without ble ▪ mish or distemper . proper method● must be observed , or all will be spoil'd . what crop can the husband-man hope for , if he neglects to till and manure his land , or sows it with improper and unsuitable seed ? or what profit can he expect from his horses , cows , and sheep , if particular care be not 〈◊〉 about the well-ordering his cattle , that ●hey may bring forth their young ones with strength and health ? the like is to be understood of the humane ground , if that be not dress'd and cultivated by good order and temperance , you must not look for a healthy and vigorous off-spring . in a word , the whole education , improvement and accomplishment of mankind , in a great measure , depends on the management and good conduct of women . for proof of which , let us a little consider what a powerful influence , from our very infancy , they have over us , and what a mighty ▪ interest and concernment they have in those very things that conduce most to our well-being , and have the greatest effect upon our constitutions and dispositions . custom , and common practise , has so order'd it , that as we spring from them , we must be return'd to them . no sooner are we born , but we are thrown into their hands . as they gave us birth , 't is judg'd reasonable they should give us education . it is not enough , ●at we must suffer under the impressions we receive so earlily from them , during the mistaken methods they too generally observe in the time of their pregnancy ; but we must be submitted to their discipline and direction , after we are produc'd , stampt with the image of god. do they not form in us our first notions , and prepossess the soul before it has leisure to understa●d its own power and liberty ? all the nonsence of our conceptions , and irregularity of our morals , is deriv'd from them , whilst through an over-fond tenderness they confirm and encourage those seminal principles of vice that they ought to discountenance and subdue . how many souls are ruin'd by mothers and nurses scaring their children with horrid and frightful names , when they would bring them to comply with their own humour ? hereby the seeds of fear are planted , which continually subject the soul to constant and unavoidable bondage . besides , the examples of their passions , and irregular actions , have a mighty influence upon our tender souls , insomuch that those first impressions can never be obliterated or removed . they also prepare childrens food , and order and appoint their diet and exercises . from hence it appears how much we are under their conduct and management , as to bed , board , and all things conducing to the preservation of life and manner of living . for this cause , it is possible to convince an hundred men of the errors o● life , before one woman ; they being the mistresses of intemperance , and mightily espouse the methods of that ancient gentleman call'd custom . hence it follows , that it is of great importance . that particular care be taken about the education of women themselves , since they sow the first seeds in the humane ground . when you ask children why they do this , or that ? they will answer , their mothers taught them , and they saw their mothers do it . so that the whole care and instruction of children , especially whilst they are most capable of impression , is committed to them . for few or no men mind it , their secular busi●ess calling them to the management of other affairs , which some term matters of greater moment . but this 〈◊〉 a great mistake ; for i affirm , that ●rudent education , and early discipline , are the sinews of all good go●ernment . and no man can reasonably ●xpect better success in publick affairs , except a more methodical regulation be observed in the education of children , especially amongst the females ; for if they are well brought-up , they will naturally . instruct and teach their off-spring . no tutors can teach children to that degree nor with that ease , ●s mothers . besides , the charge of tutors often-times becomes burthensom ; an● many neglect the learning of excellent things , because their circumstances will not allow them wherewith to pay their masters . if the mother or nurse be a linguist , and can well understand and speak three or four languages , the child will quickly learn them all with as great facility and readiness as the mother-tongue . the same is to be understood as to all arts and sciences . it is a great truth , though very little believed , that the females are naturally as fit for , and capable of all excellent learning , as men , even the mathematicks it self ; and if there be any difference , the advantage is on the womens-side . they are of curious and apt capacities , to apprehend all things that depend upon the power of the fancy and imagination , being of a more delicate contexture , and wrought with a finer thread than man. pray tell me , why were they thought fit , by the wise antients , to prepare , compound and dress our food , which indeed is true physick ? on the due composition and proportion of that , all the health , strength , nay , the life it self of men , depends . the art of preparation is not only deep and mysterious , but curious and ingenious : for , to understand preparation and composition , with the proper quantity and quality of the ingredients , is none of the least points in philosophy . i am sure , what the women fall short of in this mystery , is not for want of capacity ; for what they are once taught , and have made a custom , they will hold fast . therefore , that city or countrey is happy , whose women have been taug● good customs , and the orders of temperance ; and on the other side , that country is most unhappy , where the women have embrac'd evil custome . how preposterous is it ! you will trust women with the most material things , even the government of life , and health , and yet deny them to be capable of understanding meaner services . we affirm , they are as able to comprehend all arts and sciences to as high a degree as men , if not higher , provided their education be equal . indeed , we do not approve of their being employ'd in robust and masculine offices . is i● not a pretty sight , to see a parcel of women carrying of burthens , and crying of things in baskets upon their heads , about the streets ? these are unseemly employments , which render women rude , bold , surly , and unchaste . they are to be apply'd to soft and gentle exercises , more agreeable to their complexions . they are to be tutor'd in arts more suitable and proper for them , as in good writing and arithmetick ; to understand accompts , and the keeping of books , and all other things that may be done within the compass of the house ; for if they have timely instruction , they will soon demonstrate themselves to be very apt , sharp and ready in all curious arts , and oftentimes exceed even the men themselves . by these means , daughters would become altogether as helpful and serviceable both to themselves and parents , as sons ; and many times more , because they are not so apt and inclinable to travel and ramble abroad into foreign parts , nor list themselves in the armies of princes . besides , the true learning of all useful things , will render them fit and capable to answer the end of their creation , viz. to be helps-meet to their husbands . for timely education , and the teaching children the doing and active part , is , to sow in them the seeds of temperance , frugality , and good order . this wou'd make them thoughtful and serious , and teach them to have a value for those principles of vertue that are so timely implanted in them ; the practice whereof will be so far from being difficult and hard , that 〈◊〉 will be familiar and connatural to them : they will take care to cherish , preserve and improve these noble seeds , esteeming them the foundations of peace , comfort , and everlasting serenity of mind . like frugal men , that get money by their own industry , they will know the true worth of it , and how they part with it : while others are like a wanton and inconsiderate spend-thrift , who squanders away all he has , without any regard to the labour of those who got it for him , or considering that it might have much better been employ'd in the charitable relief of poor and better deserving people . for this reason , most rich persons children are foolish , idle , prodigal , and very expensive ; and their parents can never expect better fruit from them , till they give them better precepts , and better precedents . for , for the most part , they teach them wantonness and extravagance from their very cradles , till they are seven , eight , or ten years of age : which ill habits grow so very strong in them , that they become 〈◊〉 vincible , and no art or care possible can root out or expunge them . some few there are , indeed , that are born with more propitious and favourable natures , — queis ex meliore luto finxit praecordia titan , — whom phoebus has form'd of better clay , that by the help of instruction , surmount the difficulties of an ill and prejudicate education . but these are very little beholden to their parents and tutors for good manners and sobriety , but chiefly to the portion of good nature , and god's gifts , that are born in them . the fear of god , temperance , cleanness and frugality , are taught by precept and example , even as arts and sciences are ; as also are disobedience , intemperance and disorder . the principal time of teaching and confirming vertue and vice , temperance and intemperance , arts and sciences , industry and wantonness , is from three years of age to ten : whatever is fastened to them within that time , will continue for ever , and will naturally grow strong , and improve , with the least industry imaginable . if this be true , as certainly it is , ho● is it possible that the people of thi● age should expect their children should be temperate and industrious , when they do all they can , both by precept and example , to make them gluttons and debauched ? do not many parents at least permit , if not force their children to eat and drink not only beyond the necessity and exactions of nature , but also more than they are willing to receive ? and persons of all ages have an inclination to eat and drink more than the stomach can with ease digest , especially if their meats and drinks are well compounded and delicious ; which is often purposedly done , to entice nature out of her own plain way . now , if persons of mature age and experience are apt to exceed in this particular , and over-load the digestive power of the stomach , to the extreme prejudice of their body and mind ; what must children suffer , that without any restraint , eat and drink to the end of their appetites ? for the palat● continues the pleasure of tasting , many degrees beyond the necessity of the stomach , and the requirements of the digestive faculty . is not this teaching children , even in the very cradle , to be gluttons ? which being strengthned and improved by repeated practice , is at last so deeply radicated , that it becomes a second nature . so that it is no wonder to see so many men and women intemperate and debauched ; nay , it is very hard to conceive it should be otherwise , when there has been so much pains taken , and so many years spent to confirm and corroborate the habit ; and that even in their youthful age , when impressions are soonest and deepest made . for the soul of man is endued ( as i said before ) with an universal spirit both of good and evil. there is no property or quality in the whole nature of things , that does not find in man somewhat wherewith to assimilate and affix it self . upon this account it is , that he is capable of learning all things humane and divine ; and those precept and examples that are first presented have the strongest effect , and take the deepest root . temperance and order are the fi● things that ought to be taught childre● being the foundation of all excelle● learning . 't is by their direction a● and influence that man arrives to th● accomplishment of his nature , an● dignifies his species above the rank o● his fellow-creatures . so that if children are accustomed to these things from their birth , to twelve or fifteen years of age , it is almost impossible then they should become intemperate , without the hazard of sickness , or running the risque of many unpleasant inconveniences . which consideration , together with an early and habitual practice of those vertues , will make it as easie and familiar for them to be temperate , as men are now prone to be extravagant and debauch'd . besides , this method would extraordinarily contribute to the ease and satisfaction of all families , keeping them from many torturing diseases , and great expences , both in servants , meats and drinks , and render all things sedate , quiet and delightful . custom and precept have wonderful and amazing influences over all the ce● lestial powers and configurations of th● stars and elements , and over innat● dispositions , inclinations and com● plexions . so great is their power bot● in the good and bad , that they lead me● to commit the highest evils and out rages , even murther it self , without any trouble or regret . for example : tak● a boy of two or three years old , tha● is dignified in the fiery trigon in hi● nativity , under mars , who consequently is , by his complexion , addicted to practice all manner of wrath , fiercenes● and cruelty , ; let this child be unde● the tuition of a bannian woman , o● some other person that scruples all violence , or the killing either man o● beast , where they live temperately , an● observe sober methods , and you sha● soon discern , notwithstanding his ma● tial inclinations , and the power o● celestial influences , that the custom religion and example of those peopl● he is brought up among , will quickl● insinuate and conform themselves wit● their similes in the child's soul , an● and gain an intire dominion over all th● fierce and rude dispositions he was ●earen'd with , from his nativity , or ●edominating consteilation . for cer●n it is , that the soul contains the com●at and true nature of all things : ●nd though one quality or property be ●onger than another in the soul , yet the other cling to it , and come after , ●cording to their degrees of strength weakness ; and that form or quality ●at is weakest , can easily be made strong● by custom , precept and example . ●nd so , on the other side , that quality ●at in the nativity was most strong , ●n by the same rule be made weak ●d impotent . this is further manifested in religion , ●hich is made up of great varieties of ●otions , and practical ceremonies , there ●ing as much difference as there is in ●e nature of things ; many of them ●antastical , vain , and irrational , and ●ost of them ridiculous ; the zealous ●pprobation whereof , and formal pra●ise , are convincing and undeniable ●rguments of the force and power of ●ustom . will not those that have been ●structed in base and false notions , and constantly us'd to conform with humane and detestable ceremonies , as easily perswaded to die for their r●gion ( as they call it , ) as those that h● really embrac'd the truth , and l● under the most sober and agreeable m●thods of god's law ? without all p● adventure they will ; and the freque● instances mention'd in the records of histories , determine the question . ha● there not been turks and indians childr● that being educated in the christian ●ligion , have prov'd as zealous and f●ward in the defence of that cause , the child of a christian ? and on 〈◊〉 other hand , are not the ianizaries , 〈◊〉 the most part , the sons of christian● yet there are not , within the confi● of the ottoman empire , more obstin● and inveterate mussulmen . in sho● children may be brought to any thin● their souls are so cereous and flexib● that they may , with the greatest facili● be form'd into any shape , or any figur● good and evil are alike to them , th● know no difference nor distinction : t● that they are first taught , fixes the cha●cter , obtains the ascendant , and de●n minates the person either vertuous or ●cious . for this reason it was , that our saviour ●mmanded little children to be brought ●to him . which had not relation only their innocency , but to their capacity ; ●eir minds being , as it were , free and ●mpty , not yet bound apprentice to ●e vanity of custom and prejudice : ●he ground was clean , and exempt from ●e weeds of di●der and wickedn● ; ●hereby they 〈◊〉 render'd more fit ●d capable to ●ve the good seed . ●id not our g●at master likewise go ●to the streets and high-ways to preach ●e gospel to the common and ordi●ary sort of people ? why did he not ●tner honour the synagogues , and preach ●s doctrine to the scribes and pharisees , ●ose learned and strict observers of the ●aw ? no , the former were not fastned 〈◊〉 prejudice , nor so deeply rooted in the ●ormalities of the law , and tradition , ●nd therefore more likely to embrace the ●ruth : there were not those obstacles ●nd impediments in them , as were in the ●tter . for the more free any man is from ●e power of custom , the more room there is in the soul to entertain ver● as the proverb has it , no fool like the fool : because folly is so deeply gro●ded in him , that there is no place any thing else . on the other hand , children , at th● arrival into this world , are utter str●gers to custom and tradition ; they 〈◊〉 as it were , like the incorporeal being their imaginations and fancies are 〈◊〉 b●nded or mis-led 〈◊〉 that we call r●son ; they penetra● 〈◊〉 , and imitate● things that they hea● 〈◊〉 , o● see done , a● this without any consideration whet● it be good or evil , possible or impossi● being alike exempt from the fear of 〈◊〉 learning , and hope of future bene● they press forward and attain to 〈◊〉 knowledge of things with wonder expedition and accuracy . and t● younger they are , the more capable 〈◊〉 they of receiving instruction , but a and experience must improve the● early plants naturally take the surest a● deepest root , and with great vigour a● force attract the vertues of the earth 〈◊〉 their nourishment ; and being dres● and cultivated by the industrious h● bandman , the good juices soon grow ●ong , insomuch that they will over●me the weeds themselves . upon this consideration , of the won●rful nature and aptitude of the soul receive any thing that shall be offer'd it , it appears of what importance it is , ●at particular care be taken to sow good ●ed at first . that if parents neglect to ●ant , children will do it themselves : or the soul will not be empty , empti●ess having no being in nature . so that you do not teach and shew them good ●ethods and precepts , they will soon ●arn evil ones : for their whole em●oyment and business is , to learn and ●itate what they see and hear . as we ●ave observed before , all languages and tongues are alike to them ; the one is as ●asie as the other : but that which the child first learns , takes the deepest root , ●nd gets the government over all the ●est . so that it is in the power of the mother , if she be a linguist , to make latin , or any other tongue , the mo●her-tongue , as well as english ; and it ●ill be as easie , natural and familiar for ●he child to imitate her in three or four several languages , as one : likewise , arrive at a proper and distinct meth● of speaking , if the mother , nurse , 〈◊〉 whoever has the care of the child co●mitted to them , be a person so qualify and accomplish'd . which is also to b● understood of the attaining to all othe● arts and sciences . hence it follows , that the female ought to have the principal and best education , they being the first planters o● tutors , having the children always with them , whom they will imitate and observe . besides , women have a wonderful dignification in their natures and complexions ; god having implanted modesty in their constitution , which i● the foundation of all excellence and vertue . they are of a quick , penetrating fancy , apt to comprehend any thing that is fine or curious , as the ar● of housewifery , needle-work , painting , musick , writing , &c. in these thing● no man can exceed them , if they hav● timely and proper education and instruction ; being both by their genius and complexions naturally adapted for al● easie employments , and curious arts : the males are to tillage , the manage●ent of cattle , building , and all employments that require greater force and ●trength of body to perform ; which ●he females ought by no means to un●ertake , or meddle with . now , if the women were thus instructed themselves , how easie and natural wou'd it be for them to begin an● teach ●heir children all excellent things , even from the very cradle ? wi●h how little difficulty might they temper and regulate the methods of their eating , drinking , sleeping , and waking ? for i must tell you , that sobriety , temperance , and cleanness , are taught even as any art or science , tho' with much more ease , and ●ess fatigue , and with unconceivably more success and benefit . use and practise are the life and spirit that give vertue and skill to all persons whatsoever . if the children see no disorderly nor intemperate examples , but have the representation and character of the contrary vertues continually placed before their eyes , they will undoubtedly conform themselves to that image , in practice and imitation . if these truths were thoroughly believed , and right● managed , what an healthy off-spri● should we have , every way adorn'd wi● vertue , and the knowledge of all use● and excellent things ? thus you see ho● much it depends upon the care and sk● of parents , tutors nurses , &c. to for the souls of children , and make the● what they please to have them . wha● ever they see or hear , they will practio● do but shew them the way of vertu● and hide from them the contrary pat● they will walk in it , whether you wi● or no , to the end of their lives the● will never depart from such deep-roote● laws , and so timely implanted precept● for the soul takes the biass and tur● of its future inclinations from those fir● and early impressions . it is likewise to be consider'd , tha● children ought not to be kept to any employment , or art , too long : for th● humane soul being compounded and endued with the nature of all thing● ( as we have before mention'd , ) cause● all people to delight in variety , it being most like her self ; but especially children do mightily press after , and lov● variety , and there is nothing more ●rateful to their juvenile and unbounded ●ancies . so that they will never dwell ●ong upon any thing , nor be confin'd , ●ith pleasure , even to that sport or ●lay they seem to take most delight in , ●urther than their own voluntary incli●ations shall sway and induce them . be●ides , it would extremely dull and perolex , their understandings , and retund ●he tender acumen of their wit and spi●it . but when they come to years of discretion , ( as they call it , ) they will apply themselves closer and longer to some ●ne particular employment , or study ; ●ecause then custom , reason , and self-●nterest , engage and perswade them ●o it . moreover , as any one sort of grain , too often sown on any one piece of land , without intermission , exhausts ●ts strength , and makes it weak , so that ●it will bear but a poor crop ; because every sort of grain does draw and attract from the earth a proper juice suitable to the nourishment of its own body : for which reason the prudent husband-man will often change his seed , to give the ground variety ; by which means h● obtains a fruitful and plentiful cro● every year , if other causes do not im● pede . the like must be conceived o● the humane ground . for variety i● the very foundation and compositio● of our lives ; nothing conduces mor● to the health and prosperity of man● kind , nor is more agreeable to the nature of man , than change of diet , exercise and employment . besides , children are more inquisitive● by many degrees , and more violently desirous of knowledge the five first years of their age , than afterwards ; for their souls and minds are , as it were ; empty , and long to be filled ; which naturally moves the spirit to industry , and a● desire after knowledge . but so soon as those green years are past , and the fancy is filled up with the false and mistaken notions of custom and tradition , men become , as it were , full and satiated ; more or . less dull and stupid , and consequently unapt to incline to the study of any sort of curious learning . for this reason it is , that whatever a child is taught to imitate at three or four years of age , ( it is to be understood of ●ound and healthy children , which ●ost wou'd be , were the rules before ●rescribed to women , duly observ'd , ) ●akes double the root , and makes deeper ●mpressions upon them than what they ●re taught at five ; and that at five , double to what they are taught at ten ; ●nd so on proportionably till fifty or sixty years of age. for , as persons grow up into years , their souls and minds are not only filled up and sullied with the irregular dictates of invete●ate custom ; but the natural and animal spirits become muddy and impure , whereby the apprehension and understanding are less quick and penetrating . for the fineness and thinness of the spirits , begets acuteness of wit , and supplies the fancy with more curious and noble images of things ; seeing the finer any man's spirits are , the more capable he is of understanding the mysteries of arts and sciences . from hence it is evident , that order and method do mightily strengthen and advance the humane nature , and render all perso●s that observe them , more ready and adapt to learn , than such a● live irregular lives ; especially children who , through the fineness and tenderness of their spirits , cannot endure th● over-charging of nature , without manifest detriment and prejudice . so that those parents , tutors , &c. that press them on to a debauch , or permit or encourage them to eat or drink , or use any exercise , beyond what the necessity of nature exacts are guilty of horrid impiety against god , manifest breach of trust towards the children , and accountable for all the sad consequences of so fatal a miscarriage . again , since children , at first , do all that they do by example and imitation , it must of necessity be the indispensible duty of all parents , or others with whom the charge of their education is intrusted , to be industriously careful that they neither hear nor see any unseemly action . such precedents will be quickly copied and transcribed by them , and in a short time be so deeply fix'd in the imagination that all the art and pains they can administer shall never be able totally to deface or remove them . and if ever they wou'd have their children to bear any character in the world , and do any thing to purpose , ●hey must be sure to avoid that foolish half-speaking and lisping , when they wou'd prattle with them , and divert them . it is impossible to believe what damage they do their children by this absurd and abominable practise , pronouncing their words by halves , and not one in an hundred properly and truly as it ought to be ; thereby putting the children to a double and treble task and inconvenience ; first , by their own example , fondly instilling into them an huddle of imperfect and broken : nonsence ; and then , after they have discern'd the folly and mischief of stocking them with such trash , ridiculously hoping to make them unlearn it again by whipping and beating them . they ought to be us'd to plain discourses , and words properly , fully and distinctly pronounced ; not with a grinning kind of smile , and comick distortion of the visage ; but in a grave , folemn manner , and with a sedate and calm countenance , even as you would propound questions , and male answer to a judg● or senator . for when they are us'd t● such a pertinent and handsom way o● speaking , they will apply their utmo● diligence to imitate and practice th● same . for 't is the same thing to th● child , both as easie and natural to speak words distinct and pertinent , as lisping and abrupt . many children have reason to condemn their governors and nurses , all the days of their life , for those manifold inconveniences they are expos'd to by an uncomfortable imperfection in the utterance of their speech . their governors also are sedulously to instruct them to avoid all passion , anger and violence ; and as much as lies in their power , keep them from seeing any acts of that nature . there is a contagious infection in them , that ought as carefully to be shunn'd , as the plague or leprosie . they ought to acquaint and make their pupils sensible , not only of the danger , but also of the ugliness and deformity of such preposterous and irregular inclinations . their peace in this world , and happiness in the next , intirely depend upon it . all the preaching , precept and practice of our great law-giver , tended to this end ; to in●ulcate into his disciples a principle of meekness , love and unity ; to exercise a mutual charity and forbearance ●owards one another . a compassionate forgiveness of one another's faults , is the highest conquest we can gain over our selves , and the nearest approach we can make to heaven ; and the occasions of it , is the fairest field christianity has to display her self in with her true and proper colours . — ecce quam christiani amant ! behold how the christians love ! — was the heathen persecutors saying , of old , and ought to be the motto and character of all that would be called christians now . therefore our great master said unto peter , put up thy sword : my kingdom is not of this world. nothing but peace , love , and concord , can open the gates into those blessed realms of light and love. except therefore the first sallies and motions of the soul towards these irregularities be corrected and reformed , nothing but the most fatal and irremediable mischief will ensne . it is , i confess , a work of great difficulty ; yet that shou'd not discourage our endeavours : nay , 't is in the infancy of our children , if ever , that we can reasonably hope for success . besides , the practise of these vices , rencounters the oeconomy of the whole creation : for all things both in the animal , vegetable and mineral kingdoms , do proceed from one ground ; and though the multitude and variety of them be beyond any humane number , yet each and every of them do , in one degree or another , contain the true nature and property of the whole ; and in man they have their central being and existence , though not in all alike , but in some one quality is strong , in others another ; from whence proceeds mens difference in dispositions , inclinations , love , and hatred ; but the property which is strongest in the radix , ever sways and governs the whole life . there is another base and depraved custom too frequently used , viz. to scare and affright children with horrid and terrible names ; thinking thereby to bring them to their lure , and make them quietly comply with what they wou'd have them , not considering of what mischievous consequence it is to the child to have its tender soul so alarm'd and prepossess'd with such monstrous images of things as keep nature in a perpetual agitation and trembling . if the child's soul be of a strong and vigorous complexion , you thereby awaken the seeds of envy , hatred , malice , and many other surly dispositions ; and so by mistakenly endeavouring to lay one devil , you raise a thousand in his room . but if the soul be of a soft , meek , and gentle temper , you utterly confound and ruine it . it shall never be master of one regular thought , and by consequence never produce an handsom and commendable action . it shall be eternally subjected to doubt : irresolute in its designs , and wavering in its attempts . for those terrors and amazements awaken the internal or central spirits and powers of nature ; which incorporating and joyning with their similes , become , as it were , consubstantiate with the soul ; insomuch , that those dreadful conceptions which they form'd in their childhood , will never wholly depart ; but though , for a time , by a vigorous exercise , and use of reason , they may seem to be conquer'd , yet upon any sudden accident of danger or disaster , their fears shall start out a-fresh , and they shall soon be discern'd to be yet under the dominion of their youthful terrors . which timorous sort of disposition , how unfit it is for the business of the world , and how fatal it has prov'd to many that have been subjected to it , need not be insisted on ; what we have already said , may be sufficient to convict this abominable practice of ignorance , cruelty and madness . another very great evil and prejudice to children , is , to suffer them to play up and down promiscuously at all all sorts of sports , and with all sorts of play-fellows . is it not lamentable , for parents to let their children throw away that part of their time in idle , fruitless and dangerous exercises , that is the only proper season for them to learn the rudiments of vertue and knowledge in ? for one hour well employ'd , from three years of age to seven , is of more avail towards the true learning of any one art or science , than ten , when they come to a maturer age , ( as they call it . ) if they are not well and thoroughly grounded then , it will be very difficult to improve and accomplish them , when they come to riper years . it is then the seeds of true knowledge and philosophy ought to be sown , if ever they expect to reap any fruit from them hereafter . besides , the foolish and juvenile pastimes fill the imagination with strange images and conceptions of things , that like so many rank and useless weeds interrupt and divert the growth of real knowledge , and true literature ; corrupting the ground so much , that it will hardly be able to nourish and bring forth any thing of esteem and value . wou'd it not raise a man's spleen with indignation , to hear an old doating sot of a father , cry out of his son , this blockhead will never come to any thing : there is not such a dunce again upon the face of the whole earth : it has cost me the lord knows what , and yet i can make him learn nothing : i can make him understand nothing that is said to him . alas ! old fool , why did not you begin sooner with him ? why did you suffer him to squander away the best part of his time in idleness and folly ? oh , then he was an arch young rogue , a witty , forward child , and you 'd warrant he 'd be no fool , if he liv'd ; but now he 's a mere booby , a dunce , and a block-head . take him for your pains , old gray-bearded dotard ! you may thank your self for all this , and your child is bound to curse you . moreover , there are other ill effects that attend this custom . their sports are often-times , especially if from under the eye of their parents and tutors , &c. so rude and boisterous , that they over-doe their own strength , and in a violent pursuit after their play , strain it to a pitch many degrees above their ability , to the extreme prejudice , and often the irrecoverable damage of their limbs and body ; which perhaps , though not presently discover'd , yet if they live , succeeding years will give them many sharp and troublesom remembrances of it . like the effects of hardships , and youthful colds , that will not be forgot in the winter of old age. thus it is evident , what a disastrous and calamitous influence these irregular methods have both upon mind and body . now , those that would really promote their childrens welfare , and their own peace , must consult the degrees and abilities of nature , else they will soon run themselves into great inconveniences . the bodies and spirits of children are young and tender , so that they cannot endure hard and laborious exercises , without the imputation of manifest folly and damage to their health . for all labour , or exercise , ought to be measured in proportion to the strength of the body and mind : so that those appointed for children , ought to be gentle and easie , such as will not strain the body , nor dull the spirit , together with a simple temperate diet , rather partaking of moisture than dryness ; because their growth requires more liquid matter , by reason of their implanted heat and fire , than maturer age. besides , those rustick and laborious exercises do mightily offend and retard the growth of childrens limbs , far more than most people do imagine . hence appears the necessity of teaching children , from three years old , and upwards , some easie and useful things , instead of their idle and impertinent games and sports , such as musick , painting , housewifery , &c. also , to instruct them to read and speak properly and distinctly , to implant in them the seeds of vertue and good manners ; likewise to walk streight and upright , to run handsomly , and to make true and proper steps . this wou'd be a great ornament , and of good service to them , when they arrive to a more mature and adult age : it would cut off a great deal of their superfluous time , and employ it much better , and more advantageously than is generally practised . moreover , it wou'd soon discourage and discountenance the ill custom of sending children to be instructed at publick dancing-schools ; where they many times receive more prejudice in a month , than they can repair or remove , perhaps , all their lives after . for it shou'd be the care of mothers and nurses , to order the gaite , and direct the steps of the children ; wherein if they are well instructed at first , they will observe the same for ever . for by neglect of this it is , that so many men and women make such an odd and clownish figure in their walking and moving ; sometimes their steps are too thick , sometimes too short , and sometimes too long ; with some extraordinary and irregular motions of their backs and hips , as if their legs were too weak to support the weight of their body ; with many other unseemly postures ; which might more easily and less chargeably be prevented , were the directions we prescribe but follow'd and observ'd . for it is to be noted , that ill postures , and other habits , if they are taken up betimes , become so strong and powerfully grafted in the disposition , that it is almost impossible to root them out , or unteach them again . this is an undeniable truth ; and it is a thousand times better , if possible , that children should remain in an intire and and absolute indifference and neutrality , without learning or doing any thing at all , than to be taught or suffer'd to imitate preposterous methods . for if the child be born with streight , sound , and proportionable limbs , there is but one true , proper , and handsom way of going ; which they may be as easily taught and brought to , as they are to speak , provided a little care and pains be taken with them in the due time : for in the beginning every thing is alike to the child , and one thing as soon learned as another . neither should children , by any means , be permitted to ieer or laugh at any person 's deformity either in mind or body . it is a vain and lewd practise , and generally tolerated ; nay , you shall see a parcel of old fools stand by , and please themselves extremely , to hear children revile and reproach one another . these are things that of all others , ought to be severely corrected and punish'd . if once they are encourag'd to back-bite , envy , defame , or belye one another , there is no hopes of them ; they will be devils in spite of your teeth . for these are the seeds of all abomination , and will , upon occasion , as they grow up , break out into the most unlawful and criminal enormities : theft , murther , blasphemy , treachery , dissimulation , lying , perjury , and all manner of accursed villany , are the off-spring of such an unatural and unchristian connivance and tolleration . 't is for want of parents and nurses taking care timely to reform and destroy these mischievous seeds of vice that so many , every month , ride backwards up holbourn-hill , to tyburn . we may say , that through ignorance and inconsideration , most people do , as it were , intice and play their children into all manner of vice , laying such early foundations of wickedness ; which meeting with suitable occasions , in time , grow so strong , that they are never able to shake them off , or withstand them : all which might , at first , with a little prudence and care , have been prevented . for in lieu of these , they might with great facility and pleasure , have been taught all sorts and kinds of vertue , and degrees of temperance , the fear of god , arts sciences and language , several useful and easie works about houshold-affairs ; the names , vertues and uses of herbs and plants ; to distinguish which are proper for food , and which for medicine ; the managing of gardens , and art of husbandry , with a thousand o●her-employments more honourable and more diverting than their idle sports and games , which they usually practice , and whereof they are capable to a very high degree ; and then , in a short time , these little attainments , with small industry , will grow to very great improvements , and accomplish them to bear the character of excellent persons in the world. there are many other enormities and great evils , that parents ( even those of the best and soberest sort ) are guilty of , in the education of ther children . for , first , tho' they will not allow them to run about the streets , and play promiscuously with the crowd of other children , ( which indeed is extremely commendable , ) yet at home , in their own houses , they use all possible methods to destroy and ruine them , by continually suffering them to stuff their little paunches with all sorts of dainties , and richly compounded meats and drinks , over-charging them both in quantity and quality ; which undermines the very basis of health , there being very few of so sturdy and strong constitutions , that are not wounded by it in one degree or another . what is this , but laying a sure and lasting foundation for gluttony and idleness ? secondly , they give them all sorts of liberty , commanding their servants to humour and obey them in all their foolish and extravagant whimsies ; by which means they never or seldom arrive at any true discernment of things , being indulged in every thing that their extravagant imaginations can conceive , or their undisciplin'd appetites desire . they very rarely put them to any kind of the above-mention'd exercises or employments ; neither do they take care to set themselves before them as precedents of temperance and frugality , taking delight to see them hector and domineer over those that wait upon and attend them ; by which means they become haughty , ambitious and surly to all that are beneath them ( as they conceive ) in birth or estate ; given to passion , gluttony , ebriety and laziness ; whereas they ought to have the contrary vertues of affability , courtesie , and generosity , founded even in their very natures and constitutions ; which infinitely more become and adorn a noble birth , and fair fortune , than an ill-natur'd and untractable pride . besides , a nice and fond education does , as it were , suffocate and destroy all knowledge , and true understanding , even in the very bud ; and chiefly advances folly & ignorance , the greatest evils in the world ; for where folly and ignorance joyn , ( and they can never be separated , ) pray what expectation can there be of any great or honourable production ? the fruit must of necessity be bad , when all within the trunk of the tree , the very sap it self , is poyson'd and corrupt . for there are very small hopes of that person 's doing any thing to purpose , who has once indulg'd himself to an habit of idleness . consider a while the wonderful active powers of god , the marvellous operations of nature , the daily motions of the celestials , the glorious company of stars , their rising and setting ; the variety of their lustre , courses and configurations . behold the rivers and streams of water labouring continually , though in in a long and difficult progress , to pay their tribute to the ocean ; and the ocean again , by industrious tides , fluxes , and refluxes , striving to supply the land. observe how the sun , the bright luminary of heaven , by his circulations , and mysterious powers , does not only give life and being to all elemental things , but exhales moisture from below , and wonderfully bottles it up in the clouds till the appointed time , and then returns it , with interest , to refresh and replenish the earth . there is no such thing as idleness among all the works of god. an idle person is none of god's creature . shou'd the primum mobile stand still but an hour , the world wou'd be at an end , and the whole globe of the universe fall into its original chaos . all the accommodations of life are procur'd by labour ; nay , life it self cannot be otherwise maintained : the blood must be always in circulation ; and the pulse , nature's clock , continually striking : the stomach must labour hard in her kitchin , to prepare and separate aliment for the other parts . you see then , that there is nothing idle a moment in the greater or lesser world : how much then is it the duty of parents and tutors , &c. to see that children are constantly and commendably employed ; idleness being a manifest breach of the command of god , and an open contradiction to the whole course and operation of nature ? it is the mother of all oppression and violence ; an inlet to all sin and wickedness ; and never goes alone , but is attended with a black train of horrid and abominable vices ; rendring men subject to the dominion of the gross , inferior and spiteful powers , and evil demons , who incessantly prompt them on to commit all kinds of outrages against god , man , and beasts . from hence have all unlawful sports and games their rise ; such as cards , dice , billiards , lotteries , whimsie-boards , stage-plays , drolls , hunting , hawking , prize-playing , bull-baiting , bear-baiting , cock-fighting , wanton and lascivious dancing , racing , &c. with a thousand other vanities that parents and elder people , by their own practice , teach their children , whereof some are rude , rustick , unmanly , and unseemly ; others cruel , bloody , and oppressive ; others mean , base , and effeminate : but all sinful and detestable , and ought to be condemn'd to the darkest and deepest pit of hell. and all this , forsooth , must be excus'd with the ridiculous name of pastime : as if our time , which is the greatest blessing we have , were so intollerable a burthen , that we must be beholden to the devil's invention to help it off our hands : surely we shall , one day , find , that all we had , was but little enough to do our duty in . now , when i speak of idleness , 't is not to be understood of an utter insensible stupidity of soul and body , a state of absolute inactivity , or the doing nothing at all ; but the doing of evil , or that which children ought not to do ; which is the worst sort of idleness : for , in the other sence , there is scarce any thing idle in the whole course of nature . if children be not exercised in some useful art and things tending to vertue , they will be always doing the contrary . for in their first and second age , which is from their birth to seven years of age , and from thence to fourteen , their spirits are extraordinarily brisk and airy : their imaginations & desires cannot stand still , but will be endeavouring to penetrate into the knowledge of things . upon which account , good and wholsom examples ought to be set before them : their particular tasks ought to be assigned them , that they may betimes learn to dress the gardens of their souls , and sortifie them against the over-spreading weeds of vice and ignorance , and keep their bodies clean from diseases and distempers . for idleness and ignorance are the most inhumane tyrants in the world ; and mankind's greatest enemies , which this present age has brought into great favour and esteem : and because they are resolved to have their children intirely under their subjection , most parents accustom 'em to 'em even from their birth ; and as soon as they beg●n to speak , fill their heads with a rhapsody of idle prattle , nonsence and lies ; and so , as it were , erect a school in their own houses for the nurture of ignorance and vice , and take no pains to inform and instruct them in the rudiments of vertue and true knowledge . it is a grand mistake , not to begin to teach children any thing of value till they are eight or ten years of age : as if they ought to commence then , when they shou'd almost have done learning . they are early and timely plants that take surest root , and thrive amain , ( as the experience of all mankind can testifie . ) in india they teach their children to spin fine callico's and muslins at three years old : nor cou'd they ever bring them to perfection , did they begin later . italy abounds with fine painters ; and holland and england , with curious spinners of thread and wool : in which arts , all that have any reputation , are very earlily instructed . pray tell me , what excellence can age attain to , in writing , reading , speaking languages , musick , painting , &c. if there have not been first some youthful instruction implanted in them ? it is a certain truth , that the sooner we begin , the surer and better progress we are like to make . it is no wonder then , that the princes , and great men of this world , are so mightily given up to wrath , fierceness , and fighting ; when we consider , they are bred to it from their very cradles . as soon as they can handle a sword , they must have a small one provided ; and when the child shall in the least degree imitate any warlike and fierce action , his tutor and people about him praise him to the skies ; i 'll warrant ( say they ) my little master will be a general before he dies . then , when he 's able to ride , a horse must be bought , with holsters and pistols , and all other proper furniture ; so his little lordship must be forthwith mounted . now his ears are open to nothing but war and battles ; he dreams of nothing but fighting , killing and conquering ; all the discourse about him , is of nothing but armies and sieges , of battalions and squadrons , of trenches , bastions , half-moons , parapets , and counterscarps , with such impertinent iargon , that the little warrier fancies himself already in the battle , just now a going to enter the breach , and the town 's our own . by such methods as these , they animate and excite the spirit of the child , and stir up the seeds of fierceness and wrath in his soul ; which they ought , with the greatest care imaginable , to suppress and mollifie . thus all children are taught , from their infancy , the trade of killing ; and by practising on inferiour creatures , arrive , by degrees , to the perfection of murther , in killing of men. this makes so many rash young men leave an honest and profitable trade , where they have all things convenient and necessary , to run heedlessly in the wars of princes ; blindly , though voluntarily , submitting themselves to almost intollerable fatigues and hardships , opening their breasts to guns and swords ; and yet , after all , if they offer to quit their colours , they are sure to be hang'd , having bound themselves apprentice to the worst sort of slavery in the world. and this also makes the gentlemen leave their wives and children , and all the delights and enjoyments of their estates , to travel into foreign countries , and there fight like mad , and venture their lives against those they never had any quarrel with . now , i say , if men are not well fraighted with good store of this unlucky commodity call'd wrath , it wou'd be impossible for them to act as they do , contrary to all humanity , and true vertue : but the power of education is very great , and captivates all mankind in one degree or other . therefore , of whatever spirit fathers , mothers , tutors , &c. wou'd have their children to be , let them take care to sow the seeds thereof betimes in the child's soul. wou'd you have your child to love and fear god ? you may easily do it , to what degree you please , provided he does not hear nor see contrary examples . wou'd you have him temperate in meats and drinks ? then accustom him to proper quantities and agreeable qualities in his diet. wou'd you have him hardy , strong and healthy ? then use mean foods , and give them in order , and with constant exercise proportionable to the strength of the child . or , wou'd you have him a curious and excellent artist ? then keep him constant to the practice of that art , and where he may always see examples of the same . the like is to be understood of all other things . some rules concerning proper foods for children . it is agreed on by all prudent men , that simple meats and drinks are most friendly and acceptable to nature , and healthier than those that are rich , and compounded of various ingredients , but more-especially for the tender nature of children . did mothers and nurses truly understand and consider what was most agreeable to the simplicity of nature , this age wou'd be happy ; and the pains and trouble of bringing-up children would hardly be felt . if their foods were made of corn , as gruel made of oatmeal ; water-pap , which is made only of wheat-flower and water , with a little salt and bread in it ; their children wou'd be , for the most part , plump , brisk , strong and lively . when the child is costive , then water-gruel , with more or less flower'd-pap , eating a little bread and salt with it , is very good and proper . this sort of food is not only healthier than pap made of milk , but much more strong , and every way more substantial . it generates better blood , and causes a more free and undisturb'd circulation . for i affirm , if children shou'd never have any other food for the first seven years of their age , than water-gruel , and pap made with flower , bread , and salt ; their constitutions wou'd be much healthier and firmer , free from innumerable diseases wherewith thousands are now tormented ; withal , adding good spring-water for their drink . the world is not so grossly mistaken in any thing , as in the due preparation of meats and drinks , especially as they relate to children . nothing is a greater evil than ignorance . all meats and drinks that are rich and delicate , are not in the least agreeable to the nature of children ; such as milk-foods mixed with sugar & spices ; also butter & cheese , if not eaten sparingly : all fish , flesh , and foods wherein eggs are mixed , as custards , cheese-cakes , &c. are pernicious , especially to some children ; likewise pies made with unripe fruit , mixed with sugar , which must indeed be eaten sparingly . but what unaccountable and preposterous methods do we follow ? our governours fondness and ignorance destroys us . mankind would be as healthy as any other creature ; and healthier too , provided his food was as natural and simple as that of other creatures . i say , and i affirm nothing but matter of fact , a man may do as good a day 's work , nay , better too , that eats but a penny-half-penny's worth of oatmeal made into thick gruel , than he that stuffs his carkass with the greatest varieties he can think on . a gentleman of my acquaintance told me , that he liv'd for a half-penny a day , on that sort of food , for months together . but be the quantity what it will , i am sure a man may live very well on it ; and be more strong , brisk , and lively , than with beef and mutton . besides , if childrens diet were simple and natural , they wou'd be of larger growth , finer and straiter limb'd , and every way more compleat ; especially if their exercises were gentle , and suited to their strength . this is evident , from the difference in health and strength between the children of poor people , and those of greater persons . are there any people that have generally more or healthier children than the scotch women ? yet most of them live chiefly on gruels made of oatmeal ; and their cawdles , when they lye-in , are no better then spoon-meats made of oatmeal & water , sometimes boiling therewith a little small-beer or ale. besides , in those northern parts of the world , no people dandle , or carry their children less about in their arms : they are compell'd to it by their poverty and want , being forced customarily to labour abroad in the fields for their livelyhood , as well as at home ; so that they have leisure to give but little more attendance on their children , than just suckle and feed them at the usual times . for the constant carrying and lugging of children about , is very prejudicial to their health , by often-times over-heating the blood ; especially if elder and stronger persons take upon them that office ; for by an unaccountable sympathy , they powerfully attract those fine spirits from the child , which would abundantly nourish and strengthen it . for children being tender in their constitution , and their spirits volatile , every little disorder inflames and precipitates them into feavourish indispositions ; from whence proceeds a long train of other troublesom diseases : ( which i have often labour'd to acquaint mankind with , to very little purpose ; so much is inveterate custom too powerful for me . ) children are likewise very much prejudiced by lying in bed with old persons ; and being kept too hot , whereby they become uneasie and froward . for if things were rightly and orderly managed , there wou'd not be so much business and perplexity to tend upon four or five children , as there is now upon one. they are preposterous in all their methods ; they over-feed them , over-cloath them , over . tend them , and over-bind them : and in other respects they are as much remiss as they exceed in this . if the generality of women wou'd but exercise the least grain of sence or wisdom , or if their infallible doctors wou'd be so kind as to tell them the truth , they might quickly give themselves more ease , and their children more health . where there is no order , there can be no good effect , but every thing tends to division and irregularity . if they will observe no proper methods , but do every thing without order or discretion , they must take what follows : for the child will do every thing it is accustom'd to ; and that custom that comes nearest the simplicity of nature , will soonest and easiest be embraced . if the child be used to suck and feed at such and such certain times of the day and night , it will soon be contented with it , and expect no other treatment . there is another thing commonly practised by mothers and nurses , every way as ridiculous and hurtful as any of the rest ; and that is , whenever the child is out of humour , or any thing is amiss , presently to clap the breast or a spoon into the mouth of it ; so inhumanely forcing it to suck or eat : which , instead of quieting the child , does the more disorder it ; and though , perhaps , not for the present , yet afterwards they shall find the effects . for , the too often eating , when nature does not require , must of necessity disturb , heat and burthen the whole body . a lamentable piece of egregious folly this , and never enough to be exposed ! wou'd it not look odly , if when a man or woman is out of humour , or any thing else is the matter , they shou'd immediately fall to eating and drinking , when perhaps they have been at dinner not above an hour before ? there is another thing , of great moment , to be observed ; viz. that to begin to teach children betimes any art , science , or other employment , and keeping them moderately to it for the most part of the day , generates better and more manly thoughts in them ; improves the natural genius , constantly supplying it with good notions , so that they become more serious and thoughtful : for , necessity is the mother of invention ; which is ever encreased by exercise and practice . now , at play there is no such necessity , but children ramble from one thing to another ; and are no further obliged , than their own fancy inclines them . for , constraint to any thing , dulls their parts , fatigues and incapacitates them for the learning of those things they stand most in need to know . this sort of instruction wou'd abundantly advance and beget frugality and order , even to a miracle . for having obtain'd their knowledge by their pains and industry , it wou'd be as valuable to them as an estate or money procured by a man 's own toil and labour . so innumerable are the advantages that wou'd hereby accrue , that it is impossible to do any more than hint at the many benefits and vertues that result from an early , prudent , and well-methodized education . there wou'd be little reason then to reflect , that boys and girls play away that time with drums and babies , which they might employ to more profitable uses , and turn to a far better account . and the reason hereof is evident ; because ( as we have already demonstrated ) they do all things by example and imitation . having before no prepossession , or prejudice , they must of necessity own that for their sovereign , and be subjected to its conduct . methods and institutions of a school , for the advantagious education of young persons , propos'd . first , there must be a skilful master , or governour . . one that has been well acquainted with the world , and knows the mystery and intrigue of it . he must , in general , be a good natural philosopher ; and have some knowledge of the mathematicks , and astronomy ; together with a competent measure of ethicks , which is the life of all . in short , he must be a person able to bear the character he undertakes , and instruct the inferiour tutors and assistants in all the particular methods that contribute to the promotion of learning , vertue , and true knowledge . it is not much insisted on , whether he took his degrees at the university ; and his learning ( as to point of scholarship ) is less to be regarded than his discretion . for as the greatest scholars are not always the best preachers , so neither are the academicks ever the best tutors . . there must be a sub-tutor under the governour , that can speak latin and french readily and properly . but if one that is a general master of both languages cannot be found , there must be two chosen , one for each . . twice a week a musick-master must come and teach those that are willing to learn that science . there must be one in the school that understands it also , to hear and keep them to their business , and tune their instruments . likewise a painter must come twice a week , to instruct and give patterns to such children whose inclinations lead 'em to practice that art. . now , when such masters are provided as are every way accomplish'd for this purpose , you must proceed in a regular order and method : which will not only make all learning easie to the children , but also to the masters and tutors . . take ten or twenty children , from three years old , to five or six at most , who are not to be suffer'd to speak one word of english , but all keep silence and observe : and as much as may be , the master and tutors must make it their business continually to speak latin and french to them , commanding them to do this , and fetch that : and when the children do not understand them , they are to teach them by example , doing and fetching the thing themselves . by this means they will understand the names of most things about the house , in six weeks , or two months ; and in the interim , they must be taught to read the languages they learn : so that in a year's time they shall all speak both latin and french , as well as any children shall do english at that age. and when these first children speak the tongues , then all that are admitted into the school will naturally learn it of course , by conversation and reading , as easily as any learns english from their mothers , &c. nay , they shall speak it better , and more properly pronounce it , than most children do their mother-tongue . . the maids , and nurses , and other servants , shall not speak any other tongue but what is learn'd and taught in the school ; and before they arrive to it , they shall be silent , and do all things by signs . . the day shall be divided into so many parts as the children learn arts or things . the master and tutors shall neither whip , beat , nor shew anger or passion toward any child , be he never so dull : but instead of such correction , shall take the dull child aside , and commend and praise him for his endeavours ; inform him how many men of mean birth have advanc'd themselves to a noble pitch of eminence and glory , by their learning , vertue and sobriety ; and by these means they shall excite and prompt him on to an honourable ambition and emulation . this , no doubt will have a good effect : for both wise men and fools do a-like love to be praised . but other methods shall be used for the executing of justice , if at any time the children become vicious and criminal ; such as shall not irritate the spirit , or provoke passion ; which is a great enemy to the souls and and faculties of most children , and too too frequently practised in most schools ; which will be wholly prevented by the good and regular methods we prescribe . for order , when children are accustom'd to it , has as great power and influence as disorder . . the school shall be at some distance from other houses , or any town , that there may be no communication between the children of the school and other wild children ; that they shall not know what swearing , or any such frothy discourse is , or that there is any such thing in the world. and so of all other evil communication . so that it will be easie to govern them , when order and custom have their free influences ; and where there is nothing else seen or known but the practice of vertue , and study of learning . . in the winter , the children shall go to bed at seven a clock at night , and rise at seven in the morning ; and in the summer , at eight at night , and rise at six in the morning . for , above all things , children shou'd have rest enough , and sleep enough ; which does mightily strengthen and refresh nature , and renders them brisk and alart at their learning . . as soon as they are up in the morning , they shall spend one hour in reading , and then eat their breakfast : after which , such as love musick , shall play and practice one hour , and those that are for painting , the like : the others shall walk in gardens for the same time with their tutors , and discourse of the nature and vertues of herbs , p●ants , and flowers , and of the art of husbandry and gardening , all in the language they then learn ; then they shall all return into the school , and learn their books for one hour . after which , they shall be instructed in the business of the house , and the art of oeconomicks ; also the manner and preparation of the food they have each day for dinner , and have the reasons of every thing discovered to them . then they shall all go to dinner ; after which , in the summer time , they shall rest an hour and a half , sitting silent in a chair , where they may sleep , if they are inclined to it , which will greatly enliven , and sit them for the afternoons business . after which , they shall read half an hour , or an hour , and then such as are for painting or musick , must spend one hour in the exercise of those arts , and in the mean while the others shall be employed in writing ; arithmetick , and accompting . when this is done , they shall be employ'd again in gardening , planting , sowing , weeding , digging , &c. every one having a little garden of their own , which they shall be taught to dress and cultivate ; and such as are not capable of that exercise , shall walk among the others , and learn from them to do it themselves , always having their tutors along with them : after which , they shall walk , run , and play about for half an hour , their tutors carefully observing that they do every thing with decorum , and handsomly ; for all those exercises that are perform'd by the motion and activity of the body and limbs , are to be used in the afternoon , or near the time of going to rest , and not after fullness , or dinner , as the custom is . . thus they shall all learn latin and french by custom and conversation ; for there shall be nothing else spoke in the school . likewise they shall learn to read the same tongue , which may be done a quicker and easier way , than the common method , and by many degrees more to the purpose : for after any child has learn'd the letters , this will not take up above three or four months at the most , to teach the dullest capacity to read tolerably well , and in any book , and some mercurial children will learn it in half the time . this method of ours will be natural , and furnish the child with more variety of words than the common way ; by this way they shall lay a foundation for the knowledge of all things that are convenient and needful for mankind to know . french and latin shall be as their mother tongue , and in two years they shall speak and read , and understand it perfectly , and withal , in the same time learn many useful arts and sciences : the day being divided into several pairs , they shall easily pass out of one thing into another , without any weariness or lassitude , by which means it will be like play to them ; for it is call'd play , because children do with pleasure pass from one thing to another of their own inclination . but if they were confin'd to it , they would find it very hard work , and be more unwilling to continue at it , than others that are put to the study of any useful art. . now the learning and practising several arts , will mightily acquaint them with the knowledge of words ; for every art or science has particular terms and proprieties of expression , adapted to it , which they will be obliged to understand in the reading books , french and latin , that treat on those subjects , so that they will have but little need of a dictionary , when they are put to write , or discourse of the nature of things , which many great schollars are forc'd to have recourse to . . thus , when they have learnt to speak these languages perfectly , then they shall be taught the true grammar of them , which will be easily done . for to speak is one thing , and the art or reason of speaking is another . the first must be done by imitation and practice , the other is the work of time , and must be improved by degrees . they that learn the art of speaking before they can speak , invert the true method , and as they say , put the cart before the horse ; and i do affirm , that if there be a true method taken , the dullest boy alive may be taught to speak good latin and french , as well as he has the use of his mother-tongue . no man can speak any language well , and discourse handsomly of all things , but he that learns young , and by conversation , all the rules in the world can never make him a master afterwards . all other methods of learning are like the mystery of the lawyers , who have used all possible skill and endeavours to make honesty and justice intricate , and hard to be understood , which the plainest man upon earth knows perfectly , without being beholden to their books , or being skill'd in their art. true pronunciation and speaking is learnt by hearing . those children that are accustom'd to hear a noble and elegant way of speaking , will imitate the same . this is the way to make eloquent orators , and good artists . pray tell me , if the best of doctors of them all would not be at a loss , if they were call'd to assist a person in the buying and selling most sorts of the commodities of merchants and shop-keepers , to discourse of all the parts of housewifry , agriculture , navigation , ships , their tackle and furniture , and a thousand other useful things ? most of them i believe would be forc'd to their dictiona●ies , and i am sure in many respects find but little assistance there neither . no man can possibly be a master of any language , but such as learn it very young , and by conversation ; neither is he then a m●ster any farther than the custom of the country allows him ; for 't is that which makes all words proper and improper . . it is believ'd by some , that if a child shou'd never hear speaking , he wou'd never speak ; tho' there is indeed a real ground in nature for language . it is a noble thing , and distinguishes mankind from the beasts , and wou'd do much more , if man had not lost the true knowledge and understanding thereof by his fall and degeneracy , viz. the language of nature , which was the original tongue that in the first ages of the world the antients had some glimmering knowledg of , as appears by their giving such names to their children and other things , that by the word and sound the nature and qua●ity of the person , or thing named , might be understood , whereof there is now little or no knowledge remaining . . but the fowls of the air and beasts of the field do still retain their original language , which the great creator of all things at first endued them with , for they have not degenerated nor broken the law of god and nature , but have continued under the government thereof ; and tho' they cannot express their minds and inclinations in articulate words ; and tho' for the most part they have but one tone or sound , yet they have by the various alteration of that tone a quicker , and more natural way of communicating their sentiments to each other , suitable to their occasions , and the respective state of their minds and desires . than mankind can , by articulate words . i am almost bold to say , that if mankind had not education , he wou'd be much more ignorant than the meanest of beasts . now the chief difference between the education of men and beasts is this ; the latter have their education from nature , and act according to their first and necessary law. and the former from depraved custom and tradition , great part of which is vicious and devilish : he is hurried on with the spirit of error into all acts of violence and injustice , being the devil's slave , yet boasting of his knowledge and understanding , which knowledge and understanding is not manifested in any thing , so much as in the works of darkness . thus i have given you a short draught or delineation of what i judge very necessary to be copy'd out into practice . many oth●r useful directions might be laid down , which shall be made use of if ever these proposals shall have the good fortune to be approved of , and encouraged . i am confident , such methods as these would abundantly contribute to the improvement of true learning , and the reformation of men's manners . there is one evil practice that i find parents and nurses generally , guilty of , and cannot conclude without some reflection upon the horrid and wicked consequences that attend it . from the very cradle they use all means possible to learn their children pride and vanity : if they have any thing new or fine , they never let them alone till they have made the young things sensible of the worth and value of it , thereby laying unremovable foundations for self-conceit and flattery , which grows up in them by degrees , till they are seduced into presumption , and a contempt of others , and so begets and nourishes indignation , self-love , anger , hatred , &c. which produces irreligion , unbelief , superstition , impenitence , a●rogance , and a long train of d●abolical mischiefs . pride destroys the faculties of the intellect , and will never suffer it to make a right judgment . is the inlet to credulity and falshood , the gare of error , and the first step to oppression and violence , inhumanity and madness . it blinds all the inward senses of the soul , subjecting them to all malignant influences , destroying the image of god , poysoning the imagination , and all the good virtues , and active powers of god and nature . it fills the fancy with dark ideas , and destroys the harmony of the universe . it is a stirring power and quality , and may be justly styled the son of the devil . every man hugs and caresses it in himself , but abhors and abominates it in another . it is a mortal enemy to mankind , and the spring head of all war , devastation , depopulation , self-murder , lying , distraction , and whatsoever is odious and wicked in the world. what ignorance , blindness and madness then does posses mankind , that they shou'd be at such continual charge and pains to improve and nourish this hellish quality , that sets the world and all nature in a flame ? let all people then in time consider the sad effects of this vice , and not intail on their posterity such a distemper , which utterly ruins both the soul and body . let them consider what a christian ought to be , and the condition on which our eternal salvation and happiness depends , and examine whether the educa●ion of their children be correspondent and agreeable to christ's rule . i say , when this is consider'd , and compar'd , a man must necessarily conclude , that men do not believe what they talk of , and p●etend to ; for if they did , they could not be contented with such vicious methods , in bringing up their children . poor peoples children , for want of necessaries , are brought up in swinishness and beastiality , and the rich educate their children in all the degrees of court haughtiness , intemperance and idleness ; so that a man of l. per an . that has four or five children , ought to have an estate better than the whole for each of them , every child beginning his trade of life , where the father and mother left off ; insomuch that if an account were taken of all the genmen's families in england , you wou'd hardly find one in twenty of their children that live any thing handsomly in the world. of all the youths that yearly come up to london , to be apprentices to mer●rs , drapers , silk men , &c. there is not one in twenty that serves his time out , or lives on his trade , which can be attributed to nothing else but the effects of those : poysonous weeds of pride and arrogance , their parents sow'd in them in their childhood . the same is to be understood of common servants ; are they not bold , surly , nasty , and ignorant ? so that you must teach them every thing before you can have any service from them ; and when they can do your business , upon any light occasion they grow sawey and impudent , and will leave you , without any acknowledgment of your kindness to them , which only proceeds from the want of publick schools , and due and timely methods of education . let no person therefore that falls under this character , think to excuse himself , by murmuring at , and upbraiding his creator , as if he had dealt unkindly with him ; but if the blame must be laid somewhere else besides , than upon himself , let him charge his miscarriage upon his father and mother , who by their ignorance and madness , have stif●ed and beclouded vertue , and advanc'd and encouraged wickedness and folly , whereby men become contemptible in this world ; and miserable in the next . the true and most natural method of teaching children to read latin , french , dutch , italian , or any other language , as well as their mother-tongue , with great ease and pleasure , so that they shall pronounce all their words fully and properly , which is the greatest difficulty in the learning of languages . the understanding tongues and languages is a sort of learning , highly useful and convenient , and unspeakably serviceable , as well in the management of any trade , business or employment the divine providence shall place us in in the world , as in the spiritual advantages , in reading the holy scriptures , and other good books . the common method is not only tedious and difficult , whereby many are discouraged , and grow weary before they are able to read tolerably , but also very chargeable , so that poor people are not able to defray the charge of schooling for their children . upon consideration of these things i gave my mind to think of some more expeditious course , and more natural method , viz. a more easie , quick , and familiar way of learning letters , so that it be very delightful , both to schollar and teacher . first , teach your child the letters , and to spell a little in the primmer , which may be done in a quarter , or half a year , by often naming the letters to them , and asking what they are ; for the frequent sounding or speaking them goes in at the ears , and penetrates to the center , it being the sense that records what is spoken ; so that the oft repeating , and speaking of the letters in the hearing of of the child , makes a deeper impression upon the powers of the mind . when this is done , take any book that treats of temperance and ve●tue , and distinctly read one , two , or three words , or so many as your child or schollar can readily speak after you , and so proceed , making the child point to each word , and look with the eye upon them , expressing each word distinctly after you , and making a pause after every word , till the child hath done repeating ; and when you come to any words or word that the child cannot easily pronounce or express , then you ought to reiterate it with a plain strong voice , assisting and helping the child in his pronouncing ; but if it be still hard , leave it , go on , it will perhaps be easilier done at another time . thus when you have read one book , or as much of it as you think fit , chuse another , provided always that your books be innocent and pleasant ; by this means you shall accustom your schollar to a variety of prints , letters and words , which will be of great use to him ; whereas in the common schools you see a child that can read tolerably well in one book , or one chapter , and yet not be able to read a word in another : but by practicing the method we prescribe two or three hours in a day , in eight o● ten weeks time the child shall be able to read in most books . all the sences have their appointed offices . now the particular office of hearing is , to receive in , and distinguish sounds , and bring them thro' the proper organs , and present them to the memory , which is a retentive faculty of the soul , whose office is to register all the ears have presented it with , that they may be forth coming , when any occasion shall call for them . now the ears being the natural organs to receive all sounds and words , that sound , voice or word that is spoken by another person , and receiv'd by a third , makes a far deeper impression on the memory , than that which he reads himself : so that he that reads aloud , remembers more than he that reads softly to himself , because the strong speaking enters the organs more forcibly , and conveys the sound and sense to the memory , which records and presents it to the judgment , which is the guide of actions , and judges of what passes and repasses thro' the little world - man. for this cause never any man did or can pronounce any language or tongue truly and properly , by reading of it only , if he has not heard it spoke , and truly pronounced to him , which is the reason that many speak most of their words improperly , tho' they have read them a thousand times , but the ears immediately catch what they hear properly spoken , and convey it to the memory , so that it shall never be forgotten . now the sense of hearing is made good by hearing ; as in musical harmouy , by the common use , and hearing of good musick and singing , the ear can distinguish sounds , and know when it is well perform'd , and the like , is to be understood of the speaking of tongues . for any person shall learn to speak any language by ten degrees sooner and better , by hearing and conversation , than by any other method . therefore children shou'd be taught to speak the tongue or language by hearing or conversation , before they think of learning the rules . for the reason and philosophy of speaking , is a great art , and the work of time , and not at all to be taught children . this preposterous method does rather distract and confound them , than improve and profit : so that by the methods commonly used in the schools , very few ever arrive to speak of many things . it is conversation that giveschildren an universal tongue , or way of speaking . by this means , viz. by frequency of speaking and discoursing , the hardest words will become easie and familiar ; for as we said already , they , ought to speak and read perfectly , before they enter upon the reason and rule of speaking . now the advantages of the fore mention'd methods are : first , it saves expence of time , which is of great consequence ; in our schools , a boy learns for seven years , and after all , can neither write nor speak a line of true latin. besides the difficulty in their way of proceeding damps and discourages the child's industry and inclination to learn. secondly , he shall pronounce his words more properly , and exactly . thirdly , he shall more readily read in any strange book , offer'd him at first sight . fourthly , it does wonderfully benefit and imprint the matter on the memory of the teacher ; so that there is as it were a co-partnership in learning , between the master and the schollar . fifthly , by this way any father , mother or friend , may with ease and delight teach their own children to read at home , without the charge or trouble of sending them abroad to school where for the most part they learn nothing but lewd words , and ill manners , and in short , lose all their time . sixthly , this method will not be only beneficial to children , but to those of maturer age , that would learn to read well , who may hereby be improv'd in three or four weeks , to admiration , and be made capable of pronouncing all words with their right tone and accent , as well as if they had been bred schollars . for example , when they have heard , and been used to pronounce this word [ participate ] short , they will never say [ par-ti-ci pate ] making the last syllable save one long , which wou'd be ridiculous ; yet these , and a many other absurdities , are the effects of the common methods of teaching . a true method of teaching to write a good legible hand . let there be copies engraven , and printed on good paper , not one line , only on the top or side , as is usual for writing masters to place their copies , but in lines quite through the books first , the beginning strokes of every letter , and then the next added , and so on till the whole letter is finished , that the child may know how and where each letter is to be begun and made . after that , let there be several lines of small letters , and the like of capitals : and lastly , copies of joyned-hand , all well writ or cut with the due strokes of a neat mixt hand , which is now most in fashion , easily learnt , and best for general use . then let the child with a good pen and the best red ink , go over the letters , and make them red , and so proceed to the whole letters , and then to the joyning ; only at the first it will be necessary that the father , tutor , or some one that can write pretty well , should show the child how to hold his pen , and guide his hand for two or three weeks , and not suffer him to run rudely and hastily over the copy , which is but wasting ●me and paper , and spoiling the the childs hand ; it must be done heedfully , and when he has made his letter to observe what is amiss , and mend it in the next , till he can make all his le●ters exactly , and then and not before let him proceed to the joined-hand copies , and when the book is writ out provide another in the like manner . this writing over the copies , will by frequent use and cu●om bring his hand to an habit of making his letters without them in a short time . for if you keep him to this practice two or three hours in a day , and make him diligent a●d intent upon it , there is no question but in two or three months he will be able to write a very good hand . and suppose now in that time he writes four or five of those copy books , that will be but four or five shillings charge in the whole . likewise people of mature age may learn this way with ease , secrecy , and expedition , it being a method that cannot fail of perfecting any that shall carefully practice it for one half year . of retaliation , or rewards and punishments . retaliation both in good and evil , is the original foundation of the law of justice ordained by god and nature , which no man can escape or avoid . the secret and sure hand of gods justice will certainly meet and find the transgressor either publickly or privately in this world or in the next . upon this consideration moses and all the wise ancients founded and framed their laws of government in conformity to this original law of god in nature , which our saviour christ has confirmed , saying such measure as you mete to others , such shall be measured to you again . pythagoras , and all the rest of the philosophical law-givers endeavoured by all means to make their followers sensible of the importance of this law , being the first principle and foundation on which all true religion and vertue does depend . so that it is imposible for him to be a sober , vertuous , temperate , and good man , that has no regard to this law. christ also told his disciples , that they must do unto all men , as they would have others do to them . which is the compleat fulfilling of all laws both divine and humane . therefore there is the greatest necessity imaginable , that every man be made sensible of the worth , value and bounty of this eternal ●aw , and that children should be instructed even from their very cradle , that rewards and punishments assuredly attend the observers and violators thereof . for if little children were well educated in the fear of god , and the methods of order , temperance and cleanness , and taught that every evil of what kind soever if not repented of , and forsaken must be retaliated either in this world or the next , it would immediately stem the tide of those enormities that are every day committed without either reproof from their elders , or regret to themselves . now i say , did men firmly believe these things , the dread of retaliation would keep them from oppressing either their own kind , or creatures of inferiour ranks and species . for all sorts of intemperance and oppression be they little or much , must be retaliated , as well in private families , as in publick states . what else is the occasion of changing and transferring of governments , from one to another , and the shifting of private estates and families ; so that it is rare to have an estate continue in one family for three generations , which proceeds from the neglect of living in , and observing god's law in nature . kings , princes , and great men , with force and power , break all bonds and obligation of justice , violate and oppress their inferiors having no regard to that golden law , of doing unto all men as they wou'd be done unto , with a thousand other evils they commit , as if no mercy or sense did dwell in them . so that oftentimes they are depose from their government , out off by violent and immature deaths , or else these evils are retaliated upon their posterity . the like is to be understood concerning every private family and person . when a sober industrious person has got an estate , what does he then but by his own mistaken conduct , together with the women's idle and nonsensical methods in the education of his children , make way for the transferring of it , and by this means sets it agoing much faster , and in a shorter time than it was got ? now some think this swift motion of transferring estates is occasion'd by the ill getting of them , which indeed is too often true , but not always ; for it is visible that the ill conduct of parents , in bringing up their children , does frequently do it : for all idleness , intemperance , and mispe●t time are certainly punished ; and tho' it be done by children , yet they must undergo the retaliation , both in the good and evil. no creature under heaven that breaks god's law can escape the punishment , due for such a violation and transgression . and on the other hand , god is no respecter of persons ; but whoever lives and obeys this sacred law , is blessed with the sweet influences of heaven , and accepted of god , whether young or old . now if parents did but give themselves leizure to think , they wou'd never suffer their children to run headlong to destruction as they do ; nay , many give them precedents and examples for their evil practices and disorders . which plainly declares them to have no faith , and that they do not believe one word of the scripture , or the commandments of god and christ , recommended to them . for i must take leave to tell you , believing is quite another thing ; for where-ever faith is , it is accompanied with great power , which does as it were compel those that enjoy it , to a conformity and obedience to its commands . it hath a secret sympathetick operation upon the inclinations , gestures and intentions , and can powerfully change the innate nature of the mind . suppose any sober person chances to be at some distance from home , and at the same time a servant or messenger comes and tells him , that his house by some accident was on fire , and that it burn'd so violently , that his only child and wife were consumed to ashes in the flames . now do you not think that this report would alter and change this person from a chearful , sedate condition , to a melanchollick anxious state of mind , as not doubting the truth thereof ? how many examples have we of this kind ? of persons , that upon the news of ill events accidents , have been so surprized , and overwhelmed with grief , that they could not be perswaded to eat , drink , or converse with any body . some have been so overcome , that they have entred into vows of abstinence and self-denial , and others so disturb'd , that they have thro an innate power of the mind , and strong imagination of the belief of the truth of it , shook off the bridle of reason , and broke the chains of their senses , and run mad and distracted ; which would never have happen'd , had they not firmly believ'd what was reported : which instances are wonderful evidences and manifestations of the power of faith. and it is clear in the business of religion , that men will hazard their lievs and estates as freely , in the defence of a diabolical opinion , as for the truth it self ; and the reason is , because they believe it to be true . pray therefore do but consider the nature and operation of undisturb'd faith , and how powerfully it works on the mind , and how it alters and changes nature to all intents and purposes . now i say , if faith hath so powerful an operation on man for the least of momentary enjoyments , what shou'd be the effects of true faith , for , and of things , that are durable and eternal ? especially if we reflect that mankind has not in any degree liv'd answerable to the rule and condition , on which salvation and happiness is promised and intail'd . hence it is plain , that most men in the world do bely themselves , when they say they have faith , and that they believe ; for christ saith , that if we had faith , tho' no bigger than a grain of mustard seed , we might be able to remove mountains ; that is , all sins and evils that lie in our way . faith is an ineffable spirit and divine power . it is higher than all heighths , and deeper than all depths . it is a spiritual and holy virtue , that does penetrate , even to the very centre of all beings and commands over all the celestial and terrestrial powers , having as it were the mighty fiat in its self , making something where there was nothing . man's soul is its chariot , where it rides in glory and triumph , altering and changing all essences , forms and qualities : all things submit to its influences , and nothing is able to withstand its power . now the true season of sowing and planting this true faith in children is from three or four years of age , to ten or twelve ; and being well fastned and secur'd to them in those young and tender years , a small industry afterwards will improve it to a very high degree . and as it lays a sure and deep foundation for all things , both in virtue and vice ; so it is clear and most true , tha● the that believes god's commandments , and his law of justice and retaliation , dares not abuse nor violate any of his kind , nor inferior creatures , nor be intemperate , idle , lewd or disorderly . i say , and affirm , that it is impossible for men to be so extreamly brutified , and act as they do , had they but the least grain of true faith. it is only talk , and nothing else , there being no greater evil in the world than the evil education of children , and certainly parents must , and are obliged to make a retaliation for their neglects , and ill management of their children . all the great wickedness , violence and pollutions that are frequently committed in our parts , owe their original to mistakes in this point . and shall not there be a reckoning ? for certain , there must be an account given ; and tho' men forget themselves , yet in god's providence and his law in nature , there is no forgetfulnes . raro ant●cedentem scelestium deseruit pede poena claudo . tho' justice and punishment come slowly oftentimes , yet they surely come . and men shall then , when it is too late , bewail their neglect of that duty , which now they might with the greatest ease and satisfaction perform . some further thoughts concerning the education of children . by another hand . in a letter to a friend . esteemed and worthy friend . the subject you were pleased to recommend to my thoughts , which was concerning the educution of children , i have consider'd , and according to my capacity , have given here at present what hath rise in my mind concerning it , which i humbly submit to your better iudgment , having engag'd my self herein , n●t with any thoughts of my own ability , to perform so great a task , but purely in obedience to your motion . my first consideration in this matter is the great benefits , which must certainly accreu by the well performing so noble and worthy a design , it being the chief means to attract the divine blessings on that nation , that universally and earnestly engage themselves therein . it lays a solid foundation of virtue , wisdom , iustice , temperance , industry , ingenuity , love to mankind , truth , humility , &c. and at the same time roots out the contrary vices . a child in its tender infancy is the most helpless creature . which by the way teaches us that this is not our home . in this state the mother hath the care and direction ; and that her tenderness and love to her infant may not run her into error , she ought to consider the needs and necessities of nature , and provide against them , what exceeds those bou●ds , may prove burthensome to the tender babe . for good nature hath provided the breast , and whilst the infant hangs there , it is well provided for ; without fear of surfeits and excess . cleanness and necessity ought to be observed in its dress or cloathing , rather than custom or fashion , and for food where may we take a better pattern than from nature ? the mother's care extends ov●r the child for near the first seven years , with respect to the necessities and weaknesses of nature in those tender years : and here ought to bo great caré taken , both of body and mind , to lay a solid foundation of virtue and goodness . what children ought to be instructed in , the method of it , the grounds from whence the capacity of children ariseth , ought to be taken notice of , and well observed , of which i can give but brief hints , without enlarging beyond my intended bounds . i conceive that a general rule or maxime , to be laid down for the education of children , may be . that examples of what you would instruct them in , ought constantly to be presented to them . the capacity of children to receive and learn what men are capable to offer to them , may easily be apprehended ; for that they participate of the same power and faculties of mind and body with men : it must be owned that they are in the bud , not yet come to ripeness : there is as certainly a growing in understanding , as well as a growing in stature , also a growing in virtue , or gaining strength in the exercise of truth , modesty , &c. it must considered that there are opposite vices , which the degenerate nature of man is pro●e to embrace and entertain ; and if they are used before children , the base example prevails in viciating them , more than all precepts to the contrary can oppose : for where pride , sloth , voluptuousness , fraud , self-love , &c. are exercised ; children are readily infected , and become as seed , sown into a fertile ground , that in time takes such rooting , that it is hard to be weeded out , if not almost impossible : but according to the nature of all weeds , spreads the whole country , and on this occasion it is said by the wise man , prov. , . i went by the field of the slothful , &c. and lo ! it was all over grown with thorns , and nettles had cover'd the face thereof , &c. therefore all example of vice ought most carefully to be supprest ; for that they ruin the present practicers , and sow a seed for the corrupting and spoiling the next generation . this consideration cannot be too much , nor too earnestly pressed ; for knowledge , accompanied with vice , serves but to exalt it to its perfection ; and when a nation or person have thus fill'd up their measures , they are fit objects for ruin and destruction . the nature thereof is such , that it draws divine vengeance on their heads , except infinite love and forbearance steps between , to give an opportunity for repentance . this being premised , and due care taken to prevent the sowing of this evil seed , and also to root up as much , as may be such evil weeds ; as may arise of themselves in children , thro' the power of depraved nature ; then it may be proper to offer to their understandings things worthy the nature of man to receive . we find that speech or discourse by words , used by men to communicate their thoughts , to explain the nature of things , to detect falshood and vanity , &c. is only peeuliar to man , and differences them from the rest of the creatures , being a character of a divine stamp , and shows the excellency of the humane nature . we find by common experience , that children learn speech very early and easily , and it is equal what ever language is offered to them , they will with the same ease acquire it , which i conceive is a clear argument for what i before offered , that example ought to be presented to children of what you would instruct them in , and we find also , that whatever language children are brought up in , and use till they come of age , that becomes so natural to them , that it is difficult to learn another language , commonly the first is so imprest , that many cannot express themselves in another language , but it shall have somewhat of the first mixt with it , which showsnot only how how easie it is to instruct children by example , but also what is learned in childhood , is rooted so deep , that it is not easily eradicated . if for example sake we here in england would instruct our children in the latin tongue , or any other language , would it not be easier , quicker , and more effectual to perform it after the same manner they learned their first speech , than by artificial methods , and grammar rules , which i conceive ought to be offer'd them afterwards ? but this notion hath of late obtained with many men , who are proper iudges therein ; and therefore the less may be said thereof , it carrying so strong an argument forit self , even in the very proposal . it is found by experience , that in some parts of europe , where two or three languages are spoke , that the children there commonly learn them together ; as in flanders the dutch and french ; in switzerland , the german and french. what may be the reason that here in england we speak not the latin so readily as in some other countries ? may it not be for want of frequent examples ? another instance may here be very fitly offered , to show the capacity of children , and thereby induce us to an early application for their instruction , and that as in musick , which formerly hath been thought too hard and difficult to instruct children therein , and that it would rather oppress and burthen , than instruct or improve them ; which opinion hath sufficiently been confuted of late years , by a person , not fetter'd by such common thoughts or custom , but breaking through , hath produced examples in children at four years old , that have attain'd a proficiency to be admired because not common , viz. playing on the viol several things with great swiftness of hand , and at six or seven years old , playing divisions and sonato's in consort : therefore i think , many words need not here be added , for that matter of fact carries an undeniable proof along with it . i might instance in that common art of spinning , and in that dare appeal to those most knowing therein ; if children , instructed 〈◊〉 that art very young , are not capable to spin a finer , and more even thred , than any elder person can possibly do , that was not put to it young ; and altho' this may seem a mean instance , yet it is pregnant , and the art highly useful and acceptable with men , the making curious fine linnen and lace . this is also matter of fact , and not to be deny'd . the like may be said in painting , drawing , graving , &c. such a foundation may be laid , if begun as well , might produce wonderful effects . that good doctrin of the wise man may serve here in general ; prov. . . train up a child in the way he should go , and when he is old , he will not depart from it . we ought to desire that the whole nation were a school of virtue , and every family as a branch of the whole , were found in the exercise thereof ; such a school would certainly prove the most efficacious for the end proposed , but this is rather to be desired than expected , and indeed it is to be lamented , that publick examples should ruin private instruction : for as the more publick and general examples of virtue are , so are they more teaching , and on the contrary , the more publick and general examples of vice are the more infecting : therefore it is that many lovers of virtue decline the publick ways and methods of instructing , for fear of being infected with the vices , publickly practiced , and so lose a benefit , to avoid a certain mischief , retiring within the narrow limits of their own families . and when youth comes forth , virtuously educated in private , to see the lic●ntiousness used in publick ; the danger is great , if many are not corrupted therewith . this is not only incident to youth , but also to elder years , till the mind comes to be in love with virtue for its own sake . if for the attaining the end proposed to , viz. the well educating of children , that at present a school might be erected , where such children designed to be taught , should constantly reside : that such language proposed to be taught , should there constantly be spoken , and no other . that such arts or sciences , worthy the knowledge and practice of men , were there duly and clearly proposed and exercised . that truth , industry , temperance , &c. were there strictly observed , and in fine , all vice studiously avoided , we might hope for a good effect and issue in the thing designed , and that the more sublime truths relating to god and immortal life , might be more explained to us , which at present is wrapt up in the books of the scriptures , nature and our selves . it would very much contribute to the im● 〈◊〉 ●th of virtue ; were it set in a true light , it ought not to be obscured with that frightful vizard , as it is commonly represented , as if there was no beauty or pleasantness therein , but only melancholly , dullness , unsociableness , and folly : therefore , examples should be set before children in the conversation of those about them ; that as they pursue virtue in its many excellencies , they may not forget that chearfulness , ingenuity , affability , generosity , &c. that compleat the harmony of the whole , without which , instead of attracting the affections of those young ones they should instruct , raise an aversion in their minds against that , which otherwise they would rejoyce in , it being fasly exhibited to them . i will only instance that great saying of solomon ' s , pro● . . speaking of wisdom . her ways ar● ways of pleasantness , and all her pa● are peace , &c. i beg your candid acceptance hereof , and pardon for such weakness , as may appear herein , and am , sept. the th . . sir , yours intirely , finis . an essay, concerning critical and curious learning in which are contained some short reflections on the controversie betwixt sir william temple and mr. wotton, and that betwixt dr. bentley and mr. boyl / by t.r. esq. rymer, thomas, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an essay, concerning critical and curious learning in which are contained some short reflections on the controversie betwixt sir william temple and mr. wotton, and that betwixt dr. bentley and mr. boyl / by t.r. esq. rymer, thomas, - . [ ], p. printed for r. cumberland ..., london : . reproduction of original in cambridge university library. attributed to thomas rymer. cf. bm. last page signed: t.r. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng temple, william, -- sir, - . wotton, william, - . bentley, richard, - . boyle, robert, - . education -- early works to . education -- philosophy -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an essay , concerning critical and curious learning : in which are contained some short reflections on the controversie betwixt sir william temple and mr. wotton ; and that betwixt dr. bentley and mr. boyl . by t. r. esq london , printed for r. cumberland at the angel in st. pauls church-yard . . an essay , concerning critical and curious learning . sir , if i am at all capable of undertaking your commands , it is wholly owing to the advantage of that converse you have for some time honoured me with : but would you be prevailed upon , to lay aside your authority over me , i could assign the province to a much more skilfull hand ; i could wish you would rather have instructed me your-self upon those points you have offered to my consideration , than to exact the little i am able to say upon them . however , in order to begin that correspondence betwixt us , which your letter so kindly proposes , and which is so much for my own benefit ; i will here give my imperfect thoughts upon your first question , viz. whether critical and curious enquiries are really conducive to the advancement of solid and useful learning , or not ? together with my opinion in general of the controversie betwixt sir william temple and mr. wotton , and that betwixt dr. bentley and mr. boyl . this i shall only do , so far as it will come within the compass and form of a letter ; for i am not at all inclined to engage in a set methodical discourse . tho' the negative side of this question may hold very well , if applyed to some superficial wits and pretended virtuosi in the world ; yet it can never be supported against those learned antients and moderns , that are justly distinguished by the name of criticks . for to them we owe what is truly curious and entertaining in philosophy ; and to them we must attribute all those admirable refinements in the liberal arts and sciences . for had not the censors of former times been able , by their great knowledge of nature and reason , to refute the many crude indigested hypotheses , which frequently were advanced in athens and rome ; what whimsical inventions had sophisters imposed upon the more unletter'd sort of people , and transmitted down to posterity , for rare systems and unusual heights in philosophy ? and had not the criticks of latter ages , when learning after a long and dark interval began to dawn and revive again in europe , been very industrious in publishing correct editions of antient books , and putting modern authors upon great care and exactness in their writings , that they might at last restore letters to the world , we had not at this day seen learning in so flourishing a condition , nor so many academies , and places of polite literature , where men are wholly set apart for the cultivation of knowledge . there are indeed some studies , wherein a scrutinous curiosity is altogether impertinent and ridiculous ; as when we would busie our thoughts about things that can neither reform our morals , nor enlighten our understandings , when we either sink them to mean and frivolous niceties , or raise them to secret unknowable disquisitions . and yet these two extreams have strangely engaged many great men. simonides ( we are told ) undertook to give a positive definition of the nature and essence of god : but he soon found his imperfect capacity could frame no adequate conceptions of him , no descriptions , but what were purely negative . aristotle , and many other philosophers , attempted the solution of several abstruse phoenomena in nature ; which we have cause to believe by their bad success , is beyond the scanty power of humane reason . and our modern philosophers and divines are every day raiseing new hypotheses , and seem resolved to unfold all the mysteries of religion . but after all their subtle reasonings and labour'd disputes , they will find no better effects of their studies than uncertainty and confusion . for tho' in justice to our selves we ought to entertain great and worthy idea's of the excellency of humane reason ; yet experience teaches us , that it is bounded and limitted in many respects , that it is short and imperfect in its deductions , even in those things that are more immediately within its compass . why then should some men be so fond of speculations , which the wiser part of mankind have concluded above their knowledge , and which they themselves must confess to be nothing better than learned amusements ? as to the other extream ; i am so far from admiring those great men , that have taken wonderful pains about little insignificant things , as in traceing the rise and progress of words ; and have written volumes concerning particular letters ; that i think they miserably lost their time ; and so will any one that reads their works upon these subjects : whatever can be said upon them is not worth knowing . the authors indeed may flatter themselves with the thoughts of some new discoveries or hidden secrets ; but the world will never grow wiser for such labours . we shall not understand the noble expressions and proprieties of homer , nor the style and genius of thucydides at all the better , for being nicely skill'd in the chronology of the greek tongue ; or for knowing how many letters cadmus first found out , and by what degrees the alphabet , as we now have it , was compleated . these are frivolous curiosities , fit only for pedants and school-masters to amuse their boys withall ; and are wholly forreign to the acquisition of solid and real knowledge . but there are however many kinds of learning , wherein curious and critical observations are very commendable , and are doubtless noble exercises of humane understanding . and of all such studies , methinks that of experimental philosophy is the most noble , beneficial , and satisfactory . for the mind is not there seduced with abstracted arguments and chymerical notions ; but is determined by demonstration and matter of fact. it is the great instrument by which such admirable effects in nature have been discovered , and from whence the constituent principles of all mixed bodies are best known , and those nice speculations of phylosophy so excellently grounded . but even this science , however desirable and entertaining in it self to an inquisitive genius , may be prosecuted to a great absurdity : as when men carry on their experiments to the land of the moon ; contrive aerial engines for our passage thither ; and teach the learned to fly as familiarly as others walk : when they are resolved to refine so far upon all former inventions , as to advance new impossibilities , and instead of improveing useful navigation , will propose methods for ships sailing under water , and such like contradictions to nature . these , i must confess , are projections that turn upon too subtle and deep reasons for my comprehension . others have discovered by the help of their glasses , that those insects which are almost invisible to a naked eye , have however as distinct parts as we have ; and that a louse , compared to those liveing atoms , is a creature of a monstrous size . there are yet others ; who not only undertake to trace nature in all her operations , but will pretend to rival her works , and produce the same effects from artificial causes . but when chymists , setting up for adepti , forget their useful experiments , and begin to hunt after the philosophers-stone ; when they talk of nothing but their diana , their quintessence and their secret physical matter : when , i say , they are once so besotted as to have these whimsies in their head , and to expend their health , labour , and money , in digging for an imaginary mine in fairy ground ; we may reasonably conclude them in the high road to poverty and confusion . i wonder indeed , how men of sense can be taken with those improbabilities , some chymical authors impose upon their readers : i mean , those stories about the vast quantities of gold made their mighty elixir or transmuting powder ; to which they ascribe little less than a kind of divinity and omnipotence . i have read in some of their late books , that it is authentically recorded , that ripley , an english adeptus , sent for many years successively an hundred thousand pounds of artificial gold to the knights of rhodes , to maintain the war against the turks : and that raymund lully , another adeptus , furnished edward the first with six myriads of the same mettal , to carry on the holy war in the holy land. besides , i have read a great many tales of covents , monasteries , hospitals , and other works of charity , which have been privately founded at the expence of the adepti . but a man must be arrived at dotage , before he believes this cant : it can have no better credit sure with any thinking person , than a fictitious narrative in a romance . to be well skill'd in chronology is looked upon as a great and necessary piece of learning . for this science only gives us a distinct view of the successive order of things from the first accounts of time : it determines and divides the periods of the most considerable transactions of past ages ; which history does not oblige it self to , being chiefly imployed in representing the causes vicissitudes and events of them ; in letting us into the true resorts and intrinsick contextures of publick and private negotiations ; and conveying down such notices and observations from antiquity , as may be of service in the conduct of all future occurrences in humane life . and therefore without chronology we should have but an imperfect knowledge of one of the most useful and pleasant studies in the world. but i could never understand the use or pleasure of that everlasting contention some writers have raised amongst themselves , about small punctilio's and niceties ; wherein perchance they are much concerned to discover whether homer or hesiod did really live first ; to know what day and hour such a king or consul dyed . these little questions have seem'd so very important , that the world has been troubled with whole volumes about them ; and after all , the quarrel ends as it begun . i am as much at a loss too to know the worth of that hidden and remote knowledge , antiquaries so much value themselves upon . it is at best but uncertain and conjectural , being drawn out of defaced monuments , coins , inscriptions , calendars , traditions , archives , fragments , and scattered passages of lost books . these men however put an higher esteem on such treasures , ( as they call them ) than on all the solid and beneficial studies a man can apply himself to . to discern the year of a rusted medal , or the date of a moth-eaten manuscript , is in their account a greater piece of learning , than to be acquainted with the life and actions of that emperour whose image the coin bears , or to understand the style and matter of the book it self . perhaps the one kind of knowledge may cost as much pains and labour as the other ; but that only proves their folly more ridiculous and unpardonable . grammar is a science , that is introductory and subservient to most others , and is absolutely necessary for a scholar to be well versed in . without it we could have no acquaintance with the dead tongues , from whence is drawn all , or the best part at least of the learning now in the world. but i need not endeavour to point out the particular uses of it , as it is applied to antient or modern languages , and examines the idiotisms and proprieties of them , and lays down rules , by which they may be more speedily learned , and more correctly spoken : every body is well enough acquainted with them , and i know who i am writing to . but grammar , as it handles those grounds and rules that belong to the philosophy of letters , in order to frame a new and universal language , wherein every word is a description of the thing it signifies ; is of a vaster extent , and takes in the whole theory of nature . to consider the analogy between words and things , is no doubt a very entertaining speculation ; and it would be a means to reconcile the two distinguishing characters of humane nature , speech and reason . but i believe those few learned authors that have treated of it , rather proposed their own private satisfaction , than any publick advantage to mankind . not to mention others , dr. wilkins's essay towards a real character , is a book of great learning , and is justly admired by all that have read and understood it . but it is like those noble schemes and models , that are too fine and exquisite to be put in practice . and i may venture to say , ( but with due respect to this and other learned authors , who have placed it among their desiderata ) that a philosophical grammer is at this time as useless as a mechanical one is necessary . there is another study , which is of admirable use and ornament , and that is astronomy . but when men mistake the end and design of this too , and instead of understanding the natural motions and situations of the heavenly bodies , with respect to the earth , will undertake to give an account of planetary influences and impressions , to calculate nativities , to grasp at and anticipate future things , as if they had not enough to do to digest the present . it then becomes a vain and fruitless impertinence . the common argument in favour of astrology is , that since we are assured by experience it self that solstices , aequinoctials , new moons , full moons , and the like greater revolutions of the stars do manifestly operate upon natural bodies , it must needs follow , that the more exact and subtle aspect of the planets should produce effects more exquisite and occult , and open a very ample field to humane observation . but this is precariously affirmed , and as weakly applyed . for the greater and more apparent influences of the coelestial bodies are only known to us by meer conjecture ; and if so , what hopes can humane inquiry have of discovering their more subtle occult qualities , or collecting any certain consequences from them ? horace says admirably well , prudens futuri temporis exitum caliginosâ nocte premit deus , ridetque si mortalis ultrà fas trepidat . which consideration , as well as many others , ought to check the presumption of those , who pretend to a secret intelligence from above , and an immediate correspondence with heaven . this is nevertheless , a study which some men think worth their care ; and if at last they attain to the reputation of an almanack-maker or conjurer , they are abundantly satisfied with the worthy distinction . there are yet other sciences , as geometry and metaphysicks ; which in some degrees are extreamly useful and necessary . for without this great branch of mathematicks , many parts of nature could never be fully comprehended , nor clearly demonstrated , nor accommodated to use with any skill or certainty . and without metaphysicks , what notion could we have of that vast circle of knowledge beyond the sphere of matter and motion , which is conversant about spirits and incorporeal substances ? but i should not desire to be a profound critick in them . because , the greatest acquirements , that could be hoped for , would hardly compensate the infinite pains a man must bestow upon them . not but that i believe mathematicks afford as substantial a pleasure to those , who are wholly addicted to them , as any other humane knowledge whatever . and so do metaphysicks too ; if we believe the story of the famous avicen , who is said to have been so ravished with aristotle's metaphysicks , that upon his first understanding of them , he bestowed large summs of money on the poor , out of the abundance of his joy and gratitude ; and had the patience to read them over forty times , and get them all by heart . but , i say , however , i can never be perswaded , that it is worth any man's while to dedicate his time and thoughts to those abstracted idea's and theorems in these knowledges the learned so much talk of . this kind of pleasure is too exquisite and refined for the taste of the present age ; and we now adays think it no reflection upon our understandings , to profess our neglect and ignorance of it . the bent of these times is for politer studies . and therefore critical learning , in the modern acception , is commonly taken for a thorough understanding of classick authors , and an exact knowledge of those rules , by which men judge and determine nicely of all the finer parts and branches of humane literature . aristotle was the first that drew these rules up into compass , and made criticism an art ; and the philosopher took such care to form his precepts upon the practice of the best writers , and to reduce them withal to the severest test of nature and reason ; that he scarcely left any thing for succeeding ages to do . we find little or nothing in horace , and the admirable fragments of longinus , but what he had in a great measure lay'd down before . the modern criticks drain all their notions from this great source and fountain : and tho' later systems have endeavoured to explode his philosophy ; yet i find no reflections on his criticks , but what are likely to perpetuate that esteem and value the world has all along had for them . but in short , he is esteemed a good critick , who can distinguish the beauties and excellencies of an author ; and discover likewise his failures and imperfections . when he makes his judgment of a book ; he takes it in pieces , and considers the whole structure and oeconomy of it ; what connexion and dependance there is between one part or argument and another ; whether all material circumstances are fully touched upon ; whether any thing less remarkable is too far spun out , and dilated . then he proceeds to a consideration of the style ; how that is suited and accommodated to the nature of the things it treats of ; how the language is worked together and digested ; how the figures and proprieties of speech are used . and here we see a critick in this sense has a vast room and scope for his observations , wherein he may shew his judgment and learning ; and be very instrumental in the propagation of arts and sciences . but it is sometimes urged against criticism , that too regular an adherence to the forms and measures of it , is a restraint upon a writers invention , and does more harm than good in composition . for that the imagination cannot so freely diffuse and expand it self , when it is obliged to any bounds or limits whatever . which argument is sometimes illustrated and supported by that famous example of an ungovernable genius in heroick vertue , i mean that of alexander the great ; whose vast ambition never failed to hurry him beyond the due measures of conduct : upon which very account , ( say they ) his exploits had always something in them wonderfully surprizing and astonishing . whereas caesar's actions , that were more cool , deliberate and proportioned to the rules of prudence and policy , never give us such an exalted sublime idea of his fortitude as we must necessarily entertain of the greek hero's . the friends too of our great dramatick writer , shakespear , will not be perswaded , but that even his monstrous irregularities were conducive to those shining beauties , which abound in most of his plays ; and that if he had been more a critick , he had been less a poet. but , i say , notwithstanding this ; good conduct in war is no hindrance to the boldest undertakings . for any one that knows history , knows that if caesar had neglected it , his atchievements had never been so glorious , nor alexander's neither . those astonishing ( i might call them accidental ) victories , which the latter gained , betrayed ( many of them at least ) more of fool-hardiness than valour . and a due observation of critical rules , that is , a strict attendance to the rules of nature and reason , can never impede or clog an author's fancy ; but rather produce and enlarge it . they may as well urge , that good and wholesome laws , which enjoyn nothing but what a rational nature would otherwise oblige us to , take away the liberty of mankind ; whereas they are the very life and security of it . now i am nameing invention and composition , i cannot but reflect on the use and advantage of a frequent application to them . which is another argument in favour of your proposals ; and you will therefore pardon a short digression upon this head. it was the opinion ( you know , sir , ) of one of the greatest men of antiquity , that all knowledge was but reminiscence , and that it was innate in the soul , tho' obscured and darkened by our grosser part more or less , according to the particular disposition and temperament of the body . the allowance of which principle would doubtless teach us , that to exert these original seeds of science , we must often use and stretch our intellectual powers . for thus the mind would as it were dilate it self , and by degrees correct the tone and habitude of the organs . but whether there be any truth in the philosophers doctrine or no , this is most certain , that all the faculties of the mind , both active and passive , are mightily heightened and improved by exercise . but if they are neglected and unimployed , they will shrink and contract themselves , and be unable to answer their proper functions . which ( as the experiments of our modern virtuosi have plainly demonstrated ) is true also as to some properties of inanimate bodies . our reason , which is an active principle , would , if for some time stifled and suppressed , in a great measure loose that sagacity and acuteness implanted in it . the memory , which is more perceptive and passive , could neither retain nor return those idea's and images recommended to it , unless it were often proved and examined . it would have but a very dark and unfaithful conception of things , unless we sometimes recollected and produced our notions . if we never committed our thoughts to writing , the invention would become faint and sluggish for want of breathing ; and the iudgment could never determine aright of that huddled perplexed chaos of knowledge , or rather ignorance , we should have within us . it is the condition and circumstance of humane nature , under its present depression , to acquire science but by steps and gradations . the conveyances to our understanding , are too gross to be consistent with an immediate intuition , which is the happiness and prerogative of spiritual intelligences only : whereas the mind of man takes impressions from external objects ; and these impressions make her reflect upon the nature of the thing , from whence she receives them , leading us through a long chain and series of thoughts before we can arrive at any conclusions . now in order to bring these conclusions to some clearness and perfection , we must often ruminate upon them , we must turn our thoughts into words and expressions ; and thus we shall instruct and inform the very mind that produces them , by putting it still upon a more intense application . for we doubtless understand our selves better by expressing the idea we have formed within , than we possibly can by private thoughts and internal reflections , which are always a little dark and cloudy . the image becomes more clear and determinate , when it is set in open light , and is , as it were , a second time submitted to the censure of the mind . we cannot so easily flatter our selves with false beauties and appearances . our judgments will reform the mistakes our vanity might before have fondly entertained , and give us a juster and more exact view of our abilties . thus we shall understand the real compass and circle of our knowledge : we shall digest and settle what we have already imbibed , and be the better able to proceed to further improvements . we shall discover our own natural infirmities or defects , and consequently may learn to apply proper remedies and reliefs to them . it has been a controverted question in philosphy , an omnes animae sint aequales ? and tho' i would not undertake to maintain the affirmative in all points ; for why should not our souls be of different statures and complexions as well as our bodies ? yet i am thus far of the opinion , as to think , that no man's soul is so unluckily formed , so sunk and immersed in his body , that it cannot by due care be made to exert it's faculties , and advanced to a considerable degree of knowledge . not that i would therefore conclude , that it is positively in every man's power , provided he uses his utmost industry , to reach what perfection he pleases in any science . all are not blest with the same portion of genius : nature has visibly framed and fashioned some men to particular things ; wherein they proceed with a great deal of ease and delight ; the native tendency and propension of their souls concurring with their diligence and labour . on the other hand , it is equally difficult , if not impossible , to turn the stream , and be successful in spight of nature . whereof we have a remarkable instance in the famous cicero , who , tho' he was very fond of ingenious men and writings , and spared no time nor pains to have made himself as considerable a poet , as he was an oratour ; yet his verses are so extreamly unpoetical , that the criticks cannot allow him any title or pretension at all to the character . and yet we must not altogether condemn his poetical essays , when we consider what he himself somewhere suggests in his own defence , that such exercises did not only relieve and unbend his thoughts from severer studies , but were of great use to him in his other composures : they furnished him with the knowledge of figurative ornaments ; with that fertility of imagination , and that beauty of conception , which is the mother of eloquence , and of all that is graceful in speaking . so that invention in any kind will turn to some advantage or other ; there will either be pleasure or profit , and still the mind must be improved . but to return . it too often happens , that those who now adayes set up for the censors of writings are byassed by partiality ; and in spight of all their specious pretences , a strong tincture of ill nature and virulence unhappily appears in every line . they commonly tell us indeed in their prefaces , that they have dealt very handsomly and candidly with the authors they comment upon ; and that a critick ought to be as cautious and impartial in determining a man's reputation , as a iudge in the decision of his fortune . but all this is soon forgot : for when we come to the remarks themselves , we are entertained with nothing but continual snarling and insolence . the poor writer is used most inhumanely for the ill cadence of a verse , or the ruggedness of a period : and if by chance he has offended against any of the smallest precepts of aristotle , &c. then to be sure , there is no mercy nor quarter for him . the little lapses of a pen , and sometimes the errata of the press , cannot be passed by without a strange disgust and and severe reprimand . and rather than not swell up his annotations to a just volume , this mild , inoffensive , good natured creature , will acquit his conscience , and fall foul upon the author's morals ; will give us an account of his religion , estate , and pedigree ; or if he has the least reason to suspect his friend has none , he is very free in discloseing that secret too . i am sorry some pieces lately written on good subjects , and by good hands , ( which i forbear to name ) have fallen under this censure , and for want of a prudent conduct have lost a great part of that reputation they might otherwise have justly claimed . thus criticism dwindles into down right raillery and aspersion , and we must take it , as we find it , a composition of a great deal of dogmatical arrogance and ill nature mingled with a very little wit and discernment ; which is the reason it has so small effect upon those scriblers who every day crowd the press with their senseless productions . but if critical writers would lay aside their private piques ; and employ themselves only in pursuing the main business of their art , the reformation and finishment of letters , they would prove extraordinary members in the common-wealth of learning . but 'till men will divest themselves of the prevailing affections of humanity , this candor and ingenuity is rather to be wished for than expected . not that i would here be supposed to insinuate , that the present age hath not actually produced men of as considerable abilities and accurate learning , as any other age of the world. for never did men follow reason with more steddiness , nor prosecute their studies to greater purpose and advantage , than at this day ; as might be proved from several instances not only in the more abstruse sciences , but in those of humanity too , had not the argument been sufficiently controverted already by some modern criticks both of this and our neighbour nations . but i promised to give you my opinion of some late books . i will begin first with mr. wotton 's reflections on antient and modern learning , which he has reprinted not long since with amendments and additions . i shall not enter into the merits of the cause with him , or pretend to answer his elaborate work in an hasty dissertation . for his design of giving the world an history of learning , is doubtless a very useful and commendable undertaking ; and i think he has in general , chosen the better side of the argument . my intention is only to consider cursorily his manner of handling it ; and this , i doubt , will not appear so generous as the design it self . he , has you know , opposed sir william temple , one of the most gentlemanly writers of our age and nation ; but not with so much respect and decency as became either his own , or sir william's character . i cannot imagine what reason he had for it ; unless he thought it might be some honour to him , if he could provoke ( tho' rudely ) so worthy an antagonist to enter the lists with him . but he was unluckily disappointed in that part of his design , and has therefore in this second edition retracted many of those undervaluing criticisms , that are too frequently urged and insisted upon in the first . but as to the book it self . it seems mr. wotton was engaged by some friends , or patrons , to try what could be said in defence of modern learning , against that of the ancients . upon which account he found himself obliged to consider , who had appeared on the other side . and therefore , least he should be accused of betraying his cause , proclaims open war against sir william temple , for having written an essay in honour of the ancients . in order to subdue this popular adversary , he nicely examines every word that seems disagreeable to his own notions ; and , least any thing should be wanting to compleat his victory , quarrels with him about insignificant trifles wholly forreign to his point . any other man would have thought it sufficient to have refuted the arguments in general , without citeing and referring so particularly to almost every line . but then mr. wotton had lost his end ; it was his business to attack sir william temple . and therefore he begins his book like a good disputant , with general reflections on the state of the question ; then proceeds to examine his hypothesis , and talks much of inquiring into the particular points , that arise from his general propositions ; of controverting his arguments ; of using proper mediums ; of reasoning severely , &c. who , upon reading this , would not imagine our reflecter had some knotty syllogistical piece to deal with ; and was at least supporting the reformation and church of england against a second bellarmine ? but all this mighty bustle is how to confute an essay ; which is so far from being penned in a scholastick or polemical way , that it is writ ( as all this author's works are , and as all essays certainly ought to be ) in the most easie unaffected style imaginable . which is more than i can say of mr. wotton's book ; for ( tho' i read it with no manner of prejudice , but with a desire only of being pleased and informed ) it appears to me to be done in a stiff artificial manner . there is indeed a flowingness of fine language , and rapidity of smooth numbers and periods ; but then the same dance and chime of words is eternally sounding in one's ears , and the same fine expressions brought in over and over again , and affected even to an impropriety ; the most nauseous entertainment a reader can have . for we love variety ; and the best expressions , as well as things , constantly reiterated will certainly disgust . but this may look very odd , ( especially to the logical reasoning mr. wotton ) to assert all , and prove nothing ; and yet i am resolved neither to trouble you nor my self with quoteing his book , which would be the only way , i know of , to prove any thing for or against his style . i must therefore appeal to your own judicious taste for the truth of what i say ; and in the mean time i will venture to assert one thing further , viz. that whatever becomes of sir william temple's hypothesis , his essay will always be read with more pleasure , than mr. wotton's reflections with profit . for , notwithstanding all his mighty pomp and boast of much reading , if we come to examine what discoveries he has made , what new lights he hath given the world on this subject , i believe we shall find nothing , that was not well known before to any man of the least acquaintance with letters . and if he was as considerable , as he thinks himself , that is , so considerable as to represent the learning of the present age , these reflections might very well be alledged against him by those of the opposite party , and silence him at once . perhaps you may fancy by this general dislike , that i am byassed in my opinion , but i assure you what i have said is my real judgment , which tho' it may be mistaken , is however impartial . i have no design of gaining sir w. temple's favour , or incurring mr. wotton's displeasure . i only take the liberty ( which all authors must allow their readers ) of speaking my thoughts freely , and as such i offer them to you. i have now done with mr. wotton , and am come to his friend dr. bentley . who has for some reasons best known to himself , not only engaged a single gentleman , but a whole society , upon a much less important argument than that of antient and modern learning ; viz. whether those epistles and fables commonly ascribed to phalaris and aesop , &c. be truly genuine or not ? the debate is now depending ; and , however insignificant you and i may take it to be , is prosecuted with as much heat and contention on both sides , as if some article of eternal life was immediately concerned in it . i shall not presume to interpose one word in so hot a dispute ; only as a stander-by i may be allowed to give my sentiments of their behaviour that manage it . first then , the ground of the quarrel is generally looked upon as highly ridiculous on the dr's . part , even allowing the matter of fact to be just as he himself has stated it . for there was no such keen sting in the words he resents , [ viz. collatas etiam ( sc. epistolas ) cum mso . in bibliothecâ regiâ , cujus mihi copiam ulteriorem bibliothecarius pro singulari suâ humanitate negavit ] that could have provoked any discreet or sensible man , whose time did not lye upon his hands , to write a long and laboured dissertation ( on a subject widely remote from his profession , and of little or no advantage at all to any other part of the learned world , ) that he might have a proper opportunity of retaliating upon his adversaries . but if he denied mr. boyl the king's manuscript in so rude a manner , as is pretended on the other side ; i think mr. boyl was so far from being the aggressor , that he was obliged in his own defence , to give the world some reason why it was not collated ; and he could not say less than he did in his preface . this is my opinion of the beginning of this controversie : but the dr. perhaps knew better how to apply the reflection than i do ; and had therefore reason not to brook it . but before he could conveniently retort this bitter unpardonable irony , he found it necessary to complement mr. boyl out of his title to the edition of phalaris ; that he might clear his way to some other gentlemen he had a greater mind to be dealing with , and fix the affront ( as he pretends ) where it ought to be . all this while mr. boyl is made a child and a tool of , to serve these malicious ends. he is a thing of great hopes , and as such the dr. says he is willing to encourage him . but is so far from looking upon him as a suitable antagonist , that out of his great goodness and condescension he offers by way of tutor , to give him a clearer view into the depths and secrets of learning , than those ignorant pretenders , under whose care he was bred , have been able to do . the style of this book is as remarkable for it's roughness and operoseness , as mr. wotton's for its flowingness . but instead of venturing to criticize upon it , i have here rather chose to transcribe a few lines , which may serve to give you a small taste of the man as well as the book . in the prelude to this grand dispute he looks bigg , and says , phalaris has the plea and right of possession , and i shall not go to dispossess him , as those have done before me , by an arbitrary sentence in his own tyrannical way ; but proceed with him upon lawful evidence , and a fair impartial tryal . and i am very much mistaken in the nature and force of my proofs , if ever any man that reads them persist in his old opinion of making phalaris an author . after he has quite confounded the epistles , he proceeds to his triumph over the late edition ; and gives an account of his own extraordinary character and learning , in the following words . pro singulari suâ humanitate ! i could produce several letters from learned professors abroad , whose books our editors may in time be fit to read ; wherein these very same words are said of me candidly and seriously . for i endeavour to oblige even forreigners by all courtesie and humanity ; much more would i encourage and assist any useful designs at home . and i heartily wish i could do any service to that young gentleman of great hopes , whose name is set to the edition . i can do him no greater at present , than to remove some blemishes from the book , which is ascribed to him ; which i desire may be taken aright , to be no disparagement to himself , but a reproof only to his teachers , &c. while i write this , i cannot but fancy it is dictated to me by some haughty school-master , with his rod in his hand . it has such a strong tang of that kind of pride , that no body else could have said it . he professes indeed to dislike an arbitrary tyrannical way of writing ; but has not skill enough at the same time to conceal it in himself . but why should i quarrel with the dr. for that which is a fault in his nature , and which he has as little inclination as power to correct ? i have nothing more to add , only to assure him i am not singular in my sentiments . the same censure is passed upon his book by all i have discoursed with about it : and some of them were such as had no great friendship for his adversaries . you are by this time probably prepared to expect i should determine in favour of mr. boyl , ( his quarrel i mean , for i do not interfere with the argument . ) and truly so i should , if he had not lately printed a book in his own defence ; which i will here give you a short touch of : but it must be in the same superficial manner i have done of the two books already dismissed . this piece cannot be exempted from as many faults at least , as have been charged upon the dr's . they are indeed faults of a different kind : the dr. all along entertains his reader with insolence and pedantry ; and this gentleman with school-boy's jests and little witticisms . two extreams equally distant from fine satyr ; which i the rather mention , because i believe it was more immediately both their aims , than any true design to examine the argument in debate . but mr. boyl has in a great measure acknowledged , that this is not his performance . for he says , he employed some friends at christ-church , to consult such authors as would be of use to him . and i believe the wits of that place could hardly content themselves with dry citations only , and not be provoked now and then to exercise the talent they are so remarkeable for ; especially in a case that concerned them so nearly . there are many more reasons to suspect mr. boyl in this than in the edition of phalaris . but i shall only hint at such , as will be no dishonour for him to acquiesce in . any one person certainly would have been quite weary of jesting , before he had swell'd a book to half this volume . and as for the honour of the quotations , he himself does not contend for it . if i may be permitted to suggest my own opinion ; i fancy this book was written ( as most publick compositions in that college are ) by a select club. there is such a profusion of wit all along , and such variety of points and raillery , that every man seems to have thrown in a repartee or so in his turn , and the most ingenious dr. aldrich no doubt was at the head of them , and smoaked and punned plentifully on this occasion . it brings the old character of christ-church very fresh into my mind ; which you may remember distinguished it self from the rest of the university , not by its extraordinary learning , but its abominable arrogance . methinks a little consideration would have restrained their fury against dr. bentley , for being guilty of their own darling fault ; and which the world will justifie him in returning upon them . pride and insolence are certainly as allowable in him , who is a scholar , as in some young men , who cannot reasonably be supposed to be so . not that i would justifie such a character in any man of twice dr. bentley's learning ; for he has made himself ridiculous by it , as i have observed before . but i would very fain know what prerogative some people have of sanctifying it in themselves , when they have naturally such scorn and contempt for it in others . the dean , instead of checking this intolerable temper , encourages and promotes it by his own worthy example . it is not long since he published a small compendium of logick , for the use of mr. boyl , ( upon which account i name it , ) wherein he gives a specimen of his haughty dogmatical humour , and takes all opportunities of inveighing very warmly against the author of l' art de penser , a most ingenious and useful writer . he makes nothing of calling him coxcomb , fool , and blockhead , for dareing to dissent from aristotle , and for presumeing to advance any thing new , upon a subject that great man had quite exhausted so many ages before him . one would imagine that this learned dr. had done his master stagyrite some notable service . but his book is only an epitome of sanderson , and one of the worst , most obscure epitome's i ever read . he has forsooth endeavoured to turn sanderson's plain intelligible language into terse polite latin : which sanderson could have done as well as he , had he not industriously avoided it , and with good reason . for he knew , if the phrase was too laboured , the rules would still become more obscure ; and the student consequently perplexed with an unnecessary pomp and ornament of style . but this will be no fault , when the present controversie comes to be turned into latin. pedantry is another thing , which they have severely branded dr. bentley with . but this too might have been spared as well as his insolence , and upon the same account . for it is as errant a sign of pedantry to spend ones time in publishing bad editions of old authors , and to be highly sollicitous about the various readings of them , which former editions have only neglected , because they were insignificant ; as to affect the use of hard words , and to lard english writings with greek and latin. i think dr. aldrich is pretty notorious at present , for imploying his young unexperienced students this way . he betrayed mr. boyl into the impertinent controversie he and his friends are now engaged in ; and is still involving others in the quarrel . we have lately had an edition of some of aesop's ( or , as they are called , aesopical ) fables , in the preface to which , the young editor , with a pertness peculiar to that college , has made a very slighting mention of dr. bentley . such a one as i think the dean ought to have retrenched upon the score of good breeding ; a thing they so frequently exact from others . but instead of that , i find in another book published last week , called examen poeticum duplex , &c. that he has suffered some of his college to make sport with him in their occasional compositions . amongst other things , some body has endeavoured his character in two epigrams , one of which i have here transcribed for you. i am assured they were made in christ-church , and either by the dean himself , or a brother doctor at least . intellectus agens illuminat phantasmata . ad r. b. bibliothecarium philocriticum . quidam acer doctusque ( ipsi si credere possis ) scriptorum judex , & benè notus homo , dum terit assiduè chartas , rigidique magistri argutum examen vocula quaeque jubit ; saevit● atrox impunè hinc inde minantia vibrat arma , ferus calamo , nec minùs ungue ferus . arbiter ipse unus : quippe hic mihi perplacet author , sit sacer ; ille mihi displicet , intereat . ille idem mancis reddit sua membra poetis , siqua dies rapuit longa , vel ignis edax . quicquid aristotelis gellive intercidit , illi tam notum , quàm qui prostat ubique liber . praevidet ille etiam seclô scribenda futuro , et nondum natum mente revolvit opus . bacchetum aspexti ? minimè , nec curo ; necesse est haec fari , haud aliter scribere , novi hominem . o quàm deliri vis est foecunda cerebri ! quid non ingenii vivida flamma potest ? te praebente facem pellucent , mome , tenebrae , splendorem fumus , somnia pondus habent . another gentleman , of the same college , has strained hard in a poem , intitled articuli pacis , to bring in a smart verse upon him , viz. anglo-graeco-latino-crepundia bentleiana . but it may be some satisfaction to the dr. that these are by no means the best copies in the collection . i have just read it over , and because i know you have a value for such things , will send it you ( with those books you mentioned ) by the first opportunity . i think i cannot make a better present of the kind . but i had almost forgot what an acquaintance of ours has often said upon this argument , in opposition to dr. bentley , that if he had had either good manners or good sense , he would never have hastily fallen upon a learned body , that was so very able to justifie it self , and to confound him , it being the most likely way to make a shipwreck of the little reputation he had got . in answer to this , ( for you see i have changed sides , and as the case now stands , am entirely for the dr. ) i have already confessed it my opinion , that he was too forward in provoking the dispute , and that he engaged himself in a great deal of unnecessary trouble when he did it . but i cannot agree with our friend in my reasons why i think so . for he would have the college a match infinitely above dr. bentley ; whereas i think , that part of it which was at first concerned was rather below him , and upon that account the dr. should have been silent . he represents them as too formidable a society for any single person to encounter , without shipwrecking his reputation , tho' he has the truth on his side . but a multitude is not always terrible , because it thinks it self so . dr. bentley knew well enough the world had no such opinions of them , and that both his character and argument would stand secure against all the weak efforts they could make ; which i fancy was one great reason of his being too warm in his first resentments . i hear he has now prepared an answer to their book , which i much wonder at . for the abusive part of it is so blunt and ungenteel , that it does not affect his reputation at all ; and the authorities in the other are so falsly cited and misapplied , that they answer themselves . in my little reading , i can perceive several mistakes , and i doubt not but the dr. and others , who are more conversant in such authors , are able to detect many more . but if i might advise both parties , they should employ their time and pains upon some more useful subject . there has been too much dust raised about this already . thus , sir , you see , by striving to say a great deal in so narrow a compass and short a time , i have scarce said any thing ; i have but just named those topicks , that should have been minutely considered , to have done the subject right , rather proposing all along than proving my opinions , which i submit to your better judgment . and i hope you will put the most favourable construction upon my endeavours , if i have been more willing than able to observe your commands . i am sir , yours , &c. t. r. in page . line . r. made by their considerations concerning free-schools as settled in england wase, christopher, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing w estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) considerations concerning free-schools as settled in england wase, christopher, ?- . [ ], p. printed at the theater in oxford and are to be had there, and in london at mr. simon millers ..., [oxford] : . epistle dedicatory signed: christopher wase. t.p. contains printers device: sheldonian theatre, oxford. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. includes bibliographical references. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is 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jakobson sampled and proofread - ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion considerations concerning free-schools , as settled in england . printed at the theater in oxford ; and are to be had there . and in london at mr simon millers at the signe of the star near the west end of s. pauls church . anno . imprimatur . henricvs clerke vice-cancel . oxon. may . anno dom. . to the reverend dr. henry clerke president of magdalene college , and vice-chancellor of oxford . to the worshipful dr. tho. bovchier , kings professor of the civil law in the same university . much honored patrons , the subject of this enquiry low in it self , and accordingly apt to be deprest , is yet a part of this state not altogether inconsiderable , since it hath formerly engag'd the concern of personages great for parts and quality . onely that probleme must needs have somewhat topical in it , upon which able men , and well-affected , and on both sides in earnest , are divided ; though , perhaps , unequally : the practice of some few who had manag'd their own affairs with discretion , and whose good meaning is not doubted , bearing up against the declar'd sense of many of like unquestionable prudence . this address in a cause conjectural and prejudg'd by popular fame , being devested of other authority from the reporter then what the matter furnishes , can onely hope for a reception , as upon tryal it shall approve it self to you ; before whose impartial determination , those ill-grounded prejudices , which have , for these not few years , averted many charitable intentions for the incouragement of learning , will abate . reverend sir , that which gave occasion to this small discourse receiv'd hopes of life from the right reverend lord bishop of bath and wells , at that time our vice-chancellor , in whom , without respect to this instance , was a prudence watchful against surreption : a judgement known to be stable : back'd with courage , as being the result of his own clear reasonings . he therefore is advanc'd to an honorable government in the church . suffer now with the service of the author , the patronage of this work to devolve upon your self . in the vniversities are helps of study , examples of accurate performance . the favors of oxford to me great , as undeserv'd , not obscure . all motives from without command an humble deference of honor eminently to you , which your own inward worth invites . give your self the importunity with patience to glance over this piece , and allow some of the imperfections to difficulties to my present circumstances insuperable : which difficulties , upon a nearer review , may give way to a right understanding through your favourable acceptance . nor may i worshipful sir , without due veneration tender these papers to your perusal . provisions for school-masters while ecclesiastical benefices , for students in the vniversity while portions of tythes lying originally in the canon-law , before what more competent judge can they justify their reason ? the privileges of students are there most amply deduc'd : with us in england laid up in charters through the royal indulgence : their revenues indeed fenc'd by the statutes of the realm , whatever court take the cognisance of school-causes , let them prove their claim by tenderness to the interess'd : you are more zealous for justice then enlarg'd jurisdiction . thus you do right to that faculty , which manag'd with such knowledge , prudence , and integrity must reconcile commerce with church-judicature ; and by authority justify'd from the strongest reason happily advance all the ends of right government . many are the blessings vouchsafed to this place : among the chief of which we thankfully acknowledge a prudent magistracy : wholesome laws and statutes : intent exercise of discipline : administration of justice temper'd , but not corrupted , with mercy . reverend sir , these genial influences of your unwea'rid cares , cherish the studies of oxford : propagate a lasting honor on your memory : and lay up for you the blessing of many orators . give me leave from sense of particular duty to add , increase of happiness on both your persons to be the unfeigned prayer of your most obedient servant christopher wase . the analysis . . the scope of the work. . education granted universally necessary . . learning doubted whether universally useful . . some learning argu'd universally necessary . . the good understanding between learning and trade . . schools necessary . free-schools advantagious to the publick . . erected by heathens . . catechistical schools in the primitive times . . the congregation of canons under the fathers . . cathedral and parochial schools of christianity in the german empire . . since the councel of trent , seminaries . . upon the english reformation free-schools . . necessary to the subsistence of the church . . as left by k. henry . . as under edw. . and q. mary . . as it proceeded under q. elizab. . since the q. represented too many . . many free-schools necessary to this church . . useful to the state in law. . in physick and divers other professions . . many scholars diverting to no faculty , admitted inconvenient . . scholars in england not prov'd too many from the late differences , nor present divisions . . nor from the discontent of others . . nor from the many schools . . nor from divers thence highly preferr'd , . scholars in england probably not too many . . free-schools probably not too many . . schools how far in equity free . . church and schools , with empire flourishing , encourag'd ; decaying , neglected . . an instance that there is room for new foundations in some places of england . . free-schools would be cherish'd by augmentation of the masters wages . . by further exhibitions to scholars . . would not be deserted by the gentry . . have not all of them been declin'd by the nobility . . country free-schools somewhere improvable by having their patronage annex'd to some house in the university . . consist in a right understanding between town and master . . advantag'd by their enfeoffement● . orders . . catechising . . special and general visitors . . library . . writing-schools to be kept within the esteem due . . the conclusion . considerations concerning free-schools . §. . there is an opinion commonly receiv'd , that the scholars of england are over-proportion'd to the preferments for letter'd persons . hereupon the constitution of free-schools cometh to be question'd , as diverting those , whom nature or fortune had determin'd to the plough , the oar , or other handicrafts , from their proper design , to the study of liberal arts , and even divinity it self . but the multiplying these foundations is yet higher represented as dangerous to the government . these jealousies have gain'd upon the prudent , the powerful , and , not the least , upon the scholar : as indeed allegations of such consequence deserve not to be slighted ; when proceeding from a men of authority , and publish'd in books by a repeated impressions they have pass'd into a constant fame . schools , a name against which many have an antipathy carrieth in it , at the best , an unpleasing notion of restraint . free-schools sound mean , and illiberal : yet had bin fafe in their contemt . this charge admitted , if they escape present suppression , or diminution , they must nevertheless ly under the perpetual displeasure of the magistrat , more grievous then dissolution it self . besides , an imputation laid on the judgment of former founders leaves small encouragement to the devout rich to dispose their charity upon a subject avow'd unnecessary , or suspected by the state . now because the public peace , and increase of commerce are desirable to any nation ; and parents , in particular , make it a principal concern , that their children be brought up to sound principles , and employment , which may be hopeful of an honest livelyhood , it may be convenient to call under examination whether the free grammar schools of england be so notoriously multiply'd beyond their occasion , as is demanded we should believe ; if first their usefulness can be evinced to reasonable satisfaction . §. . it is agreed on all parts , that education is absolutely due to man , either as in his imperfect or corrupt estate . did not our early follies require di●cipline and restraints , yet knowledg is gradual , and habits of good , not at once contracted . add hereto snares and discouragement from abroad ; the necessity of nurture and manud●ction in a ●ight and steady course , especially for those of unripe judgments , and in the slippery paths of youth is yet more evident . good in●●itution prevents or reforms vice ; nor doth it improve particulars only , but seasons families , and communities : whereby it mightily promotes the common peace and pro●perity both of church and state. §. . now this wholesome breeding allow'd n●cessary for all , so far as it respects those that are born in a lower condition , some would have understood only what may train them up to work ; for as to what is commonly call'd learning , and which would engross the name of education , the same effects either on policy or religion are not so universally accorded , to belong to the general propagation of it . there are places and have bin times ( these observe ) abounding with a people very devout , and tractable to all commands of superiors , that ●ever s●te years at school , have heard few sermons , nor were ever trusted with reading the bible . a light is indeed pleasant , but in its full luster scarce suited to our weaker sight ; discovers blemishes in others , even the most beautiful objects , disturbs rest in all , & in what regions it makes the longest stay , is there accompanied with least heat : the scythians ignorance being found more innocent then the athenians knowledg . discourse and reading entertain , but working supports life . arts and labour are the poor mans indies : the surest fond of a nation : the inexhaustible mine of princes . trade is that stock from whence not only private necessities are plentifully supplied , but also the public charge defray'd , and a portion by the thankful separated for uses truly charitable , in a just and pious offering . b letters indeed may without much difficulty be admitted as to the faculty of reading , and writing , for thus far they minister to commerce to which all arts and labor in their issue refer . but to make a profession of teaching obsolete languages , poetical fancies , or , what hath more appearance of gravity , the art of suiting colourable arguments , whereby to hold any question in matters sacred or civill eitherwaies indifferently : to set up schools throughout a land to this purpose , and by rewards take off the youth from following labor to sedentary studies , a while the fields ( say they ) want hands to till them : is this a benefit to the publick , or grievance ? to be encourag'd or redrest ? for if the providence of the state hath thought fit at times , and places by sumptuary laws to limit the rich in spending their own ; with much more reason doth the government take cognisance , whether such as have no visible estate for their support , take to some calling . §. . here it may be seasonable to interpose , whether there be not a general as well as particular calling . all ages , sexes , ranks , relations in every condition , all capacities , ly under some duty towards god and man. now that any persons can be too early instructed in this duty or too often admonish'd of it , that any nation can be too universally learn'd in the laws of well-living , would be positions hard to be conceiv'd , were they not the dictates of safe guides , men reputed wise and honest . particular callings may through different providences , at least in the timely retreats of old age from business , be decently laid down ; but the general runs parallel with life . this regulates the better part of man , and looks forward to eternity . now could it be made out that this duty requir'd of us were a common notion , spontaneous in our n●ture and sufficiently clear in all its parts to the light of our reason , in its present condition , there were less need of teaching . then might the scriptures without much danger remain unsearch'd : the preacher betake himself to some calling necessary , and beneficial to the community : and schools for catechizi●g to better account , be converted into work-houses . indeed morality , the law written in our hearts needed not to have bin learn'd out of books : it was to man in his first institution catholic religion ; and however those characters be defac'd , remains inseparable from the rational nature . but the doctrine of faith being an ingrafted word , not from nature , but by culture , needed to be reveled ; to be couch'd in holy w●itt ; exhibited under sacraments ; and entrusted to dispencers not only faithful , but able also . fo● reason irrad●ated with the light of supernatural truth ceaseth not to be rational . again of those that admit revelation , some argue that whatsoever is prophecy cannot be acquired : thereupon disclaim reading , meditation , and whatsoever other methods preparatory for the ministery , were recommended to the apostolical men . others , of opposite judgment , contend that whatsoever is acquir'd cannot be prophecy . these are scandaliz'd that the minister should demand audience of the people in the name of god ; or pretend to speak with demonstration of the spirit . neither of them , i think , duely distinguishing between extraordinary gifts and a standing office : both furnish'd by the same spirit suitably to the different exigences of the church : for the bread of canaan was no less the gift of god , then the manna in the wilderness . further of those that could allow schools of the prophets , all have not equally favor'd popular enquiries into the rule of faith and manners . some persons who have taken up for a principle that ignorance is the mother of devotion , and obedience , are wont to magnify the peace and prosperity of those days , wherein knowledge was not yet vulgar and cheap : while the priest and the oracle were inseparable ; nor examin'd , but obey'd : since , as admiration , so no less hath reverence of the clergy decreas'd : in the mean time dissembling that those parties which at present divide christendome , truly date their original not from the breaking out of any clearer light , but from the blindness of former ages : whil'st what opinions & practises were then insensibly admitted , must now be studiously maintain'd . it may indeed so fall out , that people may owe a temporary quiet to the not searching in to their state , through an entire acquiescence in long obtaining customs . a judgment resign'd supersedes the trouble of examination , silences all disputes : is very zealous too , but at the instinct of other mens passion : and needs must it be a frail , and ignoble obedience , which acts not according to knowledg . scriptures translated , there may be who pervert to unsound opinions ; there were who wrested them at their first revelation in the vulgar tongue : at their own peril , tho not without others danger . both of them men a unlearn'd , and thereupon unstable . all that learn , are not presently learn'd . some may be proud upon their little taste of knowledg : become intractable to superiors , prepar'd to embrace new doctrins . be there stif necks that struggle with the yoke of discipline ? this cometh not from having bin kept in aw , subject to statutes , and orders . be there unstable minds , not yielding themselvs up to be grounded upon firm principles : they learn'd not that in their catechism . they who have a more favourable opinion of their own proficiency , may do well to suffer a strict judgment to pass upon their notions least they be found to know nothing as they ought . for indeed it is not the being end●wed with more or less knowledg , ( if per●aps , little knowledg be an endowment ) but the grace of charity with either , that accordingly makes men sober and useful : without which they become conceited and factious , whil'st a ignorance is of it self the certain mother of error . to decry the publishing of truth , upon pretence of securing peace , argueth a consciousness of some opinions , which must be indulg'd because useful , would be conceal'd because unwarrantable . a dark shop giveth suspicion of corrupted wares , that would escape the magistrat and impose upon the buyer . again , admit the most knowing teacher , yet subject to human frailties , if his hearers come unprovided of a judgment of discretion , they cannot have assurance in practice , whether they be the discipl●s of divine verities , or servants of human passions . and the more laborious the one is in teaching , the more diligent and affectionate the other in hearing : nay , in repeating what they have heard , they will run the greater risque . so that to take away the rule of discerning doctrins from the people , and confine them to the sense of particular pastors , hath as small probability of advancing catholic religion , as it hath appearance of promoting commutative justice to call in standards , and warrant every sellers weights and measures , upon his private seal . in short , that the canon of faith be communicated to all believers is honest to the people . a the law of moses was the inheritance of the circumcis'd : the whole bible is the birth-right of all the baptiz'd . now , because some unhappy instances may have bin found of particulars , who have embezill'd their patrimony to their own damage , and the injury of others , with what colour of justice can it be urg'd that the community of their country be disinherited ? it is also honorable to their faithful pastors . would not a good musician desire his whole auditory well instructed in the art of musick , that they may the better judg of his ayres ? and an accurate limner be pleas'd if all spectators of his pieces were competently skill'd in proportions , colours , shadows , and what else is requisite that they might rightly discerne the beauties of his pictures , and set a due price on them ? lastly it is safe to the magistrat . a people deliver'd up to implicite faith in their leaders is in the next disposition to be seduced , they are only by accident loyal : and their virtue owing to fortune , because at another mans choice . right and well grounded submission to civil and ecclesiastical government is the genuine issue of knowledg to sobriety . for the manifold benefits of order , and in conscience of the divine institution and command , obedience is not to be withdrawn from morose and hard masters ; but therefore to advise to keep a people low in understanding , and fortunes are the misadventurous politiques of such as serve themselves of governors , and set up a private against the public interest : whereas , when truth and civil beatitude are intended , the more any nation encreases in wisdom , the more intrinsecal inforcements of loyalty will they derive from the eternal reasons of that law which injoins their obedience ; and the bands of such government become indissoluble . §. . there is therefore a learning which cannot be too universally dilated : a fast friend both to policy and religion : nor is it an enemy to trade , but by strict injunctions a commands labour . mechanical and manual operations are several times stil'd a good works . handy-crafts exercis'd by the ancient rabbins , did not upon their conversion unqualify for the b apostolical dignity . nay the author of our profession , and common master of all did not disown a parentage conversant about an honest art. nor do kings his followers account it any diminution of their majesty to be enroll'd in company with artisans . again , as the right bred scholar sees reason not to magnify himself against the industry of other honest laborers and artists , since god hath charg'd his support in good measure on part of their labors ; so we find the more ingenuous both of city and country to bear a true respect to learning . this they have testified among other proofs by many monuments of their piety in all parts of the land erected to the breeding up youth in good manners and literature . these worthy persons had bin so far proficients under the ordinary means of instruction in the church , as to acknowledg the good success of their labors to have bin from the gift and blessing of god : had tasted the fruits of wisdom , and highly priz'd it . whereupon in humble retribution to the divine goodness , and out of compassion to the plaee of their nativity or preferment , founded there some free-school , especially for the poor , that they might also be provided with means of knowledg . others have added exhibitions that if children at the school should give hopes of profiting they might receive farther encouragement to proceed till they arriv'd at fitness for emploiment suitable to their education . a zeal unanimously allow'd to have proceeded from a pious intention : only for the matter , by some disputed . these favor learning yet are not reconcil'd to free-schools . nay , great contention hath bin needful to convince towns , after many years , to admit such foundations , tho fairly endow'd , as any wayes beneficial to the neighborhood ; with so much the more reason may the gentry require that such as would have the liberal arts and sciences should pay for them : without censure keep their blood unmixt with mean conversation , by immuring them at home , or sequestring them into some convenient recess , to be train'd up in society with their equals , remote from markets and towns , nor countenance such places with the education of their children . upon these allegations duely consider'd it may not be improper to examine what is the import of free-schools to a state , especially christian ; since upon the issue of this question , not only the discretion of founders cometh to be decided , but the hope of obtaining future benefactors doth in great measure depend . §. . to the acquiring this learning above argu'd universally nec●ssary , domestical institution cannot be universally sufficient . the rich are not always at leisure to attend private occasions . court and camp avocations from house and nursery : voiages and journies , in this ambulatory condition of life often unsettle them ; at last , bands of families come to be dissolv'd . the poor , they can less teach their children what themselvs are too commonly , ignorant off , now the want of good principles , at first lay'd , proves an impeachment to profiting under the public instruction of the ministry , that is , to growth in all christian vertue . besides , if particulars , however able ( for the charge must be great ) might entertain tutors , who did not employ chaplains , this would render the scholar numerous and unprovided for . schools therefore and masters are nec●ssary . these would be in ev'ry parish , nay township : for petty scholars . further it cometh to be enquired whether others for grammar are not requisite to be had at distances not grievous . there is occasion for some that are learned in all places . where there are no men of language and reading , particular governments can scarcely be well administred : nor many offices executed . the professions of them , as their entertainments , some higher , others of inferior rank . again the temper and inclination of children whether of rich or poor in their first rudiments will discover themselvs who give hopes of being to good use advanc'd to further studies . seeds of modesty and diligence , from a pregnant wit would by no means be supprest in what ever condition they were found . yet through their own unfavorable circumstances , as soon as they have exerted their vigor , must languish unless they find some other expedient . their only relief therefore remains in the favor of princes and patriots , this is , public endowments . these whether advisable , and how far , is the adequate matter of this present disquisition . that there should be champions of justice and truth with great diligence train'd up may seem a public concern , since the enemies of church and state are not seldome polite in language , subtle in distinctions , and pugnacious in dispute : nor to be otherwise repell'd then by sound arguments , clear judgment , and copious utterance . a prize hardly attainable without legitimate study , in places regulated by establish'd orders for direction ; and no less , for restraint . that philosophy be free , but not licentious : bounds set to speculation : and the wantonness of calling in question , then exposing , principles of religion & government , ( which hinders action , disaffects society , and embroiles the world ) by authority curb'd . §. . but why doe i dwell any longer on private reasonings ? in controversies of this moment , it is safer to consult the approv'd practice of ages & nations . monarchs as well as free-states have of old agreed in this , a at the public charge to reclaim their subjects from natural wildness . hence to wave times and places commonly call'd barbarous , b the greek and c latine empire ( successively the pale of the civil world ) did in cities and towns of most note hire at honorable salaries , professors of philosophy and rhetorick . these , mainly to direct in pleading ; that the civil law might run . a learning of great importance to the security of empire , because not only doctrinal , but coercive . philosophers to inform the mind in things human and divine . these not only stak'd out the bounds of honesty , but left marks to discern truth of conclusion from appearance : and withal by dextrous application of number and proportion , made the way of commutative justice plain . these produc'd the kalendar , the globe , the mariners chart and compasse , by their labours now render'd easy . in a word , much of that , which now is polite in arts , or facilitates labour , is owing to the methodical invention of the contemplative ; be it spoken without derogation from the honour due to the casual experiments of the practick . as to grammar , neither hath that been unprovided for , or ungrateful to the publick . for to omit the elder grammarians , who after speech resolv'd into its distinct parts , proceeded to expound the poets ; when empire had once embrac'd nations of diverse languages , it became necessary to the preservation of peace to plant a right , which must , at least , be a common understanding between them . the structure of words , composition of sentences , with all the reason of interpretation , was now form'd into an art : and render'd the comprehension of divers tongues not difficult . onely turn the key ( grammar was the p●sse per-tout ) the gate of several idioms was unlock'd : and learners from the narrowness of their home-bred simplicity , at once lett into all the benefits of rhetorick and philosophy above-mention'd , with whatever other advantage the learned languages can communicate . which good to promote , schools were erected in the imperial city , and about the provinces . masters invited at liberal pensions issuing out of the exchequer , or from the stocks of corporations : nor were endowments of country schooles then unknown . and academ●es had their revenues . that which was first call'd a academy was a school-house within a grove in the suburbs of athens : by an heroe of that name dedicated to the propagation of wisdome . b plato living there had onely a garden valuable at some three pound of yearly rent : a small pittance in comparison of what his c successours enjoi'd . for at last the revenue came to be a thousand pound a yeare or upwards . this augmentation arose from devout men and well dispos'd to learning , as , at times , such dying in their wills left several donations to those that would espouse a contemplative life , that so they might with more freedome attend the rules and study of philosophy . as for country schools , take one instance . d pliny the yonger , upon occasion , finding that his townsmen of new como sent their sons to milan to school for want of masters there , advis'd the burgers how much it was their interest , who were fathers , to have teaching upon the place . for where can children with more delight reside then in their country ? be more watchfully guarded then under parents sight ? or cheaper kept then at home ? that it would be no such great expence to contribute towards the entertainment of school-masters : considering what is now expended upon boord , upon journeys , upon purchase of all necessaries abroad at the dearest hand , would pass upon account in a masters salary : bids them agree what to subscribe : he that had no child yet , for his countrys sake , would bear a third of it . the whole he would have undertaken had he not fear'd least in process of time his cheap beneficence might be , through sinister ends , misapply'd , as he observ'd to have faln out in many places where the community were patron . bids them confer together , conclude upon a bold sum ; he should be the better pleas'd the higher his proportion were rais'd . they could do no act more to the credit of their children , or their countrys profit : that those be bred there , who were born there : that from their infancy they contract an habitual love to their native soyl , and be there much resident . in fine , he wish'd they could invite such eminent masters as the neighbouring towns might be content to study with them : and as now other places drew their children to themselves , so by that faire reprisal they might win over others children thither . a he furnish'd his towns-men a library : b setled a stock for the breeding up the children of honest decay'd and over-burthen'd house-keepers : not to mention c the portion given to the daughter of quintilian his old d rhetorick master , or other benefactions of that good natur'd moralist . e in the palace of augustus was a college where the young caesars , in the head of the most promising flower of the nobility with silence attended the dictates of their tutour . in other places should i enumerate the illustrious grammarians among the ancients greek and latine , their successions with the noted towns where there chair stood , it would require a just volume : suffice it to our purpose , that we shall not find any free-citizens , what ever their rank were , desirous to profit in learning , debar'd ftom their lectures : such care to provide means for training up the youth of all sorts in liberal arts and sciences had those empires while heathen . §. . christianity , sure , having greater inducements to the attaining of wisdom , affords men of every condition not less encouragements to follow the study of true knowledge . in the church is a standing occasion for teachers , to whom learning is necessary : other advantages of fortune may at sometimes be greatly serviceable , but were never indispensably required . the first effusion of gifts fell upon the willing and faithful , at least in disposition , however in opinion erroneous : nor did lowness of estate put a bar . upon this , the a apostles train'd up such novices as minister'd to them while they were call'd from place to place and refer'd their viaticum to be taken at the churches through which they past ; which those churches esteem'd themselves under an obligation to confer upon them ; such was the fervour of primitive charity . nor is it a wonder if the apostolical conversation were a constant exercise to all christian knowledge and vertues b when the verge of the roman court carrieth about with it , whithersoever it removeth , the priviledges of an university . we may not here presently expect publick and endow'd schools ; since neither do we now know what churches were yet erected , or what setled maintenance was for the ministery . some adult proficients in the jewish and heathen schools were by the power of truth brought over to be instructed and then teachers in the christian church . indeed a catechistical school was kept at alexandri● about the latter end of the second century successively by a pantaenus , clemens , origen , heraclâs , dionysius , and athenodorus . here it were worth the considering , whether under the modest name of catechistical and school , were not couch'd over and above the delivering a compleat circle of arts and sciences , whatsoever is with us preparatory to the highest degrees in divinity . b gregory sur-nam'd thaumaturgus , that is worker of wonders , upon departure from his catechist to be bishop of neocaesarea in pontus , made a valedictory oration ; which he recited before origen in the presence of many auditors : in this panegyrick of thanks , having premis'd by what maze of providence he had been led to caesarea in palestine , whither that excellent professour was then also remov'd ; he recounts with much affection the several arts and faculties in which he had been instructed for five years by that eminent person : whereas he had before onely laid the foundation of rhetorick in order to the study of the law. first he won him over to philosophy : prest him with gentle compulsions ; how disingenuous , how short of religious must that man needs be , nay scarce worthy the name of man who neglects philosophy , that is , the study of wisdom , the priviledge peculiar to his nature above all others in the world by the divine favour indulg'd ? here he instill'd into him the principles of christian doctrine . and , because we are apt to give an over-hasty assent to what-ever is confidently asserted ; and again without sufficient reason contradict what is decry'd by the multitude ; he would direct his scholar in general to suspend his sentence , till he should rightly inform his judgement : and withal trac'd him out the methods , whereby to demonstrate truth and discover fallacies . a skill most necessary for men in all conditions of life , if it be their interest not to be impos'd upon in any of their communication with others . farther , whereas our spirits left to themselves are ordinarily low , scatter'd , or narrow , he would erect , dispose and enlarge his hearers thought by displaying at other times before him the mighty and wonderful and various and all-wise work of the creation : the beautiful order of nature : abstracting the mass of first matter collected from the continual motion of particular sublunary bodies , of different properties , compounded of elements , diversified by forms , resolvible into atoms alike fine and imperceptible by our grosser capacities in their source , course and resort : all which attest providence and a first cause ; although his worke cannot by us be perfectly comprehended . then would he let his pupil into the knowledge of the mathematicks , made him ascend that ladder whose basis are the unshaken maximes of geometry ; whose steps , conclusions rightly deduc'd ; whose top , astronomical speculations . but , what is of most intimate and cheife importance to the comfort of human life , he labour'd in delivering sound and divine morals about passions , vertues and vices : what was inordinate , rectifi'd : what immoderate , retrench'd . by seasonable discourse ; to mind the concerns of our soul , he would give out for the true justice . a man to know himself , and see god with a pure spirit : for the onely prudence . to guard from incursions of pleasure & passion the evenness of our temper , right temperance . to persevere in holy purposes against all discouragements , the highest fortitude : these precepts he render'd visible by a lively practice . his attentive and well-dispos'd scholar although he assum'd not to himself the present possession or near approch to this divine treasure or even human perfections , through the dulness of his own apprehension , or deadness of his mind , yet withal did avow a love to vertue , a pursuit after it , and affiance to obtain it through the divine benediction . this rare proficient magnifieth above the rest his masters sacred metaphysicks : and lectures in divinity . his talent was singular in expounding difficult texts , and the mystery of religion : to speak the things of god as from god : to the instruction of men , man as he was : till both speaker and hearer were rapt up into the same transports of devotion . he would allow his scholars to range through the philosophers and poets , not to espouse any sect , but hear all and excerpe out of their works what might conduce to good manners , or give testimony to the deity . onely caution'd against the atheist and voluptuary , who deny god or providence : counting him beneath the reasonable nature , who disown'd the cause of all being . when gregory had taken solemn leave with this publick acknowledgement , and many other pathetical expressions , he was dismiss'd by origen with a prayer suitable to the occasion : and prov'd an instrument in the church to such admiration , that having found at his return in the city where was the see of his residence but christians , at his decease he blest god that he left not more pagans in the city and country of his diocese . this instance of catechistical education in a place yet almost warm with the foot-steps of the apostles and apostolical men hath been the more particularly specified to leave some intimations that the primitive discipline was not laxe : onely consisting in an affected simplicity : that academical studies have been of old apply'd to the better enabling for the work of the ministry : and principally that the assistances of divine grace are not contra-distinguish'd to human preparations , which , as time and opportunities are offer'd , it rather prerequireth . in the same city and century pamphilus set up a like school and library : wherein he was succeeded by eusebius : such care of breeding up youth in religion and learning was there amidst the hottest persecutions . §. . a second age of the church followeth from constantine the great . in general , letter'd persons of whatever profession , receiv'd then from the state great immunities and a priviledges . at rome , and to be sure at constantinople , was a kind of university call'd b the auditory of the capitol : here under theodosius the great were entertain'd three latine oratours , ten grammarians , five sophisters , one philosopher , two lawyers . but this seminary seems to have been principally for secular occasions . the empire now become christian , churches and monasteries were erected in all provinces . large endowments and priviledges conferr'd on the clergy in particular . what time , besides the teaching in monasteries , there were in mother-cities especially , in the western church a close and house for the bishop . at the first entrance of whose court was an appartiment where the yong students who were train'd up for the ministery had their common dormitory and hall with other convenient roomes : under the charge of some grave guardian : having a master to instruct them in arts , and another to oversee their manners : all under the inspection of the bishop : whom they did assist in the publick divine service , according to their degree : maintain'd at a portion from the canonical dividend of diocesan tithes and offerings : with a prospect of being placed in the churches of the same diocess as they became vacant , nor to remove elsewhere without leave of their ordinary . these deacons , a levites , canons , clerks , or nurslings were the probationers for the priesthood and the congregation of canons is b judg'd to have lay'd the platform of cathedral and collegiate schools and the modern seminaries . c hither s. austin when bishop of hippo did not refuse sometimes to come and dine in the common refectory among the presbyters and clerks , to countenance and oversee the students sequestred to the service of god , and entitled to the nurture of the church in those days by a voluntary , and often by a necessary poverty : yet if any did embrace a married life and which consequently admitted possessions ( such as were call'd secular ) he admonishes them to be circumspect , yet would by no means deny them ordination ( though they quitted their title to the community . ) after all this care heresies broke out , and contentions between the eastern and western empire , follow'd with an inroad of barbarous nations , whereby religion was much eclips'd and learning almost wholly exterminated . §. . come we therefore to a third period of christianity from the times of charles the great . italy was now become gothish ; spain , moorish ; and france spoke generally dutch. germany it self but newly converted to the faith. the offices of the church were then in latine ; a language not well understood by many that did officiate ; and by very few that assisted at them . in these circumstances the necessity of school-masters greatly increas'd . since the good grammarian is now become previous , and in some measure conditional to the good christian : at this time the emperor apply'd his latter years to the learning of arts and sciences : call'd in from forraign parts learned men in great numbers and among them that eminent britan albinus , alcuinus or gwyn ( his grammar is yet extant with us ) at whose perswasion he erected the famous university of paris . his son a lodowick the pious ( in the non-age of that university ) laid his command upon rectours in their respective churches to train up stout souldiers of christ by whom god might be appeas'd . hereupon , that order being slackly obey'd , provincial councels finding b a general decay of piety through ignorance of the holy scriptures required that the several rectors should exhibite their young scholars at those assemblies . articles were drawn up upon which arch-deacons should enquire in their yearly visitation : by c herard arch-bishop of tours ; by d theodulph bishop of orleans ; e walter bishop of the same ; by f hincmar arch-bishop of rheims . whether their g priest had a clerke ; and whether he kept school in the church . a these schools were free and seem at first to have been chiefly to teach the b lords prayer & creed , or perhaps the psalter , at least some select psalms ; and what may amount to our primer , only in latine ; though the meaner sort were permitted to say the lords prayer and creed in their vulgar tongue . schools of christianity which carried on others of a higher form to c prick-song , and the use of the pye with grammar . the care of farther propagating divine and human learning was a common head in the councils of those ages : still recommended to the bishops , d acknowledged the principal means whereby the commandements of god are declar'd and made manifest to the people . hence that act of the third lateran ( e inserted into the body of the canon law and mention'd in our chronicle of gervase in the reign of henry the second . ) whereas the church of god as a tender mother is bound to find such as stand in need , both in what belongs to their bodily sustenance and in what may conduce to the improvement of their soules , least convenience of reading and advancement in learning should be withheld from the poor who cannot be assisted in it by means from their parents , be there a competent maintenance in every cathedral church allow'd a master to teach freely the clerks of the same church and the poor scholars : that so the teachers wants may be relieved and a door set open for the studious to attain learning . this sort of schools might be better borne with because colleges have often some provisions for the collegers and means of preferment . but the complaint is , that besides these , there are of late grammar schools founded and endow'd in almost every market town of england where the children of the town are onely to be taughr gratis without any other allowance . consider we therefore though these erections have been of late whether the practice be so modern . in the yeare it is expressly further enacted in the fourth lateran a that not onely in every cathedral but also in other churches whose means be not able to beare a divinity lecture , there be at least appointed an able master to be chosen by the prelate with the chapters consent to teach the clerks of those churches freely grammar , and others according to his ability : and that a prebends place be assign'd every master by the chapter . this was ordain'd in the times of king john , in whose reign newbury schoole is said to have been founded and endow'd with many other in sequel which were supprest or continued by king henry the eighth , or king edward the sixth . §. . thus are we arriv'd at the fourth and present age of the church , being that of the reformation , and about the times of the councel of trent . this councel wanted not some men of politiques profound enough . these awaken'd with the revolution of national churches ; well advis'd that conduct of conscience , that is ( if i may so speak ) of the reasonable subject , is most safely committed to such as can render a reason ; and that to the gaining consequences it is ordinate to deliver principles ; made eminent provision for seminaries a whereinto poor mens sons especially should be elected , not excluding the richer . this order was accordingly put into execution in the provincial councels of divers countries : most effectually in that of milan : where all their offices with their particular charges are amply deliver'd by that eminent of cardinals , the since canoniz'd borromaeo . others in flanders at the sollicitation of cardinal allen : nor hath this constitution devis'd for the maintaining that power , then shaken , been wholly unanswerable in the success to its first intention . §. . about what time upon the several dissolutions of religious houses in england , some schools were reserv'd , some erected : with general licence for well-dispos'd persons to found others and endow them within a mortmain by the state determin'd . according to which gracious liberty such as have contributed to so pious a work seem to have deserv'd well of their town , for however we may be prone to judge of the forward accommodations of life , all is not in present food and raiment . there is improvement of mind , the fruits of discipline , not to be despis'd . a learned slave would sell for more . a youth brought up at school will be taken apprentice with less mony then one illiterate . the broken colt , tam'd heifer , polish'd diamond ; known instances : nay , ground reclaim'd by culture will set at the higher rent . grammar-learning is requisite to very many honest callings : and with industry , faith , and other vertues qualifying for trust , hath open'd a way for high preferment : nor is it a priviledg to be meanly priz'd by any people , to have such education provided , that out of their children , in due season , may be chosen such as may beare the office of the ministry . hence too accrues advantage to the state . that instruments be fitted for emploiment imports ; but more , that officers of trust be prevented with sound principles . miserable is the face of any nation where neither schools nor universities be frequented : no law , no safe commerce : a general ignorance , and neglect of duty both to god and man. now that universities flourish , and schooles are in many populous towns erected , from those places of public education especially , persons are sent into all parts of the land , ingag'd in the strictest bonds of allegiance . § . lastly , as to the church , these foundations have to that a more immediate respect . the statutes of these houses generally injoyne a diligent and decent attendance on the publick worship . nay , learning well the first rudiments of religion , and bearing a yoke of government , prepares a people to be more docile under their proper ministers , stay'd in judgment , and compliant with the discipline , as well as doctrine , of their spiritual pastors . further , what is a manifest advantage , the salaries to masters and exhibitions to scholars provide in great mesure that the church be not burthen'd : since , upon supposition of their being withheld , ecclesiastical benefices are taxable to the breeding up of students , as , in fact , at the a beginning of queen elizabeths reign they were tax'd a thirtieth part . b when the fathers at the councel of trent assembled , had propounded a fair model of seminaries knowing the advantages that arise to religion from learning , and the necessity of endowments to the attaining those advantages , till such endowments could be had , for the immediate bringing that designe to effect they levied a tax on all the rents assign'd for the bishops , and the chapters table , on the profits of all dignities , personages , offices , prebends , portions , abbies , priories , benefices as well of regulars , as peculiars , on the fabrick of churches , and other religious houses ; on colledges , corporations , guilds and fraternities , monasteries , and exhibitions . of such importance was this work by them then esteem'd : as indeed it hath since prov'd a great accession to the relatives of that exempt and peculiar jurisdiction ; and firmest support of the papal throne . §. . now the better to form in us a right sense of what regards we ought to beare to these worthy patriots , whom god rais'd up to be founders and benefactors , it may be not improper to examine in what posture the state scholastick was found at the entrance of king edw. , upon the government . it is well known that a great part of the former teaching was in monasteries . a now there were in england monasteries of royal foundation whereof mitred abbots : and priors held their estates in barons fee , and gave vote in parliament . all these were dissolv'd with the others which were many more during the reign of k. hen. . first b of the lesser by cardinal woolsey : with the leave of clement . c then such as were under two hundred pound per annum to the number of : d afterwards the greater : e the year following , the great priory of s. johns of jerusalem . f at last , all hospitals , chantries , schools , colleges were without any condition given into the kings hands : to be dispos'd of according to his better intentions . then was the survey of eaton and winchester colleges return'd up : but the death of the king that year interpos'd between the act and its utmost execution . a henry the fifth when he supprest the priors aliens , had thoughts of going farther , but was diverted upon a french war by the prudent address of that most vigilant and reverend prelate chichly . strange may it be thought here why the lords spiritual and temporal should agree with the commons to put up these bills to king henr. . in so unlimited a manner : b unless it did argue , as to the incumbents of those monasteries and chantries , a publick dissatisfaction about their having answer'd the pious intention of their founders : and as to the king , an affiance in his royal purpose to settle those means in a more decent and convenient order for the service of god , and safety of the realm . and indeed having dispossessed the monks that had intruded he reestablish'd c canterbury , winchester , ely , norwich , worcester , rochester , duresme , carlisle upon dean and prebendaries : erected upon a new foundation westminster , d ( osney first , then ) oxford , glocester , chester , peterborough , bristol , into bishopricks , a and had before him the project of other collegiate churches to be erected in the place of eminent monasteries , upon a fair proportion for maintenance of divine service , hospitality , learning , alms and other necessary expences . much of this drawn up , first in an ample scheam , then contracted , at last , his death intervening , was lay'd aside . thus stood the affaire : monasteries dissolv'd : appropriations , that is , once church-revenue sold . indeed the erecting of free-schools recommended to purchasers ; which shew'd the good inclinations of the king to the work , however not fully accomplish'd in his life time . §. . after his decease , the parliament b pass'd an act for taking away the remnant of those houses not yet actually dissolv'd ; but with a distinction between religious and superstitious uses , and with reservation of some places by name . ( whether experience had rectified their former opinions , or that they did repose less confidence in governors during the minority , then in their natural king. ) schools were among other pious uses reserv'd in that remnant , c hereupon commissions are issued out by a set day returnable . the surveyors of each county , after examination upon the place , return certificats sign'd : among the rest , where a grammar-school had been continually kept , with the revenue of what chantry , who the incumbent , what stipend , and whether fit to be continu'd . then were warrants made from the two commissioners to that purpose authoriz'd , and sent to the auditour and receiver of his majesties revenue in the respective counties , to continue the school , and pay the master out of the crown-revenue , till farther order . the salaries were but small , as in a dry rent charg'd on old tenures : and those priests were otherwise assistant at the divine service . a table extracted from several warrants all dated july . . and in parchment engross'd , might be here inserted for counties : but the provision of it self amounted to some stay , yet no great relief . one or two instances may be not ungrateful whether to the curious , or judicious reader ; shewing the county , the town , the former title , the incumbent , and revenue continu'd . herefordshire , ledbury , trinity service , richard wheeler . l. s. d. bosbury , parish reven . tho. keyling . . . . ob . richards castle , serv. of our lady , and st. john baptist . jo. parkyns . . . . pembredge , serv. of our lady . jo. roode . . . . k●ngisland . two stipendaries at the alter of our lady . jo. hartley . . . . delwyn . chant . of s. nicolas . tho. nicolls . . . . ob . q. k●nnersly , lands finding a priest . will pyke . . . . bromyard , lands to find a priest . jo. battenall . . . . yardsley , lands and tenements to find a priest . will stone . . . . bucknell , lands and tenements to find a priest . laur. johnson . . . . oxfordshire . cheping norton . trinity guyld . hamlet malban . . . . herefordshire . ayshewell . the guyld . thomas daye . . . . besides these and divers others throughout the land , continued , as may seem , for the laying the first grounds of religion and orthography , the same most religious prince , in lieu of many country-schools formerly supprest , erected a new several others in many towns ; in sherbourne principally dorsetshire , and after that form macclesfield , cheshire . chelmsford , essex . leominster , herefordshire . grantham , louth , lincolnshire . morpeth , northumberland . shrewsbury , shropshire . bath , bruton , somersetshire . stafford , staffordshire . s. edmondsbury , suffolk . brymycham , nun-eaton , warwickshire . marlborough , wiltshire . stourbridge , worcestershire . sedburgh , yorkshire . all of them upon considerable revenue establish'd : however partial any modern historian hath appeard to the fame of that most worthily renown'd prince . under the government of queen mary some foundations were yet added : she was a lady not less accuratly bred then highly born . the unhappiness of her reign consisted in troubles from ill subjects ; and , more in giving way to privat resentments , heighten'd by the artifice of those men , who knew no way so effectual to ingratiate themselves with a power they had abjur'd , as to be officious in impeaching their brethren more innocent then themselves : wherein she hearken'd to her own princely motion , gave tokens of innate clemency : zeal for the religion she profest , and a propension to favour whatever belong'd to learning . banbury , oxfordshire . boston , lincolnshire , may testify that : nor would it be past over in silence , that the salaries of the beadles in the universities are ftom her royal donation . §. . but a far greater accession came during the long and flourishing reign of queen elizabeth . this gracious princess receiv'd the crown from her sister much in debt , was embroyld in divers and chargeable wars ; yet found such blessing upon her councels and conduct , bore such piety and love to learning , that she did in great measure effect what her father had design'd , and her brother so happily advanc'd . her first liberality was , a to discharge hospitals and schools of first fruits and tenths : after that , the b statute of provision , by which all colleges at this day subsist . lastly , the c act ordaining the commission for charitable vses . a seal of publick trust added to all charities : not long before her death . a law by which the throne is for ever warranted against sacrilege , having appointed ordinary means to redress abuses , the pious intention still preserv'd . but in particular her own royal foundation the most famous school of westminster : supplying a noble part of each university beareth witness to her zeal comprehensive of both : after which munificence , i need not instance in lesser donations . this inclination of her majesty once known , excited like affection in her subjects of all ranks and estates upon the first fervors of the reformation : nor did bishops onely , and men of dignity and place in the church , but the secular nobility also and gentry , the judges , mayors , and aldermen , with the more wealthy citizens , with much devotion raise up monuments of their love to the places of their birth or settlement , in making provision for their instruction . and this virgin queen may be observ'd in her charters to such corporations , to have taken a particular delight in adopting those foundations into her own name , a being not asham'd , like a tender mother , to take into her especial care the breeding up the children of her country . should i here recount by name the several schools by her endowed , augmented , or at least erected , i should anticipate the greatest part of what history could follow . in a word , the tax , which at the beginning of her reign had been laid upon ecclesiastical benefices for the maintenance of students at the university , was no longer continu'd : so far had the church repair'd her almost fatal dissolution §. . not long after the queens decease , some men of no mean reputation for wisdom and place , upon whatever occasion or ground of conjecture , represented these foundations as too numerous . the great advancer of learning , pursuant to that presumption , labors with king james to disannul suttons will , as to that point of the intended teaching of children . upon such like suggestions was the accomplish'd sir robert dallington ( as is said ) really diverted from setling twenty pound per annum on his fair school-house at geddington in northamptonshire , where he was born . now if such opinion took place so long time since , which notwithstanding , schools not a few have been erected in the reigns of king james , king charles the first of blessed memory , and are daily under our present soveraign : with much more force ought it now to prevail . there are yet living , who ( as i am credibly inform'd ) would have bestow'd fellowships in the vniversities , were they not dissuaded from that sort of charity by men on whose parts and integrity they repose intire confidence , as having in other causes had experience of them . divers persons of catholick principles , who pay reverence to antiquity , submission to councels and canons , who no less approve the prudence then the zeal of founders , as seeing great use and necessity of free-schools , yet believe in process of time they may grow too many ; and from some occurring appearances , perhaps , they have been apt to conclude that they are so : the resort of the whole question is therefore , whether the english free grammar-schools be overproportion'd to the occasions of the church and state of england . the cause imports , especially the esteem of later founders , and direction of present charity : but withall , it is exceeding perplex'd to state what professions have need of learning : and define within what proportions of men any profession should be stinted . then for schools , to compute their number ; distinguish of their nature , discover their true revenue , carrieth with it no small difficultie ; yet more then all this must go to the right determining the case propos'd . §. . the first necessity of raising learned men , is for the church . about parishes in england and wales duely to be supply'd with pastours . add hereto dignities , curacies , and whatsoever else may give title to h. orders ; not omitting the plantations : the residue of ecclesiasticks hath been judg'd some more . a great harvest requireth many laborers . those therefore that attend on the preparatory part , incumbents on schools and colleges in the universities would be not a few . but might not the collegiate and cathedral schools furnish sufficient to this exigence ? those who understand what of these are remaining in england , whereof some are little more then choral , and what proportion of scholars are maintain'd in each of them , with the fall of places yearly , are convinced how vastly short of the necessity that single supply must needs be : since in collegiate schools , and their correlative colleges , not the standing bodies come here to be consider'd , but the succession . besides these therefore , in succor to a church left almost destitute at that juncture , several country schools have been erected , not onely in some market towns , but elsewhere : with freedom to the poor inhabitants , and convenience to those who need not make use of that priviledge . these provisions , as rivulets scatter'd through the vallies , have render'd the breadth of the whole land fruitful : which benefit could not have been so conveniently deriv'd from the greater collection of seminaries ; not upon church exhibitions , because an exhausted church , in many places scarce able well to sustain its pastours , could ill defray the training up such students as should be for supply necessary : nor upon pensions from home , for , where cures are great , and maintenance hardly competent , if the parent must purchase all at the full rate , the consequent benefice would rarely refund the charge of boording abroad , and schooling ; both which circumstances upon free-schools inconsiderately diminish'd , have in themselves a manifest tendency to render the ministry of the church of england impracticable . §. . nor would less dis-service redound to the state civil then ecclesiastick from such diminution . counsellers at law , whether civil or common , in a nation ample and mercantile , and in a church aptly organiz'd and order'd , cannot be a few : and that courts of judicature administer right judgment , would be , not in the law onely , but in arts of reasoning and utterance , not unlearned . the militia of the bar is a standing army by parliament allow'd : the surest life-guard of king and people , since other force ordinarily in a well settled government is onely to protect the ministers of justice , and execute their decrees . as to a multiplying law-suits and immoderate charges , orders for the regulation of those courts have in no small measure provided against them : though , i know not , whither with some advantage , as to those points , in the civil law ; where a suspicious allegation is presently stifled by the oath of calumny , and the bills of expence tax'd by the judge . but the decision of this i submit to the impartial and more experienc'd : this insertion might have seem'd forreign to my argument , had not the clamor against the relatives and retainers upon this noble faculty been so managed to the odium of schools , that it could not be wholly omitted . §. . there is another occasion for learned men , which nearly concerns the welfare of our state. in populous cities , and counties , practitioners of phisick may be some hundreds ( there being hospitals not fewer ) whereof many have in their life given proof of excellent learning , and at their death left estates not inconsiderable . these superiour faculties , as they consist of men to whom learning and industry , is of absolute necessity , rais'd fortuns not always requisite ; so cannot they be well exercis'd without the ministery of subordinate professions . attorneys , sollicitors , scrivenors , have their honest use . a the justice of contracts is best preserv'd by those that are least distracted from attendance on their privat occasions : and must lawyers and justices of peace have no clerks , ( to omit the clerks of several offices in courts of judicature ) or must means of their education be with-held ? nay , the nobility and gentry require servants of different abilities ; and education . the doctors credit , and what of more momenr depends upon it , the life of the patient may miscarry through the ignorance of an apothecary : and the chirurgion by forreign discourses be more accomplish'd . booksellers , printers , have been for learning very famous and instrumental to it : briefly , knowledge of grammar is of use in navigation and in travel , and in most of the politer handicrafts , in its degree ; for ( as the a roman surveyor saith ) an architect neither is nor should be as good a grammarian as aristarchus , yet not illiterate : nor as good a musician as aristoxenus , yet not unmusical : nor as good a limner as apelles , yet not unskilful at designing : nor as good a founder as myron or polycletus , yet not ignorant of the way of moulding : nor again , as good a physician as hippocrates , yet not unacquainted with the grounds of physick : nor in the other faculties singularly eminent , but not ignorant of them : even in hedging and ditching men of improv'd sense and forecast , that comprehend lines and numbers , and seasons , will be master work-men among the other laborers : nor is it for the particular or publick more advantageous , that any who may honestly hope to arrive at the grand jury-man , or to assist in the government of his corporation , be a meer plough-man or grazier . §. . what hath been on this occasion by some alleadg'd , that a surcharge of poor scholars draws inconveniencys with it to the publick must reasonably be allow'd . the consequences are doubtless bad enough . all is summ'd up in this . too many ecclesiasticks must either amortise an over-proportion of the land , which creates envy , or live indigent , which exposeth to contempt . but here it is worthy to be consider'd , whether the case may not so fall out , that necessary emploiment may be wider then competent maintenance . a counsells do provide , that in monasteries and religious houses greater numbers be not maintain'd then the means of the place will support : nor clerks multiply'd beyond the occasion of their churches . but here the same cure of souls remains , as when the church-revenue was greater . this condition deserves pity , not scorn ; rather that the poor vicarages be augmented , then the vicars diminish'd . in this low estate that many congregations are not left destitute of the means of publick worship , and all the benefits that accompany it , is , in great measure , owing to the opportunities of learning , so largely provided by charitable benefactions : so that they who would depopulate the clerks , are fellow-laborers with such as would exterminate the priests and bishop . in israel a twelfth part serv'd at the altar , and was instated in a tenth part of the increase of the land. an unlimited proportion of attendants on the work of the temple might divert from the function of the magistracy , the exercise of arts and labor , and the guard of the country . §. . but that england should be overstock'd with scholars for the occasions of the land , is not sufficiently concluded from the late civil commotions : if we will be still looking abroad for the causes of divine displeasure , it is precarious to fix it upon this education . grand authors of the troubles were politicians of a higher form ; and noted officers that executed their designs were many men illiterate , pure instruments , beneath such ingenuous breeding . besides , if some bred up under this discipline have fail'd of their duty , through a deceiv'd or deprav'd judgment , notwithstanding all engagements to the publick and long habit of privat obedience ; must the master be censur'd ? as though the minister or magistrate reclaim'd all , nor yet can this assertion be certainly collected from our present divisions , the equally pernicious effects of those dismal distractions : for as through the divine goodness in these benefactions no remarkable failleur appears among us in the carrying on his publick service , so need not any certainly that are in holy orders be unemploy'd , if in the common faith there were unity of affection . §. . neither can this excess of learned men be necessarily inferr'd from the discontents of others . much heed should not be giv'n to casual complaints of such who are always apt to conceive their proceeding short of their merit . for whither should we turn over these supernumerary scholars ? to the more profitable plough ? alas ! corn is a drug . farmers through up their leases , they are so undon with plenty . to grazing ? wool bears no price in the market . but yet to other more beneficial manufactures , the tailer , the hatter , the weaver , others ; these abound with men , want work . all trades think themselves overstock'd : some have fancied the world to be so , that if men did not in wars kill one another , they must eat one another . this supposition may yet be perhaps ill-grounded . all men are not thriving in any profession . some in all would live alone upon the earth . magistrates here moderate and by the prudence of their orders remove obstructions to trade , that work be not wanting to the industrious ; as also provide encouragements for industry , that laborers be not wanting to the work. §. . neither yet can this abundance of scholars be enough evidenc'd from the multitude of country free-grammar-schools : for , if the matter be nearly regarded , many of these foundations by their constitution or narrow revenue are onely nurseries of piety and letters , as preparatory to trade . this discrimination in every county duely made , would depress the swellings of minds possest with prejudice arising from the growing numbers of these houses of all sorts , yet suppos'd to prepare men for an unactive life onely . a wise commissary will soon discern what passeth barely for muster , from what is firm and effective . some counties , both in england and wales , slenderly provided of the conveniences of this education . in wales , where some counties have good establishments , others not any , yet that defect is in no small measure repair'd by the marches , well fortified with these foundations in more then ordinary number , through herefordshire , shropshire and the rest : elsewhere in england a free-school , sometimes not erected , or without scholar , or without school-house , or unendow'd , or with incompetent endowment , or arbitrary for a towns convenience , and revocable at the patrons pleasure : some wholly , very many in part , having stocks to bind out for husbandry or trade . at best , the maintenance but of very few in a county , such as may vindicate masters from being necessitous and contemptible ; of the rest scarce what may invite the able , and give them freedom to be diligent . this preparation is not like to give terror to the state , though the provision may minister some relief to the church . §. . whether it were hen. . by dissolving monasteries , and alienating their possessions : or his norman and saxon predecessours that erected them , and by the indulgence of popes annex'd benefices to them , made their lands tith-free , or occasion'd the tith of them to be redeem'd at a mean composition ; whether of these parties it was that impoverish'd the church , is controverted . farther how far what is devoted to god upon false suggestions is confiscable to the king. again legal settlements upon the faith of kings and popes how advisable it was to move , i suppose the privy counsel then concluded for church-revenues granted to votaries tith-free , were in effect so to their tenants , who also upon the attainder of their land-lords had the opportunity of praeemption . but to pass over these nice points . the free-schools have bred up such pastours as have much dispell'd the ignorance that had over-spread the whole church : and with the better men cut of that entail of contempt under which the parochial curat so long lay . and indeed had free-schools furnish'd meaner vicarages onely , they might then have been born with silence : but from these nurseries have been sometimes taken such who passing through subordinate steps of preferment have been at length seated in the highest pitch of ecclesiastical dignity ; the seat of princes . arch-bishops have founded free-schools ; and if piety , prudence and learning by their king approv'd have advanc'd any to that seat which at times hath becn with like vertues adorn'd by persons of noble and royal extraction , what room is left for envy ? by such steps have others ascended in the state to great trust . why then should it seem cause of offence to any that in a matter of highest moment to be manag'd with prudence and courage the scrutiny should not alwaies run upon favour or wealth ? princes would not be confin'd to employ men of title or mony , but in some affairs of state require abilities well purchas'd at the expence of both the other . should then the lord of all have less choice in his ministers ? indeed if the certain labors and danger of the sacred function be put in the ballance with the possible honour and profits , there is no place for just resentment that either nobles or the sons of the menu ( as one stileth those that are born of the commonalty ) should partake of both indifferently . this place seems proper to rectify an opinion about the multitude of poor conceiv'd to be bred up to learning . that i may keep close to our age and nation , the gentry , the plebeians , and the poor consider'd , of those that come to the university , the poor servitour in all colledges is for number inconsiderable . the plebeian , that is , son of the yeoman or trades-man , not many , and for subsistence oftentimes not worst provided for . may not then this ungentle reflexion , however let fly , light upon the yonger sons of the gentry . there are privileges in the way of an ingenuous education allow'd the poor , and since upon the issue of an unnatural war , or otherwise ; many families of gentlemen may have render'd their children honestly poor , nothing but an aversness to learning can dispauper them . but suppose we otherwise . obscurity of birth is no canonical obstruction . the poor receiv'd the gospel : and sure they that receive it , may deliver it . there is an honest ambition in many of mean fortune : generous seeds which would be cherish'd . the jewish doctors enjoin children be taught a trade : but above all trades the law. the better gifts all should follow : though all cannot in the same degree obtain . §. . the temper of the world in variety of dispositions as in diversity of sexes is order'd by a providence more then human . but , besides our own inclinations , the will of parents , our fortunes narrow or over-large alike avert from attendance on studies , and determine our counsels so , that we are dispos'd by a choice mix'd , with necessity . but work to be sure directs as to the number of laborers , though ordinarily reward excite industry . he that saith england is over-stock'd with scholars for the proportion of its preferments , and for its employment for lettred persons , would do well seriously to consider who may with any right be term'd a scholar : what is to a modest mind preferment : and how large the employment for lettred persons is in so great a church and state. suppose we therefore first adult proficients , such as are fit to be employ'd and may need as well as deserve , to be prefer'd to a subsistence : what , i mean , may not discredit their profession , and may comfort them in their labors . then , not insisting , at present , upon other of the superiour faculties , regard we nearly the occasions of divinity . this emploiment is large ; as conversant about divers millions of persons in england and wales . it is of necessity ; as wherein the care of souls is concern'd . it must be perform'd with diligence ; fidelity and prudence , as being the lords work . compute we therefore the yearly number of inceptours in arts in the universities : in both perhaps about three hundred by which number incumbencies or titles being divided , will produce a quotient of more years then masters , after their commencing do usually attain unto : in which the succession of ministers circulates . but must the collation of h. orders , or benefices be restrain'd to degrees ? what the canons of the church and statutes of the realm , have not positively injoin'd neither doth this disquisition suggest : but because some knowledge in languages and arts with skill in the h. scriptures hath been ever accounted preparatory to the ministry ; because proficiency cannot amongst us be otherwise more publickly known , and because dignities have been usually confer'd upon those , who by this means have been found eminent , i know no argument in this case more decretory . this also , with other proofs , bishops doe respect as a good testimonial : and arch-bishop chichley did in his time order that livings of the greater value should be confer'd on persons that had taken the higher degrees . before this account pass for evidence it may reasonably be demanded whether many are not us'd in the church before any of the compleat degrees taken . to which this reply will be offerd , that if many leave the university before the taking of such degree , and enter upon emploiment , a great part of them afterwards return to take it : the rest were they not streightned in maintenance or perhaps incumber'd with domestical cares would proceed ; and therefore , further , towards satisfying the demand , if we resume the former calculation , not one in five will be found to arrive at years master : so large is the period of succession assign'd . indeed the matter in question is in its own nature incapable of full demonstration because the term of life is uncertain . such estimate however as may nearest approach truth is needful to direct practise . and , unless a paralogism can be discover'd in the present account , it will remain highly probable that there are not too many scholars in england for the necessary emploiment for lettred persons , whatever the provision for them be . §. . neither want there grounds of conjecture that the number of free-grammar-schools is not excessive , else what means it that so many privat ones are every where judg'd allowable ? that divers parishes find themselves necessitated to entertain masters upon a voluntary contribution ? no specious reasoning can conclude against experience . with far greater reason do the canons of our church give liberty to all vicars and curats to take out a licence to teach grammar . and the canon-law forbids under severe penalties the not granting freely , that is without purchase , such licence to any a person duely qualified desiring it . much better catholicks are they therefore that have promoted the good institution of many by providing maintenance for teachers , then those who being otherwise dispos●d propagate evil surmises to the disparagement of these charities , and avert the purposes of such who had intended further incouragement to learning . §. . free-schools not too many ! ( will they say ) the case is plain , for where are there any such in england ? hereupon with heat enough urge the intention of donors every where abus'd : salaries paid , yet tutorage , for all that , no where remitted : not without some imputation upon masters , as from the canon-law of a certain species of simony : but , as to this , more cannot in equity be desir'd then that the number of free scholars be proportion'd to the revenue : b if the maintenance be not competent , masters may require moderat consideration for their labor : what is offer'd , they may receive ; however sufficient their allowance be . onely provided that they regard the poor with equal diligence , and affection as any others what ever they pay : charity would not that the painful teacher be over-burthen'd to ease the a rich scholar : nor that the means intended for his relief be made a pretence to oppress him : but rather that a b honorary be set him out according to his dignity and knowledge . the prudence as well as piety of some bishops hath appear'd in deciding this controversie , where the stipend hath been narrow , and the freedom express'd in terms not particular ; they have limited the number of such as should enjoy it to a just proportion . arts , and sciences , and faculties , have analogy with gifts spiritual , and therefore the law which enjoins to impart our temporals to such as have communicated their spirituals to us holds in the catechist as well as in the priest : indeed the same peter is pastor of the lambs as of the sheep . and after a sort one lot is common to the school-master and the minister ; the flock , the warfare , the labor , the hope not unlike : but to dwell upon this subject might incur a sinister interpretation . the more ingenuous of this land , such as have regard to learning , are not wont to undervalue the right manners of their children nor the tutors pains . the rest nothing can reconcile to put their sons to that way of breeding , but a visible assurance that it shall in the issue turn to more advantage then it is ordinarily seen to doe . §. . the connexion between church and state hath rightly been observ'd to be intimate : their interest , inseparable : their growth , state and declination uniform : and the crisis of both in the neglect or favor extended to schools . learning , the nurse of civility and religion , is ordinarily found in flourishing empire : whether as cause or effect , or rather as being mutually productive each of the other ; whereas in extreme degeneracy of manners a contempt of teachers of its own nature and merit tends to farther calamity . a augustus founder of the roman empire protected professours . b domitian the later nero and last emperour of the flavian family banish'd philosophers the town . trajan , hadrian , antonine the philosopher , and alexander severus all of them men of refind parts , and eminent for encouraging lettr'd persons ; were also not unsuccessful in their government . a licinius insense against letters ( which not for want of ignorance he would call the very bane and plague of the state ) especially the pleading in courts of judicature , and withal the christian faith , through his boisterous and brutish valour , being of rude and rustical extraction embroyled his country in civil wars , and with the blood of many thousand citizens , and his own , quench'd those fiery persecutions which had for several ages try'd the church as in a furnace . b constantine the founder of new rome , and who render'd the empire christian favour'd learning . a decree of his is extant whereby having granted physicians , and especially doctors that waited in ordinary on the emperor , or that had waited in ordinary on the late emperors , grammarians and other professours of learning with doctors of law to be free from all publick charges with their wives , children and all they possess , not to be burthen'd with free-quarter in the provinces , nor to bear office , nor to be arrested , nor impanel'd , nor bound to any personal appearance , nor molested ( otherwise the delinquent to be punish'd at the judges discretion ) he further adds his command , that their wages and salaries be effectually paid that so they may with more liberty attend the breeding up many in liberal sciences and the arts above mention'd . a julian the apostate , by an ungratious edict , worthy to be wrapt up in eternal silence , shut up schools against the christians , and prohibited all masters of rhetorick and grammar to teach any of that profession those arts and faculties which he fondly termed peculiar to the greek , as he would have meant , heathen , but his fall in persia prov'd infamous to the roman name . on the other side b theodosius the great settled large immunities on students . afterwards upon the incursion of the northern nations , while schools were either wholly neglected , or not competently encourag'd ( for both failings in their degree redound upon the publick ) into what barbarity of learning , manners and religion did europe soon revolt ? and was not the study of the holy scriptures , the integrity and truth of divine service at once with good arts and disciplines restor'd ? a passage which shall be subjoin'd take onely as an argument of that light esteem of this calling which is easy to be impress'd upon the vulgar by men true to their own interests at the hazard of others reputation . the ingenious boccace in his decameron ; the first days discourse a novel . had told a tale of a monk that having fall'n into a sin deserving the most grievous punishment yet with credit saved himself from suffering any at all , by recriminating upon his abbot , the very same fault . this foul charge the inquisitors appointed by pius v. thought no ways expedient to remain upon the file to the scandal of the brotherhood as taxing the luxury of friers in an author so much in the hands of all italy , and the most neighboring countries , and therefore having eras'd monk and abbot they dextrously substituted scholar and master : as though that relation were less sacred . not to aggravate this disreputation beyond the jest , impos'd more to the convenience of the relators then the merit of the subject defam'd ; they who should goe about to perswade a suppression or diminution of country grammar schools in england besides that they seem not duly to have examin'd the occasions of this church : so neither understand they the temper of our kings and people ; donations however small have been in good measure rescu'd from the dissolutions of religious houses and preserv'd amidst the sales of fee-farm rents : nay , even in the late invasion of church and crown-lands . kings of spain know best what matters are inconvenient and prejudicial to their kingdome . perhaps their schools might be too many . the same degree of light is not convenient to all eyes . perhaps else their state hath not thriv'd the better since the diminution of them . kings of england have graffed upon these policies , this conscience ; that their subjects pay them a rational obedience : that they ground their faith upon principles of sound knowledge : and where men have fail'd of duty , their cause hath been pleaded by a superior power : so that in the issue , those principles and that reason of their subjects however a while clouded through prejudices , or through wrong insinuations seduc'd , hath return'd upon them more powerful , then standing armies : hath strook the top-gallant of their ill-victorious fleets to waft home their natural soveraign and the royal family : nor can there any surer pledge be given for a durable loyalty to be transmitted to posterity then a conscience rightly inform'd by good education . §. . since then the crown of england hath been so munificent in erecting , so chast in preserving the schools of this land with their revenues : since the lords both spiritual and temporal with the people of divers ranks , have with no small success carried on the work : this work so necessary to the church and beneficial to the state , let not our ingratitude retard or frustrate . there are corners of the land yet but thinly furnish'd with these helps . there arise also not seldom persons touch'd with strong inclinations of disposing some portion of what means god hath bless'd them with , to such use as may best serve their country . amongst other charities , some are apt to conceive what is extended to children , to be to the publick , not the least fruitful , and to them most helpful , especially wherein it improves them in knowledge , and good manners : and thereupon would determine upon that object , if the occasion were evident . now if convenient place offer , as such foundations have been argu'd , to bring a local and publick benefit , so that they do not necessarily overstock the land with scholars , but rather improve such as shall design that way , this instance may render somewhat probable : that from those counties where are hardly any free-schools , there come not the fewest scholars to the vniversity , though not allways so well grounded as where better means of learning is publickly afforded . §. . now as prime founders are worthy to be had in perpetual and blest memory ; so following benefactors , which have left any augmentation of revenue , deserve no less to be celebrated for their like pious affection . were the particular salaries of masters throughout the land , as in a table set forth , it is not to be fear'd least their ample patrimony should excite the covetousness or envy of the reader : nothing rather might seem a more effectual motive to the well dispos'd to enlarge their beneficence , then the weighing the assiduous labors of teachers against their incompetent maintenance . be it the condition ordinarily do's not require those large expences which higher stations exact : yet to be abbridg●d in necessaries , must needs discourage labor : and the mind under daily distractions can less intend its more desirable charge . add hereto the manifold indecencies of indigence in the exercise of the meanest authority , accompanied with many temptations : nothing is of its own nature more expensive then want : whether it seek out diversion from the importunities of care , or call in forreign aids to repress the insults of danger . the divine providence is not to be limited , nor yet tempted . he that can work above or without means , yet requires of us all possible endeavor after honest means . should i perchance here intimate that the streightned laborer is some object of pity , especially in towns populous well traded and replenish'd with youth , where the number of scholars cannot be well taught without an assistant ; when the stipend already appointed is but tolerable living for one man ; the train of this discourse , would by no means be interpreted to reflect on the munificence of first donors . it is well known what was really plentiful in our fore-fathers days , is now become really less then sufficient , nor would it be understood to move a promiscuous and unseasonable compassion . the nobility and gentry of this land , would be found upon the review ; to have been greatly favorable to scholars ; but since the furies of these civil-wars , domestical wounds bleed inwardly . the rude have run down the ingenuous . onely the prince and an industrious age can cure these breaches . other laborers there are , who may come in for share of relief . the sum of this discourse is , that , whosoever are so dispos'd , and with whose particular affairs it may comport , be assur'd , that among their other charities , whatsoever they bestow in augmentation of poor school-masters living , is not unacceptable to him who hath ordain'd that whosoever labors , should upon his labors competently subsist . §. . then , because want of sufficient maintenance , and consequently of like residence at the university renders men less firmly grounded in arts and divinity ; and thereby less capable of serving church and state to that degree which otherwise they might : not onely those kings , prelates , and other nobles , who have largely endow'd ample colleges , deserve honorable commemoration with posterity ; but such other patriots , who of less abundance have yet conferr'd to the maintenance of one or more students at the university . upon which this twofold question may arise , whether such exhibitions as are appropriated to a school , county , or certain counties ; or such other as are indefinitly giv'n without limitation of place , be more conducible to the publick . again , whether such as are for a certain term of years , or those as to time undetermin'd . the question is not , but that the will of donors be kept inviolable . local benefactions were given out of peculiar respect to the inhabitants of such place to which the benefactor was some way related : but over and above these , some men of enlarg'd fortunes and spirits , have out of regard to their whole country left full choice of their exhibitioners to the free discretion of their feoffees . again , temporary provisions at a certain period expiring , engage the pensioner to seek out early emploiment , and returning upon others , communicate the beneficence to a greater breadth : though the longer the term is , they more assist to maturity and constancy of judgment , so that exhibitions of shortest date may be said most to mul●iply scholars , while the perpetual may more advance learning . and were there more of these exhibitions , whether to schools or counties , or otherwise unlimited then as to the character of the receiver for a competent time , or till preferment to sufficient maintenance in the judgment of the trustees , perhaps , we should not have more scholars , but more graduates : fewer virulent invectives and unlearn'd disputations about nice questions , to distract and grieve the consciences of those whom they should rather support and direct : which may probably have contributed to that opinion , as if there were already too many scholars . as to the greater schools whereon any exhibitions are settled , the very expectation of the reward draws resort thither , and excites an emulation in learning and good deportment . this extends a benefit farther then what the actual exhibitioners receive , and is a lottery in truth without hazard . as the use of prize-plates in a county is not terminated in the pleasure or profit of victory , but propagates a love and care of that generous exercise of horse-man-ship throughout the whole land against necessary occasions , and upon any suddain emergency : nor do these provisions , nor would they , were they more numerous then they yet are ( respect being still had to the country wherein we live ) burthen the land with multitude of unnecessary scholars , but furnish the functions both of church and state after their several capacities with apt instruments without impeachment to the rich and noble , who stand alwaies recommended by their more benign stars whensoever they please to offer themselv's to undergo the fatigues of preparation and business . §. . and could indeed the education in free-schools approve its qualification so that the gentry who now frequently judge themselves under a necessity of entertaining a tutor at great charge in their own houses , or of boarding their sons abroad at rates answerable to their quality , might be induc'd to trust their children in their town-school whereof they likely are governor , then would they augment the stipend of the master with the diminishing of their own expences . a gentle-mans son in a free-school , if of his town , converses with neighbours , or perhaps tenants children ; receives respect , returns courtesy : political vertues less capable of being exercis'd in a parity , growes into an habitual esteem among his people , and is so much the greater as he is known to be such by those , who are conscious of their own meanness and distance . having escap'd from the indulgence of parents , and flattery of servants , he is not translated into a select society , being unacquainted with emulations and formalities , unwary of friendships , onely durable till by respective interests divided ; but betimes engages in a mixt conversation , the true image of life : here strips himself , i mean , to severe labor : with his form as in a ring , takes the place due to his industry , not his birth , and begins to see somewhat in persons of lower fortunes worthy to be honour'd . moves strongly after wisdome , whether born on by the press , or himself , leading a troop of fellow-students : profits by the praises , reproofs , admonitions made to others ; nay , the very dross of vulgar rudeness and misdemeanor , the onely momentous dissuasive from a promiscuous breeding , even that will make his domestical vertuous education shine the brighter , and by the punishment of others , he will stand corrected or confirm'd in good habits , and stick the closer to them as to his chief security when afterwards he comes into the world. judicious persons , such as these parents generally are , cannot affect to purchase this seperate way of breeding , because privat masters are in less subjection , or dwell better . the room for study is but a sojourning , not an habitation , its meanness the more endears the parents house . other arguments , i think , weigh to the advantage of the publick , if the master be allow'd of parts and discretion : now country foundations are not seldom provided with teachers , that have been bred up themselves in the greater and collegiat schools , or otherwise very sufficient . §. . one word , though possibly not required , may yet not unseasonably be here interpos'd . these measures of reasoning would not be too boldly extended to the nobility . they are design'd for highest operations in the state : born peers of the realm : the most antient and presiding part of the great councel of the kingdom . their honor and interest in the country safe and planted , so that what is prudent in the best of the commonalty may not be ordinate to their affairs . a pale not of caution onely , but of veneration is to be set about them : and therefore they may challenge a priviledge of peculiar education . domestical , if they judge it expedient : though were the annals of eaton , westminster , and winch●ster extant , not excluding some other schools of note , many very excellent personages of the nobility , would stand recorded in those places where with arts and languages they received those deferences which their honorable birth might justly require , and were instructed what offices of duty or civility , from them especially , would be expected : there have they understood in the prime master of latine comedy improv'd , poor old hegio bespeaking the great and wealthy demea a quam vos facillime agitis , quam estis maxume , potentes , dites , fortunati , nobiles ; tam maxumè vos aequo animo aequa noscere oportet , si vos voltis perhiberi prob●s . as best you are to pass , as you are most potent , rich , honorable , high of blood , so you of all men should be most content , reason to do , if you would pass for good . there have they drawn from the fountain sarpedons speech to glaucus ( it is render'd out of greek from the prince of poets in an english paraphrase by the late most ingenious sir john denham . ) a divine sarpedon , since he did not find others as great in place , as great in mind . above the rest , why is our pomp , our power , our flocks , our herds , and our possessions more ? &c. but that as well in danger , as degree , we stand the first ; that when our lycians see , our brave examples , they admiring say , behold our gallant leaders ! these are they deserve the greatness ; and unenvied stand : since what they act , transcends what they command &c. §. . but , to digress no longer from the streight course of this inquisition ; resume we what even just before came cross into observation that the fruit of country schools in good measure depends upon an opinion of the master , to the electors of whom more then truth and honesty is requir'd : therefore prudent founders have been circumspect as to that point ; and where certain towns-men upon the place have been allow'd most proper governors as to the management of the revenue , and execution of the statutes , yet colleges in one of the universities have been judg'd sometimes more competent patrons , and rather with the diocesan , consulted in the compiling those ordinances of government : for instance in a one college . that eminent school of shrewsbury when it was first founded by king edw. . by procurement of mr. edwards ( ancestor to sir francis now living in the college ) had an upper and under master onely , nominable by the bayliffs and burgesses of the town of salop , who had also power of making ordinances for government of the school and salaries of the masters , yet with advise of the lord bishop of coventry and lichfield . but when afterwards q. elizabeth visited the place upon occasion , a fairer establishment was made for masters and a catechist . in drawing up the orders the head master us'd ( who had been instrumental in procuring the new settlement ) with the advice also and authority of the then bishop of coventry and lichfield : this was done upon better stipends for all the masters ; and uses appointed for the stock remanent or surplusage . but what directly concerns the purpose of this allegation in this following article ; that , when any of the first school-masters places shall be void , the bayliffs ( now mayor ) of the town shall within days after notice to them ( or him ) given , make advertisement thereof to the master and fellows of saint johns college in cambridge , with request to them to elect and send to the said bayliffs ( now mayor ) one able , meet , and apt person for that purpose . the composition runs thus . one born in the town of salop , the legitimate son of a burgess there and having been a scholar in the free-schoole ; in defect whereof . one born within the franchises of the said town legitimate son of a burgess , and that hath been a scholar also in the same school . one born in the county of salop ( the preference given to cherbury and brought up in the same school . one born in any other county the preference alwaies had to such as have been of the school . the school-master so nominated by the master and fellows of saint johns college cambridge shall be allow'd and sworn by the bishop of coventry and lichfield , and afterwards by the bayliffs ( now mayor ) of the town , who if they have reasonable cause to mislike him , shall certify such cause of their mislike , to the said master and fellows who are then to proceed to a new election in form abovesaid . in sedburgh yorkshire founded by roger lupton doctor of the canon-law and provost of eaton , the master and fellows of saint johns college in cambridge are always to nominate and elect a master within a month after every vacancy certified ; upon default the governors with the consent of the diocesan for that turn elect . in pocklington , the same county of yorkshire , the free-school founded by john dowman ( or dolman ) doctor of laws , and arch-deacon of suffolk at first intrusted to the master , wardens and brethren of the guild there : upon that dissolution was by act of parliament . edw. so far transferr'd to the master and fellows of saint johns college in cambridge that the nomination of school-master within two months after vacancy belongs to them which otherwise for the turn lapses to the lord arch bishop of york . in rivington lancashire , founded by james pilkington bishop of durham the governors within weeks after the vacancy of a master recommend to the master and fellows of the same saint johns persons who have been students in either of the universities for , or years at the least , of the age of years ; one of which the said master and fellows are to elect . in stamford lincolnshire , founded by master william radcliffe of that town , the mayor with the advice and consent of the master of saint johns in cambridge appoint the school-master there . in spalding in the same county founded by mr. john gamlin and mr. john banks if the governors or major part of them fail to elect a school-master within days after vacancy , the master and senior fellows of the same st. johns shall nominate and appoint a fit man school-master there . lastly , in aldenham hertfordshire , founded by richard plat citizen and brewer london . the master was appointed at first to be chosen by the masters , wardens and assistants of the company of brewers london , the governors of the school at a court wherein or more shall be assembled , by an instrument dated june . eliz. but , upon later thoughts , by a new instrument dated nov. . eliz. the aforesaid governors are bound within days after notice of the avoydance , or sooner , to direct their letters under their common seal to the master and fellows of st. johns camb. to desire them to commend to their election and nominate within one month after , masters of arts , one of which is to be chosen by them . after this why should i mention sydney sussex college for houghton conquest ? why emanuel fot godmanchester ? why trinity coll. for stevenage hartfordshire , for vtoxeter , staffordshire ? or what need i dilate in oxford upon new college for adderberry or for the nomination of two for thame wherof the lord norris elects one ? upon corpus christi for chelt'nham ? upon queens college for childrey barkshire , norleech gloucestershire , appleby westmoreland ? upon brazen-nose for charleberry , steeple-ashton oxfordsh . middleton lancashire ? the sum of this large enumeration would amount to this inference ; that the annexing the patronages of country free-schools to several houses in one or the other university hath been experienc'd mutually beneficial : and may be practis'd under such articles of composition , as that the towns may reserve what real priviledge of presentation they can value , and , what is of greatest import , secure an able master , while at the same time they communicate to such hall or college the collation of their school , the resort of their exhibitioners : and as they may pleasure them with the supplying of pensioners , so may no doubt at times be pleasur'd in the having their hopeful poor scholars receiv'd . the connexion between collegiat schools and their correlative colleges conduces to their common good , and evinces that there are cases , wherein restraint may be to advantage : though neither would that be so rigid as that the pension presently desert him , who upon some farther step of advancement removes from that roof . since the attacking small exhibitions to inconvenient houses , is , by an incompetent provision to avert the receiver from the pursuit of a reasonable subsistence ; but this cause having different merits nor to be determin'd by any general rule of practise would be reserv'd entire to the discretion of the trustees . what hath been thus freely discours'd would be understood strictly of country schools , since all corporations stand not in the same terms for skill , or choice of candidates as do collegiat churches and ecclesiastical patrons or noblemen , or the greater companies of london . §. . but let , whatsoever circumspection may , be granted in the choosing , this good opinion can be no otherwise durable then in the right comportment of town and master , each with the other . in all conditions of life regarding settlement and society this observation or experiment universally recurs that a fair esteem may be acquir'd from abroad , must be maintain'd at home . now that a master be able , of sound principles , and good example is suppos'd : that he be diligent in laying the foundations of religion , and of arts and sciences is requir'd : ( a task which conscience and affection to the work can onely make easy . ) and which will not want its reward : that he be dextrous in teaching and sagacious in discerning the temper of his scholars are felicities of nature , yet improveable by experience . now the former of these being secur'd , as to the two latter there is a latitude may be safely allow'd . a growing teacher , is not to be despis'd . and perhaps such difference is not with reason insisted upon by all . true , alexander the great would not sit to any but apelles , nor be cast in brass by any other , but lysippus : and though every ones darling , be his little alexander , yet every age and place cannot furnish him an aristotle for his tutor . it is not necessary that all towns at all times be supply'd with the best . he that professeth the art of dancing should be well behav'd , of a modest garb and meen , nor unready at usual dances , the receiv'd laws and performances of his profession ; and then persons of very good quality may without danger either enter upon learning , or practice with him , what they have elsewhere learn'd : although he be less airy , nor so absolute a master of the foot as some others may pretend to be . townsmen do not all understand greek and latine yet they can read deportment and industry either directly in the school-master ; or in the more obvious reflexions at home upon their children committed to his charge . onely they would be desir'd not to suspect what they less comprehend . those who profess the study of wisdome they see to be men : have like passions with themselves : short of perfection . but they should nevertheless perswade themselves that learning is the nurse of diligence , bridle of the appetite , exercise of unfeign'd humility , and in every condition the surest antidote against discontent and faction ; and therefore they would be desir'd to think their faithful school-master what in a sort he is , a fellow-laborer with their minister : one who hath put on all the affections of the father , except fondness : that so by forming a right esteem of his work , they may set a true value upon his person . §. . now because the patrimony of school-masters , for the generality , whether small or somewhat greater , being wholly committed to the custody of feoffees , must needs in the dispensing be streightned or enlarg'd upon motives to the teacher unavoidable ; the matter of enfeoffement in this consideration would not be altogether neglected . the ancient way therefore of enfeoffing most parochial donations since the conquest was to invest the trust in the two church-wardens and the parson : where the stipendiary priest was removeable at the will and pleasure of men not alwaies of the greatest judgement : the latter practice since henry the eighth hath repos'd these trusts in corporations themselves who have often aim'd at as large power of suspending the continuance of the school-master , not on his behavior , but their privat discretion ; whereas , by the way , the patents last age run , juxta eorum sanam discretionem : now a legal will in a corporation is different from their will and pleasure : a style incommunicable to any subject ; for though soveraigns need not alwaies declare and remonstrate , but rest often satisfied with a conscience of the justice of their proceedings , yet is it an essential property of subordinate authority to render an account . this absolute dependance cannot but retard the endeavors , and may endanger to shake the stedfastness of the best resolv'd teacher . some founders have nominated the chief of their neighbors to the government of their foundations . these were intent on their ability to protect them : on their plenty , judg'd not to stand in need of retribution ; and therefore call'd in worshipful and honorable assistance without other regard had to them then the counting them worthy to undertake the overseeing their charity . but practice rectifies that opinion . and persons of high place and emploiment not obtaining leisure from their own , or the publick important occasions to attend the rule of a petty school , have often wav'd the trust . for what honor is there in an accession of trouble without profit ? or where the reward of business is not specified , would the reward there ( may some think ) be meant unlimited ? though charity may more particularly require this liberal inspection of some great ones upon whom the title of their family-beneficence descends . local governors are certainly most proper , and the highest would be rather not past by , then affected . one instance of enfeoffement may be here worthy the remark . upon the latter erection of that great school of shrewsbury above-mention'd which was in the thirteenth of the queen , the statutes upon mature deliberation revis'd , and a new settlement made , it was ordain'd ; the mayor of the town and head-school-master joyn in letting out the school-lands . an honest constitution since by that means neither will the townsmen lie under a temptation to misconvert the pious use , nor shall the master be able to impair the school-revenue . besides it may be accounted not very reasonable , that a master of arts formerly at the university thought fit to be intrusted with the disposal of his pupils allowance , should now be again reduc'd into pupillage : the onely man in the parish judg'd proper from whom the value of his estate be conceal'd . be the tenure in almain it is not without president , that even in hospitals some chosen almesmen have enjoy'd the like power and priviledge . every body consists upon its own laws : but that constitution is less liable to corruption from at home or abroad , where not onely conscience but fame is secur'd . indeed where the wages for teaching issu'd out of the publick stock of corporations , the masters were to be allow'd antiently among the romans by of the a decuriones or aldermen , and receiv'd a licence for teaching from the bench , or town-hall of that borough , whereby they were entitl'd to several profits and immunities . these were limited to a certain number , which number was in the same order of election supply'd upon the vacancy of any place upon the b death of the former incumbent or his c removal . for gordian the emperor declares it as a rul'd case that if upon tryal the master were found unuseful he was removeable by the same authority whereby he had been approv'd . thus to survey differing feoffments , although it draw with it no necessary consequence of innovating unduely what is already establish'd , yet where the matter is under consultation , and in settlements not yet made , variety of paterns compar'd may be serviceable towards determining the choice with more success . §. . the divers orders and customes of schools upon such occasion too consider'd might have their use . let none expect here a body of scholastical policy : herein the statutes of many eminent foundations prescribe with great authority , nevertheless it may be needful in this place to mention , that publick schools are ordinarily regulated by some statute of superannuation : if children give slender hopes of proving scholars after years tryal in learning of the grammar , they are to be remov'd out of the number : now those years are usually the more unfit for labor , and most capable of good impressions , during which time the more averse they were to their book , yet having been inur'd to watchfulness and diligence , to subjection and hardship , they prove often from that very frustration the more resolv'd and active in such other emploiment to which they freely betake themselves . idle drones and hurtful wasps no where less safe , more readily discover'd and sooner expell'd then from these hives . again , methods of teaching sound and sufficient here strictly enjoin'd , and legitimately carried on have past into a regular course of studies . consistent with these publick injunctions is a liberty still allow'd improving stud●nts of retrenching some superfluous rule , adding an exception , altering a particular hypothesis ; grammar maxims and the system establish'd by act of parliament , always sav'd . but to demolish foundations out of privat opinion daily changeable is a presumption of ill consequence to the publick . our modern januists of the latine and greek tongue seem in great measure to leave grammar and build upon dictionary ; as do others who practise without rule , or by a rule not catholick . due length of time and depth of culture withheld rather palliate ignorance then produce scholarship ; and errors in the ground-work first lay'd are rarely corrected by the scholars after-diligence . directions for delivering languages and arts , this enquiry dares not attempt : it is the work of master builders : and some judicious treatises are extant upon the same subject : to pass over forraign didacticks , at home ascham , hoole , and the latest mr. william walker yet surviving hath after his wonted manner solidly discoursed it . i shall onely take leave at this present to consider one opinion which hath of late obtain'd among persons of very good quality ; they have design'd a son for the profession of the law of the land : thereupon would bar the master from teaching him poëtry and greek as no ways ordinate to their childs pretence . this declared pleasure of parents will find no difficult admission with masters , whatever their judgement be , and is readily embrac'd by the scholar , because it saveth both of them much labor , whereof no man , at his own choice , is prodigal . upon this occasion i shall not digress into a just defence of poëtry , nor enlarge upon the excellencies of the greek tongue : but to speak to both connexly and with submission ; what of this reason falls under my comprehension onely amounts to a caution against dwelling among gentile superstitions , turning after the levity of some pieces , the chimaeras of others , being lost in empty ravishments , in a word , against making an emploiment of this however pleasing diversion to the prejudice of his further design : for when it shall again be consider'd , that the seasonable and moderate reading of poëts , whether greek or latine , elevates the thought ; furnishes upon all occasions succinct , pertinent , well-humor'd discourse ; impresses the passion requisite ; nor contented with terms barely proper sets on strength of argument with facetiousness of sense , and gayetie of phrase ; these vertues consider'd , it may appear more adviseable to restrain this candidate of the laws with due cautions that he may rather bind himself , then stop his ears with wax , while he passeth by these sirens : besides , that , mispronouncing latine in prose , incident to those that are unacquainted with verse , blemishes the best orator . his judgement rightly inform'd , this hopeful student may profit himself , at these ingenuous recreations , and at spare-hours to no small advantage converse with the poëts of our own language especially . whether polite literature accomplish a common-lawyer , for more reasons then one is not for me positively to determine : some shining instances in our own age favor those that shall affirm it . there is a reason and equity common to all laws : the roman youth soon as design'd lawyers were deliver'd to some master of poëtry and greek . a tully saith of aulus licinius archias , that from the utmost of his child-hood as ever he could remember , that poët and grecian had been his director both to undertake and carry on his course of studies . now because the greek poët was then questionable whether subservient to the roman orator he subjoins by way of prevention that he never was resign'd up to be a meer lawyer : and that all the liberal arts and sciences have a mutual affinity and connexion . orderly disposition of matter of fact , apposite application of law , with graceful utterance in opening a case may do a cause right . poëts furnish whereby the thought exhausted with pleading may be recruited , and the ears wearied with the din of the bar find repose : for having been strain'd at waging hard controversies , men are best relax'd and unbended by the more soft yet moral divertisements : soon after he adds , that the studies of other faculties are comprehended in teaching , in rules and art ; a poët hath his excellency in his very nature , and is elevated on the wing of fancy and as it were inspir'd with certain divine raptures . wherefore old ennius doth by a just prerogative call poëts sacred : because they seem to stand recommended to us by some especial grace and favor of heaven . be therefore sacred with men of so great humanity this name of poët , which no barbarity ever violated . rocks and deserts echo sounds : and savage monsters oft are charm'd and stop at musick . should not we that have had ingenuous breeding be affected with the voyce of poëts ? thus the prince of advocates with much more in his masters behalf : somewhat might be farther added on the subject , but what hath been loosely noted here may render men less forward upon privat notions though taken up with some color of probability to recede from the approv'd ordinances of publick schools without like authority . §. . but that which is of far greater importance to parents is best secur'd in publick schools , that their children be train'd up in the principles of christian religion , entire and uncorrupt : that they be built up in the fundamental points : by catechism and other seasonable address . as for catechism ; the church hath provided all her children means of instruction , chargeth parents with their spiritual nurture , enjoyneth masters to promote this especially : and exacteth of the children when grown , to account for the summary of christian doctrine receiv'd . a form is given to convey the substance : and therefore the church hath not prohibited explaining that , or joyning others with it . nowells catechism is enjoyn'd to be taught in the school of s t. pauls by their local statutes . vrsine translated into greek by hen. stephens , with the praxis of berchet hath been elsewhere with good success learn't : neither of them , i think , to exclude the church catechism ; nor ought any other ; for is it reasonable the examinand should prescribe his examinor what he should ask him ? the child his pastor , his bishop ? or would a child despise the indulgence of his poser , who should prompt him before hand , to every question the answer wherewith he would rest satisfied . there are many catechisms , but one faith . there are many grammars to one language ; yet that is the best to the learner , that is taught in his form : though perhaps a scholar brought up in another method to some perfection in the tongue the master would not put back to be initiated in the same elements . the mother , the nurse may teach a child the church catechism , the master must hear him repeat it : and may be thought most proper to carry him on to farther perfection . it is requir'd of every one that is matriculated a member in either university to subscribe the articles of faith and religion which supposes him to have been inform'd in them : either by his minister , or school-master . neither would discourse , more particularly at certain seasons , be without a prudent direction to serious and useful points of doctrine . in the greek a asceticks we may see a novice putting questions to an old father upon heads of practical divinity . b the jews record memorable sayings of the rabbins and bring in their disciples asking the solution of what was allegorically deliver'd : prescribe rules to the scholar of a modest liberty in propounding c his doubts apposite to the present lesson and subject in discourse : as also to the master of a gentle condescension in resolving those doubts : that he think it not grievous to repeat , to inculcate his instructions with regard to the difficulty of the matter in debate or slowness of the learners comprehension . thus have many teachers been improv'd by forming an apt answer to pregnant questions propos'd by their auditors . and for our instruction doubtless was d the child jesus found in the temple sitting in the midst of the doctors both hearing them and asking them questions . this work hath been carried on by exercise , or books . as for sundaies and festivals , verses upon the proper gospel , or psalms : reading sacred poëms , dialogues , epistles , meditations , confessions , and such like pieces which have been set forth in a small form fitted for the use of young learners . in divers places the statutes require over and above decent attendance on the publick worship , that the scholars be call'd to render an account of what they were taught . when s t. chrysostome upon occasion had prest his auditors to the repeating at home what they had at church heard : that every house-keeper being return'd would spread a double table the one of bodily food , the other of the word of god and the husband to recount what had been there spoken , the wife to learn , the children also to hear , nay the very servants not to be debarr'd from that repetition . a make thy house ( saith he ) a church as being accountable for the souls of thy family as the minister stands charg'd with those of the whole congregation : the people of antioch hereupon broke out into loud b acclamations , which that father accepted , not as an empty applause , but as the pledge of their obedience . as to the religious conduct of youth , i shall onely add upon this head that there is extant a treatise of the same fathers , anciently styled the a golden book of education , brought to light by the learned combefis and render'd into english by m r. john evelyn : a person whose fruitful industry hath oblig'd his country , nor ever to be mention'd by me without much honor . §. . further , as care is taken that the masters salary be duely paid , so because the tenure is not frank-almain as was that of abbies , and may that of hospitals be call'd , but what implys a duty to be perform'd which gives title to the reward , in many places besides the governors , special visitors are appointed ; whether some gentry by the designation of the founder thought fit and willing to oversee the discharge of the trust , or some three or four neighbor ministers , who annually at certain prefix'd time or times preside over the sollemn exercise of the scholars , and from their proficience estimate the abilities and diligence of the master . after all which the bishop as general visitor both superintends the master , and is head of the commission for charitable uses . indeed subordination and dependency is the form of bodies collective , without which nothing is strong : nothing is beautiful . the more immediat concern of the church organical successive is commended to the bishop not onely by the a holy scripture but by the ancient b canons , by c canon-law and by the d statutes of this realm , and practise of all ages and places christian : the ordinary gives licence to the school-master and exacts his duty , but withall the same with other commissioners by him engag'd vindicates school-revenues detain'd by executors , or interverted by trustees . as much fond as any are of liberty , no man surely envys the greatness of that power which he apprehends for his own interest . e and interest in the highest prelate may the poorest school-master assure by assiduity and vigilance over himself & his small flock . i shall onely add upon this head , that such seeming not to have consider'd enough their own weakness , draw upon them●●●●es the low rate and esteem set upon this profession , and gratify that whether overt hatred or inconsiderate policy of others in impeaching the growth and flourishing of the state scholastick , whosoever do not with humble gratitude embrace that superabundant strength which god hath vouchsaf'd them from the kings majesty the common nursing father of publick schools , in his gracious letters patents : from the high and honorable court of parliament , in laws made for their immunity and vindication : from worthy neighbors or worshipful companies of the great city , their vigilant and faithful governors : from many of the nobility , gentry , or neighboring ministers , often their special visitors : lastly , from the right reverend their diocesan , and spiritual father , always their general visitor . §. . there remains another advantage of publick schools : the greatest benefit to learners after the master , is a good library . before the art of printing was discover'd , when books all written by hand were rare , and however less correct and compleat to be purchas'd at excessive rates , those that set up schools in the provinces of the empire greek and latine heathen or christian , provided themselves ordinarily with some store of copies to promote the common studies of their scholars with themselves . and even in that affluence of books , which this present age daily furnishes , although a parent can afford to provide his son of such as are cheap and portable for his present use as he proceeds in learning , yet there are voluminous authors , pillars of a library , which would highly advance study , yet are not the purchase of every one that is most studious : and therefore best able to use them . in which regard a library would even at the present be reputed a necessary member of a school-house . this would not consist of promiscuous books . english histories , treatises in faculties , of law , physick and divinity , unseasonably read intervert the time due for other studies preparatory to the scholars daily exercise : and therefore universities lay a prudent restraint on artists , according to their several progress in the facultie , to keep some years in seats at the entrance of the publick library under books of those arts about which they are for that time conversant . some having been question'd how it came to pass that former ages who fram'd the very theoremes of those sciences , in compiling and transforming the systemes whereof we so much glory , could advance so far , have been ready to attribute it to the fewness of their books upon this very account ; not without some appearance of reason , though how truly , i list not here farther to enquire . be therefore onely proper and organical books hither admitted and few of that sort would be excluded . he is a good workman , that can use every tool . even those writings that are earnestly censurd as hindrances to scholarship ; allow'd with careful directions in their time and place , prove helps to proficiency . better were it for the peace and comfort of life if it fell out in matters of higher consequence that we were never prone to condemn and inveigh , where we should rather limit and caution . this book is to be read over , that consulted onely . this to furnish matter , that disposition , a third ornament . words and phrases are not sufficient to form a discourse ; nor a concordance , to make a sermon : they do not therefore obstruct , they may conduce to the work. a systematical artist , is not the worst artist . they that always despise helps to perfection may as much prejudice their own profiting , as those that continually rest in them . best editions , as latest are ordinarily , may be desirable , yet former are not to be rejected . so much judgement in dealing with the bookseller as not to buy corrupt copies at the rate of the best , but at a price vile as they are , is frugality in a scholar : when to be skil'd in the choice of editions and withal so ice as to nauseat what is not most elegant in print and binding is not discretion in a poor student , but luxury . few books , well chosen , may be of much use , and the benefaction considerable : but because scholars grow , these also range themselves into suitable classes , and because schools grow , they may spread . were i able to pursue this argument particularly and at large it might be perhaps with some readers of use but would arise to a just volume both beyond the bounds and besides the nature of this short essay . some heads of matter it may be nevertheless not amiss to draw over . therefore consider we learning in its birth , growth , and ripeness ; and distribute we our scholar into the grammarian , the linguist and critick ; both in greek and latine . in the first class grammar and dictionary : each small , middling , or large . the large dictionary would be ety mological , as a latine scapula : which method seems most natural to words and best complys with the memory of children . now whilst sentences , fables , dialogues , epistles are carrying on , the practise of translation , for instance of english-latine , latine-english mutuasly best advance here with truth of interpretation . noun and verb join'd , as congruously , so proper each to other : particles rightly us'd fall in , and from these result a phrase lively , and in some sort elegant . distinct helps to these are rather to be sought then refus'd , as phrasiologies , elegancies , idioms , directions for the use of particles , and the like guides of imitation . of which form are rolls of names , glosses enterlin'd , or side by side , literal translations , in a word ; locks and keys and doors of language not successless as may be attested by many late-learners especially to furnish fluent discourse upon all subjects : the greek yet wider in its dialects and curious in its tone . for a second class , when style cometh to be form'd , and the scholar proceeding to the classical authors , is enter'd upon theam and verse , aids are here most needful . select orators , poëts , historians fair and true printed at least , with the life and testimonies concerning the author , with arguments ; and some with plain and useful comments : apart or in bodies as the greek and latine poëts and authors of the imperial history . abridgements too not to be disparag'd . match me l. florus and justine : these conduce not to the memory onely but to the understanding also , while they bring actions disjoin'd in time and place under one view : accommodated to the narrow capacity of unripe judgements : especially when illustrated by tables genealogical , chronological , geographical ; and what , perhaps , are beyond comments to studious children profitable , would be had the approved translations of historians , orators , and poëts into our own tongue : since by them a child cometh at once to understand writers how-ever abstruse equally with the man that had particularly at leisure inform'd himself in that author . but for assistance in theam . invention is a hard tax to be layd on the barren and unfurnish'd minds of children . therefore , let these busy bees fall upon those flowry meads that have been fenc'd in by the industry of others ; let the young merchants trade in witts common-wealth for an apophthegm , an example , a similitude till they can set up a staple at home : the wisdom of proverbs is not to be neglected ; and therefore adagies at large , or in their abstract would be procur'd . symbols and emblems are embellishments rather pleasing , when offer'd , then requir'd . when ripe for institutions of oratory , there would be prepar'd a small , middling , and large rhetorick : such are extant old and latter , a greek and latine , till they arrive at declamation and panegyrick . as to poëtry ; steps not unlike do well . a poëtick institution small , middling and large . then authority for quantities in making a copy of verses . their matter will be scant : enlarge it with poëtical fables and fancys : these too moraliz'd by b mythological applications of such as have unlock'd the mysterie of poësy . their language mean : open to them the store-house of poëtical phrase . flowers of speech : proper epithets : fashionable terms : and choice of expression : all which are yet further'd by select sentences , epigrams , epistles , orations and pieces of history : thus the very fragments of sallust and cornelius nepos and polybius may compare with the most compleat volumes of divers other writers . a third class of school-books , to finish this library , would be further serviceable , when the style being well form'd , and the judgement grown to some maturity , the scholar sticks no longer in the bare forms of speaking or composition of sentences , but can so read whole books as to compare one book with another , and some parts with other parts of the same book : ( and yet be glad at times to have recourse to an index or synopsis ) can raise higher observations from them for common life , for morals , for policy . here would he be help'd in antiquities , in presidents of solemn acts , in several pieces of particular eruditions as of measures , weights , coins , habits , and the histories of other like species ; now begins he to discern readings true from false : authorities genuin from supposititious : a skill that hath done the church service in allegations of greater concern . therefore would relish variant lections compar'd diligently . he begins now to control time and place : therefore would he be enter'd into rationaries of time , and geographical institutions the greater by the less : not unacquainted with maps , and globes , wit cannot be taught : but may be provok'd ; and emulation ariseth betwixt persons chiefly where no great inequality is apprehended . therefore modern poëts , orators , historians or other late writers in greek and latine that have well imitated the ancients would have their due place and respect ; since it may deservedly move disdain in an ingenuous spirit , if that should be feasible to others of the age wherein he lives , unto which he might not aspire . this collection cannot every-where be made in one day . if gentlemen could once judge these publick schools worthy to be trusted with the education of their children ( as in almost all counties some are undoubtedly most fit ) they would without difficulty be induc'd at the entring of their son to bestow some useful book , such as the master should propose : this in process of time would furnish such places , at least with the more necessary helps ; and leave a standing treasure to the house ; not to be despised by the town . in divers late foundations a room for books hath been annex'd to that of the school : elsewhere desks or presses ; for indeed without a certain repository provided all utensils are expos'd either to be lost or injur'd : nor are there presidents wanting of this sort of gratification , if it might be conducing to provoke beneficence in this nature i would not pass over what hath fall'n under my notice , more particularly , upon occasion . the right honorable my l. crew was content to sever two books from his own library ( they were hen. stephense's thesaurus of the greek tongue in volumes , and athenaeus his dipnosophists with the notes of isaac casaubone in volumes ) and give them to the use of northampton school and master , at a sole request made by the means of that a school master . one of the present honorable secretaries of state conferr'd a set of excellent school-books such as the a master signifie to have been there wanting ; a decent respect to that borough which had elected him their burgess of parliament . the worshipful company of the merchant tailors of london at the motion of their worthy b school-master erected a fair library , and replenish'd it with store of choice books : some contributing pounds others too very considerable sums towards it . these books were through the great industry of the master preserv'd as to the main in the fatal conflagration of that city : and remain a monument of the donors munificence , still growing to the advantage of the foundation . other examples of bounty in the same kind , not wholly unknown to me , though in themselves worthy of honor , i yet forbear here to specifie , since multitude of instances rather overwhelm then excite the reader : in a word , these gifts are a multiply'd benefit to the giver : when contributed by divers among many , they yet all remain entire to each particular . after due endeavors to provide , the next care is to preserve such library . the library-keeper to be charg'd with a threefold book the register of benefactors : the catalogue of c books : and a note of what of them are lent out and on what day ; the same to enter into these respective records what shall be needful : nor would he be requir'd to open and shut the door at its hour daily without some salary : to engage his watchfulness and constancy . a piece or yearly chargeable upon the community ( for this occasion is incident onely to schools of some note ) will betimes acquaint him with the just and advantageous connexion of work and wages . he would be taken out of the uppermost form : the more studious , faithful and discreet that will undertake such trouble : studious , that he be acquainted with the use of what he hath in charge : faithful , for it is a trust : and discreet , because on him chiefly would rest the execution of those orders which should concern the students or books in the library . those laws would not be so rigid as to debar all lending forth of any book as if it disappointed others : since in the place but one can read the same author at once , nor yet so laxe as without occasion , without memorial , to part with them : and for time unlimited . again they would not be so loose as to receive the wounds , or flourishes of every malicious or wanton pen : nor yet so strict as to prohibit the masters occasional animadversion : the very trace of whose hand is suppos'd to leave some useful direction . §. . before the conclusion of this discourse , it may perhaps fall under some observation , that in this loose range of enquirys , a most material point hath been omitted . writing an universal advantage , ought certainly to have place in publick and free schools . for though , perhaps , it be not the principal benefit of that education , yet to write is in common life necessary , and to write well commendable . the truth is in petty schools ( and such are the most in every county ) no small regard is to be had to it : that the master bring his scholar to a fair engrossing secretary , or the neat italian cursive : and if he be design'd for the law to acquaint him with the large exemplifying court hand : and the lesser wherein old rolls are written with their abbridgements would be of singular use to him . i do not say that in the greater grammar-schools masters can much attend to that business : yet there also is exacted that the child bring his exercise written fairly , as he can , without blots , and without dashes , the marks of precipitate negligence . that censure heretofore ordinary as if a bad hand were the property of a good scholar may seem to have receiv'd its original from such like occasion . a in former times , when books were rare , scholars took in notes their masters dictates : which that they might more readily dispatch they practis'd abbridgements , and fell into deficient characters . this habit improv'd the learning , but withal impair'd the writing of those ages . a legible hand endeavor'd seems to carry with it some respect to the reader : and easy flourishes , in their place add grace and distinction , sometimes dignity : but though it be useful for all to write , it is not therefore necessary for all to embellish : yet in schools destin'd to farther operations , the place for writing though it be not a distinct room , would be furnish'd with proper instruments and so more solemn ; and also for the general works of numeration . whatever of this be needful as to the question in debate , none , i think , in these days are of opinion that the skill and practise of this art can be too universally propagated : some may with reason fear it is by many perverted from its noblest end , when emploid to the discouragement of other more excellent arts and sciences , or restrain'd in a manner wholly to the service of secular advantage . §. . rather , to sum up what hath been alledg'd on the present occasion , whatsoever opinion any may have entertain'd concerning the multitude of schools , the multitude of scholars in england ; before they pass any peremptory sentence to withhold their own charity , or to discourage the benevolence of others upon this subject , they would be desir'd withal seriously to consider several millions of inhabitants in this land , in the plantations , in factories abroad , the subject of pastoral cure : then to set before their eyes with such compassion , as the matter requires , the provision remaining for many vicarages : afterwards to descend in their inquisition into the manifold exigencies of the state , in offices , and professions requiring men not illiterate . whether they retain upon the ministery of justice in either law : or upon the profession of physick , or other polite arts. the nation would be reputed , as it is , ample : the traffick copious : the course of justice regular : the cities , and country populous . now when youth is multiplied , should we diminish means of instruction ? when necessities enlarg'd , streighten supplies ? again on the other side they would be desir'd to measure the fluid body of the universities , by degrees , as it is let out ; and duely inform themselves whether the number of yearly proceeders upon an indifferent estimate may not rather seem underproportion'd to the publick occasions . at the best , i fear , they will find many raw students for want of sufficient maintenance at the university thrust forth upon emploiment before any just proof of their proficiency given , who needs must bring weak shoulders to the weightiest work : whereas counties and companies of the city before late calamities and various troubles of the age , have exhibited liberally to the support of divers at their studies , what time the nation enjoid a long peace , as charities of this nature , if rightly consider'd , will be found to return upon any church in fruits of sound doctrine , and an establish'd judgement . but we have too many ecclesiasticks already : there are among us who say so . and indeed do they who have suffer'd themselves to receive such perswasion know how many they are in spain ? how many they were in england in the reign of k. hen. ? do they reckon thus , that however revenue may vary , the same work abides ? but have we not free-schools in almost every market-town ? did we depretiat benefactions receiv'd : we should be unthankful to god and unjust to the memory of many worthy patriots , ornaments of their profession , who have so far extended these provisions towards the preparing youth for business religious and secular : of which benefit , others more directly , but the whole country in some measure partakes . lastly we should ill deserve of that faith , whose charity we dishonor'd . yet may it be not unneedful to consider whether there be not still parts of the land capable of new foundations to good advantage . let not any be offended at the seeming multitude of present schools . certainly we all bear no less affection to the common christianity , then the jews express to the law of moses , who have ordain'd a that school-masters be appointed in all cities , and the inhabitants of that city wherein are no scholars be excommunicated till they provide themselves of school-masters . farther , if upon this they take no care to get them any ; then , that city to be executed ; subjoining this reason that the world would not subsist if it were not for the babling of litle schoolboys : as who should say , the world would fall from the law and worship of god , and would fall into all dissoluteness of manners , were it not for that contemptible emploiment of preventing children before they can well speak plain , with an early instruction in the principles of religion . to the erecting such new foundations wheresoever they shall be found wanting , whosoever shall at any time consult upon the matter will be the rather induc'd , because many free-schools at proper distances dispos'd , not onely minister help to the poor , but with all opportunity to the rich of their childrens institution at less charges then abroad . one word onely concerning the old foundations submit we to further regard : the masters stipend is usually below envy : but what was well sufficient in the time of donors though faithfully dispenc'd by feoffees , in fact is now become incompetent of it self for his reasonable maintenance ; it were for the honor and no less for the advantage of towns , that he be so far encourag'd , at least , as to be enabl'd to attend his calling without distraction , especially if he carry on many to the university , such as perhaps in all counties of england some masters are found to be ; so will this church and nation be blest with apt instruments for service and the age to come season'd with a sense of their duty in all capacities . upon these considerations referr'd alwaies to better judgements , the memory of worthy persons the former donors of these charities hath been with us hitherto concluded pretious : their honor stands inviolable : nor , till other circumstances appear , ought we to have a less grateful esteem for present founders , benefactors and exhibitors to students : but acknowledge it owing to their pious munificence that many are encourag'd , who may promote the peace of the catholick church : and be examples of constant loyaltie to their soveraign , and the royal family : in the prosperity of both which , the welfare of these nations is contain'd . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a the l. verulam advice to the king touching mr. suttons estate . bacons resuscitation . a francis osborne esq ; advice to a son. edition . . ▪ present state of england . edition . . a advice to a son. a too universally dilated learning hath bin found upon trial in all ages no fast friend to policy , or religion ; being no less ready to discover blemishes in the one , then incongruities in the other . b epicurus in his b. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 approves of reading and writing , tho he seem to impugn the learning all other sciences . sextus empiricus adversus mathemat . b. . ch. . a lucan . desuntque manus poscentibus arvis . hath bin to this purpose long since quoted . a pet. . . a synod . exon. an. . c. . omnium mater errorum ignorantia . a deut. . . a thes . . . . a titus . , . b dist . . clericus . conc. carthag . . cap. . , . de clericis ut artificio victum quaerant . r. moses ben . maimon . tract . de studio legis cap. . sect. , , . quisquis legi operam dare vult , laborem autem recusat . &c. a ex viribus reip. eumenius . constantius ( constantini m. fil . ) c. de praebendis salariis l. . è fisco . sueton in vespasiano . publicè . plin. secundus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . suid. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , b besides athens , at alexandria , tarsus upon cydnus , antioch , rhodes . strabo . suidas . c rome , spain , gall-land ▪ in province , autun , bourdeaux . sueton , eumenius , ausonius . a suid. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . b idem in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c speusippus , xenocrates , polemo , crantor , crates . d plin. secundus , b. . epist . . a plin. secund. b . ep. . b in the same place , b. . ep. . c b . ep. . d b. . ep. . e sueton. de illustrib . grammat . in verrio flacco . a s. paul , timothy . s. peter , mark. b the roman court hath university priviledges since the sitting of innocent . . gloss , upon clementines b. . tit. . ch. . in studiis rom. curiae . a pantaenus , a stoick philosopher , taught the alexandrine school under commodus . niceph. callist . b. . c. . clement succeeded him . ch . . origen at yeares old : under severus by the bishop demetrius made catechist . b. . c. , . heraclas admitted in the . of alexander , after bishop . then dionysius , after bishop . sixthly athenodorus . c. . b s. gregorii oratio ad origenem panegyrica & valedic●oria . a c : de professorib . & medicis l. . medicos & maxime archiatros . b c. de studiis liberalib . urbis romae & c. politanae . a concil . toletanum quartum anno . in veteri lege ab an . . levitae tabernaculo servire mandantur cujus auctoritatem in canonibus & s. patres sequuti sunt , a annis aetatis levitae consecrentur : & a annis presbyteri ordinentur . s. laurence is call'd levita in prudentius ; and a ms. kalendar in balliol col. b by binnius . c augustin . de communi vita clericorum . serm. . ad presbyt . s. . a concilium paris . an. . l. . c. . a domino ludovico jussum & admonitum est , ut rectores ecclesiarum , &c. unde omnibus nobis visum est ut abhinc postposita totius torporis negligentia &c. b concil . valentinum anno . quia ex hujus studii longa intermissione , pleraque ecclesiarum dei loca & ignorantia fidei , & totius scientiae inopia invasit . concil . tullense apud saponarias , anno . quia quod nimis dolendum est & perniciosum maxime divinae scripturae verax & fidelis intelligentia jam ita dilabitur ut vix ejus extrema vestigia reperiantur ; & idcirco ingenti cura & studio remedium procurandum est . c . d . e . f . g walteri capitula . cap. . ut unusquisque presbyter clericum & scholam habeat . a theodulphi capitulare . cum summa caritate doceant : nihil ab eis pretii pro hac exigant : accipiant quod eis parentes caritatis studio sua voluntate obtulerint . b concil . mogunt . . anno . ut fidem catholicam recte discant , & orationem dominicam ut domi alios edocere valeant . et qui aliter non potuerit , vel in sua lingua hoc discat . c capitulare aquisgranense , an . . psalmos , notas cantus , computum , grammaticam per singula monasteria vel episcopia discant . sed & libros catholicos bene emendatos habeant . d dis . . de quibusdam : quia in his maxime divina manifestantur atque declarantur mandata . e decret . lib. . tit . de magi : & ne aliquid exigatur pro licentia docendi . quoniam ecclesia dei , sicut pia mater , providere tenetur , ne pauperibus , &c. the clerk was then to the priest companion in conversation , assistant in divine service , master of his school , and design'd successour in the living . a decr. l. . tit . . de magi . c. quia nonullis &c. a counc . of trent . sess . . ch. . pauperum filios praecipue eligi vult , nec tamen ditiorum excludi . a injunctions by queen elizabeth , . the twelfth art. b conc. trident. sess . . cap. . a coke upon littleton . lib. . cap. . sect. . b . c . d . . . e . f . a . b . hen. . for as much as it is right well known that the said governors or the greatest number of them hitherto have not , nor yet do use &c. and for that the kings highness of his godly and blessed disposition &c. c bishop godwyn . rerum anglicarum annal. l. . henry . . d . translated a records in the augmentation office. b edward vi. c office of the augmentation of the kings revenue . warrants , surveys , erections of schools . a eliz. b eliz. c eliz. a the clergy at paris recommend to hlodowig and hlothar setting up three publick schools at convenient parts of the empire . quoniam ex hoc facto & magna utilitas & honor sanctae dei ecclesiae & vobis magnum mercedis emolumentum & memoria sempiterna accrescet . concil , paris . anno. . a stat . jac. . a c. de professorib . & medicis , l. . medicos & maxime archiatros . a vitruvius of architecture book ch. . a concilium rhemense primum an. . cap. . ut in civitatibus & monasteriis non major numerus servientium deo mittatur quam possibilitas eis ministrandi fuerit . a r. moses ben maimon . tract . de studio legis . cap. . sect . crescat lex & magnificetur . b joannes de turrecremata sup . decr. . part. in c. non solum . . q. . si magistris praefatis non sufficiant stipendia ecclesiae vel si etiam nullum stipendium habent ab ecclesiâ possunt exigere salarium moderatum : & si sponte offertur , possunt accipere , etiamsi sua sibi sufficiant . a glossa in pauperes gratis instrueret . divitibus gratis laborem suum impendere non tenetur . the master may impart his doctrine freely , yet set a price on his labor . the lawyer rightly demands his see for pleading . the judge , witness , lawfully demand their charges to be born . the bishop his procuration at visitations de cr . l. . tit . . cum ex officii . b . q. . cap. qui studet gloss . in sanitatis . magister non recipit pecuniam pro scientia , quam dat , sed pro labore vel honore , sicut propheta recipit . gloss . decret . b. . tit. . cap. de magist . &c. beneficium ei constitui debet secundum dignitatem & scientiam suam sicut advocatis . a sueton. aug. b id. domit. . a sextus aurelius victor , and paulus diaconus . b c. de professoribus & medicis . l. . medicos & maxime archiatros . a ammian . marcellin . b. . illud autem inclemens , obruendum perenni silentio , quo , &c. greg. naz. stelit . . b c. de professoribus & medicis . l. . grammaticos , oratores , atque philosophiae professores . a edition at venice , anno . a terent. adelph . act. . sc. . v. ; , , . a homer ii. . from v. . to v. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; &c. a advis'd by letter , from the reverend doctor david morton , of saint johns college in cambrige fellow . a c. de professoribus & medicis l. . magistros studiorum doctoresque . b l. . siquis in archiatri defuncti locum : with l. . nec intra numerum . c l. . grammaticos seu oratores . a oratio pro archiâ poetâ . a s. maximi confessoris & martyris 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alternis interrogat : & respons . b talmud . tract . de sab . quoted by buxtorfe . c r. moses ben maimon tractatu de studio legis c. . sect. , , , , , . sect. . dixerunt sapientes neque aut verecundum bene discere , aut iracundum bene docere , as in a ms translation of m r. isaac abendana , eminently skill'd in that learning . d luc. . , . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s. chrysost . edit . savil . tom. . serm. . p. . lin . . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . id. serm. . p. . l. , . a this treatise is not to be found in the savillian edition . a tim. . . b canon . apost . . c concil . tolet. . anno . de his quos voluntas parentum à primis infantiae annis clericatus officio manciparit statuimus observandum ut mox cum detonsi vel ministerio electorum contraditi . fuerint , in domo ecclesiae , sub episcopali praesentia , à praeposito sibi debeant erudiri . constit . eugen. ( ) dis . de quibusdam . conc. rom. . an . ut ommes episcopi artes literarum in suis ecclesiis doceri faciant . d eliz. . jac. . car. . act of vniformity . e rom. . . pet. . . a demetrius phalereus , &c. b apollodorus , &c. palaephatus , &c. all three set out with notes by the learned and industrious d r. tho. gale master of st. pauls school . a m r. ferdinan . archer . a m r. jo. keen . b m r jo. goad . c to be call'd over by the master or vsher some hour in th● month or year least any be diminish'd or impair'd . a quicquid roma legis , quicquid studuistis athenae , quicquid chaldaei dogmatis indus habet ; quicquid aristoteles divino pectore sensit , cumque platonistis pythagorea cohors ; quicquid ad elenchos arguto disputat ore gallus , & in medicâ jactitat arte ligur ; crescit ab auditu : prudens , docilisque periret litera , si surdis auribus esset homo . bernardus sylvester . ex cod. ms. a r moses maimon : in tract . de studio legis cap. sect. . mnemophthoropaiktes, the brainbreakersbreaker, or, the apologie of thomas grantham, for his method in teaching dwelling in lothbury, london. grantham, thomas, d. . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing g ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing g estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) mnemophthoropaiktes, the brainbreakersbreaker, or, the apologie of thomas grantham, for his method in teaching dwelling in lothbury, london. grantham, thomas, d. . [ ] p. [s.n.], printed at london : . reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. eng education -- early works to . a r (wing g ). civilwar no mnēmophthoropaiktēs the brainbreakers-breaker: or, the apologie of thomas grantham, for his method in teaching; dwelling in lothbury, lond grantham, thomas d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ΜΝΗΜΟΨ●ΟΡΟΠΑΙΚΤΗΣ the brainbreakers-breaker : or , the apologie of thomas grantham , for his method in teaching ; dwelling in lothbury , london . herculeâ cecidisse manu tot monstra negamus , quot methodo & calamo jam pe●i●l● tuo . wee do deny herculean arme did ere such monsters slay , as have thy method and strong pen , already tain away . joh. nisby , professor of the greek , latin , and french tongues , in ivle lane , london . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . ingenieida , tenebr●o , fungus , cluniferitor , impos granthamo cum fit obesse , latrat . braine-breaker , lout , sot , and bumbeater , you cannot bite grantham , only bark you do . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . printed at london , . encomium dni . granthami , ludimagistri londinensis extraordinarii . granthamum celebrat trinobantum augusta scholarcham , promethodo facili , grammatic âque brevi . hellada namque docet latias resonare camaenas , nectare dum pueros pascit & ambrosia . aliud ex tripode apollinis , loco strenae . granthamo calathis tamesinae applaudite nymphae , auspiciis vestrum promovet ille chorum . j. s. the brainbreakers-breaker . when i consider the misery that youth groans under , in common schooles , their pains great , the severity of the master intolerable , schooles more like bridewell then seminaries of learning , the master many times whips his scholars for making false latin , when hee never taught them cleerly and plainly how to make true , what is this but to expect brick , where no straw is allowed ? when i consider also , the great expence of time , expence of many yeer● , and very seldom to any purpose , may bee a little smattering of latin , and lesse of greek : after all these considerations , pity to youth , and indignation against these furious whipsters , conspired in mee , to redeem those tender yeers from this great captivity : would it not pity any man who had the bowels of compassion , to see those cheeks , may bee such as our saviour kist , when hee took the little children up in his arms , to see th●m torn , lug'd , tug'd , pul'd , and cuft , by a rude unhallowed hand ? hee that hath seen this , as i my self have seen a great part , although nature had deny'd him the happinesse of his pen , yet indignation it self would make him write . in this treatise you may not only see the cruelty of the master , but the folly of him . i will undertake to prove by learned authors & reason , 〈◊〉 free-schooles , & other common schooles , do make their scholars spend their prime and choycest time , in that which is to no purpose at all , in that which is so farre from doing good , it doth a great deale of 〈◊〉 let any man read ascham , tutor to queen elizabeth , hee shall see how hee condemns this lip-labour , this learning word by word without book , which is the diana of the common schooles , o how great is this diana of the common schooles ! hee and others shew , it is a heavy and grievous burden , which is imposed meerly out of ignorance , or knavery , to make one go his journey with a great deale of sorrow and grief , and vvb thousands from being scholars . ascham , in his first book , hath these words : so as the grammar book bee alwaies in the scholars hand , and also used of him as a dictionary , for every present use , this is a lively and perfect way for teaching of rules , where the common way used in common schooles , to read the grammar alone by it self , is tedious for the master , hard for the scholar , cold and uncomfortable for them both . now you see according to ascham , grammar must bee used as ● dictionary , and hee that knows any thing , knows that a dictionary is not to bee learned word by word without book , therefore not a grammar ; hee tells you in this place that it is tedious to the scholar , let any man consider , who hath not the patience of an asse , what a tedious thing it is to have all the grammar , or most of it , lapt up in his head word by word , and presently to apply every rule word by word , or else up hee goes , if hee were as good as george a greene . read ascham , in his second book these are his words ; i remember when i was young in the north , they went to the grammar schoole little children , they came from thence great lubbars , alwayes learning and little profiting , learning without booke every thing , understanding within book little or nothing ; their whole knowledge by learning without the book was tied onely to their tongue and lips , and never ascended up to the braine and head , and therefore was soone spit out of the mouth againe ; they were as men alwayes going ; but ever out of the way , and why ? for their whole labour or rather great toyle without order was even vaine idlenesse without profit ; indeed they tooke great paines about learning , but imployed small labour in learning , when by this way , prescribed in this booke , being straight , plaine and easie , the scholar is alwayes labouring with pleasure , and ever going on forward with profit . heer this scholar famous all over christendome , and the glory of his kingdome for languages , tels you learning without book was vaine idlenesse without profit ; hee tels you they took great pains about learning ; but imployed small labour in learning . erasinus the restorer of the fathers , greek and latin , the greatest writen of his time , incomparable for wit , learning , and eloquence , hath the same words ; some make it their greatest care to learne the rules word by word without book , which thing saith hee , i allow not of , for it is great paines to no purpose nor profit at all . brinsley , a famous schoolmaster , in his book called a consolation for our grammar schooles , writes of one mr. tovey a schoolmaster equall to the best , that teaching aschams way , that is , onely the sense of the rules , brought a nobleman to a perfection beyond all expectation . comenius , a man admired for his quicknesse in teaching the languages , hath writ sharpely against this dogbolt way . innumerable are the learned men who have sought to take away the servitude and slavery that youth hath undergone , some authors i have quoted in my animadversions upon cambdens greeke grammar , made for the use of westminster schoole , and i have shewed , and will shew more hereafter , that it is a false , obscure , imperfect grammar , abounding with above twelve grosse errors , besides many little ones ; and those who are schoolmasters of great schools and make men beleeve they know much , when alaffe it is very little they know , they might blush if they had any shame , to let so many errors go uncorrected in a grammar which is the foundation ● language : if foundations be false and rotten , what will the build 〈…〉 ? i need not spend much time upon this point , because i have represented in a comedy often acted by my scholars , the crueltie , folly and nonsence of common schoolmasters , which i intend to print as soone as i can . looke upon aschams successe in this way in his first book hee speakes thus of queene elizabeth ; it is your shame , i speake to you all ( you young gentlemen of england ) that one maid should goe beyond you all in excellency of learning , and knowledge of divers tongues ; point forth six of the best given gentlemen of this court , and all they together shew not so much good will , spend not so much time , bestow not so many houres daily orderly , & constantly for the increase of learning and knowledge , as doth the queenes majesty herself . yea i beleeve that besides her perfit readinesse in latin , italian , french and spanish ; she readeth heer now at windsor more greeke every day , th●n some pro●endary of this church doth read latin in a whole weeke . and that which is most praise worthy of all , within the walls of her privy chamber shee hath obtained that excellency of learning to understand , speak and write both wittily with head , and fuire with hand , as scarce one or two rare wits in both the vniversities have in many yeares reached unto . amongst all the benefits that god hath blessed me withall , next the knowledge of christs true religion , i count this the greatest , that it pleased god to call mee to bee one poore minister in setting forward these excellent gifts of learning in this most excellent prince . looke upon his successe , in his second book , amongst many others , one whitney , a most accomplished gentleman ; these are his words , i gave him a translation to turne into latin , which he did so ob●●sely , so orderly , without any great misse in the hardest points of grammar , that some in seven yeares in grammar . schools , yea and some in the vniversitie too cannot do halfe so well . and this perfection hee obtained from christmas to alhollantide , and this scholar was altogether ignorant of the latin tongue , and the rules before . now briefly take some few reasons against this way of saying word by word without book . all arts , as geometry , arithmetick , logick , navigation , men attaine to , and never learne rule word by word without book , and what offence hath grammar done that it must bee cuft into a boy word by word without book ? if learning without book word by word bee necessary for the understanding of a thing , then it is before a boy understands , or after hee understands . now for a boy to learne without book like a parret that hee understands not , is very laborious and ridiculous , and to learne without book after hee understands , that is to no purpose ; for the mr. understanding himselfe the sense of the rule , neglects saying word by word without book , and whips scholars for that hee cannot do himselfe . if saying without book word by word bee profitable to the understanding then hee that saith best without book understands best , but this is false ; there are many that can say much scripture without book , but understand not so well as those that can say none . i have had boyes come from common schools could say all the grammar word by word without book , and yet could not make halfe a line of true latin ; and that which is most absurd of all , they teach a boy to make latin by the latin rules , when a boy understands not latin ; just as if a man should teach one an art in french , when he understands not french . then there are many boyes can say without book to their companions , or by themselves , but the master strutting with the rod in his hand , and his imperious looke , and threatning , puts a boy cleere out . as for a master to talke thus to a boy , sirra i 'le smoak you , i 'le make your buttocks blush , i 'le make you feare me ; these words confound a boy , and fright him out of all ; if a boy bee to say this rule , adjectives that signifie fulnesse , emptinesse , plenty , &c. if hee misplace a word , although the sense bee the same , presently the master fels him all along , whereas some grammars have the first words last , and the last first , the sense being still the same . observe doctor webbes words in his appeale to truth ; now if grammar should be the best course to languages , and kings may have their choyce of best courses , i wonder what choice of grammars was made by mithridates . and that that makes mee wonder more , wee that have no businesse but a language , spend all our life and are not perfect in one , and bee that had a kingdomes affaires to looke unto , had two and twenty compleat languages . now if a language cannot bee got but by learning word by word without book , then mithridates who had a kingdomes affaires to look to , must learne two and twentie grammars word by word without book , and to learne a grammar in this manner will take up five yeares , to bee compleate in a language as he was , will take up at least five yeares , more , which reckoned makes up two hundred and twenty yeares : now mithridates lived not a quarter of the time . doctor webbe in that learned work quotes above one hundred learned men , who inveigh bitterly against grammarians ; and he undertakes to prove by learned authors that a language may be learned without a grammar , which needs no proofe at all to men that have common sense ; how many are there can speak french and latin that never saw a grammar ? many young gentlemen and gentlewomen have learned to speake french in halfe a yeare who never knew any latin . doctor webb names many noble men who spake latin excellent well at five yeares of age , having nothing but latin spoken to them before . and i have knowne many who have spoke latin and french admirable well and understood greeke very well in a twelve moneth , and this is easily done by joyning doctor webbs way with aschams . i have boyes that have beene but a yeare at most with me ; and in these foure points we will contend with any schoole in england : first , who understands the greeke and latin grammars best , in accents and dialects and all things necessary . secondly , who understands a greeke or latin author best . thirdly , who can prove a greeke or latin verse best . fourthly , who can make a greeke or latin oration , or a greeke and latin verse best and soonest : and the highest of my scholars is but thirteene yeares of age , and another in my highest seat is but ten. some i have , i confesse , cannot doe a quarter so much , which is no fault of mine , for i often tell them , if they be carelesse and will not minde , and will not learne without cuffing , pulling , lugging , and whipping , they must goe to masters that delight in this way of teaching , they may be taught in may places very reasonably this way , as for a noble or seaven shillings a quarter , at some free schooles they may have it for nothing . some schoolemasters thinke they pay me home when they say i make scholars unfit for other schooles ; truly i confesse it , i teach without any correction , and they teach with great correction , and in this we differ . wee teach to understand the rules first , and they teach to learne without booke first , in this we differ ; our scholars understanding the rules and often applying them , the rules come without booke whether they will or no . then we differ in severity . some keepe their scholars so strictly for foure or five houres that they allow them not so much as a mouthfull of fresh ayre , not so much as to ease nature . i have read and heard many scholars speake against this severity ; let a boy bee tyed three or foure houres to that game hee likes best , and let him be soundly cuft and whipt when hee doth not play his game well , you shall see this boy as weary of his play as his booke , and the reason is because of great severity . socrates the wisest man of his time , and many who have writ concerning the instruction of youth , often say , learning must be taught with love ; and some scholars i have , being thus taught , seriously professe , they had rather come to schoole then goe about any pleasure or delight . what fruits i have here to shew in london , any man may come and see , and what fruits i have shewed in other places these subscriptions may testifie . a letter from master foucks belonging to sir jervis clifton in nottinghamshire . good mr. grantham , i never thought to have been so happy in this world as you have made mee in little henry ; you have created him an infant-grecian , which is a miracle at london , for here they are onely known by their long beards . sir , your letter was delivered to sir thomas hut●hinson , & hee did promise to examine him , but his imployment at the parliament diverted the businesse ; i got some others to do it , and hee came off with good applause both to you and himself ; i could not have parted with him so soon , but by reason of a journey to the bath , and i durst not trust him in this place of iniquity in my absence . sir , mr. cliffords going to the universitie is not yet this three moneths , which i hope will not be the worse for henry because of his zachean stature , which by that time may bee increased . good sir except of a poore token from him which can bee no otherwise then your most affectionate servant , london this of june , . ralph foucks . wee whose names are here subscribed , do witnesse that thomas grantham , curat of east neston , hath a very ready and credible way of profiting scholars in learning ; and although wee fully conceive not his method in teaching , yet wee highly commend him in this , that his scholars are able to give a rule out of the latin and greek grammar for every thing they doe . william farmar , knight baronet . charles stafford , esquire . ha●● farmor , esquire ▪ eusehy wyrley , gent. william buncher , rector de tiffield . william curlis , rector de saxton . thomas arundel , rector de stoak . henry hall , cler. de easton magna . jo. barradale , vicar de east neston . john lockwood , vic de towester . e. johnson , r●ctor de paules perry . benjamin austen , rector de bradden . guliel . bland , mag. in a●●ihus . guliel . thornton , art. 〈◊〉 . tho. bayley , rector de col●higham . superiora testor , joseph bernard . finis . a reformation of schooles designed in two excellent treatises, the first whereof summarily sheweth, the great necessity of a generall reformation of common learning : what grounds of hope there are for such a reformation : how it may be brought to passe : the second answers certain objections ordinarily made against such undertakings, and describes the severall parts and titles of workes which are shortly to follow / written ... in latine by ... john amos comenius ... ; and now ... translated into english ... by samuel hartlib ... pansophiae prodromus. english comenius, johann amos, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a reformation of schooles designed in two excellent treatises, the first whereof summarily sheweth, the great necessity of a generall reformation of common learning : what grounds of hope there are for such a reformation : how it may be brought to passe : the second answers certain objections ordinarily made against such undertakings, and describes the severall parts and titles of workes which are shortly to follow / written ... in latine by ... john amos comenius ... ; and now ... translated into english ... by samuel hartlib ... pansophiae prodromus. english comenius, johann amos, - . hartlib, samuel, d. . [ ], p. printed for michael sparke ..., london : . a translation of his "pansophiae prodromus" ( ), originally published in slightly different form as "porta sapientiae reserata" ( ). reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng education -- early works to . schools -- england. schools -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a reformation of schooles , designed in two excellent treatises : the first whereof summarily sheweth , the great necessity of a generall reformation of common learning . what grounds of hope there are for such a reformation . how it may be brought to passe . the second answers certaine objections ordinarily made against such undertakings , and describes the severall parts and titles of workes which are shortly to follow . written many yeares agoe in latine by that reverend , godly , learned , and famous divine mr. john amos comenius , one of the seniours of the exiled church of moravia : and now upon the request of many translated into english , and published by samuel hartlib , for the generall good of this nation . london , printed for michael sparke senior , at the blew bible in greene arbor , . a reformation of schooles . to all those that love wisedome , light , and truth , health , and peace from christ , the fountaine of them all . wisedome is said ( by aristotle ) to be the knowledge of many and by marvellous things : ( cicero ) the knowledge of divine and humane things , as also of the causes in which they are contained : ( by solomon ) the maker and teacher of all things : which with how great praises it hath of old beene celebrated , those who have spent any endeavours in the study of it , cannot be ignorant . the wisest of men saith , it is more pretious than rubies , and all the things thou canst desire are not to be compared unto it . length of daies are in her right hand , and in her left hand riches and honour . her wayes are wayes of pleasantnesse , and all her paths are peace . she is a tree of life to them that lay hold on her , and happy is every one that retaineth her , prov. . . cicero saith , there neither is , nor can be any better gift bestowed upon mankind . but horace goes further : ad summum , sapiens uno minor est jove , dives , liber , honoratus , pulcher , rex denique regum . i 'le speak 't at once . the wiseman yeelds to jove above or none , he 's rich , and free , esteem'd , and faire , and king of kings alone . if you aske the cause , why this one vertue is so much magnified , seneca will answer , that without the study of wisdome it is impossible to lead an happy , or even an indifferent life . and cicero saith , that wisedome is the mother of all arts , teaching us first how to worship god , then how to observe justice in humane society , and also framing our minds to modesty and magnanimity : she drives away darknesse from our mind's , as it were from our eyes , that we may discerne all things both above us , and below us , and things of all orders , natures , and degrees whatsoever : and lastly , that she is the onely soveraigne medicine of the mind . and solomon addeth , that wisedome strengtheneth the wise man more than ten mighty men , that are in the city , eccles . . . and that wisedome is a treasure unto men that never faileth , which they that use , become the friends of god , being commended for the gifts , that come from learning . for god loveth not any , but him that dwelleth with wisdome , vvisd . . , . not without good cause therefore have the most excellent men in all ages , neglected the care of transitory things , as of riches , pleasures , and honours , applying their desires , and endeavours to this end , that by a serious contemplation of all things , they might comprehend whatsoever the mind of man is capable of , and so bring the whole world into a kind of subjection unto themselves : which kind of men in respect of others , are indeed ( as the gift of wisdome is in comparison of other good things granted unto men ) most glittering pearles , or starres rather , that do drive away the darknesse of the world . we ought therefore thankfully to acknowledge this divine worke of gods mercy , that hee hath not onely opened unto us the theaters of his wisdome in the bookes of nature , and of the holy scripture , but hath moreover endued us with sense , and reason , that we might be able to behold them , and to collect wisedome out of them , supplying us farther with divine revelation , where our sense and reason are deficient . yet this is not all we owe unto his goodnesse ; for he hath moreover preserved unto this our age the knowledge of humane learning , by which the study of wisedome is cherished , and transmitted unto us from our progenitors ; yea and hath made it to flourish more now , than ever heretofore . so that this present age may in respect of learning justly take content , and pleasure in its selfe , expecting still a further discovery of its light , and lustre . for it must needs be in the world , as it is with man , that wisedome comes not afore old age , which we may easily see , if wee consider the nature of it . for wisedome is gained by much experience : and experience requireth length of time , and variety of occurrences . now the longer a man liveth , the more varieties still passe by him , whence his experience is encreased the more , and by his experience his wisedome , according to that of jesus the sonne of syrach , a man of experience will thinke of many things : and that of the poet , per casus varios ariem experientia fecit , chance hinteth many usefull things , which to an art experience brings . we therefore in this presentage being so well stored with experiences , as no former ages could have the like , why should we not raise our thoughts unto some higher aime ? for not onely by the benefit of printing ( which art god seemes , not without some mystery , to have reserved to these latter times ) what soever was ingeniously invented by the ancients ( though long buried in obscurity ) is now come to light : but also moderne men being stirred up by new occasions , have attempted new inventions : and wisdome hath beene , and is daily miraculously multiplied with variety of experiments . according as god hath foretold of these latter times , dan. . . whereunto may be added the erecting of schooles every where more , then any histories record of any former ages : whereby bookes are growne so common in all languages and nations , that even common countrey people , and women themselves are familiarly acquainted with them ; whereas formerly the learned , and those that were rich , could hardly at any price obtaine them . and now at length the constant endeavour of some breakes forth to bring the method of studies to such a perfection , that whatsoever is found worthy of knowledge , may with much lesse labour , then heretofore , be attained unto . which if it shall succeed ( as i hope ) and that there be an easie way discovered of teaching all men all things , i see not what should hinder us from a thankfull acknowledgment , and hearty embracing of that golden age of light and knowledge , which hath beene so long foretold , and expected . to the attaining whereunto one matter of speciall moment seemeth yet to be wanting , that as a more compendious , usefull , and easie way of teaching the tongues hath lately been found out , and published ( in the janua linguarum ; ) so also some means should be thought of for the making of an open gate unto the things themselves , whereby mens minds may finde an easie entrance into all arts and sciences whatsoever . which how necessary , and worthy of our most serious thoughts it is , ( if we tender as we ought , the good of mankind ) i will first demonstrate : next i will consider of the meanes for accomplishing so worthy a designe : and lastly i will discover upon what occasion , and with what successe i my selfe have attempted so rare a work . and first i take it for granted , that the studies of learning , to which youth is every where set , ought to bee the dressing and culturing of their minds towards the attaining of wisdome , without which end it can be nothing else but meere vanity . for whether we seeke knowledge for curiosity , or to please , and delight our mind , or to raise our selves in esteeme , and credit in the world , or as the meanes to better our outward estates , and fortunes , we are too grossely minded to propose so base , and temporary ends to a gift so high , and so divine . it must therefore be agreed upon , that wisdome is the thing we are to seeke . and because wisdome is said to be the worker of all things , teaching all things , wisdome . . it is evident , that learning ought to be used , and improved as the meanes to bring us unto the universall knowledge of all things , ( unto pansophie , that is , a wisdome every way compleat , both in the largenesse of its extent , and in its perfect agreement with it selfe ) that we be not ignorant of any thing which is secret , or knowne , wisd . . . that so mans mind may become indeed , as it ought to be , the image of god , who knoweth all things . secondly , whereas wisdome is said to give unto the young man ●nowledge and discretion , prov. . . and that her wayes are wayes 〈…〉 easantnesse , prov. . . it is manifest , that the studies of wis 〈…〉 ght not to be involv'd in any intricate , and thorny difficulties , but plaine , and easie to be apprehended by all ; yea , delightfull to their minds . thirdly , whereas the wayes of wisdome are said to be a shining light , pro. . . it followes that they ought to be free from all darknesse of errors . fourthly , wisdome is said to be usefull unto men for the understanding of their wayes , ( prov. . , . ) and all things that they doe , deut. . . it followes therefore , that the studies of wisdome ought to prepare mens minds for doing , and suffering of all things incident to this life . lastly , wisdome is said to make men happy , prov. . . because it leads them to god the eternall fountaine of happinesse . therefore the study thereof ought necessarily to stirre up mens minds to the seeking of god , to shew them the way how to finde him , and to prepare their affections for the straiter imbracing of him in the bonds of love . otherwise all endeavours of this sort are utterly unprofitable . for if men hit not upon this end of their knowledge , it were better for them to know nothing , yea , rather that they had never beene borne . now then let us examine whether the common course of studies be sutable to these ends , that if we find any defects therein , we may thereby know the better what is to be amended . it is the common complaint of many , that the learning which is now taught in schooles , is a thing too tedious , and long in regard of the shortnesse of life , too laborious for common capacities , too narrow in respect of the amplitude of things , and in regard of the subtilty , and solidity of their truth many wayes defective . and the wiser sort have noted , that it is not answerable to the proposed end ; seldome attaining to any substantiall uses of life , but rather ending in the smoake of opinionative brawlings , and contentions : which that they are not idle sayings and surmises , but even reall defects , we must first declare , before we undertake to seeke remedies to redresse them . we must , i say , make it good , that the studies of learning , as they are now managed , and commonly taught in schooles , are not well proportioned . . to our life : in regard of their tedious prolixity . . to our capacities : in regard of their difficulty . . to things themselves : in regard of often mistakings . . to the use of life : because of the great difficulty of reducing things therein taught into practise , and of reconciling and applying them to things that are to be done in this life . . to god himselfe : they being not sufficiently subordinate to the scope of eternity . the first argument of their prolixity i take from the common confession of all . for who is there that hath not usually in his mouth that saying of hippocrates , life is short , but art is long ? the second argument is from the greatnesse of the bookes , in which things are described . good god! what vast volumes are compiled almost of every matter , which if they were laid together , would raise such heapes , that many millions of yeares would be required to peruse them ? thirdly , it is manifest enough , that learning is too farre diffused , and scattered about , beyond the modell , and reach of mens capacities , seeing that among so many learned men , with which the world is replenished , scarce one of an hundred , or of a thousand is to be found , who hath tasted of universall learning , and is able to give any reasonable account of all occurrents that are to be found in divine workes , and humane affaires . so rare is the generality of learning , even in those that are held to be learned , that a man of much learning , or of much reading , is reputed almost for a miracle . hence comes that ( so commonly used ) parcelling and tearing of learning into peeces , that men making their choyce of this , or that art , or science , take no care so much , as to looke into any of the rest . divines there are , that will not vouchsafe to cast an eye upon philosophy : and philosophers againe , that have as little regard of divinity . lawyers for the most part neglect the study of naturall causes : and physitianslikewise of law , and equity . every faculty boundeth out a severall kingdome for its selfe , without those common , certaine , and immovable grounds and lawes , which should bind them all together . and even in philosophy it selfe , one chooseth this part , and another that . some will be naturalists not regarding the mathematicks : and others will be morall philosophers , without any knowledge of naturall things ; they will be accounted logicians , rhetoricians , and poets , though they have scarce a whit of reall science in them . who knowes not , that this is so ? and who sees not , that this distribution , and sharing of arts , and sciences , proceeds from this supposition , that it is not possible for the wit of one man to attaine the knowledge of them all ? as if god had not proportioned man the lord of all things to those things , that he hath set him over . not that i am so fond , as to thinke one man may be excellent in all things , but that i rest well assured , that every one may , and should , as be eminent in his owne profession , so also know all things that are necessary . ii. the difficulty ( i meane , that it is not easie for men to attaine , even unto such particular parcels of learning , as they make choyce of for themselves ) is too notorious by frequent testimonies . first , by the common complaints , not onely of youth , who are learners , but even of their masters , and teachers . then by those stripes , lashings , and outcries , wherewith schooles continually ring . whereas the holy scripture commends wisdome , and the study thereof to be delightfull : and the ancients seeme to have so esteemed them , terming schooles * scholas , & ludos literarios , meaning , that the study of learning was but a pleasant paines-taking , or serious recreation . what a monstrous thing is it then , that such pleasures are turned into pressures , and such pastimes into torments ? whence , i say , can this proceed , but from the difficulty of making any progresse according to our present method of teaching ? for it is that which makes the study of learning , not onely laborious , but even nauseous , that the greater part of such as are set unto it , abandon it , and forsake it , never minding to returne there to gather flowers , where they have encountred with so many thornes . and common practise also will prove the same : for who can be ignorant how much easier it is to learne a language by use among those that speake it , then in the schooles ( which is the common way ) where it is hardly learned in many yeares ? and even the same advantage might we make use of in attaining of knowledge in things themselves , which yet hath not hitherto beene put in practise . iii. many wise men have long since observed , that the truth of the sciences is but lame , and unperfect , and thereupon have vented forth frequent complaints of those deepe gulfes , wherein it is plunged : yea , some over-conscious of their imperfections , have beene bold to pronounce nihil sciri posse ( i. certo & sine errore ) that nothing could be certainely knowne . which saying , they that ( upon confidence of their owne firme , and stable knowledge ) did deride , and hisse at , as a dotage , and folly , yet have in the event themselves almost confirmed it to be true . for whatsoever any one of them affirmed , others were presently ready to gaine-say it . and even unto this day there is no end of their perplexities . for learning is full of nothing but dissentions , contradictions , and wranglings . which , what can it be else , but astrong testimony , that the truth therof every where staggers , and is unstable for by this very argument josephus ( against apion ) asserteth the truth of the wisdome of the hebrewes , and proves the vanity of that of the greekes , because the former continued alwayes one and the same , but the other was divided into many sects . for truth alwayes retaines one simple , and native forme : but errors walk in a thousand shapes . seeing therefore , that in this our age also there arise so many sects , both in divinity , and philosophy , and so many contrary opinions are tooth and naile defended , which differ from themselves , as much as light from darknesse ; what is it but a most certaine testimony , that all the learning our age can yet make boast of , is deepely plunged in the darknesse of ignorance ? since the judgement of charity presupposeth , that none doth erre willingly contrary to his knowledge , or rebelleth against the light , as job speaketh , chap. . vers . . the last testimony hereof shall be those many bookes which are daily published , which are nothing else but sparkes , that rise from the striking of wits together , every one flying his severall way for to raise a flame . but the darknesse of dissentions , and doubts still continuing , is an evident argument , that there are yet no true lights kindled , and that the bright sunne of truth is not yet risen among us . iv. learning as it is commonly taught , is not enough accommodated to the uses of our life ; and of this we have notable witnesses . philosophy , saith a famous man , is imprisoned in the schooles , neither is there any man that brings it forth to common use : for it is full of thornes , and busied altogether in tying of such knots which cannot be loosed , and in raveling out , what her selfe hath woven . she feeds men with nothing but gravelly bread , such as breakes the teeth , and tireth out mens wits with trifles , and vanities , which are full of stings . another saith , that the study of philosophy is nothing else but ( otium occupatum , & impeditum ) a busie , and distracted vacation to no purpose . and like as squirrels that are shut into a turning cage , how fast soever they tumble forward , yet are they no farther then they were : so is it with us philosophers : we learne but little , though wee take great paines , and that little seldome makes us better , but worse . that which common experience proveth to be true : for not onely doe the learned seldome excell those that are illiterate in the study of vertue ( which is the basis of civill conversation ) but also in the dextrous managing of businesses they are for the most part excelled by them . i speake it not onely of a few odde grammarians , for the most part the deepest philosophers , & divines , though they seeme eagles to themselves , with their abstracted speculations , yet are they as blind as moles in matters of this life , and of humane society . hence arose that scoffing proverb , bonus scholasticus , malus politicus , a good scholler , and a bad common-wealths-man : whereas indeed the schoole ought to prepare us for things incident to our lives . but to particularize a little : every one knowes how the study of metaphysicks is praised , and even extolled unto heaven , as the firmest ground-worke and highest accomplishment of all learning . and if we consider aright of it , so it is . yet because this queen of sciences is so beset with thornes , and so involv'd in obsurity , that few can reach unto those subtilties , and those that understand them , know not how to make any use of them in inferiour sciences , it comes to passe , that it rests , and dies with it selfe , and , except a little momentary and tickling pleasure which it yeelds to those that doe affect it , it is of very little use in humane affaires . whereupon , some doe not onely forsake it , and utterly exclude it out of the compasse of philosophy , ( as the ramists doe ) but even out of universities , as an unprofitable , and fruitlesse vanity . for johannes angelius werdenbagen witnesseth , that the king of sweden , gustavus adolphus , of famous memory ( whose exploits testifie , that he was not borne to trifling , but to serious action ) did by a publike edict exterminate all studies of the metaphysickes out of his kingdome , so that no booksellers might cause any such bookes to be imported upon paine of confiscation , nor any of his subjects might reade them , lest his kingdome should be bewitched with a new kind of barbarisme , and himselfe served with disputers , and glossers in stead of such , as would throughly follow his affaires . the studie of logicke and rhetoricke should indeed be more appropriated unto the affaires of our life , seeing they are intended as directors of reason , and speech , on which two bonds all humane things so much depend . but the testimony of jacobus acontius is too truly verified : there is every where , saith hee , a great number of logicians , but if you observe their writings , and disputations ; you will find but little logicke in them . and againe , you may observe many well seene in rhetoricke , whose speeches and orations , though they be copious , elegant , well trimmed , and significant , yet you will find the strength and power of perswasion wanting . and we may passe the same judgement of the other arts and sciences : that we are rather busied and detained about them , than that they do any wayes promote the businesse of our life . v. lastly , to prove that our studies of learning are not yet so ordered , as to lead us the true , and certaine way toward our end , which is god , what need is there of any witnesses ? the prophanenesse , the luxury , the pride , and revelling , the quarrelling and impudencie of our universities speake it out too loud . and alasse ! even the learning it selfe , which is there obtained , proves unto many but a whetstone of mischiefe , and an helpe to do evill all their daies : so that it is most true of the greatest number of those that are learned , which god himselfe complaineth of ; they are wise to do evill , but to do good they have no understanding . jer. . . and to such their wisedome is but a guide unto destruction : hence is that voyce from god , that not many wise are chosen , because the wisedome of this world is foolishnesse with god. indeed that this sentence may not fall flat upon our selves , we use to interpret it of the wisedome of the gentiles , but yet we our selves seeke not for any farther wisedome . for that which the schooles have hitherto commended to us , is derived from gentilisme , and infected with serpentine venome , affecting onely the knowledge of good and evill , which puffeth up , but not conducing to charity , which edifieth . and because wee are according to our hereditary perversnesse readier alwaies to excuse , than to amend our faults ; we grow moreover , by pretending the corruption of our nature , to flatter and content our selves ; as if it were impossible to be againe transformed , since we are thus depraved . as if the feare of the lord ought not to be an antidote against that corruption , which god hath so often pronounced to be both the beginning , and the end of wisdome . therefore we conclude it to be true , that the common studies of learning are , i. a businesse never comming to an end . ii. a most troublesome distraction of mens minds . iii. a road of perpetuall by-waies , and errours . iv. an hindrance to the affaires of our lives . v. and lastly , an occasion of our manifold wandrings out of the wayes of god , which is most to be lamented . many worthy men have in former times beene much affected with this hard condition of learning , and learned men , and according to their several fancies have sought severall waies to salve this sore : some being of opinion , that all that ancient learning borrowed from the gentiles , was to be quite rejected : others , that philosophie , and the other arts were to be used sparingly , and with much care , and choyce : some have attempted the transforming , and altering of all the sciences , one after this manner , another after that . and indeed it is more than necessary , that all such , as are able to afford any ayd or counsell in this matter , should put to their helping hands . first , that that little knowledge , which common learning supplies us with , may not cost us so much sweat and paines , or if we are willing to employ our labours therein , that they may be more beneficiall and profitable to us . and againe , that we may vindicate our selves and learning from the reproach of the illiterate rout , who ( while they behold such as are for their learning preferred before themselves , and see them neither excellent in morall honesty , nor pious zeale , nor even in reall and common skill , and cunning , but many times to come behind many of the meanest and sinplest sort , they ) often fall into derision , and contempt of learning . and lastly , lest we incurre gods anger ( who seekes by that heavenly gift of wisedome , to repaire his image in us ) if we be not faithfull despensers of so divine a gift unto his glory . but because it is a rash thing to undertake the cure of any disease , before we have found the true cause of it , let us now make triall , whether wee can espie , and make discovery of the true rootes and grounds of this so great a mischiefe that learning groaneth under : that so we may the more safely apply fit remedies thereto : i will therefore give you a true account of those things which i conceive to be the causes of the fore-mentioned evils , and withall what may be done for the rectifying thereof . i. the prolixity of studies , as they are commonly ordered , seemeth to arise from three grounds ; first , because there is not care enough taken to leave out unnecessary things from among those which are necessary ; for thence according to seneca's complaint , we are ignorant of necessary things , because we busie our selves too much in learning those things , which are not necessary . and if these things should be sequestred from our studies , we should have twice as much time , ( to speake at the least ) or but halfe as much taske to do . now these things are to be accounted unnecessary . first , whatsoever is not of the essence of learning , of which sort are the most part of the vanities of the gentiles , the name of their petty deities , together with their lying histories , and fables . next , such things as weary out mens braines to little benefit , of which sort are most of the rules of grammar , which overburden childrens minds , and consume their yeares , and other things of like nature , which have no use but onely in schooles . lastly , all circumlocutions , and windings , and turnings of expressions , which fetch not out the kernell , but onely make a few assayes upon the shell . such kind of stuffe is it , wherewith most of our bookes of learning swell , which must needs both detaine and straine the minds of youth with unnecessary , and unprofitable things ; what wonder then can it be , that so few attaine unto any solid , and substantiall learning ? the remedie for these things will be to compose a seminary of learning of such things , and words , as are of solid , true , and certaine use : for you shall have as great increase of one acre of ground sowne with cleane wheat , as if you should mixe ten times as much chaffe therewith , and sowe it in ten acres . ii. secondly , because the study of learning is such an intricate , and confounding labyrinth , that few can find the way out of it ; such a sea as swallows up those , who would goe about to empty it ; which proceeds from hence , that those things which are to be learned , are not yet reduced into any cleare and certaine order . now these things which being collected together make but a small heap , if they be scattred in sunder , seeme very many , and breed a great confusion . the remedy for this will be to bring all things both great , and small , which are to be learned , into such a perspicuous order , that students may have them before their face , as plaine as their owne fingers , and that they may from the first beginning have somelight of that , which followes unto the end , and be assured that this one ship which they lanch forth in , will carry them over the whole sea of learning unto the ports of desired perfection . iii. thirdly , another ground of the vastnesse , and prolixity of the study of learning is that needlesse diligence of some in following all sorts of vaine , and trifling nicities . for there is no end , nor measure of such things , either in things themselves , or words , seing the chances , and sports both of wit , and nature are infinite , therfore such as set themselves about the particular descriptions of things in whatsoever science or art it be , whether it be to take paines therein , or to please and humor their owne fancies , they may indeed take a pleasant and delightfull journey to their minds , but of necessity , it will hinder them in , if not lead them out of the way of universall wisedome : yea , and there will be scarce any roome left for other things , when their minds are thus possessed with particulars of one kind . the remedy hereof is to frame such a booke , wherein by a true anatomy of the universe , all things that can be thought of may be reduced to their generall kinds and species : and so , that whatsoever is to be said of any thing , may at once be said of all things , whereof it can be said . by this meanes wee shall find all things both better grounded and more contracted , even beyond our hopes : because the understanding being by a few rules freed from an infinite number of hops and barres , will runne through and dive into all things of its owne accord . seneca saith truly , precepts of wisedome need not to be many , but rather efficacious ; they are to be used as seed , which though it be small , yet if it find a fit soile , it quickly displayes it's owne vertue , in a numerous , and vigorous encrease from one onely small graine . as for the difficulty and roughnesse of the waies of study , i thinke the causes thereof are these . i. first , because there hath not beene used a due preparation of the minds of youth , for the readier embracing of learning , neither hath profit and pleasure beene sufficiently proportioned , and mixt together for the winning of them , but every one is taken in as he comes without farther care . and for their entertainment , they have not beene used , as friends at a banquet , with curtesies and delights , but even like slaves in a mill , with force , stripes , and reproachfull speeches . for fists , and ferulars , roddes , and scourages have beene the usuall dainties in schooles , and their daily dishes . and is it any wonder then that they have proved nauseous , and dulling unto any ? nothing is so easie which may not be difficult to an unwilling mind . how then can learning be easie to those that come to it trembling , and in feare , which is not to be found in learning of any mechanick art ? for severity doth necessarily breed feare , and feare confounds , and troubles the mind , that it loseth it selfe , and knowes not where it is , yea and breeds a giddinesse too in a weake and tender mind . therefore there is need of great art for the taking , alluring , & gentle handling of their minds : which art will be made up by a sweete and mild carriage of the teachers , and a prudent disposing of their method ; which will cause the studies of learning to be nothing else , but enticing baits , and meere recreations . ii. secondly , a great part of this difficulty lyes herein , that things are not presented unto the very eyes and hands of those that are learners , but rather delivered to them in vast , and dull narrations , which make little impression upon the understanding , and are hardly retained by the memory : so that they either easily vanish againe , or onely a confused species of them remaines . the remedy hereof will be to represent every thing to its proper sense , visible things to the eyes , things that may be tasted to the palate , and so for the rest . for by once looking upon an elephant , or at least , upon his picture , a man shall more easily , and firmely apprehend his forme , than if it had beene told him ten times over , what manner of beast he is . for , the eyes make true report unto the mind , but eares are duller , and come farre behind . iii. the third and chiefest part of this difficulty lies in the common method of teaching the arts , and sciences , which is neither well proportioned to things themselves , nor to humane understanding . it is indeed the common voyce of all , that we ought according to the order of nature to proceed from those things , which are first , to those that follow , from generalls to those which are more speciall , from things knowne to those which are more obscure . but who is there , that takes this course ? for as yet no such thing hath been practised . except but only the mathematicks , and all other arts & sciences are confounded by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is easie for him that is but provided of feete , to clime to the top of the highest mountaine , if there be steps cut out in it : and if those bookes , which are extant , did but lead our minds by degrees without any interruption from knowne things to those which are more obscure , it would be as easie for all those that bend their endeavours to learning , to attaine to the most difficult , and excellent knowledge . indeed some have the prerogative of able parts , and can by maine strength raise themselves , and pierce into things by the sharpnesse of their native wits ; others by often inculcation of the same things , at last begin to see things , as through a cloud : but if we cast up the generall summe , we shall find very few , that can make any thing to purpose of those bookes ; which is an evident argument , that the understanding is not directed in a plaine , and continuall way , but rather dragged , as it were , over pits and ditches , and cragged interruptions . the remedy hereof will be by laying such a platforme of all the arts and sciences , that we may alwayes beginne with such things as are knowne , making a gentle progresse unto those that are unknowne ; i meane , that every thing may shine upon , and give light to that which followes , even as in a chaine , every linke receives and drawes its fellow after it , which if we can but prescribe a right order for the due effecting of it , we shall thinke our time to be bestowed to very good purpose . the reason why truth is so estranged , and scarcely to be found in the whole compasse of the sciences , seemeth to be threefold . . the tearing of sciences into peeces . . want of due fitting of the method unto the things themselves . . the carelesnesse , and extravagancies of expressions and stile . for first , i professe seriously , that as yet in all the bookes that ever i saw , i could never find any thing answerable unto the amplitude of things ; or which would fetch in the whole universality of them within its compasse : whatsoever some encyclopaedias , or syntaxes , or books of pansophy , have pretended to in their titles . much lesse could i ever see the whole provision of humane understanding so raised upon its certain and eternal principles , that all things were chained , and linked together , from the beginning to the end , without any rent , or chink of truth . and perhaps no man ever aimed hereat as yet , so to square and proportion the universall principles of things , that they might be the certain limits to bound in that every-way-streaming variety of things : that so invincible , and unchangeable truth might discover its universall , and proportionate harmony in all things . i say , no man ever yet seemes to have intended to cleare any universall way for the knowledge of truth , with the helpe of those universall principles , and according to the true lawes of deductions even to the last conclusions . metaphysitians sing a requiem to themselves , naturalists applaud themselves , moralists make their owne lawes , and politicians fix their owne grounds , mathematicians have their triumphant chariot , and divines their over-ruling throne , every one in severall by themselves . yea , in every faculty , or science almost every man laies his particular grounds , and principles , whereupon to build and fasten his particular opinions , not regarding what others have deduced from theirs . but it is impossible that truth so scattered , and obscured , should be this way raked up together . for while every one followes his owne fancie in this manner there is as much hope of agreement , as there is in a company of musicians , when every one sings his severall song without respect of common time or melody : and who would beleeve a common-wealth to be well ordered , wherein there are no publique lawes established , but every one liveth as he listeth ? we see the boughs of a tree will quickly wither , and die , except they receive nourishment from the common stocke , and roots : and can the faire branches of wisdome be thus rent and torne in sunder with safety of their life , that is their truth ? can any man be a good naturalist , that is not seene in the metaphysicks ? or a good moralist , who is not a naturalist ? ( at least in the knowledge of humane nature ) or a logician , who is ignorant of reall sciences ? or a divine , a lawyer , or physician , that is no philosopher ? or an oratour , or poet , who is not accomplished with them all ? he deprives himselfe of hands , and eyes , and rules , that neglecteth , or rejecteth any thing which may be knowne . astronomers ( for example sake ) would never have had the faces to introduce , and maintaine such contrary , and absurd hypotheses , or positions , if they had been to raise them upon the same ground of truth : neither would other things be , or at least seeme to be so slippery , and uncertaine . for the common fate of all learning is this , that whosoever delivers it , others will take the paines to demolish it , or at least to lay it bare . plato's philosophy seemed most elegant , and divine : but the peripateticks accused it of too much vaine speculation . and aristotle thought his philosophy compleat , and trimme enough : but christian philosophers have found it neither agreeing with the holy scriptures , nor answerable enough to the truth of things . astronomers for many ages carried away the bell with their spheres , eccentricks , and epicycles , but copernicus explodes them all . copernicus himselfe framed a new and plausible astronomy out of his optick grounds , but such as will no way be admitted by the unmovable principles of naturall truth . gilbertus being carried away with the speculation of the loadstone , would out of it have deduced all philosophy : but to the manifest injury of naturall principles . campanella triumphs almost in the principles of the ancient philosopher parmenides , which he had reassumed to himselfe in his naturall philosophy , but is quite confounded by one optick glasse of galilaeus galilaei . and why should we reckon any more ? truly , if every one would ground their judgements upon the same common principles , it could not be , that they should rush into such contradictions , not onely to the hinderance of their hearers , but even to the detriment of truth , which for the most part in such contentions falleth to the ground . for when needles , obscure , and ambiguous things are propounded , they cannot but breed distast , and thwarting in the minds of those that heare them . and when for the gaining of their assents , principles are assumed , ( whatsoever trash they be ) which are neither knowne , nor yeelded , nor of undoubted truth , but rather obnoxious to severall limitations , and exceptions ( of which sort are most of the canons of common philosophy and divinity ) what can ensue from hence , but most tedious contradictions , and contentions ? that a man would be weary to heare such doubts , and differences , in things perhaps cleare enough of themselves . another course therfore must herein be taken , & care must be had , that truth approaching us in a most cleare light , may not be mired in doubts , nor wounded with contradictions , but may over come all errours : which we think cannot be effected , unlesse the beames therof dispersed over all things , be united into one , that so there may be one and the same symmetry of all things , both sensuall , intellectuall , & revealed . now this we cannot behold without a perfect squaring , and unseparable consolidation of the principles of knowledge ( sense , reason , and divine revelation ) which alone will make it to appeare , and consequently put an end unto those many controversies . for upon the discovery of the ground of things , necessarily will follow either the manifestation of an errour in one part of an opposition , or else that each part perhaps , both thinketh , and speaketh true ( though they understand not one another ) in regard of the divers respects , and considerations of things , the ground whereof they doe not yet perceive . certainely those errours which on every side besiege mens minds , may this way be subdued , and their minds brought into the open light , or no way else . for it must needs be , that the bright sunne of truth arising , infinite mists and clouds of opinions will vanish of themselves : yea , and by gods help , the very darknesse of atheisme it selfe may at length be dispatched away . . the second cause , why truth is so staggering , and uncertaine , i before declared to be the loosenesse of method , that writers doe not wholly tie themselves unto the things themselves , to deliver them , as they are constantly in themselves , but rather draw them unto some trimme and neat conceits of their owne to expresse them by , abusing them a thousand wayes : which is nothing else , but to wrest and transfigure things from their native , into strange formes , even in face of the mind : and what then can it behold , but monsters in stead of things themselves ? againe , it is impossible to find any method parallell unto things , unlesse all things be reduced unto the same harmony in the understanding , wherewith they are knit , and fastened together out of it . i told you but even now , of many sorts of philosophy , which were devised at pleasure , and shortly after demolished by others . and we may say the same of many decrees , yea , and whole methods of divinity , that they may be built , and pulled downe againe , seeing they are not squared by the immutable rule of things , but by the leaden rule of this , or that noddle . i wish therefore that all these straggling methods fancied by luxuriant braines might be quite removed out of the way , that at last all things might be handled in one order , and method . for such is our christian philosophy , or rather pansophy , which we labour to promote , that therein all things arise out of unmoveable principles , unto unmoveable , and stable truth , so knitting and clasping one another with the armes of their perpetuall harmony , that this worke of the mind is as little subject to fall in sunder , as the world it selfe . so that as the world is not ordered at our discretion , but proceeds on immutably according to the lawes implanted in it : in like manner pansophy , which is nothing but the glasse or mirrour of the universe should be delivered in such a method , from which there is no starting aside , if a man would even burst himselfe with desire of change , or disagreement . which will be effected if all things be delivered demonstratively by their proper causes and effects . but hereto it will be requisite not to trust to externall testimonies , and traditions , but to the inward truth of things themselves . for authorities may as easily cast false colours over things , as yeeld them any light or illustration ; at least they doe distract the learner , and estrange his mind from the things unto themselves : but things themselves cannot make another manner of impression in the senses , then as indeed they are . and wheresoever sense is deficient , there reason furnished with its certaine rules must also act its part ; but when reason is a stand , we must then have recourse unto divine revelation . which three principles of knowledge are to be laid as the basis , and groundworke of pansophy , that the speeches and writings , which philosophers , or divines have vented forth , may not presently be held for oracles , but that rejecting all false spectacles , we may looke neerely unto things themselves , and by a diligent-search discover , what they will owne themselves to be . for wise , and able men have many times uttered such things as sound of levity , and vanity , which notwithstanding men-admirers admit promiscuously , and adore . it were easie enough to produce many examples hereof , but i forbeare , hoping , that when once a clearer light of truth is kindled , abundance of such things will lie open of themselves . . the third thing whereby truth is prejudiced , is , as i said , either the carelesnesse , or luxuriance of the stile wherein things are expressed . we call that a luxuriating stile , when in the explication of things , improper , tropicall , hyperbolicall , and allusive words or sentences , and expressions are used : especially when poets , or oratours ( and sometimes philosophers and divines acting their parts ) falling upon any subject , which they would amplifie , or extenuate according to their manner , use with their figures , and colours so to alter things , that for the most part they appeare not in their native , but in a borrowed , and adventitious forme . which is nothing else , but a painting , and false glasse , whereas truth ought to be beheld with a pure , and unaltering light . carelesnesse of stile is , when obscure words are used , or termes borrowed from a language which is not understood , such as greeke words are to the most part of men : or lastly , if such things as are not stable . truths , are set to sale , as the rules of truth . of which sort ( we must needs confesse , though it be shamefull to speake ) the bookes of philosophers and divines are too full . i may therefore boldly affirme , that the originall , and continuall cause of errours in learning , is that unhappy triplicity whereof i have spoken , i meane that divers sundring ; that divers transplacing , and changing ; and lastly , that divers moulding and mixing of things . for who can understand things as they are , while they are presented but in snatches and pieces ? while they are out of their proper series and order ? while they are under a strange forme ? for it is easie to erre in any particular object , while the generall symmetry of all things is unknowne ; and while their series , or order is not duely observed , it is easier to finde a labyrinth , then a guiding path ; and truth is very ready to glide away , while the eyes are bewitched with the false colours of their objects . hence is the off-spring of those infinite errours , and hence comes that fastidious multiplication , and confused chaos of bookes , that the world is scarce able to containe them . hence is that penury , and want of light in this enlightned age , ( as it will be termed ) that as tantalus in the water seekes for water ; so we seeke for light in light , and in bookes , want bookes , yea , and learning in the learned . i will not insist upon that too fruitfull mother of errours , partiality , and siding with sects . for galen hath bestowed a true and deserved character upon them , that those who addict themselves to sects , become both deafe and blind , so that they neither heare , nor see those things , which others easily both heare and see , yea , and dumb also , that they will not speake what is true , but rather oppose those that teach it ; like the drunken lapithae , who with their fists , and kickings , drove away the chirurgeon , that would have applied remedies to their wounds . the next thing is , that learning is not enough accommodated to the uses of our life , to teach us how to behaveour selves in the occurrences thereof . the fault whereof must be laid upon that inveterate custome , or rather disease of schooles , whereby all the time of youth is spent in grammaticall , rhetoricall , and logicall toyes ; those things which are reall , and fit to enlighten mens minds , and to prepare them for action , being reserved for the universities , that forsooth , their judgements being more ripe , and they able to undertake such things , they may make the more happy progresse . but it comes to passe for the most part , that as soone as the heat of youth is over , every man settles upon his severall way , and faculty , never minding any due preparation , or accomplishment for it . yea , and most of such as intend to be divines , politicians , or physitians , doe of set purpose skip over the studies of the metaphysicks , mathematicks , and naturall philosophy , as if they would be unprofitable staies , and hinderances in their way , whereas it is a great errour in them , seeing a solid judgement can never be attained without solid learning . the way to remedy this , will be to propound all things seasonably unto youth , and to make serious exercises the preparatives of serious employments . for seeing no man becomes a smith , but by hammering , nor a scribe , but by writing , nor a disputant , but by disputing ; children also must be framed to be men by handling humane things ; and by having all manner of occurrences of this life represented both to their notice , and practice while they are in schooles . yea , and all philosophy in generall must be so ordered , that it may be a lively image of things , and a secret fitting and dressing of mens minds for the businesses of this life . and for the last thing , what wonder can it be that learning doth not enough advance youth towards god ? for it is not yet purged , and cleared of the prophanenesse of the gentiles , which treateth rashly of god , and of his workes , without any knowledge , or due reverence of him , changing the glory of the incoruptible god into the similitude of corruptible things . for this is the cause , as the apostle saith , that the heathen philosophers became vaine in their imaginations , and thinking themselves wise , became fooles , and were given over of god unto the lusts of their hearts , and to uncleannesse , because they changed the truth of god into a lie , and worshipped , and served the creature , more then the creator , who is blessed for ever , rom. . but even unto this day the like gentilisme is in practise : the most part of those that are esteemed wise , are , as the others , wise without god , neither deriving their wisdome from him , nor directing it to him , but beginning , and ending in the creatures , without any thought of god ; and regarding , and serving onely themselves , and other corruptible things . god hath said , that he is alpha , and omega , the beginning , and the end of all , from whom , by whom , and in whom are all things . but who is there that makes him ( that is , his feare ) the beginning of his wisdome ? who makes him ( that is , his word and spirit ) his conductor unto wisdome ? who is there that terminates his wisdome in him , devoting himselfe , and all his endeavours to his glory ? these things are hidden from most mens eyes . our selves are all in all unto us : we beginne in confidence of our selves , we goe on by our strength , and light , and we intend all for our selves , for our owne profit and reputation . thus are we drawne about through the vanities of the creatures , slipping about by our selves , to our selves , and from our selves , untill even our selves also returne to vanity . this is the sad and dolorous way of all flesh , wherein many of the wisest of men stray unhappily from their god. the cure of this last and worst disease must be , by sowing and sprinkling abroad the seeds of the true knowledge , and feare of god through all this field of pansophie , that whither soever a man turne himselfe , he may see , that all things are nothing without god. yea , all our pansophie must be so husbanded , that it may perpetually spurre us forward to the seeking after god in every thing , and point us out the way where to find him , as also prepare our minds for the due embracing and acknowledgment of him ; that by this meanes it may be as a sacred ladder for our minds to clime up by all visible things , unto the invisible top of all things , the majesty of the highest god ( which by its splendor will shew us , how all inferior things are but the shadow of the true light ) there at last to repose our selves in that center of rest , and end of all our desires , and to bath in that fountaine of life , from which all the streames of blisse and pleasure flow for evermore . unlesse this end may be obtained ( with the other ) our selves , and all our actions , and endeavours are but vaine : wits will be still wandring in their perplexed labyrinths , schooles will be still rolling of their sisyphean stones , yea , and the whole world will goe on in its madding and reeling pace . now , seeing it is a matter so throughly serious , as wherein the glory of god , and the safety of mankind consisteth , we ought to solicite god with ardent supplications , that he would take pity upon us , and open our dimme eyes , that in his light wee may see light . and because christ said not onely , aske , and yee shall receive , but also , seeke , and yee shall find ; knocke , and it shall be opened unto you , matth. . . our desires , and prayers must be seconded with unwearied , and constant endeavours , that all veiles may be plucked off from things , and men may of all sides be prepared to behold in open , and cleare light all those wondrous things of god wherewith we are encompassed . and now behold ! i my selfe , the least of all , come forth to bring either a new light into the world , or some few sparkes to kindle it withall : conscious indeed of my too much weaknesse , yet by gods grace encouraged in humble expectation , that aid from heaven shall be supplied upon these my endeavours , which are intended for gods glory , and much peoples good . god is privy to the secrets of my heart , and knoweth that it was not confidence of mine owne abilities , which led me hither , but that i was , and am forced on by the pricks of mine owne conscience , that if i be any way able to profit others , i should desire and endeavour it , at least if i may but stirre up others , who are able to effect greater matters . for indeed this is the time above all ages that are past , both to hope , and to attempt greater things . for if the reader will but consider , he will easily see , that those many polishings of sciences , those trimmings of arts , those searches of secrets and hidden things , those conflicts of wit , and those many workes , and writings almost concerning every thing , which hitherto have beene made or published , are nothing else , but the materials of learning sought , as it were , out of every wood , and quarrey throughout the world , thence diversly wrought by divers workmen , and so brought together into various heapes , which yet lie severed , and not united . what then remaines , but that now at last we should use a skilfull hand in bringing these heapes of materials into their due forme and order ? that so there may be erected some universall temple of wisdome , truly glorious , and refulgent with the ornaments of harmony , and the light of truth : such as wee might justly apply that of lucretius unto it , sed nil dulcius est bene quam munita tenere edita doctrina sapientum templa serena , despicere unde queas alios , passimque videre errare , atque vias palantis quaerere vitae . thus in english . no worldly pleasures may compare with this : well fenced to possesse faire wisdomes temples ( beauties rare ) high rais'd on learnings solidnesse . thence you may see , how others goe astray as men bewildred , groping for the way . or rather , that of solomon , wisdome hath builded her house , she hath hewen out her seven pillars ; shee hath killed her beasts ; shee hath mingled her wine : shee hath also furnished her table : shee hath sent forth her maidens ; shee crieth upon the highest places of the city , saying , come , eate of my bread , and drinke of the wine , which i have mingled : forsake the foolish , and live , and goe in the way of understanding , prov. . unlesse such a palace of true wisdome be attempted by the followers of wisdome , they will be like a slothfull builder , who is alwayes doing something about his building , but never drawing it towards an end . yea , and it is to be feared , that learning it selfe will at length fall with its owne weight , and be over-whelmed with such a vast floud of writers , if no dams be opposed thereunto . but in deed such skil in architecture is hereto requisite , as is not to be expected in any humane wit. for none but wisdome her self , can build an house fit for her self to dwel in . but where shall wisdome be found , and where is the place of understanding ? god alone understandeth the way thereof , and he knoweth the place thereof : he which looketh to the ends of the earth , and seeth under the whole heaven ; which maketh a weight for the winds , and spreadeth out the waters in measure ; which setteth lawes for the raine , and maketh way for the lightning of thunder : he alone seeth it , and declareth it , because he hath prepared , and searched it out , job . . , , , , , . therefore moses could not build a tabernacle for god , untill he was instructed of god himselfe , looke , saith god , and doe according to all the patterne which was shewed thee in the mount , exod. . . and praised be thou , o lord , for ever , which dost likewise give us thy workes and word for a patterne , whereby to erect this pansophy , or temple of wisdome : that as thy word and workes are a true and lively representation of thee : so this , which we are about , may prove a true , and lively image of thy word and works . i desire the learned to pardon me , of whose labours i now presume to shew my judgement . the most exact encyclopaedias , or sums of art , which i could ever lay my eyes upon , seemed to me like a chaine neatly framed of many linkes , but nothing comparable to a perpetuall mover , so artificially made with wheeles , that it turres it selfe : or like a pile of wood , very neatly laid in order , with great care , and diligence , but nothing like unto a tree arising from its living roots , which by its inbred vertue spreads it selfe into boughs , and leaves , and yeeldeth fruit . but that which we desire , is to have a living tree , with living roots , and living fruits of all the arts , and sciences , i meane pansophy , which is a lively image of the universe , every way closing , and agreeing with it selfe , every where quickning it selfe , and covering it selfe with fruit . that is ( to reflect a little to our former intentions ) we would have such a booke of pansophy compiled , which might be , i. a solid breviary of universall learning . ii. a cleare light for humane understanding . iii. an exact , and stable rule of truth . iv. a certaine and directive register of the affaires of our life . v. and lastly , an happy ladder leading us to god himselfe . or ( that i may otherwise expresse my desires ) i thinke that seeing god hath ordered all things in number , measure , and weight , wee ought also to take care , i. that all things that are , were , or shall bee throughout the world , may be numbred , and summed up , that nothing escape our knowledge . ii. that the just proportion of all things , as well in respect of the universe , as also among themselves may be laid open before our eyes . iii. that the weights of causes may be evident , and extant among us , whereby we may make exact triall of the truth of all things . the first will make learning to be universall , which is our first intention . the second will make it cleare , and distinct , which we also earnestly seeke . and the third will be a meanes to have it true and solid , which is our chiefe desire . i say , we would have such a booke compiled , which alone , instead of all , should be the spense , and store-house of universall learning : in which nothing should be wanting , and by reading whereof , wisdome should of its owne accord , spring up in mens minds , by reason of the cleare , distinct , and perpetuall coherence of all things arising out of their true veines , and rootes , that every thing may plainely appeare to be , as it is said to be , and that it can be no otherwise then it is , in regard of the immutable truth of things every where interwoven with it selfe . but all this we would have done compendiously , because we must have respect to the shortnesse , and frailty of our lives : and in a popular stile , which may bring light , and not darknesse into the understanding : and lastly , solidly , by a perpetuall connexion of causes , and effects ; because we seek for a true and firm foundation of truth , and not for any forged and false props of opinions : that so all things which may be known ( whether naturall , morall , or artificiall , or even metaphysicall ) may be delivered like unto mathematicall demonstrations , with such evidence and certainty , that there may be no roome left for any doubt to arise . by which meanes , not onely such things as are , will be certainely , and truly knowne , but also the floud-gates of infinite devices , deductions , and inventions , will be set wide open . o how much are these things to be desired ! what an improvement and bettering would this be of our mortality ! for seeing bookes are the instruments of transplanting wisdome , and an instrument perfectly good , or a rule without any default , keepes the workemans hand from going awry ; if such an instrument of learning , and teaching universall wisdome , as we have projected , and described , were extant among us , it would be beneficiall , not onely for the dextrous fashioning and instructing of youth , ( which melanchton in one place saith is an harder matter then the taking of troy ) but also for the opening of a way , wherby all the sonnes of men may readily attaine unto the true knowledge , and conceptions of things , that they may be wise both in beholding the works of god , and ordering of their owne . as for the darknesse of errors , it would flee amaine from the face of so cleare a light : and men , being busied onely about solidities , and bending through assured and certaine wayes unto serious ends , would easier leave off those dissentions , strifes , and warres , wherewith the world is now consumed . for a disordered , and stragling search of the truth of things must needs breed difference in opinions , and that againe will as easily produce a mutuall crossing of mens wils , and inclinations , which , when it comes to irritate , and exasperate their minds , breakes forth into open strife , and conflicts . but these occasions of differences , and contentions , and all by waies of error , would of themselves vanish away , if that one , and onely way of things , which is the way of truth , were but enough discovered . for by gods goodnesse this would be the meanes to heale up those wounds in schooles , churches , and common-wealths , and to restore peace to the christian world , that not onely all christian nations might flourish in the studies of true wisdome , and piety ; but even infidels themselves might partake of the same light , and be won to the embracing of christianity in this divinely revealed way of truth . and so at last we should see ( what gods sacred oracles have foretold , shall at length come to passe ) that the earth shall be filled with the knowledge of the lord , as the waters cover the sea , isa . . . and that the lord shall be king over all the earth , and there shall be but one lord , and his name one , zach . . and that the way of sion shall be so plaine , that even fooles shall not erre therein , isa . . . which is the same that another prophet hath foretold , that in the last dayes the mountaine of the house of the lord shall be established in the top of the mountaines , and it shall be exalted above the hils , and people shall flow unto it . and many nations shall come and say , come and let us goe up to the mountaine of the lord , that he may teach us of his wayes . and afterward : and they shall beate their swords into plough-shares , and speares into pruning-hookes : nation shall not lift up a sword against nation , neither shall they learne warre any more , micah . . . take pity upon us , o lord , and let thy peace rest upon jerusalem : let thy glory arise over us , that the nations may walke in thy light . but may such things be hoped for ? certainely we must not despaire of them , if this guide and director of humane understanding be once framed , whereby mens minds may be infallibly led by continuall degrees , and in open light from the groundworks , and fundamentalls unto the highest tops of things . for if wee come once by this meanes to behold the theater of gods wisedome , mens minds cannot but be filled with joy , and gladnesse , so that they will call one unto another , come and let us goe up to the mountaine of the lord , that he may teach us of his wayes . now that such a director ( or perfect method of pansophie ) is not to be despaired of , we have these perswasions . first , although things may seeme infinite and innumerable in respect of their multitude , not to be measured in regard of their divers disproportions : and unsearchable , by reason of that depth wherein truth is plunged : yet it is most certaine that all things are beneath man and subject to his understanding . for all things are made for his sake , but in an inferiour degree : hee therefore being the last accomplishment of the creation , and the most absolute image of his creator , containing in himselfe onely the perfections of all other things , why should he not at last habituate himselfe to the contemplation of himselfe , and all things else ? for seeing god hath appointed him to be a spectator of his wisedome , it is most certaine that he hath made him suitable to that e d : which would not be if he had made either things unproportionable to his understanding , or his understanding uncapable of the things . it may then be cōcluded that god alone is great over all , and his greatnesse is unsearchable , psal . . . all things else are made in number , weight and measure , wisd . . . isay . . they are therefore to be numbred , measured , & weighed , untill this universall harmony do clea ly appeare unto us . secondly , god hath made all things well , as the scripture saith , but every thing in his time , that is , by degrees . is it then in vaine , that god hath set the world in mens hearts , that is , a desire to find out those things which he worketh from the beginning to the end ? eccles . . . it would be in vaine , if that desire could not obtaine its end . but we must not ascribe any frustraneous actions unto that soveraigne wisedome . thirdly , wee have already great store of provision hereto , those bookes and monuments of mens diligence , compiled with great care and industry . can we thinke that all these have done nothing ? that cannot be in regard ( as i have shewed already ) of the supreme governour of all things , who will not suffer any thing , even errours themselves to be in vaine . let us grant therefore that they have erred , and beene deceived in most things , yet god who is the eternall , and unchangeable foundation of truth , will surely order the matter so , that even errours themselves will at last perforce be made subservient to the farther discovering and establishing of truth . now it is manifest , that many things are already found out , and why should we not hope , that the rest will follow ? it it no small matter that euclides , archimedes , and others have brought the knowledge of quantities to such evidence , and perfection , that even miracles may be effected by numbers , measures , and weights . it is not a thing of nothing , that hermeticall physitians , and others have by meanes of chymistry found how to extract the qualities out of naturall bodies , and to separate even the very essences of things . it is a matter of moment , which the lord verulam hath effected in his excellent novum organum , where he shewes the infallible way of making a narrow search into the natures of things : and that which jungius the saxon is now about , who laboureth to bring the art of logicke to such perfection , that the truth of propositions may be upheld , and all fallacies avoided , with as much certainty as any of euclides's problemes can be demonstrated : why should i adde any more ? as one pinne drives out another , so doth one invention thrust another forward , especially in this age so fruitfull of wits : and why should wee not hope for some invention of inventions , whereby the severall inventions , and endeavours of so many wits , may not onely in their matter , but even in their manner of discovery be united into one , and made common to mankind ? it would surely be an excellent thing . for if every one hath formerly had his owne sharpnesse of wit , his owne rules of proceeding , and his owne weights of judgement ; what might not be effected , if all these wits were united into one , their lawes into one , and their judgements into one ? the more candles , the greater light . if only the way be found out ; how all these lights may be united into one : that is , how those divers and infinite devises , inventions , and knowne truths , may be reduced unto one perpetuall , immutable , and eternall rule and manner of inventing , knowing and devising . for if this be found out , that which we seeke for , is easily obtained . and why may it not be found out ? we are already possessed of more than a contemptible store of knowne truths ; and for our farther progresse , we are provided of such light of method , as wee need not feare walking in the darke . onely let us presse forward unto the utmost bounds of method , and of things themselves . for where there is a progresse , there will at last be an end . eternity onely , to which we are appointed , doth bound our minds , but all temporary things are within the bounds , and compasse of our minds : if only we be but acquainted with their rootes , and grounds , those immutable , constant and eternall conceptions , and lawes of things , by which all things are first made , and so continue . we have also an expresse promise concerning the latter times , that many shall runne to and fro , and knowledge shall be encreased , dan. . . many have already passed to and fro , and have searched out ( in this our age more than ever ) both heaven , and earth , seas , and islands , even the whole kingdome of nature ; as also the holy scriptures , and those divine oracles after a various manner . and what remains then , but that the other part of the prophesie should also take its turne to be fulfilled ? but let us now at length come up closer with the thing in hand , i meane , the meanes whereby so great a designe may be duly accomplished : which though it may somewhat appeare from that , which hath beene already said concerning both the causes , and the remedies of that confusion , which is in learning ; yet we will enter into a more expresse , and particular discourse of them . i thinke therefore that we can never attaine unto the universall knowledge , possession , and use of all things , unlesse by a new and universall , i. revising of all our goods , with all the inventories of them . ii. comparing of those inventories , with the things themselves , to see whether they are so indeed , as our registers , and accounts relate unto us . iii. by a new and universall disposing of those things , which we find certaine , unto new , and universall uses . the revising of our goods shall be to this purpose , that we be not ignorant , what is our proper inheritance , and what is worthy for us to employ our minds about . for it is too true , that men know not their owne goods ; i meane , that the whole world , and the creatures thereof are their possession , and that they partake of eternity with god himselfe . the little thought and knowledge , or beliefe whereof , is the cause that most men casting themselves into vaine , base , and pernicious courses , are at last disherited for their unworthinesse . therefore christians must be taught throughly to consider , what is meant by that of the apostle ; whether the world , or life , or death , or things present or things to come , all are yours , and ye are christs , and christ is gods , cor. . . neither was it any word of course , when i said , that we must revise our inventories : for our riches are so abundant , and so various , that few know what names to give them , much lesse do they comprehend , what they are , and what care is fitting for us to bestow upon them . all those things are therefore to be described to men very plainly , and clearly , like the law , deut. . . and because they must be accurately described , we must have a speciall care , that nothing be left out ; wee must therefore search all former registers , both generall and particular , old and new , by whomsoever set forth . for although there is a vast number of them , yet he , who will undertake to make a true survey , and synopsis of all things , must of necessity undergoe this taske . and it is greatly to be wished , that more were extant . but many famous monuments of learning are utterly lost , among which are the histories of living creatures , and plants compiled by solomon the wisest of kings , which seeing it is in vaine to hope for ; or desire : we must make use of such as we have , especially gods owne booke , the holy scriptures , which are nothing else but gods owne commentary upon those things which god bestowes upon us in this life , and reserveth for us in the future . and because gods spirit scarcely descendeth unto things of a lower nature , but chiefly teacheth us that which concerns our spirituall estate , we must therefore make use of those which treat of inferiour matters , as philosophers , physicians , historians , cosmographers , lawyers , mechanicks , and all such as are happy in various inventions , that out of all particular sciences may at last result one universall science of sciences , and art of arts , which is pansophy . but our intention is not , that the various opinions of severall authors should be heaped up in this booke , as their practise is , who esteeme of learning by much reading , and who take no further care , if they can but recite the divers opinions of divers men , or spread their names a little by publishing some botcherly mingle-mangle of collections out of others . nor do we drive so much at this , that severall opinions may be collected and compar'd among themselves , as they do , that fill up large volumes with handling questions to and fro , on both sides , and confuting such as agree not with themselves . but our maine aime is , that all who have written any thing concerning piety and good manners , or concerning the arts and sciences , not respecting whether they be christians , or mahumetans , jewes or pagans , and of what sect soever , pythagoreans , acadmians , peripateticks , stoicks , esseans , greekes , latines , ancient or moderne doctors , or rabbins , every church , synod , and councell , that all , i say , be admitted , and heard to see what they will bring in for the compiling of this philosophicall worke . and this we advise for these reasons , i. because that which we goe about , is an universall treasurie of wisedome for the common interest , and behoofe of mankind , therefore it is just that all nations , sects , ages , and wits , should contribute towards it . ii. all of us , as soone as we come into this world , sit as spectators in this common amphitheater of gods wisedome : and wee christians have moreover , the light of divine revelation equally granted unto us all : and why should not the very meanest have liberty , if he thinkes that he seeth any thing worthy of observation , to point it out , and shew it unto others . iii. it is not likely , that any one alone , or some few men of an age or two , have had the priviledge to see all things , and others to see nothing : but as no soyle yeelds all kind of fruits , and yet every one yeelds something in their seasons yeare after yeare : so god also scattereth in mens minds various sparkes of his light respectively , in divers nations , and ages . the wind bloweth where it listeth , saith christ , speaking of the holy ghost , and his operations . and there want not examples of some , out of the bounds of the church , whom the spirit of wisedome hath severally inspired : as job , elephaz , elihu , mercurius trismegistus , socrates , epictetus , cicero . therefore none must be contemned , especially in such things , wherein the light of nature may guide us : for , quandoque est olitor satis opportuna locutus : the delving gardner often hits aright upon those things , which flee our soaring sight . the lord verulam saith very well , that the divers opinions of men concerning the nature of things , are like divers glosses upon the same text , whereof one is more exact in one part , another in another , each of them helping you to something observable . let it therefore be agreed : that there is no booke so bad , wherein some good thing or other may not be found : and if nothing else , yet it may occasion us to amend some errour . iv. it is certaine that no man would willingly erre ( for to what end should he do it ) but then men erre , when they are deceived by some similitude of truth . for errours also have their pretenses of reasons to maintaine them , which must therefore be heard , because we have to do with man a reasonable creature . so by collation of reason , the false colours will easily be discovered , and the shadow will fly away before the light . v. when any one is condemned before he be heard , how just soever his condemnation be , yet justice her selfe suffereth violence thereby : for it is possible that the case may be otherwise , than it was apprehended upon hearesay , therefore all things must be first certainly known . that i may onely mention that phantasticall , and supercilious practise of some , who for some opinion , or suspicion , which they have formerly entertained , beare such prejudice against others , that they will not so much as give their reasons the hearing . is not this to say racha to his brother ? matth. . . vi. let it be granted that some men have committed great errours in this , or that matter : yet who knowes not , that wisemen by seeing others errours , learne to avoid them ? many usefull things will be continually suggested from former errours , and their occasions , to those that will be undertakers in this worke of pansophie , for the better trimming and polishing of it . vii . it is to be wished , that men may once at last be unburdened of their troublesome dissentions , and that sects and strife may cease , but that will never bee , unlesse first all suspicions be left off , wherein men are intangled one with another . now suspicions cannot be avoided , where either part is unsatisfied in their owne , or the others meaning , and doubts . and these things can never be cleared , unlesse both opinions be mildly heard , and compared together , and then examined by the same lawes of cleare and undeniable truth , which both sides shall consent upon . viii . lastly , it is very observable , that at the building of the tabernacle by moses , and of the temple by solomon , the israelites offered not onely of their owne , but also of the spoiles , which they had taken away from the enemies of god , as the egyptians , philistines , and ammonites ; and that they were accepted of by the builders . for gold was sought for on every side , and there were pretious stones offered before they came to the holy land , and cedar wood was brought from libanus , at the building of the temple , all making for the glory of the god of israel , and the splendour of his house . as also in the re-edifying of the temple by zorobabel , god stirred up the heart of cyrus the king , that he not only offered of his owne royall treasure , but also gave commandement to his subjects through all his dominions , to helpe the israelites every one in his owne place of dwelling , with silver , and gold , and substance , and cattell , ezra . v. , , . and why should not the builders of the temple of wisedome accept of every thing from what hand soever , which may make for the beauty and ornament of it ? even the gibeonites themselves , though accursed , may be employed for the hewing of wood , and drawing of water for the house of our god , josh . . . if any man taxe mee , that i have formerly beene of another mind , that i have inclined to partiality , and sided with a particular sect , instilling into others a dislike of aristotle , and the heathen authors . i will not deny but that i have beene carried away by the example of those , who with nehemiah were piously zealous , because the children of the israelites running up and downe jerusalem , knew not how to speake the jewes language perfectly , but mixed it with the language of ashdod , nehem. . . i meane , because the wisedome and eloquence of the gentiles beare more sway in our schooles , than true christian , and saving knowledge , which is abominable , and better it is a thousand times , that heathen wisedome should be utterly stripped of all her inticing dresses , and allurements , then that any soule , which christ would have to be filled with his spirit , should be thereby endangered , or subverted . but seeing , that we meddle not here concerning the sway , which paganisme beareth , or of the dangerous mixture of it with christianity ; but only how to make all the earth tributary unto christ the king of all the world , and how all those rivulets , which have any way dispersed themselves from this fountaine of wisedome may with the losse onely of their filth , be returned to their fountaine head ; let even the gentiles , and arabians therefore be admitted to furnish us with such ornaments , as they are able for the beauty of this house of god. especially seeing not onely the maine businesse of our salvation is regarded in our pansophie , but even the affaires of this life also , wherein seeing the gentiles chiefly imployed themselves , they cannot but have observed profitable things , which to loath , and reject for their sakes , would be but fond , and superstitious vanity . we will therefore give them admittance , but upon this condition , that whatsoever they have thought , written , or found out , which appeares to be true , considerate , and pious , shall be applyed to common use , and benefit : but wherein soever they are convicted to have done , or said any thing unmeet , or contrary to truth , or piety , therein they shall be for ever silenced , lest piety be any more borne down by profanenesse , truth by errour , or light by darknesse . but herein wee had need to deale fairely with much judgement , and moderation , lest wee be too facile in passing censure upon others . for if we be prepossessed with suspicion , or carried away with affection , we oftentimes are ready to fasten errours upon others , which they themselves will not owne , and to wrest their expressions , and words contrary to their meaning : whereas every one is , and ought to be his owne best interpreter . aristotle himselfe in this regard hath not the best report , for his practising to raise the credit of his owne workes , by his confuting of the ancient philosophers without making any true and just report of their opinions . which if it be true ( as i will not determine ) it may be a warning for all the undertakers of pansophy , where no partiall victory , but an universall harmony is to be sought ) that as much as may be , all differences in opinions may be reconciled , and brought to consonancie , by reducing them to the meane and certaine truth . thus farre concerning a review of all things , and their registers . i told you moreover , that it is needfull we should compare them one with the other to see whether all things , that are to be found in nature , are duly entred , and whether all things that are entred , can any where be found , and whether things are so indeed , according as they are registred ? for unlesse things be truly stowed , as they are in themselves , mens understandings are easily confounded and entangled in errours . now it is most certaine that many things are entred in the catalogues of the learned ( especially by some sects , which vent dreames and shadowes instead of realities ) which can no where be found among things themselves : and againe , that the treasuries of god , and nature containe many things in them , which are not yet come to our knowledge : and lastly , that very many things are otherwise in themselves , than our bookes tell us : so that it is exceeding necessary to have such a collation made between these commentaries , & the things themselves . for when this is done ( and not before ) as well all defects as superfluities , and errors will be manifest : so that then it will be an easie matter to supply , or amend them , or to take them quite away . but what mortall man is sufficient for such a taske ? seeing the multitude and variety both of naturall and supernaturall , morall , and artificiall things is so infinite ? for if those who have formerly laboured in the search of particular things , have met with such knots , and rubs , that their endeavours have for the most part sate downe , and rested themselves upon that grand complaint of the intricate subtilty of nature , of the unsearchable complication , and intervening of causes , of the implacable hostility of contraries every where occurrent , and lastly , of the great weaknesse , and insufficiencie of humane understanding for the compassing of them all : what then may hee expect that shall goe about to rip them all up from the very bottome ? but we must not utterly despaire . art many times helps us to effect that which no strength is able to performe : which seemeth not to have beene enough observed by those which have hitherto searched into the nature of things , who have strained to breake through those great lets , onely by the force and strength of wit , and the assaults of continuall diligence ; whereas notwithstanding the understanding left unto it selfe , like a naked and empty hand , is able to do no great matters : but every thing is more easily and certainly accomplished with helps , and instruments . therefore herein it will be requisite to be furnished with some rules , by application whereof unto things themselves , and to all opinions , and decrees concerning them , we may be able to discerne necessary things , from such as are not necessary , profitable things from unprofitable , and truth from falshood . such a kind of rule , for the searching out of nature , seemeth to have beene found out by the famous lord verulam : a certaine artificiall induction , which indeed is the onely way to pierce through into the most abstruse secrets of nature . but because this requireth the continuall industry of many men , and ages , and so is not onely laborious , but seemeth also to be uncertaine in the event and successe thereof ; hence it comes to passe , that though it be a most excellent invention , yet the most part of men neglect it as unprofitable . yet notwithstanding it is of no great use , or advantage towards our designe of pansophy , because ( as i said before ) it is onely intended for the discovery of the secrets of nature , but wee drive and aime at the whole universality of things . it will be therefore requisite for us to search out some other more universall rule , which perhaps god of his great mercy will upon our diligent endeavour vouchsafe to reveale unto us : who therefore hides himselfe , that he may be sought , and therefore will be sought that hee may be found , esay . , , . he which hath inflamed thine heart to seeke him ( saith beatus fulgentius ad monimum ) will by no meanes suffer thee to lose thy end of seeking ; for his faithfull promise can by no meanes be made void , which saith , aske , and ye shall receive , seeke , and yee shall find , knocke , and it shall be opened unto you . being now therefore about to unfold , what god hath revealed unto us , and given us to see upon our asking , seeking , and knocking . i first crave , and humbly begge the pious attention of all such as are able to judge of things of this nature . and for the thing it selfe i will briefly dispatch it in a few aphorismes . . there are three things which accomplish that knowledge which is possible for our condition , yea , which rather raise it to a kinde of omniscience , the knowledge of god , nature , and art. by art we understand whatsoever is compassed by humane industry , as our thoughts , words , and actions : by nature we meane whatsoever comes to passe of its owne accord by those dispositions implanted in things : by god , all that power , wisdome , and goodnesse , which lying hid from eternity , hath hitherto displayed it selfe unto us , either in divine words or workes : he that knowes these three , knowes all things , for of these three the whole world consists . . a perfect knowledge of these three ought to be sought for . lest we should thinke we have enough , if we know something of god , something of nature , and something of art , ( for so much may be said of the veriest fooles and idiots ) but that we may have a full and perfect understanding of all things that may be knowne . . knowledge is then onely perfect , when it is true . for if it be not true , in stead of realities , it exhibits phantasmes , and ends in a meere mockery . . knowledge is true , when things are knowne as they are . for if they be otherwise apprehended then they are , it is no knowledge , but errour . . things are knowne as they are , when they are knowne according as they were made . for every thing is so as it was made , or else things must have degenerated from that they were . . every thing was made according to its proper idea , that is according to to such a conception , by which it might be such as it is . for unlesse things could be , they should not be , and unlesse they could be such or such , they should not be so : that possibility therefore of being such , or such , is called an idea , whereby a thing is such as it is . . therefore all things that are , are made according to their idea's , whether they be workes of god , of nature , or of art. for seeing an idea is a certaine rule of things , god cannot bee thought to doe any thing without idea's , that is , without a certaine rule , as who is of himselfe the rule of all rules : so likewise nature when she effects most orderly workes , cannot worke without a rule ; as neither can art , which is natures ape . . art borrowes the ideas of its workes from nature , nature from god , but god hath them onely from himselfe . it is commonly enough knowne , that art is lame without nature , that art is the daughter , follower , and imitator of nature ; and as truly may we speake it of nature in respect of god , that without him she can doe nothing , that she is his daughter , follower , and imitatour . but god imitates none but himselfe , because he neither can , nor will doe otherwise : he cannot , because he can behold nothing but himselfe in his infinite eternity : whence then should he borrow either the beginning , or rule of his works ? neither will he , for seeing he is most perfect , he can will nothing but that which is most perfect : now nothing can be said to be most perfect , but that one , onely eternall , and perfect good , which is himselfe . if any man say , that god did take liberty to himselfe to thinke of other rules for the forming of things , i aske then to what end he did so ? if god doe nothing in vaine now in his ordinary concurrence with nature , why should he be thought to have done so at the beginning ? why should he bethinke himselfe of any other way , when himselfe was the most infinite patterne of all perfection ? was it , that he might conceale his owne majesty , no ; for it was his owne good purpose to display it visibly , rom. . . was it that he might manifest the depth of his wisdome by that looking off from himselfe ? neither ; for this would prove a diminution of the fulnesse of his glory , if he could find out any perfection , which was not in himselfe , which is impossible . therefore it is most certaine , that both the creatures , and their idea's have issued from this one fountaine . and seeing that among the creatures every agent naturally labours to assimilate its object unto it selfe , why should we not acknowledge the same in god , who hath imprinted this property in the creatures ? especially seeing god can find nothing fit to be the end of his works , but himselfe . therefore we conclude that god takes from himselfe the rule of his workes , as well at the end of them , and power to effect them ; the matter onely whereof the creatures are compos'd , and wherein they differ chiefely from their creator , he takes out of nothing . . god therefore in framing of the world , figureth out himselfe so as the creature is wholly proportioned to the creator . even as the impression answereth alwayes to the stamp , although sometimes it be more , sometimes lesse evident ; whence arise divers degrees of this proportion . so the sonne of god is called the expresse image of his father , heb. . . and yet man is said to be made after the image of god , gen. . . cor. . . yea , and all other things are said to resemble him in some sort ; for it is said , that the invisible things of god are seene from the beginning of the world in those things which are made , rom. . . and that in the greatnesse and beauty of created things their creator may be proportionably knowne , wisd . . . and hereupon it was that the gentiles entitled nature not onely the daughter of god , but said that its selfe was god. nature is nothing else , saith seneca , but god , and divine law implanted in the whole world , and all its parts , de benef. . c. . . and because all things are partakers of divine ideas , hence also it comes to passe that they partake one of another , and are proportioned one to the other . for those things that agree in any third thing , agree among themselves . . therefore the conceptions of all things are the same , nor is there any difference , but in the manner of their existence , because in god they are as in their * originall , in nature as in the * coppy , in art as in the * counterfeit . even as in a seale the form is one and the same , which is first conceived in the mind of him , that graves it , or commands it to be graven : then as it is engraven in metall ; and lastly , as it is stamped upon wax : for although it be threefold , yet it is the same , because the second is formed by the first , the third by the second , each of them after the resemblance of that which is next before it in order . so these ideas being first conceived in god , imprint their likenesse in the creatures ; and likewise the reasonable creatures in things , which they themselves effect . . therefore the ground as of the framing , so of the knowledge of all things is harmony . that which the musicians call harmony , is a sweet consonancie of diverstones : the like exact agreement is to be found in the eternall perfections of god , with those which are created in nature , and those which are expressed in art : for each of them is harmonious in it selfe , as also in mutuall respect one to the other . nature is the image of divine harmony , and art of nature . . the first thing required in harmony , is that there he nothing dissonant . musical harmony is composed of most different , & contrary tones , and yet there is a certaine consonancie to be found in their contrariety : so the whole world is composed of contraries ; ( because without them the truth , and order , & essence of the world would fall ) as also the scripture containeth many things in it , which seeme to oppose one another , all which notwithstanding have a perfect agreement in themselves , and so are to be disposed in our understandings towards a perfect harmony ; that so there may bee an universall consent , as in divine , so in humane workes and words , all seeming dissonancies vanishing of themselves . the want of the understanding of this mystery , is the reason that philosophers , and divines doe picke out of nature and scripture , one this thing , another that , opposing nature to nature , scripture to scripture , and thereupon drawing out contrary senses fall into contentions , and differences among themselves : which thing cannot chuse but vanish of it selfe , if once the light of this universall harmony doe but appeare . for truth is one , and every way agreeing with it selfe . . the second thing required in harmony , is that all things have a perfect consonancie and agreement . it is manifest both in naturall , and artificiall things , that all are framed according to harmony : so in a beast , a tree , a musicall instrument , a ship , a booke , an house , all the parts are necessarily proportionate , as to the whole , so to one another . but some men may make a question , whether divine things have any proportion with things naturall , and artificiall ? for it may be thought , that it best becomes the divine majesty to have nothing common with the creatures . but we must observe , that whatsoever is to be found in the counterfeit , is first , and by way of excellencie in the patterne : so the river proceeds from the fountaine , the shadow from the body , and the image in a glasse from the thing it represents . againe , if the workes of nature are so absolute , and exact , that there is no place left for new additions thereunto , ( as galen confesseth , lib. . de usu part . cap. . ) and if the nature of nature be unchangeable , and unalterable ( as tertullian witnesseth against valent. cap. . . ) what then is nature , but a lively image of him in whom all things are first , and by way of excellencie , good , perfect , and unchangeable ? lastly , in the scripture god attributes to himselfe eares , eyes , a mouth , hands , feet , an heart , a face , and back parts : also he stiles himselfe , fire , a rocke , a tower , an anchor : to what purpose is all this , if these things cannot represent god ? but if on the otherside they can , and doe represent him , then it is certainely no otherwise then he is , seeing the word of god is the rule of truth . we are not ignorant , that all these things are spoken figuratively , ( for we will not goe a madding with the anthropomorphites ) but no man can deny , but that all these figures have their ground , and foundation in the proportion , and identity of the things themselves : for every thing must first be , before it can be predicated . therefore as artificiall things are proportioned unto things naturall , so are naturall things unto divine . . the third property of harmony is , that though the variety of sounds and melodies be infinite , yet all ariseth out of some few principles , and certaine different moods . for all different harmonies , whatsoever have , or can be invented , arise onely from seven notes , and three concords . all corporeall things that are contained in the world , are composed of those few elements , and some few differences of qualities : and so of the rest : so that the multitude and variety of things is nothing else but the various iteration of the same things : as for example upon a tree , though there are millions of leaves , yet all are of the same figure , colour , and vertue ; yea , and all trees of the same kind through the whole world grow after the same sort , and have the same active and passive dispositions . so also the trees of severall kinds agree in many things among themselves . . therefore all things will be knowne , if their principles , and the manner of their differences be discovered . for as in musick , he that knowes the nature of the severall tones , and moods , will easily be able both to sing , and compose any kind of melody ; yea , such a way is found out , that players on instruments , are able by looking upon one onely generall base , to play many parts at once without any kind of discord : so also it is infinite , that he may both understand , and performe , that doth but comprehend the generall natures of artificiall , naturall , and supernaturall things . as for example , he that knowes what fairenesse or beauty is of it selfe , and whereof it consists , will easily be able to know what is meant by a faire soule , a beautifull body , a faire colour , faire manners , or the like . againe , whatsoever doth not agree with that idea , will easily appeare not to be faire or beautifull . the opening of these fountaines will afford us the knowledge of a world of things . . now these common natures of things are to be abstracted from the things themselves , and to be laid for the common rules of all things . as for example , the nature of faire , good , perfect , profitable of life , sense , &c. is to be sought for in things which are faire , good , perfect , &c. and this must be done by a prudent , and diligent separating of those things which are not of the essence of beauty , goodnesse , or perfection ; untill the formes and natures of them remaine cleared from all other conceptions . for all things that are , have their common nature , or conception , whereby they are : therefore they all necessarily meet in some common manner of being : as also all living things in some manner of life ; sensitive creatures in their sensation : and those things that are beautifull in some manner of being , for which they are so called : and so of others . if therefore such common notions , and ideas were accurately abstracted from all things , it would prove a generall key to let us in unto the knowledge of things , a rule for all sorts of operations , it would point out many new inventions , and be the touchstone of all opinions , in a word , a most large field for all pleasant speculations . . but these rules of truth must be abstracted from such things as cannot be otherwise then they are , and such as are obvious to every one for making experiments in them all , i meane from naturall things . for divine things are of themselves unsearchable , and are knowne onely so farre , as they are shadowed but in nature , or revealed by the word of god : on the other side , art borrowes all its reason and certainty from nature , and is often deceived . therefore the field of nature chiefly is that , wherein we must search for these idea's , yet not neglecting the help of gods word , the holy scripture , wherein the truest , and amplest designment of the workes of god ( that is , what he hath done , doth , and will doe , and to what end ) is to be found . therefore the rules , whereby our pansophy is to bee evected , must be borrowed from these two , nature , and scripture , whereby all things great and small , high and low , first and last , visible , created and uncreated , may be reduced to such an harmony ( or pan-harmony rather ) as which is true , perfect , and every way compleat , and satisfactory to it selfe , and to things themselves . thus farre have we proceeded in the laying downe of rules for the revising of all things anew : it followes now , that we declare the manner how they are to be disposed of . for we thinke such a method is necessary for our pansophy , as is absolutely perfect , whereunto nothing may be added , and such an one as may so knit mens minds unto the things themselves , that they may find no end , but in the end , and may first reape some solid fruit of their endeavours , before they perceive any difficulties therein ; which we conceive may be attained , . by an accurate anatomizing of the whole universe , if all the veines , and joynts thereof be so cleared , and laid bare , that there may nothing lie hid from our sight , but every thing may appeare in his proper place without any confusion . . it is necessary , that the true signification of words ( especially such as are of more generall use ) be fully agreed upon , that homonymies , and ambiguons expressions breed no more dissentions ; and this will be effected by accurate definitions of things , such as mathematicians usually premise before their demonstrations . . next after the divisions and definitions of things shall follow their rules , lawes , and canons , with their demonstrations annexed . . it is also requisite , that both divisions , definitions , and canons , should be . very cleare and perspicuous , . of certaine use and benefit , . altogether true * , in themselves , in all times and places . for the want of these three conditions , hath not without cause beene hitherto excepted against , both in the writings of philosophers , and divines . many things are set downe so obscurely , that even mercury himselfe would want another mercury to explaine them . many things againe of very little , or no use , and some things which are onely accidentally true . for example , that metaphysicall theoreme substantia non recipit magis & minus , is neither true , nor if it be true , is it of any use . for he that is fully growne up is more a man then an embryo , or infant in the womb : an eagle is more a bird then a bat : the sunne is more light then the moone . and is it not a vaine thing to say , every hogge is an hogge , and every horse is an horse ? for who would gain-say this , or who needs to be told it ? therefore the precepts of pansophy ought to containe nothing in them , but what is worth our serious knowledge . . the generall precepts of pansophy ought to be nothing but reall and practicall axioms , that is , sentences gaining credit of themselves , not to be demonstrated ( a priori ) but onely to be illustrated by examples : as which , so soone as they are understood , cannot but be allowed by all men for a rule of truth . for such generall notions naturally stamped upon our minds , will be like fire-brands to kindle the light of truth , that it may shine unto us in all particulars , and withall will be the first moving wheeles in all our operations . but we must have a speciall care , lest we admit any things for axiomes , which are not so indeed . for it is not without cause that the l. verulam , streso , and others complaine , that the vulgar canons in logick are so farre from being exact rules of truth , or usefull in demonstrations , that they serve onely for disputation , which is performed by excepting , distinguishing , limiting , instancing , and retorting , and indeed appeares to be nothing else but a learned brangling . . all particular theorems throughout the whole pansophy , must be onely speciall diductions of those generals , which went before , without any new addition ; as we see it comes to passe in the growth of trees , and living creatures , new boughs , or members are not brought forth ever yeere , but the former onely grow towards perfection . pansophy being prepared after this sort will be , . easie to be apprehended , for one thing will issue out of the other ; . it will be satisfactory in matter of truth , when all things that follow are grounded in those that went before ; . it will bee of excellent use : for it will be as a cleare mirrour , wherein to behold the natures and grounds of all things that can be known : and indeed such a booke would not onely prove a nursery for all sort of knowledge , but it would also water it , and make it take the deeper root : so that learners should no more be allured by perswasions , but rather compelled by demonstrations to assent to that which is truth , which is the onely way to make one firmely grounded in knowledge . as it is not usuall therefore among mathematicians to say , pythagoras affirmes , that three times three are nine , or euclides makes three sorts of continuall quantity , a line , a superficies , and a solid body . all geometricians agree in this , that the three angles of a triangle , are equall to two right angles ; and he would be hissed at , that should in such things vouch their authorities ; but their manner hath beene to prove by demonstration , that those things are so , and can be no otherwise , though there had never beene any such as euclides or pythagoras : so we would have men ashamed to alledge authorities hereafter , either in metaphysicks , physicks , ethicks , or politicks , wheresoever reason may suffice . now we have designed this in such a method , as that the whole worke of pansophy may proceed on without any repetitions , and that the succinctnesse , and brevity thereof may not ( though the worke be full of closely-couched solidities ) make it the more obscure : for seeing it proceeds on by degrees , those things that goe before will easily cast light upon such as follow . and so may that rule of fortification , no place defends it selfe , but is defended by another , be happily put in practise also in writing of bookes , if all things that are delivered , receive both light and strength from such as were formerly knowne , but in matters of greater moment , the authority of the holy scripture will be requisite to be added , as the witnesse of god himselfe : as also such things must be shewed , and manifested to the very senses , that every man may have liberty to make experiment himselfe of their truth : that , as among mathematicians upon the demonstration of a theoreme necessarily ensues the perfect knowledge thereof , and also a probleme being demonstrated the effect certainely followes : so the precepts of pansophy may supply us with a certainty both of knowledge and operation . . but if there remaine any thing , which cannot be so certainely demonstrated , and yet is profitable to be knowne , let such things be referred among those that are farther to be enquired of , or else the reasons of both parts may be set downe ; that every one may have liberty to use his owne judgement in enclining to either part ; as also that an occasion may be prepared for some or other afterward to dissolve those doubts , and to find out the certaine truth of them . for god communicates his light unto men , but by degrees , and we know that soft and faire goes farre . in the meane while , such things , as shall be perfectly demonstrated , though perhaps they will be few in number , yet they will be of excellent use . for it is farre better to possesse a certaine , full , and perfect knowledge , though but of few things , then to tumble about in uncertainty through the whole intellectuall world . now betweene this booke of pansophy ( if it be once perfected ) and other bookes of continuall use amongst us , there would be as great difference , as there is betweene a musicall instrument exactly framed for a full harmony , and many others that are bounded in compasse of a few notes , and out of tune : or as there is betweene a tune accurately set , or prickt ( by looking on which alone an organist or other musitian is able to expresse most various melodie ) and those sets of musicall bookes in parts , which can onely be made use of by many together , and perhaps many times are full of discords . which booke so often as i consider with my selfe , how greatly it would advance the study of wisedome , i have not , nor do not cease to put up my humble requests unto god , that he would please to stirre up some noble , and heroick minds for the kindling of so great a light in the world . and seeing that he hath made mee one of those , who are sensible of humane imperfection , and do earnestly desire that things may be brought to a better stay : i thought that i should not transgresse the bounds of my duty , if i my selfe should make triall , whether his divine goodnesse would make use of mee ( for that heavenly wind bloweth where it listeth ) for the communicating some small light unto others , or at least , that i should be a spurre unto others , upon whom that divine goodnesse hath bestowed more leisure , parts , and learning for the effecting of greater matters of this sort , then can be performed by me . and what blame can it be to mee , if my desires have beene very vehemently bent towards the benefitting of christian youth , either by my selfe , or others ? yea , and i did greatly feare , lest this so necessary a designe should go no further than mens desires , if my selfe should publish my owne good wishes onely . i have therefore attempted something according to that little which god hath bestowed upon mee , that by that small taste , i might be the better understood , and others also whom god shall please to excite thereunto , may have an example for to follow . but i may not passe over in silence , what the occasion was , which set mee upon so great a worke , as also what order , and method i have used in the compiling of it , and lastly , what successe i have found according to mine owne apprehension : all these i must say something of , because without propounding my owne intentions , i cannot expect from others either any sound or favourable censure of them . but for that which i have performed herein , it shall speake for its selfe in our booke of pansophie , by perusing whereof it will be easie for judicious minds to resolve themselves . it is now above twenty yeares since i was first touched with this desire of searching out some meanes for the easing of those difficulties , that are usuall in the study of learning , and that by occasion of mine owne unhappinesse , which , alasse ! deprived mee of the most part of my youth . for loosing both my parents , while i was yet a child , i began through the neglect of my guardians , but at sixteene yeares of age , to taste of the latine tongue . yet by the goodnesse of god , that taste bred such a thirst of desire in mee , that i ceased not from that time by all meanes and endeavours , to labour the repairing of my lost years : and now not onely for my selfe , but for the good of others also . for i could not but pity others also in this respect , especially in my owne nation , which is too too sloathfull , and carelesse in matter of learning . thereupon i was continually full of thoughts for the finding out of some meanes , whereby more might be enflamed with the love of learning , and whereby learning it selfe might be made more compendious both in matter of the charge , and cost , and of the labour belonging thereunto , that so youth might be brought in a more easie method unto some notable proficiencie in learning . but beeing shortly after at the age of . called to the service of the church , because that divine function challenged all my endeavours , these scolasticke cares were laid aside untill five yeares after : when being by gods permission banished my country with divers others , and forced for my sustenance to apply my selfe to the instruction of youth , i gave my mind to the perusall of divers authors , and lighted upon many , which in this age have made a beginning in reforming the method of studies , as ratichius , helvicus , rhenius , ritterus , glaumius , coecilius , and who indeed should have had the first place , joannes valentinus andreae , a man of a nimble and cleare braine : as also companella , and the lord verulam , those famous restorers of philosophy : by reading of whom i was raised in good hope , that at last those so many various sparkes would conspire into a flame : yet observing here and there some defects , and gaps as it were , i could not containe my selfe from attempting something that might rest upon an unmoveable foundation , and which if it could be once found out , should not be subject to any ruine . therefore after many workings , and tossings of my thoughts , by reducing every thing to the immoveable lawes , and rules of nature , i lighted upon my didactica magna , which shewes the art of readily , and solidly teaching all men all things . according to the canons and rules whereof , when i had assayed a compendious way of teaching the languages , and had published it ( under the title of janua linguarum reserata ) that so i might see how others would approve of it : it happened that it was accepted with much applause , and unanimously approved by the learned , as the true , and most genuine way of teaching the languages . whereupon i apprehended a new occasion to be offered mee of attempting to make an open gate unto the things themselves , or if you will , a key of humane understanding , whereby it might have accesse unto all sorts of things . from which worke , if it proved successefull , i thought there was so much more benefit to be hoped for , by how much it is better to be wise , than to be able to prattle a few latine words . there wanted not some indeed , who were of opinion , that such a gate or key of the things themselves , was altogether impossible : for i did communicate my intentions with my friends : yet that perswasion which i had conceived of the universall , and constant harmony of things , did encourage mee very much to thinke that all such things as come in the compasse of humane understanding , might be reduced unto some certaine rules , which being finite , and perhaps not very many in number , yet should be of infinite use . for thus i reasoned with my selfe : if the tongue , that nimble intepreter of the mind , when it doth most luxuriate in variety of expressions , is yet so bounded , that of necessity it must utter all conceptions of the mind in a few words , why may not also those wandring conceptions be reduced , and brought into bounds according to the nature of things themselves ? for although things as they are in themselves may seeme to have a certaine infinitie in them , yet is it not so indeed : for the world it selfe ( that admirable worke of god ) is framed of a few elements , and some few kinds of formes : and all arts whatsoever have beene invented , may easily be reduced unto a summary and generall method . because therefore things themselves , and their conceptions , and words the expressions of those conceptions are parallel one to the other , and in each of them there are certaine fuodamentalls from which the rest of them result : i thought that it is not impossible , to collect also the fundamentalls of things themselves , and their conceptions , as well as hath been done already in words . also the practise of the chymists came into my mind , who have found out a way so to cleare , and unburden the essences , and spirits of things from the surcharge of matter , that one small drop extracted out of mineralls , or vegetables containes more strength , and vertue in it , and is used with better successe , and efficacie , then can be hoped for from the whole , and entire lumpe . and is there no meanes to be found out , thought i with my selfe , whereby the precepts of wisedome ( so divided in the severall enclosures of sciences , yea and infinitely dispersed out of their due bounds ) may bee united and concentred together ? why should i despaire ? all despaire is a dishonour to god , who hath promised to hearken unto all , such as aske , and seeke , and knocke . therefore i concluded with my selfe , that it was possible to plant such an universall nursery of learning . and then in the name of god i set upon this worke , observing the same method herein , which i used in composing the gate of languages . first , that ( as i did there with all the words of the latine tongue , so here also ) all things worthy of mans knowledge should be collected together , as into a treasury . secondly , that nothing should be set downe above once , unlesse onely such , as by reason of their connexion , and relation with others were necessary for the others explication . thirdly , that nothing should be set downe but in its owne place , and proper sense , according to the most naturall order of things , and in most cleare expressions , that herein might be summarily , and clearly learned all things that are contained in all bookes , and libraries , and in the whole world it selfe . which if we had so effectually performed , as to set open a gate to the understanding of all things , and all bookes , without the helpe of others to guide men therein , it may be wee might have shared of that praise which timothy bright ascribes unto such , as are inventors of brevity , and perspicuity . for saith he , among all the parts of philosophy , wherein such as are lovers of truth , and of the best things , have taken paines , there is none more profitable for life , or which gives the mind a more reall content , then that which helps the other arts with brevity and perspicuity . therefore we ought thankfully to acknowledge their endeavours , who have bestowed their paines to this end , that learners may be eased of all tediousmesse and prolixity , and freed from all ambiguous labyrinths , and thorny difficulty . ( super scribonii phys . cap. . ) it suiteth very neere with the present case , for when we first attempted this worke , our intentions aimed no farther than onely at a short and perspicuous comprehension of all things that are to be knowne . but in the progresse of the worke , gods goodnesse suggested a more sublime care , and thought into our minds , that wee should labour to rectifie all things so , as wee might have them truer , and better , and more fitted ( for us christians ) for the intents both of this present , and the future life . of the necessity of which intention , i have already discoursed sufficiently . that therefore this worke might indeed prove a gate , not onely into the reading of authors , but rather into the whole universality of things , i referred hither all things , that i could find extant either in divine or humane workes or writings : not by an unprofitable , and superstitious diligence , making catalogues of all , and singular things , but rather by a true discovery of the grounds of all things , and in things of greater moment , by a more speciall explication of what is most observable , which might easily conclude the rest . whence perhaps some things will be here found out , and pointed at , not onely such as are newly invented , but even such as remaine still to be invented , which are no where else to be found . for wee have found our selves so farre carried in this new , and generall order of things , that no man seemeth hitherto to have reached thereto . and to the end that this booke might also prove a dore into the holy scriptures , i have endeavoured to insert all the decrees of holy writ every one in his place among the rules of pansophy , & to bring most of the histories thereof for examples : to this intent , that youth being acquainted with all those great , and pretious promises bestowed upon us , by which wee are partakers of the divine nature , ( pet. . . ) may not onely be fore-armed against the infection of prophane authors , when time shall require the reading of them , but also against all other stumbling blockes in the whole course of their lives . . i have laboured to bring in all the most obscure passages of scripture in their proper places , that so the due citation , and alleaging of them might be as a comment , and cleare apprehension of their meaning , ( of which kind of places of scripture there may be annexed a particular table . ) . i have laboured so to make use of the phrases , and acute expressions in holy scripture throughout my booke , that youth may be acquainted both with the matter , and stile of the holy spirit , and may not easily meete with any thing in the whole body of the bible , which they knew not formerly . neither do wee addict our selves unto any particular sect in our divinity , but we deliver the universall , and catholique truth : as for those things which lead unto dangerous by-wayes , whence it is hard to find the right way out , wee meddle not at all with them . for we judge it better to be ignorant of some things , than to know them amisse ( as the apostle intimates , philip. . , . ) although i hope our grounds , and fundamentals are so well fitted , and so firmly closed , that the understanding reader will easily judge , that there remaines little danger of by-wayes , and errours , most part of stumbling blockes being removed out of the way . for as it is impossible for him , which in two contradictory propositions ( of which many may be found in the scripture according to the letter ) addicts himselfe irreconciliably unto the one , but that the other will urge , & strain him very far : so also it is impossible , but that they being reconciled , & combined together in a true , & middle sense , all difficulties , scandals , & doubts wil vanish of themselves to the great rejoycing of our minds . for by this means whatsoever truth there is in either opinion , it groneth sweetly into one , & whatsoever is vain , or erroneous on either part , presently it disappeareth ; which that it is the only means of uniting all truths in the center of harmony , & of ridding all controversies out of the world , we have already declared . for our order of handling the sciences , we hope that by gods grace we have attained so farre as that men may finde here an handfull of such a method , as doth divide and dispose things for our sight , according as they are . for i trust we have discovered the true veines of things in our metaphysickes , which if wee follow them will most easily conduct us unto all individuals , and to the true nature of the least and nicest conceptions and words : so that we may hereby make a new anatomie of the universe , and truer than any hath hitherto beene seene . neither doe they consist of such intricate subtilties , as can be discerned onely by the learned , and those that are already versed in such matters , but they are so plaine and pervious unto any , though but of moderate apprehension , that even children of eight yeares of age may easily conceive of our whole metaphysickes , and ( by benefit thereof ) of all the inferiour arts , and sciences with very little paines , but with much delight , and contentation . that which is the strength , and nerves of science , i frame it into aphorismes , or axioms , but , as i hope , into such as are true and solid , not such as are trifling , and exposed to the blows of contrary instances and exceptions , not such as must be defended with the weake shields of limitations , but such as will persist unmoveable of themselves , by the lustre and force of their universall truth . neither in the delivery of these things , though evidently true , do wee presuppose any thing , as if we would gaine mens assent by stealth or flattery , but we premonstrate rather , that is , wee deduce one thing out of another continually , from the first principles of metaphysickes , untill we come to the last , and least differences of things : and this with such evidence of truth , as the propositions of the mathematicians have , when they are demonstrated , so that there is a necessity of yeelding to the last as well as to the first , for the continuall , and no where interrupted demonstration of their truth . onely in our introduction or bookes of the praecognita ) we could not observe this course , by reason of the causes of things not yet delivered . therefore there wee deale with humane understanding , as horse-riders do with colts , when they first breake them . for at first they use easie bits , such as will rather delight then trouble them , and runne them first on smooth and pleasant grounds , before they use them to the ring . one thing is singular , and even wonderfull in our method , that all the chiefest divisions of things are made by a trichotomie , which i protest i sought not by any superstitious affectation , but that it offered it selfe freely unto mee in things of greatest moment , even from the first attributes of things ( one , true , good ) that i was for a while at a stand , being amazed with the newnesse of the thing . but being erected in expectation by those examples that i first lighted on , i began to try it other where , and found it every where to proceed . therefore not daring to oppose the truth of things , which represented it selfe so in a threefold mystery , but rather heartily embracing so great an harmony of the sacred ternary , i prosecuted it in other things also , without offering them any violence ( as i am fully perswaded ) but even as they divide themselves of their owne accord . and i thought this would be very profitable for learners also : first , in regard of their memory , which useth to proceed methodically , both in bestowing , and reviving of things . secondly , for the understanding of the things themselves , because their nature doth for the most part discover it selfe most clearely in this way ; wherein i appeale unto the judgement of all such as shall piously , and seriously , and in the feare of god , weigh these things : being confident , that thereby they shall perceive not any vaine fancies , but even the truth of things themselves . let therefore this christian pansophy , unfolding the ternary mysteries be sacred unto that eternall trinity , jehovah , god onely wise , almighty , most good , and ever to be worshipped . let no man be offended with the word pansophy ; wee know there is but one truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the onely wise god , rom. . . that which we professe , is humane pansophy , or the knowledge of such things as god will have us to know , together with a discreet ignorance of such things , as our great master hath concealed from us . secret things belong unto the lord our god , but such things as are revealed , unto us , and to our children , deut. . . and we counsell men not to neglect these things by a carelesse , and unthankfull ignorance of them . and because in christ are hidden all the treasures of wisdome , and knowledge , coloss . . . and we chiefely labour to unfold the mysteries of christ , that men may understand how by him , the eternall wisdome , and power of god , all things have beene , and are to be made , untill the end come ( when he shall have delivered the kingdome to his father , and shall have put down all rule , and all authority , and power , cor. . . ) and that they may yeeld themselves to the guidance of his spirit ; seeing , i say , we teach such things , why may we not justly assume unto our selves the teaching of the true and saving knowledge of all things ? it becomes us christians , and none others , to professe pansophy , for out of christianity , there neither is , nor can be any pansophy . which augustine of old mantained ( lib. . contra acad. cap. . ) proving that onely christianity is true philosophy . and not without cause , for seeing divine revelation is no where to be met withall , out of the church , and without it our understandings can reach no farther , then this present life , and our lives themselves are so short , that we beginne even to die , when we beginne to live ; what can there be considerable in such wisdome as is gathered onely from the senses , & from natural reason , which is not much before them ? it may in deed for a few dayes feed us with some painted joncates , and afterward send us empty away . he therefore is wise in deed , who is wise for eternity : yet so that he learn withal , for to passe over this present life with as much wisdome as may be . worthily was it said by a spiritual man , christians onely may be said to know , because they have it from god , all others doe but trifle , because they have it of themselves . and i will adde , that true pansophy is the onely way to holy ignorance , because it alone teacheth us , how all our knowledge is but like a shadow , if it be compared with the splendor of that eternall wisdome which is in god. we have therefore a threefold ground , why this manner of study , which we counsell others to , and which wee are now about , should be called pansophy , or universall wisdome . first , in regard of the proportion of the things themselves to humane understanding , for we would not have them torne asunder one from another , seeing the understanding is capable of them all . secondly , in respect of the sciences themselves , which we propose not as severall , and divers , but as one science comprehending all things within its owne compasse . thirdly , in regard of those , for whose benefit it is intended , i meane of all christians in generall : so that the fruit of this worke may be reaped by three sorts : by the learned ; by youth in schooles ; and by all the vulgar in generall among christians . but because we have not undertaken to write a perfect pansophy , but onely the gate thereof , we doe not prosecute all things , ( which would be infinite , and farre beyond any one mans abilities ) but onely the hinges and bases of all things . and s●eing i professe my selfe a divine , who doe , and ought to make it my chiefest end , to shew others the way how they may see through visible , and externall things unto those , that are invisible , and eternall ; who can justly blame me , if i have passed over some things more sleightly , which conduce to this end ? of which sort is almost the whole science of the law , which is employed in nothing but contentions about earthly and transitory things , that is , in trifles , and vanities . and the lawyers themselves confesse that there is little sublime wisdome in it . for befoldus , one of the most famous lawyers of our age ( near the end of his discourse concerning the comprehension , or content of all the arts and sciences ) writeth thus . i may justly determine that that high , & excellent learning , which men for the large extent of it , call polymathie , is exceedingly beholden to divinity , and not a little to physick , but the law only contributes very little towards it . therefore i doe not goe about to excuse the matter , that i being a divine should attempt to circumscribe this polymathy , i will rather rejoyce , that god pleaseth to honour me by making use of me ( how meane an instrument soever ) for the discovering of his goodnesse unto men . i account the gospell , which christ hath committed to me , most sacred , and dearer then my owne life , neither doe i desire or endeavour any other thing , then to be found a faithfull dispenser of his mysteries . but because i know , that christ hath said unto peter not onely , feed my sheep , but also , feed my lambs , john . . i am most confident that it is the duty of all divines to take care , that as well these , as the other , may be brought backe unto the rich pastures upon the high mountaines of israel , where they may lie in a good fold , and feed in a fat pasture , ezech. . , , . that those sheepe , and lambs of gods flock , may be gathered together againe , especially then when the beasts of the field cause them to be scattered one from another . therefore with the prophet , i will blesse the lord , who wakeneth mine eare , that i should be , as he that attendeth and learneth . neither will i stand to excuse the rudenesse of my stile ; as for tickling of mens eares , neither can i , nor will i doe it . there are more then enough of such kind of men in the world : and there is more need of composing mens minds , that they may embrace pure , and untinctur'd wisdome , which may the better be effected , if things be nakedly delivered without any plaistring , or bravery of expressions . i desire nothing , but to expresse the sense , and therefore with pliny , will rest upon the wisdome of such , as are good and learned , that they will preferre reall benefit and profit , before gracefull pleasing , and esteeme better of a compendious , and close wrought serious matter , then of a lavish , and flashing stile . this is rather my desire and request , that men would not out of a precipitancie of judgment condemne things before they understand them , which i have great cause to feare . for i know there are many , that being bewitched with the great fame , and report of antiquity , will presently , though not without some blemish of indiscretion , reject whatsoever is new , as meerely fantasticall , and vaine , not so much as daigning to give it the hearing , or perusall . but such men should remember that of solomon , he that answereth a matter before he heareth it , it is a folly , and shame unto him , prov. . . i desire not that any man should yeeld his assent to a thing hee knowes not , for to doe me a pleasure , but that men would consider whether that which i offer , will impart unto them any cleare light in things , and afford them the infallible rules of vertue , to which it doth pretend . for my owne part , i am verily so perswaded by the testimony of the things themselves . yet because the thoughts of mortall men are fearfull , and their devices uncertaine , wisd . . . i doe hereby cheerefully invite all such unto the triall of it , whom god hath made so apprehensive and judicious , as that they are able to judge of the universality , brevity , and truth of things . such i intreat , that laying aside the false glasses of former opinions , they would with free minds , and in open light behold this small theater of the world , and not to judge of things according to what they have formerly had by hearsay , but according to the things themselves , which we hold forth to be handled and seene . for unlesse they doe thus , they will cast a cloud , not so much upon the things , as upon themselves : as he that lookes through coloured glasse , doth not colour , or alter the things he sees , but deceives his owne sight . therefore it is a thing worthy of mens care , that they hinder not themselves by heeding their owne opinions more , then the truth of things . and i thinke that all discreet persons will take pleasure in it , if we once attaine ( according to the priviledge which is common to us all ) to looke into things without any overseers , and that learners be not distracted with opinions of things , but have the things themselves , freely laid before them to see , and handle , and peruse . neither let any man suspect that we remove other mens decrees out of the way , to make roome for our owne . we detest such kind of vanities . we neither have , nor doe intend any other thing , but only simply to transcribe out of gods bookes , nature , and scripture , into a table for our owne use , such things as concerne this present , and the future life , according as they present themselves unto us ; which if we doe not fitly enough effect , it shall be our failing , and not our fraud . we are not of such account , that we should thinke to make disciples to our selves , yet daring enough to seeke them for nature , and for god. for this onely end have we endeavoured this new anatome of the universe , that all such as love truth better then opinions , might be led away from other bookes , unto the greatest book of all : not that we slight all authorities ; but because we know , that they are abused to the hurt and prejudice of the freedome of mens judgements , we hold it very fit they should be a while suspended , untill there be liberty of piercing sufficiently into the things themselves . in deed in our first and second booke of pansophy , wee cite some things out of philosophers , for to establish the grounds of pansophy , yet not in it selfe , but onely in their minds , who being fore-clad with opinions , are to be stripped of them , even by perswasion of the same men , whom they have hitherto followed as their leaders . but more rarely afterward , and in matters of great consequence onely , we cite some others , who have heretofore observed the same truths : yet not as judges , but as witnesses , from whose testimony it may appeare , that whatsoever hath beene heretofore rationally concluded by any men , is necessarily coincident with those things which are wrought out of the bowels of truth . secondly , to the end , that a perfect , and solid judgement may passe upon this our designe , it will be requisite , that all things be survayed from the beginning to the end . for unlesse a man understand upon what ground all things arise , and what coherence they have together , it will be in vaine for him to thinke to give censure upon it by that which hee hath snatched here , and there . for the most easie gradation of things being interrupted , causeth a stop , and difficulty . every man is able to get up to the top of an high tower , and to come downe againe , if there be steps for him to ascend by ; but take away some few steps , and he is presently at a stand , or fals into a precipice . when a painter begins a peece , no man will be so rash , as to blurre the first draught of it , though as then it hath no beauty in it ; but he will stay till it is compleat , and then he may have his judgement , whether it be answerable to the person . a comedy cannot be judged by one scene , or act , much lesse by one sentence , because therein many things intervene , which seeme very intricate , and absurd : but the catastrophe or end will discover the whole art , and plot of it . and lastly , whether i have reached or not , unto that which i have propounded , yet i earnestly intreat the learned readers , that they will not suffer me to faile of my end , which is , that these things may serve to the improvement of our age . for either i understand nothing at all , or else those things , which i make offer of , are really such , as may open the eyes of many to take better order for the studies of learning , and consequently for schooles , churches , and all mankind . which shall be the first use of this our worke , pertaining to those that are learned : that being excited by this new draught of true , solid , & universal learning , they may adventure upon some more perfect peeces then have yet beene seene in learnings treasury . the marke which we have pitched , is such , that all mens endeavours ought to be leveld at , ( unlesse they would have them for ever to come to nothing ) we have clearely set in order such meanes , which infallibly lead unto that end , as also we have discovered the certaine way how to make use of those meanes : and lastly , we give you a taste of all things , how they result into one onely art of arts , among all things that are to be knowne . wherein notwithstanding if any scapes , or failings happen to be espied , as that we have not sufficiently reached our owne aimes , or have not contained our selves precisely within our owne limits , i thinke i need not to frame any tedious excuse : because that most diffused multitude of things , which is able to tire out any one mans diligence , and that intricate , and subtill variety of them , which is able to deceive the quickest eye , will , i hope , be a sufficient plea for my pardon , among such as are able to esteeme aright of things . especially , seeing nothing was ever yet invented , and brought to full perfection by any one man. and why should i , a weake man , assume that unto my selfe , which was never yet granted unto any ? or why should that be required of me alone , which was never yet required of any ? it is enough for any one mans diligence , or praise , ( if any may be here admitted , where onely gods glory is sought ) to make a beginning of any thing , which may afterward be raised unto high perfection . but that it may be so raised , it is now to be committed to others industry , whose hearts god shall please to stirre up thereunto , as he did in times past to the building of the materiall temple in his holy city jerusalem . god , that he might excite them thereunto , commands the prophet thus to expostulate with them , this people say , the time is not yet come , that the lords house should be built . but is it time for you to dwell in your fieled houses , and this house lie wast ? now therefore thus saith the lord of hosts , consider your wayes . yee have sowen much , and bring in little ; yee eate , but yee have not enough ; yee drinke , but yee are not filled with drinke ; yee cloath you , but yee are not warme ; and he that earneth wages , putteth it into a broken bagge . thus saith the lord of hosts , consider your wayes , haggai . heare yee this also o yee , that are leaders among christians in learning , and wisdome , for it is even your owne case . it is a frequent saying , this is no time for aspiring unto any higher sort of wisdome , that is reserved for the future life . and too many there are , that contenting themselves with these thoughts , set up their rest in a partiall , and obscure knowledge of things , joyned with a few private delights , and seeke no farther . but what benefit ensues ? yee have sowen much , it is the voyce of god himselfe , ( that is , yee have taken great paines in the polishing of your parts ) but you bring in little : yee eate , yea , yee devoure bookes , and are not satisfied : yee drinke of every water you meet withall , and yet are not filled : yee cloath your selves , and cast as many mantles of authorities over you , as you can purchase , and yet you are never warmed by the light of truth . o therefore consider your wayes , and be encouraged to the building of a more stately temple for wisdome to dwell in , whatsoever paines , and charge it costs us : that wee may i say by divine art erect an elegant structure of wisdome exactly answerable to the patterne , wherein may be no confusions , nor any thing that is frivolous , and unprofitable ; but all things that are true , profitable , and desirable : that so men being weaned from the vaine study of transitory things , and cleared of their high conceipts of vanities , may be invited to draw out of the very fountaines of truth , and goodnesse , and led unto the possession of reall goods . which may be effected , if such a gate of wisdome be set open for christian youth , that they may come to behold the rich treasures of it . which leads me to the second , and most wholsome , and seasonable use of this our worke ; to wit , for the instruction of youth . for as new vessels are fittest for new wine ( as christ saith , matth. . . ) . so the minds of children ; like new , and pure vessels , not yet filled with vaine apprehensions of vaine knowledge , are most fit to draw in these new , and purer conceptions of things : and by this meanes will be accustomed , not to superficiall , and opinionative knowledge , such as is usuall for ostentation of parts , and for streperous disputations , and contentions : but to a more reall , solid , and well grounded wisdome : such as will serve for sound direction of the judgement , for multiplying of new inventions among men , and for a more perfect guide to lead us toward eternall blisse , the last end of our lives . and thirdly , our intention is , that this amphitheater of gods wisdome , being thus raised , should be made common for all mankind , by inviting all christian people of what ranke , age , sexe , or language soever , and bringing them in to see , and behold what admirable sights & pastime , that ever to be adored wisdome of god exhibits unto all men in all times , and places . for every mothers child that comes into this world , is to be directed to the same end of gods glory , and his owne eternall blisse : none ought to be excluded , neither man , nor woman , neither old man , nor child , neither noble , nor ignoble , neither crafts-man , nor plough-man , &c. for we are all alike , the off-spring of god , acts . . and it is said alike unto all , that come into the theater of this world , come , and behold the workes of the lord , psal . . . and lastly , all of us are to passe a tedious , and troublesome life , which breaketh , and afflicteth the spirit ( as solomon witnesseth ) so that all have great need of preservatives against vanity , and refreshings in their wearinesse , which helps can no where be found , but in the possession of true wisdome . we therefore desire , and entreat , that learning may not any longer be confined to the latine tongue , and imprisoned in schooles , as hath hitherto beene practised to the great prejudice , and contempt both of vulgar people , and languages : but that it may be communicated unto all nations in their owne languages , that all men may have occasion of exercising themselves in such honest , and good things , rather then , as is commonly used , to weary out themselves with the cares of this life , with ambition , drunkennesse , and other like vaine courses , and so to mispend , and lose both their parts , and lives . by this meanes also , languages themselves will be polished , as well as the arts , and sciences . to which ends we our selves intend also , if god so please , to publish these our endeavours both in the latine , and in our native tongue . for no man lighteth a candle to put it under a bushell , but on a candlesticke , that it may give light unto all that are in the house , as christ saith , matth. . . and what profit is there in wisdome , which is hid , and treasure , which is hoarded up ? ecclesiastious . . those therefore that bend their studies to the seeking of wisdome , ought to make it their endeavour , that they may herein follow the steps of wisdome , which saith , behold , that i have not laboured for my selfe onely , but for all them that seeke wisdome . and upon this ground we have somewhat altered our title from that which was in our former work , calling this a gate , rather then a dore. it was enough that we called our entrance into the latine tongue a dore , in this matter the word gate seemes to drive more neerely at our intentions . for one by one enters in at a dore , but whole troupes through a gate . a dore is shut as every one is entred in : but gates in peaceable cities , stand alwayes open . and so the study of the latine tongue , which we first endeavoured to open , is peculiar unto some few ; but the desire of wisdome is common unto all mankind . those that will , or are necessitated thereto , enter in there : but it is the duty of all men living to come in hither , as we have already made it cleare . therefore let it be an open , and wide gate which leades unto wisdome . grant o lord , that we may on earth see some resemblance of that which thou hast foretold shall be in thy heavenly jerusalem , that the gates of it may not at all bee shut by day , and there may be no more night there , revel . . v. . amen . a dilvcidation , answering certaine obiections , made against the endeavovrs and means of reformation in common learning , expressed in the foregoing discourse . by mr. iohn amos comenius . joh . . , . every one that doth evill hateth the light , neither commeth to the light , lest his deeds should be reproved . but he that doth truth commeth to the light , that his deeds may be made manifest that they are wrought in god. london , printed for michael sparke senior , at the blew bible in greene arbor , . to the ivdiciovs , and learned readers , lovers of truth and light , and survayers of this designe , all true happinesse in christ our truth and light. it was a discreet and wise discourse , which the mother of those seven brethren martyrs ( maccab. . , . ) used to them : i cannot tell how you came into my wombe , for i neither gave you breath , nor life ; neither was it i , that formed the members of every one of you : but the creator of the world , who formed the generation of man , and found out the beginning of all things . the like may they say of the off-spring of their minds , who out of a pious disposition to god , offer up , and sacrifice themselves , and their endeavours to him , to wit , that themselves are not the authours of those things , which succeed well , but that it is god , who hath found out all the way of knowledge , and hath given it ( by what instruments soever ) unto jacob his servant , and to israel his beloved , as baruch saith , chap. . vers . . and god himselfe ascribeth to himselfe the bestowing and conferring of wisedome , for the performance of his owne commands , ( exod. . . ) now god commands not onely when he speakes from heaven , and expressely declares , what hee will have done , as he did to the prophets : but also when inwardly he enlightens the mind , or outwardly ministers , and presents occasions of action ( king. . , . ) such as may be easily observed by any one , who will but carefully heed , and note the footsteps , and guidance of divine providence in things both great and small . my selfe ( though the least of all ) am not without some experience of the effectuall concurrence , and sweete disposition of all things , by that admirable wisedome of our god : that wee must needs confesse every usefull apprehension , or invention to proceed from god , and not from our selves , and thereupon we may solace our selves , though malice rage , and teare both us and our issue , which we have consecrated to god , because it is not chiefly our , but gods cause that is in agitation . not many yeares since occasion was offered mee by gods providence to compose a worke for direction in teaching the latine tongue , ( as other languages also ) more compendiously , according to the true series and order of things , which by the perswasion of my friends , and approbation of superiours , i published under the title of linguarum janua ( following therein the example of the irish fathers , of the colledge of salamanca in spaine , who first gave mee the hint thereof , which being commonly received into schooles with great applause , incouraged mee to intend my thoughts for the framing of a janua rerum : an entrance to the knowledge of things themselves . for i thought it not enough to teach what is called white , blacke , hot , cold , a plant , a man , an angell , heaven , god , christ , &c. there is more need of teaching , what those things are , that the understanding may be rather acquainted with the essence of things , than with their names ; which when i had assayed by some small endeavours , i was easily invited to the hope of a prosperous successe of them . in the meane while d. peter laurenberg sets out under the title of * pansophia , an encyclopaedia , or generall comprehension of all the arts , which having viewed with great desire , and expectation , and not finding it answerable to the amplenesse of the title ( for nothing was therein contained of the object and fountaine of true wisedome , which is christ , nothing of the life to come , and the way thereto , &c. wherein to be wise is wisedome indeed ) i thought it a fit occasion to supply , what was there wanting : that whatsoever is fit to be taught , and learned in christian schooles , might be comprised in one summary , and in such a method , which might instill the knowledge of all things into youth , more suddenly , and soundly , and more suitablely to the intents both of the present , and the future life . for ( to tell you by the way ) my intent was to epitomize those bookes of god , nature , scripture , and mans conscience , that what things soever are , they might be all here digested into one continued series and order , divine revelations might be applyed to illustrate them withall , and the common and inbred notions and apprehensions of humane minds might be referred to their severall uses . by this meanes wee intended , . to make the holy scripture more familiar among christians then formerly it hath beene . . to put into mens hands a clavis , or key , wherewith they might unlocke most of the greatest mysteries , both in nature and scripture . . to draw men more and more from the studies and cares of this life , to the serious thoughts of life eternall , and that by such means , as which those , who have beene privie to the depth of our intentions , have and do still judge may be profitable for the bettering of men . there wanted not some ( some five yeares since ) who perswaded and urged mee to the publishing of this worke , as i had done the former . but in this i being not so adventurous , as before , nothing more could be obtained of mee , than onely for the discovery of mens judgements hereupon to publish the title thereof in the frankford catalogue of such bookes as were to come forth the next mart. hereupon it came to passe more then once , that this title of janua rerum , or christian pansophie , was sold publikely , which soone after i recalled , not thinking it meete to blow the trumpet before my selfe , especially in such things , wherein delay is necessary : yet being desired by an intimate friend ( one that is piously ardent in his affections to the publique good ) to communicate some idea , or description of the worke in hand , i sent him a carelesse draught of that , which i intended afterward to premise in manner of a preface to the worke , which beyond my expectation , and without my knowledge , was printed at oxford , ( entituled conatuum comenianorum praeludia ) with a good intent indeed ( that so the learned might partake of it , and passe their judgements on it ) yet with an event not fully answerable to that good mans hope . for though many learned and worthy men , forecasting much good from such a worke , encouraged us very much , and still persist to presse us , not to relinquish the designe , and some of more excellent spirits , and abilities , do promise their helping hands , and endeavours . yet some there were , who thought us not excusable of strange and unusuall rashnesse for attempting of things so impossible , and above the reach of humane understanding . and some also , which is worse , who from some words ( used as they thought , not in an orthodoxe sense ) gathered suspicions more than enough , fearing that some poyson was mingled , or some monster lurked under the trimnesse of the method . lastly , there were some , who seeing wee deferred the publishing ( though we had good reason so to doe , lest the birth , which we desired might be vitall , should prove abortive , by coming before the time ) thought that wee had fastned a cheat upon the world by promising that which was so much wanting , and pretending it as already neere effected : or else that wee had fallen under the burthen , and all our promises were turned into smoke . all which laid together set us on worke a fresh to write that which here thou findest ( christian reader ) for the better clearing , and discovering of our wishes , intentions , and endeavours . this was written by us , and printed , by the approbation and injunction of the patrons of our churches here ( after a serious deliberation thereupon in a late solemne assembly ) not to be made common , but to be communicated to those whom it may concerne . hence therefore you may know : . that our draught of pansophie is no dreame , but a reall worke . . that here lurkes no monster , but that our intent is to unvaile before all mens eyes , the true and amiable faces of things , as they were formed by that eternall wisdome , and imprinted in things , that so they may be wonne , and instructed to reject those wicked and devillish disguises of false doctrine , and ill manners . for my purpose was not to coyne any new tenets , nor to burnish over old errours , but to collect together scattered truths , both naturall , artificiall , morall , and divine ; to digest them in such a continued order ( that there might be no end , but in the end ; and so digested to direct , and fit them for the ready use of schooles , or of any , who would desire to take a compendious view of the amphitheater of gods wisedome . when i therefore was thus minded , did i use lightnesse ? or the things that i purpose , do i purpose according to the fiesh ? as saith the apostle , cor. . . if any ill suiting expression hath passed , i wish it were unspoken , for i submit my selfe and mine to the churches judgement . but let wise men judge whether it be fitting to reject a faire , and well proportioned body for one small spot or blemish . hee that knowes all things knowe , this , that my desires tend to no other end , than for the kindlings of an universall light in mens minds , which god hath made mee to find possible to be effected , by a certaine well composed method borrowed from nature , whereby all the rivulets of humane observations , as also the greater streames of divine workes , and words , are all reduced to their proper fountaines , and againe dispersed in their true veines , for the easier deriving of a more universall knowledge into mens minds than could formerly be compassed by such meanes , as have beene used . for while prolixe and tedious things are reduced to brevity , confused things cleared by distinction , obscurity manifested by light , all things become pervious , and transparent to the understanding . yet here , because the deeper wee dive into these things , the more doth the splendor of gods wisedome dazle , and the multitudinous variety of his wayes , and workes distract us , the judicious readers , and examiners of this designe , may please to take notice , that wee cannot but doubt of attaining so excellent an end ( as is an exact , and lively representation answerable to , and worthy of the majesty , and dignity of the universe ) unlesse some do appeare to lend us their helping hands , that else may sinke under the burden of such a structure ; which we thinke may justly be both expected and desired in a thing of common benefit . but indeed it is much to be lamented , that mens inconsideratenesse should discover it selfe so farre , as purposely to affront , raile upon , and reproach , yea even to wound such , as in a friendly way hold forth not a sword , but a branch of olive , being ready in stead of tumultuous opinion , s to exhibit and tender something towards more reall , and exquisite science . some examples hereof our age hath beene acquainted with , and we our selves have had experience of it , from such as had small cause so to doe . miserable , and lamentable ! that men cannot remember , what difference useth to be put betweene learning and armes ! is it not enough , that the world almost , is consumed by the sword , unlesse pennes also , and tongues be turned to swords ? let armes beare that character of wrath , which an angry god imprints upon them , when he sends them into the world to be like that great and strong wind renting the mountaines , and breaking the rockes in pieces with earthquakes , and flames of fire : yet it is fit , that learning which is the instrument of wisedome , should be stamped with the the character of divine presence , which comes in a still small voyce , without tumultuous noyse . neither is there any thing more fitting , than that wise and pious men , wrapping up their faces , as it were in a mantle , should with elias , stand waiting at the entrance of the cave , to see , what favourable breath of god may blow from any part . otherwise , what wil the world be the better for those odious disputations , wherewith it hath so long contested ? wherefore laying aside that preposterous , and too long continued spirit of contradiction and opposition , let us with common endeavours search out the wayes of gods wisedome , that so getting a tast of it , as it is sweetly diffused on every side , wee may the more comfortably passe this mortall life , and be more fitted and prepared for that which is immortall . my desire is not to begge mens assents to this designe , before it be understood , but that affection , and prejudice may not over-sway reason . i wish it may be examined ; but fairely , and by free and impartiall minds : because anticipated thoughts , & respect of men more than of things themselves , to gether with the humor of defending old opinions , rather than of searching for the truth , do keepe in bondage , and enslave even the nimblest wits . i oppose no man , why then should i be opposed ? i declare the meanes of reconciling those , who are any waies devoted to truth , why should any be irreconcileable towards mee ? although i confesse , — monitis sum minor ipse meis , i am not able fully to effect what i pretend , yet am i therfore worthy to be hated ? it was not confidence of any extraordinary learning , or strength of parts which moved mee to attempt to describe the bounds of universall wisedome : but because i know , that that which god hath put into my mind , will be most profitable to the world , i thought that no occasion ought to be lost , for the inciting of others , who are more able to set about such a great worke : so that i chose rather to venture my selfe into the view of the world , than to reserve in mine owne breast that , which might be for others encouragement . for seeing the marke , whereat i aime , is so high , and so to be desired of all mankind , if i come short of effecting it , i shall deserve pity rather than hatred . it is great inhumanity to inflict punishment on him , that laboureth to doe good , but most just , that he who goeth along the publique road , should enjoy publique security , and that the promoter of the common good , should be partaker of common safety and protection . but let us proceed to the matter it selfe , that we may once more publish our desires , for the flourishing estate of the church . i will therefore conclude this preface in saint augustines words : my speech shall be directed to thy presence , o my god , to them , who yeeld those things to be true , which thy truth continually testifieth in my mind . for , for those who gainsay them , let them rustle as they list , i will endeavour to perswade them to be quiet , and not to resist thy word , when it approacheth to them . which if they refuse , and repell mee from them , yet i beseech thee , o my god , not to hold thy peace from mee : speake thou the truth in mine heare : for thy word is so powerfull , that i shall send them away blowing on the ground , and raising up the dust in their owne eyes , &c. o lord god have compassion , and suffer not this unfeathered foule to be quashed under feet by those who passe by : send thine angell to returne it to its nest , that it may live till it be able to fly . ( august . lib. . confess . cap. . & . ) it hath beene the endeavour of many worthy men in times past , to collect a summary , or generall comprehension of all learning , because they saw well enough , that the light of the mind is very uncertaine , unlesse the beames of the truth of things be from every side concentred in it . aristotle himselfe saith , that a wise man should know all things , as farre as it is possible : and that such principles must be laid , by which all demands may be satisfied : and that he must begin from such things as are best knowne , and therefore from universals , and that we must attaine a strong certainty of things , and that not of any sort , but from their causes ; ( as joh . bellarinus hath gathered out of aristotle in his praxis scientiarum , lib. . distinct . . num. ) so that , for that omniscience which is possible for a man to attaine , the philosopher requireth these three things : . universality of principles . . a true ordered method . . infallible certainty of truth . according to which rules not onely aristotle himselfe , and others of the auncients strived to frame their workes , and writings , but also many late writers ( who have composed their encyclopedias , polymatheias , panepistemonas , artes cyclognomicas , syntaxes artis mirabilis , instaurationes magnas , transformationes scientiarum , theatra sapientiae humanae , omniscientias christianas , pansophias , panangias , panarchias , pancosmias , and many other intituled in the like manner ) whose endeavours though they have beene all commendable , yet their successe hath beene divers , according as their intentions also were . the purpose of some was to digest into one body all the variety of learning , which is to be found in libraries onely scattered and intermingled . others would do it , but not without choyce , some of subtilties , some of elegancies , some of things for use of life , and some againe in a method more strict , and tyed to the things themselves , others have taken more liberty of discourse according to their owne humours . but whatsoever was either purposed or performed by any of them , yet we may justly apply seneca's speech unto them all . our predecessors have performed many things , but not perfected them . there is much worke still behind , and still will be , and he that shall be borne a thousand yeares hence , shall have his turne to adde something ( epist . . ) and why should not others also be heard , who bring any thing that is beneficiall ? and wee among the rest , who would perswade , that a worke might be composed every way universall : not onely for the use of youth in schooles , and of the learned , but even of all vulgar christians ; that all of them in generall may be instructed in wisedome : even as we have expressed our desires ( in that praeludium of our pansophicall endeavours ) that a booke might be written , which might be a solid breviary of universall learning ; a cleare light for humane understanding ; an exact and stable rule of truth ; a certaine and directive register of the affaires of our life ; and lastly , an happy ladder towards god himselfe . the grounds and reasons whereof , are there so in generall unfolded , that many have consented with us , that no doubt need be made either of the necessity , or possibility of it : but because some have beene jealous , that by this meanes divine and humane wisedome would be confounded together , i have taken occasion to propound these things more distinctly , and upon such a ground , which should also alter the title of the booke . by making this inscription . the temple of christian * pansophie to be erected and framed according to the rules , and lawes of almighty god the supreme architect , and to be consecrate to the use of the christian catholique church , which is already gathered , or which shall hereafter be gathered out of all nation , tribes , people , and tongues . and because our present consultation is about a most exact forme of method , it will be necessary to render a reason , why wee would have such a booke intituled , the temple of christian pansophie ? and why wee would have it framed according to the rules , lawes , and idea's of god the supreme architect ? and lastly , why we would have it consecrate to the use of the christian catholique church gathered , and to be gathered out of all peoples and tongues ? of every one in their order . the ancient i atines used the word templum , to signifie any open place , whence there was a faire prospect on every side , as it were tu-emplum ( i. ad intuendum amplum spatium ) a large space for beholding . whence the word contemplari ( i. to contemplate ) signifieth to behold any thing without impediments . in which sense the word temple chiefly suiteth to heaven , because it every way lieth open to our sight , and because god from thence freely beholdeth all things : as david saith ( psal . . . and . . ) the lord is in his holy temple , the lords throne is in heaven , his eyes behold , his eyelids try the children of men . so lucretius , lucida coeli templa . heavens bright temple . and ennius : contremuit templum magnum jovis altitonantis . the mighty temple shooke amaine , where thundring jove on high doth raigne . but because the ancients usually chose the higher places , as hills , and risings of the ground , which yeelded pleasant prospects , to consecrate to the worship of their gods , and by erecting of altars thereon separated them to sacred uses , which altars at last they encompassed with walls : it came to passe that the word temple began properly to signifie a building reared for divine worship , in which sēse it is now chiefly used . yet it appeares by cicero , that the senate-house ( whither the senate assembling for consultation , came as it were , into gods presence ) was graced with the name of a temple ; the senate-house is the seate , and temple of publique councell , saith he : and in another place ( pro milone ) he calls the senate-house , the temple of holinesse . the poet also speaking of the inward recesses , and secrets of the mind ( chiefly in those that are wise ) calls them the temples of the mind ; from whence the mind , as from an high watch-towre , beholdeth all things , and determineth of them according to that which it discovereth in them . whence lucretius againe termeth the very learning of wise men high-reared temples , in that commonly knowne verse , sed nil duloius est , bene quam munita tenere , edita doctrina sapientum templa serena , despicere unde queas alios , passimque videre errare , atque vias palantes quaerere vitae . thus in english : no worldly pleasure may conspire with this : well fenced to possesse faire wisedomes temple ( beauties rare ) high rais'd on learnings solidnesse ; thence you may see , how others goe astray ; as men bewildred groping for the way . and this is the first reason , why we have thought fit to entitle this our new encyclopaedie , or generall comprehension of knowledge , with the name temple , because preparation is here made of an universall structure , as it were , from whence mans mind turning to every side , may with pleasing contemplation looke upon every thing in the world , visible and invisible , temporall and eternall , so farre as they are revealed . another reason there is of farre higher consideration , which the holy scripture it selfe suggests unto us . because whatsoever that eternall wisedome hath stiled his temple , his habitation , his house , his tabernacle and sanctuary , is all here represented . now god hath called by the name of his habitatation , . his eternity , isaiah . . . this world consisting of the heaven and the earth , esay . . . the house which was built unto his name , king. . . . the humble and contrite heart , esay . . . the church , tim. . . . christs humanity , in which the fulnesse of the godhead dwelleth bodily , coloss . . . that all which may be here truly represneted is our earnest endeavour . we will adde a third reason also of no small moment . because there may , and ought to be the same ends , and uses of this temple of christian wisedome , which were of that materiall temple in the old testament . now we may observe in the scripture a fivefold end , which god had in his appointing of the tabernacle by moses and the temple by solomon , which are , . that gods people might be kept in the unity of faith , that is , in the worship of that one god , by that solemne assembling into one place , which god himselfe had chosen . . that by hearing the law taught , and beholding the outward grace of the ceremonies , they might be brought to learne the reasonable and inward worship of god. . that by solemne rehearsall of gods many favours , they might be incited to love god , and praise his name . thence it is that they were commanded to enter into his gates with thanksgiving , and into his courts with praise , and to blesse his name , psal . . . . that they might kindle and nourish mutuall concord , and charity among themselves , as fellow servants of the same god. . lastly , that by this meanes also they might have their minds the more erected in hope of the life to come ; where god shall be for ever praised in that great assembly of elect , both angels and men , before his throne . now this fabricke of the temple of wisedome tends to the very same ends . . that all christians may the easier meet in , and maintaine a mutuall consent among themselves in one catholique and saving faith : being instructed the same way , upon the same grounds , concerning the same god , and to the same end . for that holy way of sion , which is so plaine in it selfe , that even fooles cannot erre in it , esay . . is here most plainly taught . . that by a rationall contemplation , and comparing of gods words , and workes together , all might learne to observe the greatnesse of all the workes of god , and how wisely they are made , ( psalm . . . ) to the end , that wee who are gods image , may learne to expresse wisedome in all our actions . . care , as it may , ought to be taken , for those , who desire to behold this temple of wisedome , that they may not want helps for the stirring up the like affection in them , that david had , when the contemplation of gods workes moved him to say , the glory of the lord shall indure for ever , the lord shall rejoyce in his workes : i will sing unto the lord as long as i live , i will sing praise to my god , while i have my beeing , ( psal . . v. . . ) . neither is there any reason why we should despaire of greater concord among men , if they could be brought to a more generall consent in their opinions concerning the same things . for if all men would well consider of this , that they are all directed to the same end , by the same creator , and led along in the same common wayes ( although there be some variety in particulars ) it is likely enough that they would be more ready to commit their course to this divine providence , rather than by fruitlesse reluctancie to disturbe it , which will produce no other issue , than that at last , whether they will or no , they must be brought into order in their eternall confusion . . lastly , this temple of wisedome may be also fitted for the stirring up both of the hope , and desire of the life to come , if in this generall survey of things it be plainly manifested , how all things spring out of eternity , and returne thither , and consequently that those who settle their affections here , do nothing else , than catch at a vaine shadow . thus farre have we shewed , why this theater of wisedome may well passe under the name of a temple . the next is , why wee entitle it not wisedome simply , but universall wisedome , and pansophie ( according to the greeke . ) i will not here produce examples of others ( as of laurenber gius , and alstedius , who commendeth five sorts of things to be knowne , to him that desires to be , and to be accounted generally wise and knowing archilog . cap. . ) our owne ground is sufficient , which is threefold , taken from the subject of this wisedome , the object of it , and the manner of teaching it . as for the subject , it hath beene the custome of former ages , not to suffer the mysteries of wisdome to be published in vulgar languages , for every ones understanding , but in strange and forraine languages ( as the latine and greeke ) which must be of purpose learned for them : by which meanes wisedome it selfe was esteemed the peculiar treasure of such onely , as had accesse unto those fountaines : but wee claime it as the publique possession granted unto all mankind , which ought to be recovered to their common use and behoofe . and our earnest desire and suit is , even by the glory of god , that some course may be sought , and discovered , that all in generall , even the meanest sort of people , may be able to behold , and adore the prints , and footsteps of the goodnesse of their creator , expressed even in all things , which they either see , heare , taste , touch , do , speake , or think . and this is the first reason , why wee call it not ( simply ) wisedome , but wisedome generall for all men . concerning the object of wisedome , it hath hitherto for the most part beene parted among the learned , one undertaking philosophy , another divinity , a third physicke , and some the lawes , rejecting all other care , or respect of common truth . and againe , in philosophie one chooseth this part , another that , to busie their thoughts about , not so much as comming neere the threshold where the others dwell . whence it cometh to passe , that most mens knowledge is but particular , yea and partiall too , which is farre worse . for they must needs sever into parts , that agree not in the whole , and they easily become the founders of sects , who understand not how truth , which differs not from it selfe , spreads it selfe upon the same stocke . but wee protest to the world , that neither order the bond , nor truth the soule of things , can be perfectly knowne , unlesse from a generall comprehension of all things . the order or things cannot be perceived by those , that bounding themselves in the compasse of one or two , neglect their coherence one with another . neither can hee comprehend the full truth of things , who observes not , how truth still retaines its own form in its infinite diffusions . we wish therefore , that the whole orbe of things and humane knowledge being taken , the true centers of essences may be found , by an exact measuring of the proportion of all things among themselves : that so venerable truth discovering its amiable face to us in abstract formes , wee may be the so oner acquainted with it , when we meete it concrete in particular things . and hence may easily be gathered , how little that divorcing of divinity from philosophy , and of philosophy from divinity , which is every where to be found , liketh us . for divines for the most part thinke it their duty to intend nothing , but divinity : & on the other side philosophers fixe themselves so to the speculation of nature , that they forget divinity , yea even god himselfe . hence it comes to passe that many philosophers through disuse of god , and religion fall into meere atheisme ; againe , some divines loath and detest philosophie , which is very injurious , as the other is horribly impious . for god , who is the author as well of his workes , as of his words , will ( as he may well be ) be acknowledged and honoured in them both . and he instructs us both by his words , and also by his workes , which wee here meete withall in this present life , that he may prepare us for that which is to come . therefore he doth not onely injoyne us to hearken to his voyce ; but also to behold his workes . that we may therefore reconcile philosophie to divinity ( that is , gods workes to his words , or truth impressed in things to truth expressed in words ) and so may make reason subordinate to faith ; our counsell is , that among christians , neither philosophy , nor divinity may be taught severally , but both joyntly , which is pansophie . for this will be our perfect wisedome , to be wise for the life to come , and to avoid folly here : to have an eye to god , and the life to come , and yet to observe , how we are here encircled with his majestie diffused over all . but some may say ( and some have already vented such speeches against us ) by this your pansophie , divinitie will be confounded with philosophy , divine wisedome with humane , & a medley will be made of heaven and earth i answer , . seeing they are not confounded in learned mens understandings ( there being many excellent spirits , that are deeply insighted both in sacred and profane knowledge ) what reason have wee to feare , that they will be confounded in bookes ? . distinct things may be so distinctly handled , that though they goe together , they may still remaine inconfused . . how comes it to passe that they are not confounded in the sacred scripture , seeing it doth not onely declare heavenly and eternall things , but oftentimes falls upon things of this life ? you will say , but this is subordinately to the life to come . true ; and this is the same , which we would have done in this booke of pansophie , that all things contained in the world may be put in subordination to heaven , and that all humane knowledge may be subservient to that , which is according to godlinesse . and this for a threefold end . . that the children of god may not be ignorant of those things , which the wise men of this world so much admire , and set up their rest upon : and that worldlings themselves may be unsettled from them , when they see , that though wee understand them , yet we find other more excellent things , which are stronger attractives of our affections . because the workes of nature , and the various mysteries , which lie couched therein , are not intended so much for wicked and profane men , that they onely should feed on such dainties : but rather that they should delight the children of god , angels and men , for whom this so admirable theater of his power , wisedome , and goodnesse is discovered . let us therefore make use of this our right , and rather sit ourselves in this theater in a rationall contemplation of all things , than surrendring our places to suffer it wholly to be possessed by such as are profane . lastly , wee would have all things ordered together , and respectively subordinated one to the other , that by all inferiour things the mind may by degrees be raised to all things more sublime . for it is certaine , that there can be no commodious assent unto the height of things , but by degrees ; and this is as certaine that all naturall things ( as also artificiall ) are as alphabeticall elements to the children of god , whereby they are prepared for to read , and understand better the higher dictates of the law of god. which david sheweth , where he telleth us , that much is to be learned out of the ordinary course of heaven and nature , but much more by the prescript of divine law , psal . . the third reason why wee would have the word pansophie used , is drawne from the more ample way of handling things , than can be used either in philosophie , or divinity severall by themselves . for that which aristotle required in a wise man , ( who should as much as is possible , know all things ) the same is necessary in pansophie . i meane universality of principles , a continuall and well ordered series of things without interruption , from the beginning to the end , and infallibility of truth . the principles which are here laid , are truly universall , whereby all demands may be satisfied , sense , reason , and divine revelation . the method , which is here taught , is as easie as may be , beginnnig from things most certainly knowne , untill it end in those which are most obscure , yet with such a perpetuall gradation , as is without either gap , or breach . whence the third issueth of it selfe , i meane , certainty of knowledge , and truth , whereby the learner , being alwayes in the light , seeth assuredly , that he goeth forward , and not backward , without either stay or doubt , and knowing he knowes , that he knowes , and that he is not deceived . seeing therefore that vve teach , hovv all men may be altogether vvise in all things ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) vvhy may not that vvhich vve teach be called , and esteemed pansophie ? but vvhat is the reason , vvhy vve call it not onely pansophie , but christian pansophie ? first , because they onely can frame pansophie , or reap fruit by it , vvho are furnished vvith sufficient principles , such as are sense , reason , and faith in divine revelations . but christians onely have the world in their eyes , gods word in their mouthes , and his spirit in their hearts , according to the promise , isaiah , . . and therefore augustine argues very strongly , that onely christianity is true philosophie , ( lib. . contra academ . cap. . ) secondly , all pious and faithfull christians , even the simplest of them , in as much as they are good christians , are possessed of this pansophie . because they relish heaven more than earth , eternall things more than temporary , and do possesse christ , ( in whom all the treasures of wisedome are hid ) mystically indeed , yet truly in like manner , as every seed doth truly containe in it selfe the whole tree , or herbe , with their fruit . but perhaps this might have rather beene called humane pansophie , because ( according to the intention of it , which is universall instruction , leading from universall , and easie principles to those things which are more obscure ) it ought not to be appropriated to christians onely , but so disposed , that all men may partake of it , that ( if god so please ) it may be a means of enlightning , and convincing the minds of unbeleevers : as also to cleare our selves from all imputations of inconsideratenesse in attempting things above the sphere of humane abilities ; though indeed we urge nothing but humane , that is , things possible , and due to man. to conclude , whether this or the former title pleaseth best , it mattereth not much : for our part , we thought fit to use the word pansophie for this onely end , because we desired to sharpen mens appetites toward wisedome , that all men in all things may altogether seeke to fill their minds with truths and realities , rather than with the smoke of fancies and opinions . laying aside this consideration , we care not though it be called aristosophie , or chrestosophie , ( i. excellent and choyce wisedome , or about such things as are excellent ) yea even ignorance : for wee are very willing with socrates to professe , that wee know this onely , that wee know nothing : as the apostle saith , if any man thinke that he knoweth any thing , he knoweth nothing yet as he ought to know , . corinth . . . the next thing we are to speake of is , why we say , that the structure of this temple of pansophie , is framed according to the rules , lawes , and idea's of god the supreme architect ? the reason is at hand : because we follow in the generall dimensions , the severall parts , their situation & use , the very pattern which gods wisdome it selfe did before delineate . first to moses for the erecting of the tabernacle : then for solomon in the building of the temple : lastly , to ezekiel for the glorious restauration of the temple , that was demolished . for first god speakes thus to moses , exod. . , . let them make mee a sanctuary that i may dwell amongst them , according to all that i shew thee , &c. and vers . . and looke that thou make them after the patterne which was shewed thee in the mount. againe , god sent ( by the prophet nathan , as is probably held ) the patterne of the temple , and all the parts thereof to david , who delivering it to solomon , charged him not to depart from the forme thereof , protesting thus to him , chron. . . all this the lord made mee understand in writing by his hand upon mee , even all the workes of this patterne . lastly , he shewed to ezekiel the forme of the mysticall temple ; that is , of the new church under christ , with expresse charge to be attentive in the receiving of it , and to declare it all unto the house of israel , ezek. . . now we must observe , that every latter draught was more full and perfect than the former . not as if god gained skill by continuance of time , and practise for the mending of his workes ( as is common with men in building , that their latter devises please them more , and are better than the former ) but because hee would therein prefigure the state of the church , as it was to improve with time . for it was for our sakes , not his owne , that these things were figured out to us . the tabernacle of moses therefore consisted of three parts , the court , the sanctuary , and the holy of holies , as appeares in the . chapter of exod. the temple of solomon contained without the inward , and last space , ( the holy of holies ) three outward spaces , the court of the common people , the court of the levites , and the court of the priests : and lastly , the holy of holies , which might be entred by the high priest onely once every yeare . the structure of ezekiels temple consisted of the same number of parts ( though of more walls and gates ) but of a diverse situation . for solomons temple was built upon mount moriah , but onely on the plaine thereof : but the outward parts of ezekiels temple , were situate on the side of the hill , every more inward court being raised certaine degrees above the other , so that the temple it selfe , that is , the holy of holies being pleasantly seated on the very top , yeelded every way a most refulgent splendor . which divers structures of gods dwelling places amongst men , did typifie the various increases , and enlargements of god church , as well in regard of its spreading among many peoples , and tongues , as also in respect of knowledge , which was to be encreased according to the churches ages . for the church hath its ages as well as the world , infancie , youth , middle age , declining , and old age : which last , as it brings decay of bodily strength , so also it perfects the vigour of the mind : in regard that then the temper of the body declines to drinesse , whereby the animall spirits become more fixed , and the mind more sedate , and quiet in its motions . seeing therefore it is very fitting , that the church of the new testament should be of ripe understanding , especially now the world is drawing towards old age , ( cor. . . eph. . . ) we have therefore borrowed for this temple of christian wisedome the forme of the draught of the last temple given to ezekiel : distinguishing the whole worke of pansophie into seven severall parts , in every one whereof severall things may be presented to the beholders view , that so mens minds being raised from baser things to those which are more sublime , may at last attaine to its holy of holies , that is , gods blessed eternity . but how this may be drawne from the forme of ezekiel's temple , remaines now to be explained . i. first , ezekiel declares briefly , and in generall , what he saw in the visions of god ; to wit , . a city scituate upon a mountaine , the place of that most magnificent temple , which hee was about to describe , chap. . vers . . . a man standing by him provided with measures , and rules , who should shew him all those things , exhorting him to listen , and behold , and to set his heart upon those things which should be shewed him , vers . . . . the compasse of the temple , or the outward wall , with the measures of its breadth , and height , v. . ii. next he describeth the gate of the temple , which was onely one in the whole compasse of the temple , and that on the easterne side thereof , v. . to the . iii. the first or outward court , which was called the court of the people , because all the people might come into it , is described , v. . to the . which had three gates , through which the ascent was by seven steps unto the pavement of that court , v. , , , . iv. then hee describeth the middle court , where the holy instruments were kept , and preparation made by the levites , as was fitting , for legall sacrifices , and oblations : the description whereof may be found from the . vers . to the . and we must observe , that it was higher by eight steps , than the first court , as appeares by the description of the gates thereof , v. , , . v. then followes the inward court , wherein was the altar of burnt-offerings , with other necessaries for making of atonement ; wherefore it is called , the court of the priests . the description thereof is , v. . to . vi. the temple it selfe , called the holy of holies ( chap. . v. . ) is described , from the . vers . of the . chap. to the end of the . chap. and the scituation thereof upon the very top of the hill , chap. . v. . therefore in the description of the porch thereof ( chap. . v. . ) mention is made of steps , yet without any expresse number , how many there were . in the temple it selfe , or house of the lord , nothing is mentioned besides the cherubims , and palme-trees ( chap. . vers . , . ) and the table which is before the lord , ( v. . ) vii . lastly , after the setting downe of the ordinances for gods worship in this new temple ( chap. , and . ) and the forme of politicall government among gods people ( chap. , and . ) he comes at the beginning of the . chap. to describe the river of waters issuing out of gods temple through those three courts , and from a small beginning rising to a very great depth , and how from thence it was diffused over all the earth , giving life and fruitfulnesse unto all things . now if wee forme the divisions of the structure of wisedomes temple according to this patterne , it will also consist of seaven parts . i. in the first part shall be generally handled by way of preface , . what manner of booke this pansophie is , and what end , and use there is thereof . . what are those helps which gods goodnesse hath supplyed us withall , for the furnishing of universall wisedome . . what is the generall forme thereof . ii. in stead of the easterne gate , we will have a systeme , and collection of such common notions , as are of themselves obvious to all mens understandings . for our mind being the image of that high god , from whom all things derive their essence , is composed of harmony , and furnished with inbred rules , for the discerning of truth from falshood . and these rules are certaine common truths , which need no proofe , because as soone as they are uttered , every sound understanding doth admit them freely . but other particular things , which are subject to any question , are examined by these , and either allowed or rejected . now a sufficient store of such common and obvious notions will prove a truly sacred gate for our easie , safe , and speedy entrance into the knowledge of all things . iii. the court of the people suggesteth to us the third part of pansophie , which treats of such things , as fall under our senses , the visible world , with all visible creatures therein contained ; and such things as are by nature effected in them , or with relation to them . for the gate of common notions openeth hither immediately , that common truth being already tasted of , may be farther sought , and found in such things as are neere at hand , and may be seene , and felt : which is a very easie and certaine step to the discovery of things more remote . and here men shall learne the knowledge of naturall life , and of such things , as are requisite for the prolongation of it , that so they may have skill , and ability to preserve , and draw it out by naturall meanes , as long as their destiny suffereth them . iv. the middle court shall be paralleld by the fourth part of pansophie , which explaines such things as are subject to reason , or the intellectuall world , that is , all humane workes , which are , and may be effected by wit and art , and all things which humane understanding reacheth unto . the nearest entrance hither is out of the court of nature : for all that our art and wisedome can effect , is either to imitate the course , or amend the defects , or supply the wants of nature . in this theater men may learne wherein they excell brute beasts , to wit , in the right use of reason , in prudent disposing all sorts of affaires , and in the benefit of speech . in a word , here they may find how to live a true rationall life , as well in respect of themselves , and other men with whom they converse , as of all other creatures also . v. the innermost court supplies us with the fift part of pansophie , wherein men shall be brought acquainted with themselves in their inward man , and taught to lead a divine , and spirituall life . for here man shall behold that part of himselfe , wherein he most resembled god , that is , the absolute freedome of his will. so as being beforehand stored with provision from his senses , for the knowing of all things , and the light of reason to direct his judgement in them , he might now like a king of unbounded power , freely embrace , or refuse things according as they were represented , or concealed by the senses , and either approved or rejected by reason . for this is the greatest height of dignity , that creatures can be raised unto by their creator : as god expresseth in his consultation concerning the creation of man : let us make man according to our image , who may have dominion over the fish and birds , &c. that is , that he may do according to his owne will. for it was requisite for the perfection of the world , that besides elements , stones , plants , and brute beasts , and such like , which have their actions assigned them by nature , and act onely according to the force of their naturall instincts , there should be also some more noble creature , who should be master of his owne , both actions and inclinations . besides it makes much for the glory of god , whose wisedome discovers it selfe farre more conspicuously in over-ruling such creatures , as are acted by their owne wills , than in such as are by nature determined to their actions . and hereby god prepared a way to manifest the depth of his goodnesse in rewarding voluntary obedience , of his justice in punishing of sinne , and lastly of his clemencie in restoring this most excellent creature after his fall . therefore he is the adequate object of the full discovery of gods wisedome , man : who bethinking himselfe of his former height of dignity , will the easier acknowledge the grosnesse of his fall into that bottomlesse gulfe of misery : from whence there was no other recovery , or restitution to his former dignity , unlesse god himselfe should condescend to tye him to himselfe by a stronger bond , in a new and eternall union . in this part of pansophie therefore , man shall behold those great and profound mysteries , which are hid from the eyes of the world , of his internall generation , degeneration , and regeneration : together , with those admirable secrets of god , in mans creation , redemption , and sanctification , in gods governing him , or giving him over , in his salvation or damnation : and shall learne ( being drawne out of the depth of perdition , and restored to god , and to himselfe ) hereafter to deny himselfe , that is , by resigning his liberty of will unto god , to commit himselfe to the rule , and guidance of his spirit : in a word , to adhere close unto god , and to live a true spirituall life . therefore the content of this part of pansophie shall be that knowledge , which is described ( prov. . . ) to be the wisedome of the holy , and ( psal . . . ) hidden wisedome , and is made to be the abstract summe of all wisedome ( job . . eccles . . . ) which is hidden from the wisemen of this world ( matth. . . ) that so it may plainly appeare , how farre the knowledge conferr'd upon the church , excels all the learning of philosophers , and how high gods house is raised upon the top of other mountaines , isaiah , . . vi. the last , and most secret part of the temple , called the holy of holies , shall be here answered by the sixt part of pansophie , wherein the god of gods shall be seene in habiting his owne eternity : so farre i meane , as in this life he discovers himselfe , and his infinite and eternall majesty , and glory , to such as he predestinates , and invites unto the eternall fruition of himselfe . in this theater , man by beholding his owne , and the worlds originall draught , shall find how truly all gods workes do represent him , though in their severall manner and measure : and yet how every thing , that can be found in the creature , either good , beautifull , pleasant , or desirable , is in god in an infinitely more excellent manner . the fruit whereof will be , that being ravished with the taste , and sweetnesse of that eternall blisse , he may know how to do nothing else , but even to melt in delight and love of his god , and to yeeld himselfe wholly to be his habitation , that so passing comfortably this present life , he may by the gate of death enter into eternity . vii . lastly , from that river of waters issuing out of the temple , and diffusing themselves over all the earth , we will derive the last part of pansophie , which unfolds the right use of the waters of true wisedome . i am not ignorant that by those waters proceeding out of ezekiels temple , the course of the gospell is disciphered to us , which was but still and calme at the beginning , afterward by degrees receiving such large encreases , as it was not to be stayed by any opposition , like a river , that breakes over , and washeth away all dammes , and ramparts , that can be raised against it . yet it plainly appeares also , that wisedome is compared to waters , the law of the wise is a fountaine of life , saith solomon , ( prov. . and . . ) and chap. . . the words of a mans mouth , are as deepe waters , and the welspring of wisedome as a flowing brooke . the sonne of syrach brings in wisedome , thus speaking of her selfe , i came out as a brooke from a river , and as a conduit into a garden ; i said , i will water my best garden , and will water abundantly my garden-bed : and loe my brooke became a river , and my river became a sea , ecclesiast . . , . therefore in this last part of pansophie it will be our work to consider of , and designe such fit channels , as may convey these waters abroad on every side , that so the vast commons of humane affaires , together with the private garden-plots of every ones soule , and the whole paradise of the church may be therewith watered . and this among others is the reason , why we sayd , this temple of wisedome was to be consecrate to christs catholique church gathered , and to be gathered out of all nations , to wit , . because she as a mother may justly challenge from her children , whatsoever they are able to invent , or do for her honour and comfort . . christ saith , matth. . . men do not light a candle , that they may set it under a bushell , but upon a candlesticke , that it may give light to all that are in the house . now this light of universall wisedome ) which puts every thing in subordination to its true end ) is as it were gods candle , and must therefore be set up in his house , which is the church , that it may give light to all . . this house of the living god , the church ( as it is called , tim. . . ) is built after the same patterne , according to which this temple of wisedome is reared : so that by beholding hereof , she may be advanced much in knowledge of her selfe . according to to that in cantic . . . if thou know not thy selfe , o thou fairest among women , goe thy way forth by the footsteps of the flocke , &c. for here by these continually deduced footsteps of things , the church is guided the right way to the discovery of her owne , and her eternall spouses comelinesse . and seeing that the manifold wisedome of god is made knowne unto angels by the church ( eph. . . ) we ought also to take speciall care , that the church in contemplation of her selfe , angels , and of god , may have all advantages supplyed her , for her promoting in the knowledge of this manifold wisedome of god. . but chiefely because god hath foretold , that the glory of his new temple ( the church of the new testament ) should be most conspicuous in the last times , and hath promised a large affluence of light and blessing to it . for thus hath god declared by the prophets , isaiah and micah , and by divers others , at severall times , and twice in the same words , that he might manifest the certainty of his decree : it shall come to passe in the last dayes , that the mountaine of the house of the lord shall be established in the top of the mountaines , and it shall be exalted above the hils , and all nations shall flow unto it , &c. ( isaiah . . micah . . ) and it shall come to passe in that day , that the mountaines shall drop downe new wine , and the hils shall flow with milke , and all the rivers of judah shall flow with waters , and a fountaine shall come forth of the house of the lord , and shall water the valley of the choyce cedars ( joel . . ) for living waters shall goe out from jerusalem , halfe of them toward the former sea , and halfe of them toward the hinder sea , in summer , and in winter shall it be . and the lord shall be king over all the earth : in that day shall there be one lord , and his name one . now because these things remaine yet to be most certainly fulfilled , men should be stirred up , by all meanes possible , not onely to behold , but also to promote , as much as in them lies , this glory of the house of god , to enlarge the churches bounds , and to derive such rivulets from gods streame , as may water even dry places , which were never yet moystned with this heavenly dew , that at last all with one accord , standing ( as it were ) upon a sea of glasse with harpes of god in their hands , might begin to sing the song of moses the servant of the lord , and the song of the lambe saying , great and marvellous are thy workes , lord god almighty , just and true are thy wayes , thou king of saints . who shall not feare thee o lord , and glorifie thy name ? for thou onely art holy , for all nations shall come and worship before thee , for thy judgements are made manifest , revel . . , , . and now i beleeve it appeares sufficiently what manner of booke it is , that wee would have compiled , and what are our reasons for the urging of it . let therefore all feare , and suspicion of confounding sacred and prophane things together be utterly banished : for first , all things are pure to those that are pure ( tit. . . ) the gold and silver which was gotten away from those impure egyptians , did not at all defile the israelites , or the tabernacle . againe here is no confounding of things together , but provision is made of remedies against those confusions , which so much distract mens minds by a distinct and graduall knowledge of all things , which may , or ought , or are worthy to be knowne . therefore first we declare such generall and knowne truthes , as are cleare of themselves by the testimony of common sense : next such things as fall under the outward senses to be seene , or felt without any errour , or mistake : afterward such things , as are rationally , and certainly deduced from sensuall apprehensions , but with an application of their truth also to sensible objects : lastly , those things , which divine revelation imparts to us , and faith onely receives ; but so , that sense and reason may also beare record unto god , and the truth of things invisible revealed to us , may be acknowledged in the analogie of such things as are visible , that the voyce of eternall truth uttered from all sorts of things , may be found to agree in one eternall harmony . this confusion therefore , beeing so harmonious , is nothing else but perfect order . but they object , christ taught no such matter , he onely declared the way of salvation . answ . . why do you then by your selves , or by others take care to have your children instructed in the meaner things of this life , as in arithmeticke , logicke , and other sorts of learning ? . be it so , that christ taught not these things , it is most certaine he forbad them not , but rather signifies unto us , that we ought not to be ignorant of them , in that he so often borrowes from things naturall , and artificiall , both the occasion , and the manner of unfolding spirituall mysteries ; thereby declaring to us , that there is such proportion betweene things visible and invisible , that these cannot be easier understood than in reference unto them . therefore they would be wiser than christ himselfe , who restraining themselves onely to spirituall , and heavenly things , reject from the study of christianity , all such things , wherewith ( as they terme them ) worldlings imploy themselves . if indeed they do so imploy themselves , and settle their rest hereupon , yet wee ( alwaies mindfull of our plus ultra ) will not be imployed therein , but imploy them as steps and degrees for our more easie and speedie attaining unto things of an higher value . . if christ taught not such things himselfe , yet he hath taught them by others : and if not then , yet now at least he teacheth them . for , he is the same yesterday , to day , and for ever , ( heb. . . ) to wit , that wisedome of god by which all things are made , ( prov. . v. , &c. ) therefore whatsoever wisedome , light , or order , is any where , or in any time , or person to be found , it all comes from him , and is derived out of his treasury . when hee came into the world , his worke was not to speed forward these things of smaller moment , but that he might give his life a ransome for many ( matth. . . ) therefore he committed the writing of the gospels , and constituting of outward order in his church unto his disciples care , promising to be with them , and their successours , even unto the end of the world . therefore this worke , if profitable , or what ever good thing otherwise shall at any time breake forth , even unto the worlds end , must be all accounted to proceed from christ , who maketh every thing beautifull in his time , eccles . . . now if our designe for the rearing up this temple of universall wisedome do go forward , it will be meete for us to consider , . that ( according to davids instructions to solomon ) the temple to be builded must be great , and magnificall , of fame and glory throughout all countries ( . chron. . . ) therefore workemen should be sought out , who are worthy of such employment , and who are skilfull to find out every thing that is thereto necessary , chron. . . . . solomons temple was builded by gods command upon the mount moriah , which signifies the vision of god : and the ground-worke of wisedomes temple shall likewise be the vision of god ; that is , all visible things shall be used as perspectives for our minds , to behold the invisible ruler of the universe , with his power , wisedome , and goodnesse , richly mantling over all things . . the matter whereof solomons temple was built , was of three sorts , stones , wood , and metals : the stones were all of great value , as marble , and pretious stones : the woods were fat , and odoriferous , as the firre and the cedar : the metals most pure , as gold perfectly refined . the matter of wisedomes temple shall be supplyed out of the store of three sorts of principles , sense , reason , and divine revelation ; of which sense resembles the nature of stones in the grossenesse of its perception ; reason for its ever flouring quality , may well be compared to the spreading of trees : and gods word , which remains for ever , is like unto pure & incorruptible gold . . of the stones were made the walls ; of the woods seeling for to cover the walls : and the seeling was over-laid with plates of gold , ( chr n. . , , . ) moreover , the marble floore there of ; ( chr. . . ) was over-laid with gold , ( king. . . ) but the sacred vessels , the altar , the table , the candlestickes , the lamps , the censers , all were made of most pure gold , ( chron. , &c. ) so the foundation , and walls of wisedomes temple shall be reared onely of such truthes , as are palpable & evident to the sense , to which reason shall supply the causes , why every thing must needs be so , as it is : and lastly , the lustre of divine testimony shall thereto be added , that truth may every where retaine its native majesty . but the sacred furniture hereof , which hath reference to the mysteries of faith , and salvation , shall be the most pure gold of the oracles of god. . solomons temple was built of stones , that were hewed perfectly aforehand , so that there were neither hammer , nor axe , nor any iron toole heard , while it was in building , ( king. . . ) so in the building of wisedomes temple , it will be very unseemly , to have the noise of disputes , and brawles heard ; it is more fitting , that it should be reared of truth already squared ; that is , not of such tenets , and opinions , as are promiscuously taken upon trust , and when they come to be laid in the building must then be new hewed , and squared to fit them for the understanding , and to bring them to some similitude of truth ; but such as being exactly wrought in the shop of principles , come forth without any crackes , ruggednesse , or other inequality , so that being applyed , they fit fully on every side , with things going before , with , and after them . by this only meanes can truth be settled in the light , and recovered from contradiction . . the parts of that materiall temple were of most exact proportion , and therefore in the story of the building thereof , you may find every where mention made of numbers , and measures , ( king. . ) and the angel , which was to imforme the prophet concerning the building of the mysticall temple , came provided of a line of flaxe , and a measuring reed ( ezek. . . ) in like manner , in this temple of wisedome all things must be reduced to such an universall symmetrie , that the wandring thoughts of our minds may be contained in their just , certaine , and immoveable bounds . . there were added artificiall ornaments by graving , and embossing of cherubims , palme-trees , and flowers , ( king. . . ) answerable thereunto this temple of wisedome must be framed in an apt method , and elegant stile , that so the outward palate may be therewith delighted , as much as may be . . all things contained in the compasse of that temple were holy , ( for the outward wall thereof onely , was to separate the sacred from that which was prophane ) ezek. . . so let every thing that comes into the content of wisedomes temple be holy , erther in it selfe , or else in reference to sacred uses , i meane , as a step for our easier finding , and attaining our ends , which are gods glory , and our eternall blisse in him , to which all things , both great and small , every one in their severall order are here directed . . and as god for the encouragement of those who did reedifie the ruined temple of jerusalem , promised them abundance of blessings together with his presence , and assistance , ( hagg. . & . ) the same may the builders of wisedomes temple be confident of , according to that promise of wisedome from above , i love those that love mee , and i will fill their treasures , ( prov. . , . ) . lastly , according as when the builders laid the foundation of that materiall temple , the priests and levites stood in their apparell with trumpets , and cimbals to praise the lord , and all the people shouted with a great shout , while they praised the lord : ( ezra . , . ) so it will well become all good christians that are any way privy to this pious designe , to add their good desires , and prayers , while the foundation of wisedomes temple is in laying , that this worke begun in gods name and feare may happily go forward unto his praise , saying , blessed be the name of the lord from this time forth , and for evermore , from the rising of the sunne to the going downe of the same the lords name be praised , ( psal . . , . ) the severall titles of the seven parts of the temlpe of christian pansophie i. the threshold of the temple of wisedome . representing unto us the fore-parts , and outward structure thereof , together with the necessity , possibility , and easie way both of the rearing thereof , and entring thereunto . ii. the gate of the temple of wiseddoe . through which lieth the first and readiest entrance unto the true knowledge of all things , which are to be knowne . or , wisedomes generall store : wherein the general kinds of all things , together with their frames , and lawes are represented to us : and that chiefly by the help of such common notions , as are inbred in humane minds , and beeing once illustrated by examples are easily admitted thereinto , without farther proofe . from which notwithstanding all the rivulets of particular knowledge are to be derived , as from the originall fountain of truth . iii. the outward court of the temple of wisedome . wherein the visible world , and all things therein contained , with the course of nature incident thereto , are laid before our view : to the end that man may learn to know the fabricke , & necessaries of his naturall life , & with reverence to magnifie the wisdome of his creator . iv. the middle court of the temple of wisedome . wherein the reasonable creature man , stands forth to be seene with all things , that either are or may be effected by humane understanding . to the end that man may be brought to know the abilities of his owne mind , and to use them to the honour of god , who hath endued him therewith , and so to live a true rationall life . v. the innermost court of the temple of wisedome . wherein the more inward part of man , by which he approacheth neerest unto god , is unveiled : to wit , his free , and unlimited will , together with the horrible abuse thereof , and the mischiefe ensuing thereupon , as also our recovery into the state of salvation by christ both god and man. to the end that man being restored to god , and to himselfe , may begin to lead a divine and spirituall life . vi. the last and most secret part of the temple of wisedome , called the holy of holies . wherein is to be seene , as farre as he hath pleased to reveale himselfe , the high , and ever-to-be-adored governour of the world , lord of angels and men , jehovah , god of gods , raigning in his eternall kingdome , and shining with infinite majesty and glory . to the end that man , being brought neerer unto god by all things , and by most ardent love closing with him the center of eternall blisse , and rest , may yeeld up himselfe , as an holy , and living temple for him to dwell in for ever . vii . the fountaine of living waters of the temple of wisedome , that is , of the use of true wisedome , flowing out of the temple of god : to wit , that it may streame forth , and runne over all the earth , to fill it with the knowledge of the lord , as the waters cover the sea. psal. . . send forth thy light , and thy truth , o lord , that they may lead mee , and bring mee unto thine holy hill. the great * didactick , shewing the universall meanes to teach all men all things : or , a certaine and exquisite way for the erecting of such schooles in all the cities , townes , and villages of any particular christian kingdome , as that all young ones , whether males or females , none excepted , may be brought up in learning , polished in manners , and grounded in piety , and so may be prepared in their minority for all things concerning this present life , and that which is to come . the grounds of which designe are drawne from the very nature of the things themselves . the truth is cleared by instances answerable hereunto in mechanicke arts. the order is by assigning taskes for yeares , months , dayes , and houres . and lastly , an easie and certaine way is declared of happily efecting these things . the maine drift of this our didactick shall be to discover a way , whereby teachers may teach lesse , and learners may learne more . schooles may have lesse noyse , tediousnesse , and fruitlesse toyle , but more ease , delight , and reall profit . the christian state lesse darknesse , confusion and dissentions , but more light , order , peace and tranquillity . psal. . , . god be mercifull unto us , and blesse us , and cause his face to shine upon us , and be mercifull unto us . that thy way may be knowne upon earth , thy saving health among all nations . the titles of the severall chapters of the great didactick . in the preface thereof , magistrates , parents , and schoole-masters are earnestly exhorted to the diligent education of children by divers reasons and examples . the worke it selfe containes as followeth . chap. i. wherein is proved , that man is the last , most absolute , and excellent of all creatures . ii. that mans chiefe good , and last end is not here , but in another life . iii. that this life is but a preparation for life eternall . iv. that there are . degrees of this preparation for eternity ; . to know ; . to order and governe ; . to direct to gods glory , as our selves , so all other things respectively . v. that there are some seedes of those three ( knowledge , morality , and religion ) naturally implanted in us . vi. that it is requisite for to make a perfect man , to for me him anew . vii . that this forming of man may best be effected while he is young , and very hardly afterwards . chap. viii . that youth may best be formed , or instructed in company 〈◊〉 of another : and that schooles are necessary . ix . that youth of both sexes should be put to schoole . x. that instruction in schooles should be universall , and that all should be taught in every thing . xi . that we have hitherto wanted perfect schooles . xii . that schooles may be reformed , and brought to a better passe . xiii . that the groundworke of reforming schooles is the observing of an accurate order in all things . xiv . that this accurate order in schools , must be borrowed from nature . therefore xv. are declared out of nature the grounds of the prolongation of life and xvi . such things as are generally requisite , both for teaching , and learning : that is , such a certaine way both of teaching , and learning , that there cannot but follow a good effect . xvii . the grounds of easinesse both in teaching , and learning . xviii . the grounds of solidity both in teaching and learning . chap. xix . the grounds of the most compendious , and speedy way of teaching , where among other things is cleared , how one schoole-master may suffice for a * very great number of schollers . xx. is set downe the true method of the severall sciences . xxi . the method of the arts. xxii . the method of languages . xxiii . the method of morality . xxiv . the method of instilling piety . xxv . it is plainly demonstrated , that , ( if we would have such a reformation of schooles , as is according to the rules of true christianity ) profane , and heathen authors must be either quite rejected , or used with more choyce and caution . xxvi . is set downe a fourefold division of schooles , according to the age , and ripenesse of youth . xxvii . the description of the first schoole under the mother . xxviii . the manner of the next schoole in teaching to read their mother tongue . xxix . a draught of the latine schoole . xxx . of the university . xxxi . of an universall , and very accurate order of schooles . xxxii . of such things as are necessarily required for the bringing of this universall method into practice . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 otium . prolixity . difficulty . want of truth . learning not fitted the use life . learning not leading us to go * vt in archetypo , * ectypo , * antitypo . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a gate of languages . unum , verum , bonum notes for div a -e * generall knowledge , or wisdome . king . , . . * generall wisedome . omni sapientia . omnes circa omnia , omnino . doubt . . . solut. notes for div a -e * art of teaching . * quantovis discipulorum , &c. a note of such arts and mysteries as an english gentleman, a souldier, and a traveller is able by gods assistance to perform (he having means to perfect the same.) bulmer, john, captain. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason .f. [ ]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing b thomason .f. [ ] estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; : f [ ]) a note of such arts and mysteries as an english gentleman, a souldier, and a traveller is able by gods assistance to perform (he having means to perfect the same.) bulmer, john, captain. sarson, laurence, fl. - . cudworth, ralph, - . dillingham, william, ?- . sheet ([ ] p.) s.n., [london : ] signed at end: by captain john bulmer engineer. imprint from wing. with: 'a true copy of a certificate from emmanuel colledge in cambridge .', signed by lawrence sarson, ralph cudworth, and william dillingham; and a poem 'to the states of england'. annotation on thomason copy: "nouemb. ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng education -- england -- early works to . a r (thomason .f. [ ]). civilwar no a note of such arts and mysteries as an english gentleman, a souldier, and a trveller is able by gods assistance to perform (he having means bulmer, john, captain. a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a note of such arts and mysteries as an english gentleman , a souldier and a traveller is able by gods assistance to perform ( he having means to perfect the same . ) i. in primis to find out all sorts of mines , and mineralls of what nature and quality soever they be that lie within the body of the earth and to direct the working of them , according to their severall natures , and qualities . ii. item to direct the making of all sorts of engines either offensive or defensive for the warre . iii. to find out the levell of any countrey for the draining of fennes or low grounds ; or to direct the making of engines for the raising of water for the service of cities and towns where nature failes . iv. item a new way of finding out any ship , bark , or boat , which doth lie above the sand or rocks , although they lie twenty or thirty fatham deep in the bottom of the sea , and to take up the decks , and the goods that are under the decks , be they ordinance or other commodities without diving an inch under water , and to perform as much labour with one man upon that service , as is now commonly used in seafairing businesse with ten men , and in the same time . v. item to shew many conclusions , as well for pleasure as for profit which may seem by relation to be things impossible , yet to be as really performed as propounded , and with little charge . all which secrets the propounder hath gained with much study travell and expences of many thousands of pounds as was well known to his majesty and most of the ancient nobility in this kingdom : and now being old , and out of imployment , is willing to shew his art in these things to any which are desirous to learn upon assurance of such reward as they shall agree upon , he performing what he promises before he do exspect his reward . a true copy of a certificate from emmanuel colledge in cambridge . whereas captain bulmer made severall propositions , which he undertook by his art to demonstrate ; he hath given sufficient satisfaction that hee is able . i. to raise any weight from the bottom of the water to the surface without diving at all , or making use of any principle or motion saving the form of an element onely . ii to keep any thing dry and conveigh it under the water ; nothing thereof appearing to the eye . iii. to lift up a boat or any other weight so high , as safely to deliver it on the other side of london-bridge if need were . iv. to weigh any uncertain weight without center , and poize it so , that by adding the strength of an horse hair it may be raised up higher from its rest , in the aire or water . this we could not but testifie at his request being convinced thereof by what we have seen . lawrence sarson ralph cudworth william dillingham to the states of england . detraction with fair feathers on his back is like a prating parrat whose tongue 's black and talks without discretion , thus he brawls , now for an almond , then a rope he calls , such parrats hath abus'd me and my art apt schollars that hath learn'd their tale by heart that one , an infant , can there sentence give ere it be born , and swears it cannot live . presumptuous fools , when you my art shall see , presented in a small epitomie . you 'l not believe that if a little boat can with two oars upon the river float with the like confidence a tall ship can dance on the knees of the vast ocean . but take your swing , when parliament & state have been and but one hand full of my skill have seen . they by their candid judgements will with case , judge by the foot , the height of hercules , and entertain my service , with my love , it 's harder pleasing gannamede then jove . for ease it is , in royall court to find , a vasail currish , but a master kind . what ? it is no sinne to be an enginere , i wish projecters half so honest were . i wrack no lands , raise no monopolies nor pattents for my countreys hurt devise . i with the water traffick , as well as land , and would do good , if they would understand but when i proffer them this pearl of mine , they runne to cerses , she makes them swine : and do so still for me , husks are as good for such unsoul'd brutes , as choicest food . but when i shall from under water raise a new invention up in my old dayes , and bring in to effect a work that will do as much good as projects have done ill , i hope when fame shall this my art report , my god and countrey will both reward me for it . necessity compells ( the more 's his grief ) that beggs imployment for relief . by captain john bulmer engineer . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- to detractours . vindiciæ academiarum containing some briefe animadversions upon mr websters book stiled, the examination of academies : together with an appendix concerning what m. hobbs and m. dell have published on this argument. ward, seth, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing w ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing w estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) vindiciæ academiarum containing some briefe animadversions upon mr websters book stiled, the examination of academies : together with an appendix concerning what m. hobbs and m. dell have published on this argument. ward, seth, - . wilkins, john, - . [ ], p. printed by leonard lichfield ... for thomas robinson, oxford : . signed: h.d. [i.e., seth ward, bishop of salisbury] ; prefatory epistle signed: n.s. [i.e., john wilkins, bishop of chester] cf. dnb. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. eng webster, john, - . -- academiarum examen. hobbes, thomas, - . -- leviathan. dell, william, d. . -- tryal of spirits. education, higher -- early works to . a r (wing w ). civilwar no vindiciæ academiarum containing, some briefe animadversions upon mr websters book, stiled, the examination of academies. together with an ap ward, seth c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - spi global rekeyed and resubmitted - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion vindiciae academiarum containing , some briefe animadversions upon mr websters book , stiled , the examination of academies . together with an appendix concerning what m. hobbs , and m. dell have published on this argument . oxford , printed by leonard lichfield printer to the university , for thomas robinson . . sir , there came lately to my hands since i came to this place a discourse stiled the examination of accademies , ( which i herewith send you ) it pretends to the reforming of publick schooles , and the promoting of all kind of science . i must confesse my selfe at first sight , very much pleased with the undertakeing , as being suitable to my owne frequent wishes , and what i conceived might with some reason be hoped for in this inquisitive age . and therefore i came to the reading of it , with great expectations of finding somewhat answerable to the noblenesse of the attempt . but i quickly discovered , that i was like to be much disappointed in that hope , & that besides a torrent of affected insignificant tautologies with some peevish unworthy reflections , & the repetitions of some old & trite cavills , together with severall bundles of grosse mistaks there was litle else to be expected from this author . two grand incapacityes for such a worke , he quickly discovers himselfe guilty of , that are not to be pardoned or excused in such an undertaker . . his ignorance of the present state of our universityes which he pretends to reforme . . his ignorance in the common grounds of those arts and sciences which he undertakes to advance and promote . in both which respects he must needs fall under that censure of folly and shame , which solomon doth ascribe unto those that will venture to judge of a matter before they understand it . . for the present state of the universityes . he supposes and takes it for granted , that they are so tyed up to the dictates of aristotle , that whatsoeuer is taught either against or besides him by way of refutation or supply , they do by no meanes admit of , so much as to any consideration or debate , but are wholy ignorant of it . which is so notoriously false , that i should very much wonder with what confidence he could suppose it , if i did not finde mr hobbs likewise guilty of the same mistake . whereas those that understād these places , do know that there is not to be wished a more generall liberty in point of judgment or debate , then what is here allowed . so that there is scarce any hypothesis , which hath been formerly or lately entertained by judicious men , and seemes to have in it any clearenesse or consistency , but hath here its strenuous assertours , as the atomicall and magneticall in philosophy , the copernican in astronomy &c. and though we do very much honour aristotle for his profound judgment and universall learning , yet are we so farre from being tyed up to his opinions , that persons of all conditions amongst us take liberty to discent fom him , and to declare against him , according as any contrary evidence doth ingage them , being ready to follow the banner of truth by whomsoever it shall be lifted up . witnesse the publick lectures of our professors , the positions or questions maintained in the publick exercise of the vniversitie for degrees , & in the private exercises of colledges , besides the instructions and readings of many tutors , wherein the principall things which this author doth accuse us to be ignorant of , and enemies unto , are taught and owned , and i can assure him they are so well learnt , that for all his contempt of the universityes , we have here many young boyes ( who have not yet attained to that very proud & vainglorious title of bachelours of art , ( as he is pleased to phrase it ) that are able to reforme this reformer , in those things , wherein he thinks us all so ignorant , and himselfe so great a master . . and for his ignorance in the common grounds of those things which he undertakes to advance and promote , his whole discourse doth not so clearely prove any thing else , ( not that which he intends by it , ) as it doth prove this . let any serious man but consider the two first chapters of it , wherein he endeavours to prove , vniversities are not in any kind usefull to fit men for the ministry , but opposite thereunto , pag. . and that those systems of theology , which are therein taught are not only uselesse but hurtfull , pag. . one might reasonably expect that upon flinging out his gauntlet for the defence of such positions as these , this author should muster up his forces , and appeare at least with some seeming strength and reason . and yet he doth nothing lesse . his arguments to this purpose being generally so triviall , coincident , inconsequent , that we sh●uld looke upon it as a signe of very great negligence or ignorance in many of our young boyes , if they should debate matters in so impertinent and loose a manner . and i must observe by the way , how this author doth herein give sufficient warning what we are to expect from him in the reforming of logick , of the use of which he himselfe understands so little , that will teach a man how to define and distinguish , to understand consequences and method , and by this meanes to speake clearely , strongly and plainly : to which he is altogether a stranger . nor is it to be much wondered at , if he appeare an enemy to syllogismes , ( as he afterward professes ) considering how wildly his own arguments would looke , if they were to be put into that dresse . he supposes in both these chapters , that the universities doe undertake to teach spirituall knowledge , and to furnish men with such gifts , as do only proceed from the spirit of god . and this is the chiefe foundation that he doth erect his following heap of arguments upon , then which nothing can be more groundlesse or false . there being no man , ( that ever i heard of ) who hath believed or asserted any such thing . and i cannot think it any great presumption to believe that i understand the tenets of the uniuersity in this point as well as he . i am sure it hath been the common opinion amongst them , that there are three kind of gifts materially requisite to compleat a man unto the ministeriall function . . something to be infused by the spirit of god , which must illuminate him to understand the misteries of the gospell , and affect his heart with an experimentall savour , and acquaintance with those sacred truths wherein he is to instruct others . . some naturall abilityes in respect of solidity of judgment , strength of memory , warmenes of affection , readinesse and volubility of speech , by which he may be rendered much more serviceable in that worke , then those that want these abilities . . something to be acquired by our own industry and the teaching others ; namely , a distinct and methodicall comprehention of the severall subjects to be treated of , together with the meanes or advantages that helpe to facilitate the worke of instructing others . in which respect it may be of singular use for a man to be acquainted with the severall scriptures and reasons , that are more immediately pertinent to any particular head in theologie , as concerning god , his attributes , workes : the fallen estate of man , the meanes of his restitution &c. the dutyes of the law and gospell together with many particular cases of conscience which are incident to the various states and businesses of life . concerning all which things , sure it can be no hinderance to a man ( as this author supposes ) to have all the most materiall notions upon any subject , put together , cleared up and stated by the concurrent labours of many wise and good men , after much consideration and experience about them . and this is that theologie , which the universities do pretend to teach , and though it doth not exceed the sphere of those common gifts which meer naturall men are capeable of , yet is it of such singular use to enable a man to speake distinctly unto severall points , to confirme truth , to cleare up difficultyes , answer doubts and consequently to help in the worke of informing others . that i am not able to imagine any reason , why an eminent ability in this kind might not be sufficient to make a man capable of a civill degree , as well as skill in any other faculty . i am sure the preparatory studies required to the profession of physick or civill law , are not more then for this theology , nor is it lesse copious for its extent , or of lesse importance and usefulnesse for its end , then either of the other faculties . now unlesse this author will say , that he who has grace , and is without these gifts , is better able to teach , then he that hath both grace and these gifts too , he hath no reason to complaine of the uselesnesse and danger of academicall education , in reference to the worke of the ministry . whereas he doth object that these common gifts are a temptation to pride , confidence , boasting : that is meerely accidentall : so is health too , and liberty , and all other naturall or acquired abilities , and he may upon as good grounds , hope to perswade men to love sicknesse and slavery , as to preferre ignorance before that knowledge of this kind that is to be learnt in the universities ; the best things that are ( even grace it selfe ) may be accidentally hurtfull by the abuse of them , but that is no argument against their proper usefulnesse . as for his objecting that place of the apostle , where he bids to beware of philosophy : if that prohibition be to be understood absolutely , and without limitation , why doth he here pretend so much to the knowledge of it himselfe , and to the advancement of it in others ? the same answer that he will make for his own vindication , will serve for his objection . but besides if he consider the place better , he will find the words to be , beware least any man spoile you through philosophy and vaine deceit . where 't is the abuse and not the use that is prohibited . i cannot passe over this subject without taking notice of the neare affinity betwixt his third and fourth argument against schoole theologie , pag. , . in one he quarrells with it because t is drawn into a strict logicall method . and in the next , because t is a confused chaos . are they not judiciously put together ? and is not the man very quarrellsome ? that out of zeale to contradict his adversaries , takes no care of contradicting himselfe . what a loose and wild kind of vapouring is that cap. . about cryptography , and the universall character wherein he supposes the universities to be wholly ignorant , none of them having so much as touched at these things . pag. . but above all , the man doth give me the freest prospect of his depth and braine , in that canting discourse about the language of nature , wherein he doth assent unto the highly illuminated fraternity of the rosycrucians in his large encomiums upon iacob behem , in that reverence which he professes to judiciall astrologie , which may sufficiently convince what a kind of credulous fanatick reformer he is like to prove . how wretchedly doth he abuse some ingenious opinions by his ignorant managing of them , particularly the copernican hypothesis ; in the defence of which he urges such pittifull arguments as are enough to fright a serious man from the beliefe of it , & to breed a prejudice against it in such as are that way inclined . it is enough to nauseate and make a man sick to peruse his crude and jejune animadversions upon logick , mathematicks , physickes , metaphysickes , &c. with the expedients or remedyes which he proposes , wherein he has abused some good authors , by his ill managing the notions that they have suggested to him . i must needs confesse that at the first sight of this book , i had a very great desire to know what the person was who had put himselfe forward to so noble an attempt , as reforming all schooles , and advancing all arts . but for that he doth in his epistle at the beginning referre wholly to his booke , whereby he saith he will discover himself as hercules doth by his foot & the lion by his pawe . but if i were to judge of him by the impressions which he therein makes of his foote or pawe , i should not by that guesse him to be either a hercules or a lion , but some more weake and lesse generous animal . i have heard from very good hands that he is suspected to be a friar , his conversation being much with men of that way , and the true designe of this booke being very suitable to one of that profession , besides that his superficiall and confused knowledge of things is much about that elevation . i should have been apt to have conjectured him to be some obscure person , whose peevish malecontented humour had brought him into the gang of the vulgar levellers : amongst whom his ability to talke of some things out of the common road , hath raised him to the reputation of being {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , some extraordinary person ; and by that meanes hath blowne him up to such a selfe-confidence , as to think himselfe fit to reforme the universityes . and thus sir have i given you my suddaine thoughts upon the cursory reading of this examen . and though the booke will appeare unto all judicious men but slight and contemptible , yet because it may light into the hands of some weaker persons , who may be apt to take accusations for convictions : it would not be amisse if for their sakes some body would vouchfafe more particularly to examine this examiner , and to disabuse such as may be seduced by him . it is part of that scholastick imprudence , which men of our profession are subject unto , to sit downe and satisfie our selves in our owne knowledge of the weakenesse of such adversaries , without taking any paines to satisfie others , who are not so well able to judge . i shoud think that mr alex : rosse might in some respects be very fit to enter the lists with this champion . but i know not how farre he may at present be engaged in the confutation of some better booke . i am very sure sir there are many of your acquaintance , who if their leisure and patience would permit , are able to play with this hercules , and i should think it a good recreation for some of their spare howers . and the hopes that you may be instrumentall for this is , the chiefe occasion that provoked me to trouble you with so large an account of my present thoughts upon this subject . it may seem somewhat odde and strange to consider what severall kinds of adversaries have of late appeared against the universityes . mr hobbs , mr dell , mr webster . the first of them being a person of good ability and solid parts , but otherwise highly magisteriall , and one that will be very angry with all that do not presently submit to his dictates , and for advancing the reputation of his own skill , cares not what unworthy reflexions he casts on others . it were not amisse , if he were made acquainted , that for all his slighting of the universityes , there are here many men , who have been very well versed in those notions and principles which he would be counted the inventer of , and that before his workes were published . and though he for his part may think it below him to acknowledge himselfe beholding to mr warners manuscripts , yet those amongst us who haue seen and perused them must for many things give him the honour of precedency before mr hobbs . the other ( as farre as his character may be pickt out of his writings ) is an angry fanatick man , who wanting himselfe such academicall learning as would become his relation , would needs perswade others against it , like the ape in the fable . but there is reason to hope that he may be shortly called to an account , and lay'd openby a person of eminent worth , whom he hath weakely provoked . the last is this worthy author , who by a smattering and superficiall knowledge hath raised himselfe a repute amongst his ignorant followers . in the strength of which he comes forth to teach the universities . i should have used him with much more tendernesse and respect , if it had not been very evident to me that it was not so much an ingenuous affection to the advancement of learning , as a froward and malicious prejudice against the universities , that put him on to this worke . but by this time i have tired you as well as my selfe , let me crave your pardon for this tediousnesse , and that you would continue to esteeme me for sir your most affectionate friend and servant n. s. sir , if i should gaine no other fruit beside the pleasure of my giving testimony to the service and respect i beare you , it were a reward exceedingly beyond the labour of the taske which you ( by recommending ) have imposed upon me . the advancement of learning and the consideration of designes tending that way , are things exceedingly suitable to mydesires , these things have beene the argument of much discourse , which i have had the hapinesse to have with you . i must needs say that i should not more desire ( next to the matters of the highest concernement ) to meet with a booke of any other argument , then such an one as should propose expedients for the perfecting and promoting of all kinds of science . and that is the undertaking of the booke you are pleased to send me , ( in the title-page of it ) so that the pleasure you are pleased to give me in offering me under the notion of satisfying your desires that which is so suitable to my owne , takes off all consideration of labour in turning the times of my diversion to scribling , and yet leaves me the hopes of your acceptance , as if i had taken paines , or done something in your service . i can easily conceive , that upon the ground which i have laid ( of my delight in writings tending to the advancement of learning . ) i may raise a suspicion that out of compleasance to you i would diminish the service which herein i offer you . seeing the disappointment of our earnest expectations in things we seriously desire , doth use to be unpleasant to us , and such a disappointment you have sufficiently fore warned me of in your epistle . but i must professe i am farre from any such reach in complement . designes that way , do allwayes please me however managed , prouided it be not in the way of a dull and nauseous mediocrity . you may perhaps sir , impute this to some peculiary in my disposition . yet i have observed in other men , that they have expressed as great a pleasure at the combate of clinias and dametas , as of amphialus and musidorus , and when punteus was in towne , i saw the soberest of the spectatours as much affected at the imitations of the zany , as at the active , and ( in their kind ) admirable performances of the cheife actor . there is an excellēcy in that which is uncouth , aswell as in what is handsome ; and it is enough for me if any thing be excellent in its kind , and such i found ( upon my slight perusall ) to be the booke you sent me , which to my lord bacons advancement , and those which some others have designed , beares such proportion as i have intimated . it remaines therefore that i humbly thanke you for so farre considering my genius , which allwayes inclining me to idlenesse , you have found out a way to imploy my vacancyes with a just satisfaction , such as doth arise rather from being slightly busied then not at all , rather from trifling then perfect idlenesse . in complyance therefore with your desire , i mean to runne over this reverend authour , not staying upon his expressions , or making a toyle of a pleasure but briefely touching upon the things he mentions , taking no care either of my passions or expressions , any farther then to reteine them within the compasse of civility . those things which you have taken the paines to confute , i shall not so much as once recite , the remainder i shall carelesly and slightly ( that is , in my apprehension most becomingly ) speake to . 't is true , you have given us a perfect character of him in your epistle ; but because some may conjecture that he knowes himselfe , better then you know him ( though in truth you are much a better judge of him then he is of himselfe : ) i suppose it may not be unusefull to gather together that character which he hath given of himselfe , that doing him no wrong , and forming a just idea of him in the beginning of my discourse , the reader may be prepared for a due reception of that which followes . we may understand him by his stile ( oratio indicat virum ) and by his passions , wherein its hard for a man to dissemble . he enters in feare & proceedes in jelousies . his first feare is ( of affrighting the tender scholars ) least he should be looked on as some goth or vandall , hunne or scythian comming like a torrent from the boreall mountaines of cold stupidity &c. but for that his comfort is , that others cannot more experimentally and apodictically anatomize his idiocracy then himselfe , wherein besides the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of his elloquence , there is likewise a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} of sence not fathomable by common understandings ; as how others should at all experimentally , or he himselfe should apodictically anatomize his idiocracy . his next is a doubtfull pang , least he should be charged with over much confidence , & the proposall of fame for his guerdon but here againe his bosome is his sāctuary , i find him valiant ( your petifull men are alwayes so ) the sanctuary of his brest and a sentence of the accedence are his retreat ; & this is his comfort a man is a man though he have but an hose on his head , and homo is a common name for all men . 't is to be hoped his examen may be favourable to the gramar , who is thus beholding to the accedence ; yet some men think he could not want an high degree of confidence that should expect fame from compiling such a worke as this . his next encounter is against the suspition of avarice , as if he would ruine universities to share in the spoile . but this he doth sufficiently confute by an argument of such a weighty consequence , as i hope no man will be so uncivill as to deny . for he is no deane nor master president , nor provost , fellow , nor pensioner , and least any man should suspect him to be of another order which he hath omitted viz. a scholler ; he gives assurance to the contrary by that new ellegance which he hath added to an old verse , qui cadit in terram non habet unde cadat . which he hath reformed it into nonsence : indeed although we hope that none could suspect him of any such interst ; yet all those parties ought to thank him for his care in giving the world this satisfaction . by this time he supposes the drousy world awakened by the sound of his thundering stile ( and by the proclamation of his heroicall designes ) to enquire into the origine and education of him that dares censure ( and defy all the universityes in the universe though he might chose to answer ; he won't be cinicall but say , that hercules is eastly known by his foot , and the lyon by his paw , his treatise shall shew that he is a free borne englishman ( of the house of the websters ) and that 's enough for modest inquirers . and now one would think this herculean lyon should be no more afraid , but againe behold he trembles , least some should think his treatise to be like plato's republick : sr thomas mores vtopia , or the ld. bacons new atlantis . but if they should do so , they were surely much to blame , and 't were an unpardonable errour , i should be very glad to rid him from this feare , but i consider it is the destiny of such heroes , borne for reformers of the world , to be men of working fancies , subject to māy feares & trances . his predecessor in the military way ( the famous hero of the mancha mistooke a windmill for an inchanted castle , and this man ( man did i say , this hero ) lyes under the same delusion , relieve him i cannot , lament him i must , o webster webster quae te dementia cepit . he hath a petty scruple yet remaining , least he may possibly be charged with an infirmity of pilfering or nimming : but he can say , with macrobius , omne meum , nihil meum , the treatise is of his own invention ( he found it in helmont , verulam , gassendus , and some others ) he hath indeed taken some hints to the mountenance of three quarters of the treatise , but he took them from strong men , fighting with the steely instruments of demonstration &c. and no man can accuse him of singularity , whilest noble heroes beare him company . thus have you sir , a character of this noble reformer , given us liberally by himselfe , he would not calumniate the academies , ( but censure the corruptions of the present generation ) he professes he hath not done all he could , so that if he faile , we must blame his weaknesse not his will ; where by the way , observe the consequence of his reformed logick , he could have done more if he would , and yet we must blame his weaknesse not his will . hitherto you have had his apologies , he will now put us to ours , for explicit epistola , incipit examen academiarum . cap. i. of the generall ends of erecting publique schooles . he acknowledges , that no nation hath been so ferall as not to honour literature , for the indians had their brachmans &c. and these had their publick schooles . the man we see thinks it brutishnesse not to honour learning , & the way for learning to flourish , to be by instituting academies . how infinitely are we beholden to him for this testimony . yet they had not so farre as he can gather ( and that 's as farre as some milder author will furnish him , for its hard to name from whence he had his catalogue of brachmans , magi , and druides , there are so many who taken with the bombast of their names love to recite them ) any publick salaryes : but their merit was their maintenance &c. here first it will be worth the while to observe his course of reasoning , how it differs from ours in the universities . . he cannot gather they had publick salaries . . therefore they had no salaries at all ( for their merit was their maintenance . ) . yet their excellence in arts procured them advancement . i see the reason why he is offended at our logick ; but ( to answere seriously ) if he have any meaning in this touch , it must be of bad signification to the revenues of the universities . but it would be sad , if things should be modelled by this mans reading , or universities were to subsist upon his collections . t is true , we never read of aesculapius , what fees he took , nor of the price of homers ballads , yet we know that homer had a mouth , else how could he sing ? and by the immortality of his workes we know that his drink was not water . — nec vivere carmina possunt quae scribuntur aquae potoribus . this mans predecessor in the way of knight errantry , had like to have runne into a grievous mistake , because he had never read in any author , that they used to carry money ; and if m. webster compose himselfe to the model of what he reads concerning those ancient worthies , i confesse i should feare to keepe him company ; for not reading of any shirts or shooes that they made use of , i know not how sweet & cleanly i might find him . well sir , that which followes is very sad , and you having answered the theologicall part , i intend to skip it over . the ends of erecting academies , have been in his account , the same in generall to all people , though they have differed in particulars . viz. politick , in reference to the common-wealth military . civill . religious , serving to idolatry amongst the heathen . the ministry amongst christians . the politick use he approves of , to the great happinesse of the universities , rejoyce therefore o ye academies , for ye may remaine notwithstanding the strenuous endeavour of the scythians , the gothes , the vandalls , and the huns . dicite , io paean . but the religious use of them he disapproves , and here it is that you have sufficiently contunded him , and saved us the labour of a reply , i shall not therefore need to speake a word to his theologicall arguments , the judicious reader will excuse this chasme , being so happily prevented by your learned strictures , i shall touch upon that which you took no notice of . it fell within the compasse of his wit , being so vast and comprehensive to discerne , that languages may be judged usefull to theology , see therefore how he will elevate their reputation . it is not ( he saies ) concluded which are the originall copies : and tongues teach but the grammaticall sence . it is indeed disputed which copies are authenticall , betwixt men of his religion , and those of ours , but the want of grammar , hath made a protestant of a friar , for by translating the word authenticall , into the word originall , he hath ( by meer chance ) renounced the tridentine councell , tacitely acknowledging the vulgar latine not to be authenticall . but his logick is as fortunate as his grammar , he argues tongues to be unnecessary to theology ( for i am loth to offend his tender eares or head ) because they teach but the grammaticall sence , and a literall understanding : sir , you may perhaps demand a reason of the consequence , thinking the knowledge of the grammaticall sence , to be necessary to the attaining of the spirituall meaning , but i shall desire to be heard as to the antecedent , and to be his remembrancer , that tongues , nay letters , have taught a way of mysticall theology , as mysticall as need to be , and not unworthy to be compared to his which followes ; 't is pitty he had not heard of the mysteries of the gnosticks , nor the ziruph gematry and notariacon of the cabalists , that one might have gained his favour to the greek , the other to the hebrew tongue , to the advancement of marcus and colarbasus , and the sparing of behemen & de fluctibus . but the knowledge of tongues is built upon no surer a foundation then traditionall faith . alasse ! who knowes there ever was such a language as greeke or hebrew or latine , or that the words do signify as we are told . mr webster is a deepe thinking man , and will not be put off without a demonstration or revelation ( you charge him wrongfully with popery he hates traditions ) and will not i warrant you upon tradition believe that caput signifyes a head , or that this word head , can represent that noble part of his stiled in the verses before his book his bonny sconce , where so much wit & learning is inskulled , in this point surely he may say , if he be not guilty of too much dubi●ation , with pyrrho , he is not over confident with aristotle . but there are errours in all translations , therefore toungs are unnecessary , how necessary to renounce their reason , is it for those who deale with them of the mystery . some would have thought because there were errours therefore the study of languages are necessary ; that were indeed the logicall consequence , but the other is the misticall . his last argument of making men proud of their skill you have answered , and this for the first chapter as to what you thought worthy of your notice , the second concerning schoole-theology , hath felt likewise the weight of your hand : i passe on therefore to the third , being earnest to tast of his humanity . cap. iii. of the division of that which the schooles call humane learning , and first of tongues or languages . that which he proposes in the third chapter is to speake . of the division of humane learning , made by the schooles . himselfe . . of languages , where he proposes , . their uselessenesse . . a dispute about the way of attainement , whether that by grammar be the best . . errors of grammar . . advancements , by hieroglyphicks . symbolismes . steganography . universall character . language of nature . the first part of his undertaking , i shall not stand much upon , because the good man ha's hinted at some others worthy of more consideration , the good man ( for i feare i offend when i call him master webster , because of pag. . ) is offended that knowledge should be divided into speculative and practicall : naturall philosophy hath for its object , corpus naturale mobile , and the end is not speculation , and so its practicall . mathematicks hath taught men to build houses , &c. therefore that is practicall , and the schooles would have them speculative . a sad thing , and worthy the animadversion of this great reformer . now if the schooles should answer , that the end of these sciences may be practised , and yet they may be speculative , i know not what he would reply . i am much given to observe the course of his ratiocination , which alwaies ends in mystery . see then how he proceeds for naturall philosophy : this cannot be speculative , for the end of it is more sublime then to rest in speculation . well , what 's the end ? to behold the eternall power and godhead , that 's , speculation : but farther , to be drawne to worship him , that 's indeed practise ; but lastly , to worship him , that we may come to the vision of him , that 's speculation ; the end therefore of it may be speculation , and so the schooles escape a whipping . for what he saies concerning the mathematicks , as you know sr it cannot choose but move mee , they have bin sōetime accounted my mistresse , and jealousy must work when i find another courting her , and that so passionately that he falls into an extasy : ( o sublime , transcendent , beautifull , and most noble mistresse ( quoth he ) who would not be enamoured on thy seraphick pulchritude &c. ) but making my approach to him , i find him at his distance , praying ( like some moping friar to the lady of lauretto , or like ) the nephew of the queene of faery , and uttering a speech to her , made by iohn dee in his preface , enough to satisfy mee , that she is yet pure and untouched by him , and hath not entertained him into any familiarity . seriously sir , had he read the book as well as the preface , nay had he understood but the two first propositions , he would have perceived , how theorems doe serve in order to problemes , and practise may be the end of contemplation , and so againe the schooles might have escaped him . well! but see him divide now the arts and sciences , behold him coming to it with his cleaver , or rather with his herculean beetle endeavouring to split them in three peeces . . the first are those that though they seeme to conferre some knowledge , yet they doe it in order to a farther end , and so are instrumentall . and this part , according to this author , ought to comprehend all arts and sciences , and so the block of sciences , hath escaped the wedge , though it hath felt the beetle-head . . those which conferre knowledge of themselves , and are not instrumentall to others , as naturall philosophy , &c. here the beetle rebounds , and gives himselfe a blow , for can the science of naturall things , whose subject is corpus naturale mobile , p. . chuse but be subordinate and instrumentall to the discovery of god , and the preservation of health ? p. . . . the third sort are those , which though they conferre some knowledge , and have some peculiar uses , so they seeme necessary as ornamentall . we see the blow the beetle gave him , hath wholly bereft him of his sence , a sad example upon a man , that not contented with the old , would set himselfe to make amongst us new divisions . well may he loose his senses , but he will never loose his mettle , he no sooner awakes out of his trance , but biting his tongue by chance , upon that occasion he falls upon the thought of tongues and languages . wherefore woe be to them . . the knowledge of tongues beareth a great noise in the world ( and is it not strange that tongues should keep such a noise ? ) and yet there is not much profit by them . the profit that is by tongues is only . to understand one another . . to make forreigne negotiations and to traffick and therefore 't is not worth the while to learne them . the argument is somewhat mysticall , i shall endeavour a little to unfold the mystery ; all good things relate only to the body or mind , and the lives of men are divided into these foure kinds {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} riches or pleasure carry the greatest sway , and those are carryed on in the world by negotiations and traffick , these administer to every nation whatever is the peculiar advantage of any one , & furnishes them all with gold & silver , &c. which men have agreed to make the common measure of riches , and with all things conducing to health and pleasure . now there is no traffick without the use of languages , therefore there is not much profit in them . well these are commonly counted good things , but our zeletique or sceptick may be in that a stoick , these are commoda not bona , things that are good and profitable are the goods of the mind , and those are attained by making use of the discourse and writings of men of all ages and nations , and that is not to be done without skill in languages , so that againe there is but little profit by them . 't is true no sort of men can well be without thē , as they cannot be without the sun , ( his heat to nourish , his light to guide them ) therefore the use of them is little , this is his logick , but i am apt to forget my selfe as oft as i shall fall into his mysteries . . but if languages were worth the while to learne , yet the way of teaching them ( by grammar &c. ) is not the best . either the way must be by grammar , or by exercise in colloquy , if the latter it must be gained by cōversation either at home or abroad . first for the learned languages , latin , greeke , hebrew and the rest of that ranke , whether shall a man travell to converse with such as will speake to him in those tongues : as for other tongues , as french , italian , spanish &c. his advice will be to travell into those nations . but if any man make it his businesse to comprehend them all , he must either hire men of all sorts to be with him as conversers , or must apply himselfe to all , ( travelling till he meet with them ) so that the result will be that instead of some daies in his study , a man spends many years in travell or conversation , and all for saving the expence of time and charges . the way of conversation , makes men ready and confident , but that alone will never make them accurate , an instance whereof we have , in that none that have no skill in grammar , can ever amongst us ( though they speake excellently ) attaine the true writing of our english tongue , and though many have come to be knowing men , as to the substance , and vastly read , yet i never knew an accurate man , fit to write or speake in any learned language , who neglected the grammar of it . this i thought proper enough for an academicall man to take notice of : as for his exceptions to the grammar , as being void of evidentiall perspicuity , and not coapted to the tender capacities of young years &c. i leave them to the schooles of the lower forme to answer . the man supposes that universities , like to the scholae illustres of the jesuites , teach the latine grammar , and to goe through even the lowest elements of learning : but you know sir , that it is neither usuall nor lawfull to teach the latine grammar in the universities . if this man have ever seene any universities , they have been the romish schooles and academies , to whose elevation , the learning which he discovers , and the reformation he proposes , are ( to use his excellent phrase ) coapted . but in truth i am extreamly ravished at the defects he finds in grammar , and his proposalls for its advancement , how sweetly and congruously hath he drawn in to the reliefe and advancement of grammar and language , those things which mortall men intended to set in opposition to them . it is reported of friar bacon , that time was when by the strength of alchymy he made a brazen head to speake time is &c. but how farre hath our friar exceeded him , who taking of hieroglyphicks , emblemes , symbols , and cryptography , and according to his capacity , hath extracted out of silence , an advance of eloquence , and from dumb signes a grammar . sir , i doe not deny that the consideration of these things may very well accompany the consideration of grammar , and the defects in these kinds may be spoken of very methodically , together with the defects of grammar , they being all conversant ( though in waies as absolutely different as the eare is from the ey ) about signification , and generally referring to it : but to make them all one , or parts of each other , amounts to no lesse then a great want of consideration . it is a thing to be acknowledged by all considering men , that knowledge is conveighed by signification of our notions to one another , that signes may be made ( by institution of men ) in any way which doth admit of a sufficient variety , and that knowledge may be communicated , as well by the eye as by the eare , but to say that by introducing that way , either grammar or languages should be advanced , it were as mysticall as to affirme , that the day light is advanced by the coming of the night , or that he would kill a man for his preservation . to discourse concerning hieroglyphicall ( or emblematicall ) and cryptographicall learning , is as needlesse , to men that know any thing , as uselesse to m webster , who out of the abundance of his ingenuity , confesses the cryptographicall bookes of porta , agrippa , trit●hemius , &c. to be written to his wonder and amazement ; what was the designe of them , and to whether pallas they referre , he troubles not himselfe to know , it is enough for him , that orthography and cryptography have the same end , and he hath heard that the first is a part of grammar : and why may not emblems be a part of grammar , as well as etymology , they begin both with a letter , the word sounds as well , and emblematicall is a neater word , and suits perhaps better with his mouth then etymologicall . besides . hierogliphicks and cryptography , were invented for concealement of things , and used either in mysteries of religion which were infanda , or in the exigences af warre , or in occa●ions of the deepest secresy , ( such as those of love , which is not to be owned , or of the great elix●r , and the like ) and grammar is one of those arts and language one of those helps , which serve for explication of our minds and notions : how incongruous then is it , that the art of concealement , should not be made a part of the art of illustration ; surely it would make much to the advancement of children while they are learning the elements of grammar , to be put upon the speculation of the mensa isiacae , the canopi , and obeliskes , the thesaurus hieroglyphicus , or grosschedel's magicall calendar ; this would certainly effect , even in children , what porta & agrippa have done to m. webster , bring them to wonder and amazement . but he hath extreamely disobliged whosoever have been authors of the symbolicall way , either in mathematicks , philosophy , or oratory , to bring them under the ferula , and make those who have exempted themselves from the encombrances of words to be brought post liminio , into the grammar schoole , it was little thought by vieta , m. oughtred , or herrigon , that their designation of quantities by species , or of the severall waies of managing them by symbols ( whereby we are enabled to behold , as it were , with our eyes , that long continued series of mixt and intricate ratiocination , which would confound the strongest fancy to sustaine it , and are with ease let in to the abstruseft , and most perplexed depths , wherein the contemplation of quantity is concerned ) should ever have met so slight a considerer of them , as should bring them under grammar . it is very well known to the youth of the university , that the avoiding of confusion or perturbatiō of the fancy made by words , or preventing the los of sight of the generall reason of things , by the disguise of particular nūbers , having passed through severall formes of operation , was the end and motive of inventing mathematicall symbols , so that it was a designe perfectly intended against language and its servant grammar , and that carried on so farre , as to oppose the use of numbers themselves , which by the learned , are stiled lingua mathematicorum , with whom {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and numero inexplicabile are equipollent : but mr w. makes me wild to follow him in his mysteries . the use of symbols is not confined to the mathematicks only ; but hath been applied to the nature of things , by the pythagorean philosophers , and diverse of the cabalists , and to the art of speaking , by diverse both jewes and others : and this symbolicall art is that ars combinatoria , frō which picus mirandula & others , make such large undertakings . the pythagoreans did make symbols of numbers , designing ( ex arbitrio ) the parts of nature ( as the supreme mind , the first matter &c. ) by them , an instance whereof is platos , timeus ; the combinatorian jews ( viz. the author of iezirah and others ) and from them i. picus : schalichius lully , and others , have made symbols of the letters of the alphabet , so that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies with them god : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the angelicall nature &c. the use of this way with all symbolicall writers old or new , ( numeralls , literalls , algebraicalls ( for there want not such as have designed things by the notes of cossic powers ) is to discourse ( that is to compare subjects and subjects , subjects and predicates , and to deduce conclusions ) freely without the trouble of words , upon which while the mind of man is intended , it neither sees the consequence so cleerely , nor can so swiftly make comparison as when it is acquitted of those obstacles , an instance whereof every man hath in casting an account by sarracenicall ziphers , which is much more certaine and speedy , then if the numbers were designed either in words at length , or in the letters of any alphabet ; if ever there be a speedy way made to the attainement of knowledge , it must be by making a shorter , and clearer cutt to the understanding ( by the way of signification ) then that which is travailed now by words ; which advancement of learning and knowledge , will bring ( not an advance , as this man innocently supposes , but ) an elevation and uselessenesse upon language and grammar . for this effect is that which is pretended to by the vniversall character , about which he smatters so deliciously viz. to take away from every nation the necessity of learning any other beside their mother tongue ( which no nation is taught by the rules of grammar ) by designing all things & notions by certaine common signes which may be intelligible by all alike though diversly expressible ( as our numerall notes , the notes of the signes &c. ) you see sir how methodicall the man is by bringing this under grammar , however i shall take this hint to speake a little freely concerning this argument . sir when i first fell from that verbose way of tradition of the mathematicks , used by the ancients , and of late by almost all ( such as clavius and the like ) who have written huge volumes of particular subjects ; into the symbolicall way , invented by vieta , advanced by harriot , perfected by mr oughtred , and des cartes : i was presently extreamly taken with it , finding by this meanes , that not only the substance of those vast volumes might be brought into the compasse of a sheet or two , but that the things thus reduced were more comprehensible and mannageable ; the labour of the braine much taken off , and a way layd open ( by the various comparisons and applications of quantities ) for invention and demonstration of infinite propositions with more ease then before we could vnderstand those which others had invented for us . and i was put upon an eranest desire , that the same course might be taken in other things ( the affections of quantity , the object of universall mathematicks , seeming to be an argument too slender to engrosse this benefit . ) my first proposall was to find whether other things might not as well be designed by symbols , and herein i was presently resolved that symboles might be found for every thing and notion , ( i having found the variety of many millons of signes in a square of a quarter of an inch ) so that an universall character might easily be made wherein all nations might communicate together , just as they do in numbers and in species . and to effect this , is indeed the designe of such as hitherto have done any thing concerning an universall character . and the thing thus proposed is feasible , but the number of severall characters will be almost infinite ( at left as great as the number of primitive words in the most copious tongues and the learning of them either impossible or very difficult . of this kind i have seen severall essayes , one in print , another in manuscript shewed to k. charles ( containing the first book of homers iliads done into characters , ) but in truth such as would never be received , or if they should , would give us no other benefit , besides a communication without language ( which is that which is spoken of the china characters . ) so that the tradition of learning , or faciliation of it would be but little advanced by this meanes . but it did pesently occurre to me , that by the helpe of logick and mathematiticks this might soone receive a mighty advantage , for all discourses being resolved in sentences , those into words , words signifying either simple notions or being resolvible into simple notions , it is manifest , that if all the sorts of simple notions be found out , and have symboles assigned to them , those will be extreamly few in respect of the other , ( which are indeed characters of words , such as tullius tiro's ) the reason of their composition easily known , and the most compounded ones at once will be comprehended , and yet will represent to the very eye all the elements of their composition , & so deliver the natures of things : and exact discources may be made demonstratively without any other paines then is used in the operations of specious analytics . and to such a character as this , there is but one thing more desireable , which is to make it effable , because it is a dul thing to discourse by pointing & indication : and as to this there is thus much obvious , that if the first & most simple things & notions are so few as is the nūber of consonants , & the modall variations so few as may be expressed by vowels and diphthongs , this also may be done with great ease and clearenesse , otherwise not without admitting homonymies and synonimies into that language . and here also , a successe hath been found much beyond expectation , viz. that the characters before described may be utterable , and the names be made up of the definitions of things , or a complexion of all those notions , whereof a complexe is compounded , every simple notion being expressed by one syllable , and the most complexe notion , consisting of as many syllables , as it doth of simple elementall notions . this designe if perfected , would be of very great concernement to the advancement of learning , and i know one in this university , who hath attempted some thing this way , & undertaks as farre as the tradition of reall learning , by which i understand the mathematicks , and naturall philosophy , and the grounds of physick . however m. webster will be brought by this , to acknowledge that these things are considered in the universities , and that they only are not dry , whilest he and his friends are madid . such a language as this ( where every word were a definition and contain'd the nature of the thing ) might not unjustly be termed a naturall language , and would afford that which the cabalists and rosycrucians have vainely sought for in the hebrew , and in the names of things assigned by adam , which m. webster , passing the bounds of sence and reason , would bring under the laws and regulation of donatus , although as he concludes most grammatically , c. ult. it be not acquisitive but dative . sir , familiarity with m. webster makes me bold with him , and that hath encouraged me , to deny that ever there was any such language of nature , and to offer him this demonstration . the paradisicall protoplast , being characteristically bound to the ideal matrix of magicall contrition , by the symphoniacall inspeaking of aleph tenebrosum , and limited by shem hamphorash to the centrall idees , in-blowne by the ten numerations of belimah , which are ten and not nine , ten and not eleaven ; and consequently being altogether absorpt in decyphering the signatures of ensoph , beyond the sagacity of either a peritrochiall , or an isoperimetrall expansion . the lynges of the faetiferous elocution , being disposed only to introversion , was destitute at that time of all peristalticall effluxion , which silenced the otacousticall tone of of the outflying word , and suppressed it in singultient irructations . but where the formes are thus enveloped in a reluctancy to pamphoniacall symbols , and the phantasmaticall effluviums checked by the tergiversation of the epiglottis , from its due subserviency to that concord and harmony which ought to have been betwixt lapsed man and his fellow strings , each diatesseron being failed of its diapente necessary to make up a diapason no perfect tone could follow . and consequently this language of nature must needs be impossible . i am apt to suspect that this demonstration may to some seeme somewhat obscure , but i am very sure that if mr webster doth understand what he hath transcribed upon this subject it must have to him ( to use his own phrase ) an evidentiall perspicuity . thus having demonstrated what i undertooke , i make an end of this chapter , and proceed to comment upon your text , concerning that which followes . cap. iv. of logick . how great a favourer of sciences mr webster is , will appeare in this , that in every chapter his discourse ( if i may be bold to call it so without a catachresis ) equally runnes against the schooles , and the arts themselves . i am perswaded he used to be sorely beaten in the schooles with stripes , and that hath raised up in him , this fatall indignation , wo worth the hand that gathred the twigs , that made the rod , that whipt the — for what if he were uncapable of arts ? ex quovis ligno non fit &c. & what though frō a child he were given to pilfering , & to plagiarisme , we know that every thing would live , & if he now can make a book from whence he hopes that he shall volitare — vivus per ora virum , & yet take of that booke , whole sheets together from other authors , mentioning them only now and then in the margent , as if he quoted a line or two of them , if i say by this trade he can live , yes and rant amongst the levellers , and be suffered to spend much paper , let them say what they please , the man is to be regarded both as a wit , and a great paines-taker . that which followes & is considerable in this whole booke , except his raptures when he falls in contemplation of magick , astrology , or behmens workes is intirely taken from others , but they are strong men , there 's his valour , and they are none of his acquaintance , there 's his ingenuity this chapter begins pag. . and reaches to the . pag. of these , his . pag. is taken from gassendas his exercitations pag. . his th from l. bacon pag. ( in ) his th from gassend . exerc. pag. , , . his . and . out of helmont . pag. , , . the rest of the chapter out of verulam and agrippa , and thus i could give an account of all the rest were it not to be jejune and troublesome . but to come to our examen his scope being to speake against the logick taught in our universities , his discourse runs upon these heads . . logick is a meere verball contest . . it is ill applyed for the finding forth of verity , induction being laid aside and syllogisme taken up . . it teaches no certane rules of abstracting notions . fitting words to notion . . it is made a part of physicks , intricated with thorny questions &c. . aristotles logick is defective &c. as followes in gassend . locis ut supra . . there are errours in the parts , viz. . in definition . . in division . . in argumentation by syllogisme . . their conclusion not necessarily compels assent . . syllogizing doth not teach that which we are ignorant of before . . syllogisticall conclusions beget but bare opination . . lullyes art ( an alphabeticall way for syllogizing ) better then the other , deserving wonderous great praise , yet leaves the mind vast and unsatisfied . so great is the difference betwixt putation and true knowledge . if the man had intended to speak to our capacityes , he should have first examined what logick is usually taught in universities & disputed against it ; now he hath roved at all and some interchangeably , accordingly as the fortune of his collectors hath enabled him , speaking first against the boyes , for hissing , then against syllogisme , then against definition , then against aristotle , then against definition &c. and after that against aristotle and syllogizing : you see sir the generosity of this man he will not make use of logick against it selfe , and you will think me ridiculous in answering to his allegation ( the university being wholy inconcerned , ) but i le be exceeding briefe . . a systeme of rules directing us to the knowledge of the truth begets no intestine warre no humming , hissing , nor obfuscation . . the use of induction is taught in the university as well as the use of syllogisme ; logick is universally subservient to the enquiry of all truths ; induction is ridiculously applyed to mathematicall truths , and syllogisme is to be applyed to physicks ; it was a misfortune to the world , that my lord bacon was not skilled in mathematicks , which made him jealous of their assistance in naturall enquiries ; when the operations of nature shall be followed up to their staticall ( and mechanicall ) causes , the use of induction will cease , and sylogisme succeed in the place of it , in the interim we are to desire that men have patience not to lay aside induction before they have reason . . logick doth teach certaine rules of abstracting notions viz by examining the agreements and disagreements ( which they call the genus and difference ) of things , and if our notions of things have been rashly abstracted , the fault hath been either in the obscurity of nature , or in the dullnesse or impatience of phylosophers & not in the logick of the academies . the notions of things being rightly abstracted they are rightly assigned to words by definition . . the questions concerning the entity of logicall notions , and other physicall and metaphysicall things , are not ( to my knowledge ) mingled with the tradition of logick , ( otherwise then to afford examples to the rules of it ) so that this complaint may concerne others , but not our universities . . aristotles organon is not read to the youth of this university , ( how justly i contend not ) neither was it ever understood , or ever will be by m. webster , then why should we fall out about it ? . . it is a prodigious ignorance in helmont ( from whom m. webster without regard to common honesty , hath taken what ensues ) to think there are no other , or scarce any differences known , beside rationall and irrationall : this is frequently met withall in the vulgar systems of logick as an example , and he thought no more was knowne : without regard to all demonstrative mathematicall knowledge : but he could not speake of things he understood not ; why then should the blind lead the blind ? . something he would have spoken against division , but he had it not about him ; so we can only thanke him for his good intentions in that particular . . his exceptions against syllogizing ( i meane his new supply out of helmont are these . ) . their conclusions doe not necessarily compell assent . viz. m. webster is one who can grant the premises in a true syllogisme , and yet deny the conclusion . i answere this is by a speciall gift . his second exception , i say , that the eduction of a third proposition , or truth from two that were known before , is a teaching of what we knew not , otherwise no man living need to study for any demonstrative knowledge : t is possible m. webster may know that totum est majus sua parte , and the other axioms in euclid , yet i dare say , he understands not , that in a rectangled triangle , the square of the hypothenuse , is equall to the conjoyned squares of the other sides , much lesse any of the propositions concerning the regular bodies , or conic sections . . and whereas he saies , that syllogisticall conclusions beget but bare opination ; we ought to pardon him , helmont told him so , and he knew not that there was such a thing as syllogismus demonstrativus , and what would you have of a cat ? &c. . but though he have despised these waies , he will give an excellent account of the art of lully , and indeed his description argues him a man of profound search into the things he deales with : it is he saith , an alphabeticall way for syllogizing : a description sunke many fathoms beyond the profundity of truth or sence , and if there be any sence assigneable to this description , it will amount to such a definition of geometry as this , it is an art of knowing something by the helpe of letters , syllables , words , and figures : a matter of grievous skil and judgement to discover sir i need not own my conversation in that art of lully : yet i meet with few that have considered much more of it then my selfe , and this i undertake to be accountable for to m. webster , that neither that , nor logick are unusefull ▪ yet that logick conduces more to the invention , and search , and strict examination of truth , and that other more to the invention of arguments for discourse : the one more appropriate to logicall , ( as 't is called ) the other to rhetoricall , or poeticall invention ; the one is a very good way for beginners , the other extreamely usefull to men that have already attained to the knowledge of things , to fetch the notions of things with ease and celerity in their view ; and fit men for secure and ready speaking . i have now done with his chapter of logick and come to that concerning mathematicks . cap. v. of the mathematicall sciences . the mathematicks are extreamely beholding to him for his favours ( but sure without any speciall desert from him ) he hath heard of their perspicuity , veritude , and certitude , and complaines they are so slightly handled , without any solid practice , or true demonstrations . you know sr , how much this makes towards a bribeing of mee ; my clamour is against the neglect of mathematics in our method of study , & you would think i cannot chuse but receive a cōplacency from his concurrence ; lyet such is the perversenes of my nature , that i have not upon any occasion , felt my spleen so high , streining upon a downe-right indignation , as when i find him and mr dell praising the mathematicks : for why ? what have the mathematicks deserved ? that these men should render them contemptible by their commendations : you know sir , it was heretofore accounted an instance of mathematicall skill , to give the dimensions of hercules from the measure of his foot , what if i should adventure to give you the measure of this mathematicall hercules , or herculean mathematian . sir i le begin to rant the society with these men having brought me to it , and i will give you the ( mathematicall ) measure of two of them together mr webster and mr dell. the measure of their pous ( for they tread both in the same steps and are mathematitians both of a cise ) i take meerely from their buzzing discourse about mathematicks , and lay this for my assertion as the result & summe that may be collected from what they have said in that argument ( where i put with the jejuner discourse all the rhetorick poetry . all all the raptures , extasyes and exclamations , & bring them into this aequation ) & that if a be a symboll of a known measure of skill to be expressed in the number . the skill of them both put together will be equall to aq — aqccc , ( the mischiefe is they do not understand me ) and thence it followes as a corollary , that neither of them ever understood one demonstration or aequation , and for assurance of what i say , i undertake , that if either or both of them joyntly or severally be able to resolve a common adfected aequation , or give the geometricall effection of it ( that which many boyes in the university are able to do ) i will procure them one of our mathematick professors places . but he sayes the schooles have done little or nothing to advance learning , or promote science , t is true that my l. nepair , mr briggs , and mr oughtred , ( private spirits ) have done something &c. will he be allwayes so mysterious ? was not mr oughtred fellow of k. colledge in cambridge , and mr briggs first fellow of st iohns , afterwards professour of geometry at gresham colledge , and did he not lastly live and dye professor of geometry at oxford , did not most or all of those he mentions afterwards , professe and read the mathematicks in severall schooles and academies , and is not gassendus ( from whom he takes whole sheets together of this rapsody ) professour of astronomy at paris . what then doth this man meane , to say the schooles ( as he termes them ) have not advanced these sciences ; dos he expect that the colledge buildings , or sr thomas bodlyes frame should do it ? indeed they will do it as soone as he . but i forget my selfe , the summe of his complaints is this . . that arithmetick and geometry are neglected , the schooles contenting themselves with verball disputes of magnitude , &c. . that opticks have received no advance . . that the theory of musick is neglected . . that the astronomy schooles teach according to the ptolemaick system , which they maintaine with rigour . and against this his spirit runs out in very many arguments . . they are ignorant of the other parts , as geography , hydrography , chorography , &c. . they doe not professe the divine art or science of astrology . . somewhat he would say of staticks , architecture , pneumatithmy , &c. commemorated by dr iohn dee . concerning these , i shall speake as briefely as is possible . arithmetick and geometry are sincerely & profoundly taught , analyticall algebra , the solution and application of aequations , containing the whole mystery of both those sciences , being faithfully expounded in the schooles by the professor of geometry , and in many severall colledges by particular tutors , and were he an idoneous auditor , i undertake he should receive full satisfaction here in that particular , however i will be bound he shall be wrought upon ( as he expresses it else-where ) even to wonder and amazement . . his next complaint is , that the opticks are neglected , ( i cannot say what they are generally , but this i know , that there have been lately given by some persons here instances of more solid knowledge of all sorts of radiation or vision , then ever were here , or indeed elsewhere before , and that such things are ordinary now amongst us ( done by some amongst our selves ) as heretofore were counted magicall . . the theory of musick is not neglected , indeed the musick meeting , by the statutes of this university , appointed to be once a weeke , hath not of late been observed , our instruments having been lately out of tune , and our harpes hanged up , but if such men as he should please to come among us , and put us to an examen , without doubt we should then have a fit of mirth &c. . but of all things the astronomy schooles he is most offended at , as maintaining with rigour the ptolemaick system : and against this he disputes with arguments able to turne a copernican into a ptolemaick : the thing , as to our university , you know to be most false ; i believe there is not one man here , who is so farre astronomicall , as to be able to calculate an eclipse , who hath not received the copernican system , ( as it was left by him , or as improved by kepler , bullialdus , our own professor , and others of the ellipticall way ) either as an opinion , or at leastwise , as the most intelligible , and most convenient hypothesis . for my selfe , you know well my principles of phylosophy and astronomy , and how little this whole pamphlet concernes me , yet in defence of ptolemy this may be said with justice , that there is no astronomicall book in the world , which may not be better spared then his {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : sir h. savile ( then whom in his time , europe had not a better judge of things of that nature , ) saies of it , nihil illi par aut aequale : and i heard this lately discoursed and demonstrated , by one ( having relation to him ) who himselfe is yet a copernican of the ellipticall family ; had this man ever seen the almagest , or ptolomies hypo●yposis , he would have known , that ptolomy never medled with solid orbes , he only salved the phenomena , which were left him by excentricks and epicycles , and medled notwith the physicall part at all : and indeed there is no mathematick book in the world more learned or usefull in its kind , then ptolemies almagist , but it is above the capacity of m. websters cise to understand either his solution of triangles , his investigation of apogees and excentricities , his demonstration of the inequalities of the planets , his concluding of them from the phenomena of nature , and his exhibition of them by his hypothesis . the method here observed in our schooles is , first to exhibit the phenomena , and shew the way of their observation , then to give an account of the various hypotheses , how those phenomena have been salved , or may be ( where the aequipollency or defects of the severall hyppotheses are shewn . ) and lastly to shew how the geometricall hypotheses are resolvible into tables , serving for calculation of ephemerides , which are of quotidian use , and if mr webster have any thing to amend in this method , and will afford it our professor , i will undertake he will be thankfull for it . the puerility of his arguments your selfe have noted , they are sacred i will not name them . . it is not faire to say we are ignorant of cosmography , unlesse he had tried us , indeed , if we be so , i know some must answer for it , sir henry savile hath laid it upon one of his professors to read publickly after the body of astronomy , these arts he mentions , and if he be ignorant of them , let m. webster informe against him , and take his profession , winne it and weare it . you will give me leave sir , to publish in our vindication , what your selfe and i know to be true . these arts he mentions , are not only understood , and taught here , but have lately received reall and considerable advances ( i meane since the universities came into those hands wherein now it is ) particularly arithmetick , and geometry , in the promotion of the doctrine of indivisibilia , and the discovery of the naturall rise and mannagement of conic sections and other solid places . opticks and perspective , by various inventions and applications on gnomonicks and picture astronomy in polishing , and indeed perfecting the ellipticall hypothesis , and rendring it geometricall ; and surely if we may still enjoy the encouragement of the higher powers , we may hope in a little time , to give a good account of our selves , as to these particulars . . but the mischiefe is , we are not given to astrology , a sad thing , that men will not forsake the study of arts and languages , and give themselves up to this high and noble art or science , he knowes not what to call it : nay call it that ridiculous cheat , made up of nonsence and contradictions , founded only upon the dishonesty of impostors , and the frivolous curiosity of silly people , so as none but one initiated in the academy of bethlem , would require of us , that we should be philosophers and mathematicians , and yet not to have outgrowne this gullery . i speake not to him ( for he understands as much of astrology as of other things ) but to those he so highly adores ( for one of whom viz. mr ashmole , i have a very good respect ) i make this proffer , that if they can assert either upon the grounds of reason , or constant experiment , any one rule of judiciall astrology , nay if they can maintaine , that the very foundations of them , are not frivolously and ridiculously laid and retained , i shall joyne with mr. w. in desiring that the thundering pulpit men , may submit to the blundering hell-pitmen , and that divinity ( he will let me use that word rather then loose a conunrim ) may give way to divination . the pretence of astrology is to divine by the syzyges of the planets . the planets are considered , as they respect either ( ) the houses , or ( ) the signes of the zodiac , or ( ) one another , or ( ) according to their site and native powers . against them i assert , that their houses have no foundation , for whereas there are three waies of assigning them , either by dividing the ecliptick , the first verticall or the aequinoctiall into equall parts , they have forsaken the two former , and called the last the rationall way ( as condemning the two former of irrationality ) yet this rationall way serves but for some parts of the sphere , and those that live under a right or parallel sphere ( if any doe ) must be deprived of the benefit of astrology , because in a right sphere they are confounded , and in a parallel there are no houses . . in relation to the signes of the zodiac , the planets are conceived to have their exaltations or diminutions , and here they discover a most profound stupidity : about the time when this folly took place , the apogees and perigees of the severall planets being by astronomers determined to be in certaine places of the zodiac : this exaltation or depression , in respect of distance , they coxcomically have understood in respect to their virtue , and though their apogees be changed , they still retaine in those very places their exaltations . . their number of aspects is arbitrary , and there may as well be made as . and granting there were any reason or ground for their good or bad signification , they must signify to one another , not to us . . lastly , the vertues of the planets themselves , that they are hot and cold , male and female &c. is ridiculously founded ; who ever felt the heat of mars , or cold of saturne ? the whole theory is formed with respect to the peripateticall system , the conceit of the foure elements , and if they should be granted , conduce nothing to the fortune-telling which they professe . i have but touched these things , yet so as i have strook at the root of their whole imposture , and if they can satisfy in these things , i will be their proselite . seeing mr webster had nothing to say of staticks , architecture , pnemaththmy , &c. i only shall say that all or most , have received some improvement in this place , as we shall make appeare when he makes his visitation . cap. vi . of scholastick phylosophy . this chapter of his consists of two parts , an affirmative and a negative ; the first concernes the way of phylosophy , which he saith is professed in the schooles viz. the aristotelicall way : in the other he would exhibit the desiderata , those things whereof the universities are ignorant . he disputes against the aristotelicall philolophy in more then twenty whole pages of this chapter , but his dispute is interrupted by the desiderata : for from pag. . to . inclusivè , he is ant-aristoticall ; thence to the . p. come in his other exceptions , and from the . page to . ( viz. to the end of the chapter ) he hath another bang at aristotle . you know sir , how little either i my selfe , or our universities , are concerned to interesse our selves in this quarrell , considering the liberty that is here allowed and taken , this discourse may perhaps concern collegium conimbricense or some forraign universities , and let them answer it . yet i must confesse i wondered at this chap. both at the learning , the inequality , and the method of it ; i presently found some things in it to exceed the genius of our reformer , and some things well becomming him both in respect of his learning , method , and ingenuity . concerning his desiderata i shall speake briefely by themselves , after i have given an account first of his antaristotelicall matter , then of his method . i have formerly intimated how good he is at taking hints , i forgot to give notice in the last chapter of that faculty of his ; now i will not see him wronged , my proposition is , that there is not one argument against aristotle , which he hath not taken entirely out of gassendis exercitations adversus aristoteleos , beside a little out of helmont , to spare words i have annexed this table . webster . page gassend . page here come in the desiderata , afterwards , ,         , ,     webster . gassend . , page page , , , , , ,     webster . helm .         & deinceps .           you may think sir i love the man , otherwise i should not take this paines with him ; this concernes his learning , that which discovers his ingenuity is , that in the transcription of all these whole pages out of gassendus , he never quotes him ▪ only for a line or two by the by , pag. ▪ he names him . q. but you will wonder why this chasme should be betwixt pag. . and p. . and why he could not have given aristotle his lurry altogether ? ans. i answer because his translator failed him , who should have brought it to him altogether . mr webster being above , or without all skill in languages , and destitute of revelation , was forced to get another to translate ( he onely attempting at one small parcell pag. . accedebat ad haec ingenium viri ( aristotelis ) tectum & callidum &c. which he construes , there happened to these things the close wit of the man &c. though his translator stayes , yet ( sensible in how great need the world stood of his labour ) he goes on , and when his translator brings in his remnant , he claps it into the rest crying first come first served , and that 's the just account and reason of this method . the summe of his complaints is this . . naturall magick is abominated , and prosecuted with fire and sword , and not only so , but the name of it execrable &c. . the sublime science of pyrotechny , or chymistry neglected . . medicine . turned to flattery &c. . ill bottomed upon false phylosophy . . the galenicall way not advanced . . discoveries in anotomy . vselesse ( as circulation ) . defective , as to the discovery of the signatures of the invisible archeus . . chirurgery defective in curing the lupus , cancer , &c. againe , that the schooles are ignorant of . celestiall signatures , and subcelestiall physiognomy , viz. meteorologicall , mineralogicall , botanicall , anthropologicall . . the three great hypostaticall soule-ravishing principles , salt , sulphur , and mercury . . magneticall phylosophy . . atomicall learning . to all these i shall make a very briefe reply . ans. . it is surely a wonderfull thing , that naturall magick should not only be prosecuted with fire and sword , but that it should be execrable also . yet notwithstanding this lamentable persecution , i dare adventure my life , that m. w. may passe safely with this examen , carrying it either in his pocket , or in his hand , or in his mouth through both the universities of this nation , the severall colleges of eaton , winchester &c. the college of physitians at london , and all the rest , ( provided he have a care how he passes by the college at bethlem ) without any danger of bell , booke , or candle , fire , sword or execration . as for those authors who have treated of that argument such as agrippa , porta , wecker , & the rest , you know sir how oft they have deluded us how very slender a proportion of truth is conteined in their volumes , that they are not respected here because of the name magick , much less for any conjuring they teach , but for the cheat and imposture which they put upon us , eluding credulous men with the pretence of specificall vertues , and occult celestiall signatures and taking them off from observation & experiment ( the only way to the knowledge of nature ) the discoveries of the symphonies of nature , and the rules of applying agent and materiall causes to produce effects , is the true naturall magick , and the generall humane ends of all pylosophycall enquiries ; but m. webster knew not this , 't is plaine therefore he is no witch , and is therefore free from persecution . . chymistry you know is not neglected here ( there being a conjunction of both the purses and endeavours of severall persons towards discoveries of that kind , such as may serve either to the discovery of light or profit , either to naturall philosophy or physick . but mr webster expects we should tell him , that we have found the elixar , ( surely we are wiser then to say so ) yet we can recommend him to one of his faith , who hath been threescore years in the pursuance of it , and two years since believed he was very neare it . . by what chymicall operation physick should be turned into flattery , in truth i cannot fancy . the practice of physick hath been bottomed upon experience and observation . . and that is the reason , that the discoveries of the circulation of the blood , of the venae lacteae , both mesentericall and thoracicall , of the vas breve , and severall new ductus , vasa lymphatica &c. have not made an alteration in the practice of physick , answerable to the advantage they have given to the theory ; and the security and confirmation they have brought to the former waies of practice . as for his postulatum of discovering the signatures of the invisible archeus by anatomy , it is one of his rosycrucian rodomantados ; would he have us by diffection surprize the anima mundi , & shew him the impressions of a thing invisible ? yet the schematismes of nature in matters of sensible bulke , have been observed amongst us , and collections made of them in our inquiries , and when the microscope shall be brought to the highest ( whether it is apace arriving ) we shall be able either to give the seminall figures of things , which regulates them in their production and growth , or evince them to lye in quantities insensible , and so to be in truth invisible . . if neither physick nor surgery should be defective , he ought to believe , that man should be immortall , or at least , be as long lived as the rosycrucians tell him . yet surgery as well as physick , hath even in our time been extremely advanced , this place hath given late instances of both ; ( particularly in recovering the wench after she had been hanged at least halfe an hower , and others which i could mention ) and the colledge of physitians at london is the glory of this nation , and indeed of europe , for their learning and felicity , in the cures of desperate ulcers and diseases , even of the cancer , and those he ( ignorantly ) mentions , which have been diverse times performed , by d. harvey and others . as to the ignorance he charges upon us , i answer . . it is the destiny of proud and ignorant men , such as having nothing of science , have yet the unjust desire to be reputed rabbies , and the impudence to attempt to be reformers , that being diverted from the reall and solid wayes of knowledge , they dwindle after the windy impostures of magick and astrology ▪ of signatures and physiognomy , and the like , and if we follow them not madding in these pursuits , we pray that we may be excused . . i have formerly given some intimation of our chymicall society , so that i hope it will be charitably concluded , that we are not ignorant of those hypostaticall principles : yet how they should come to ravish the soule of m. webster , i cannot tell , unlesse it should be in contemplation of the benefits he hath received from them , viz. of salt at dinner , of sulphur in the mange , and of mercury in salivation . . magneticall philosophy is not neglected here , your selfe sir , are conscious of some instruments that are prepared for those experiments ( as loadstones rough and polished , armed and naked , a terrella and diverse others ) and how it is a reall designe amongst us , wanting only some assistance for execution , to erect a magneticall , mechanicall , and optick schoole , furnished with the best instruments , and adapted for the most usefull experiments in all those faculties . . how happy are you and i sir , and our ingenious acquaintance , ( whose studies are toward physick or philosophy ) in this place , who are all employed to salve mechanically , and statically the phenomena of nature , and have in some parts advanced the philosophy of those he mentions ? how will it comfort us that we do , and have done in many things , what he would have us ? qui monet ut facias , quod jam facis ipse &c. but least we should be lifted up , behold him in the next chapter thundering against the remainder of arts and sciences . cap. vii . of metaphysicks , ethicks , politicks , oeconomicks , poesy and oratory . you see sir , how thick they come together , and yet the chap. consists but of three leaves , and part of them is taken up with the repetition of that learned proverbe , hercules is knowne by his foot , and the lyon by his pawe . do not you think sir , that this man lookes like hercules ? he thinks so , and he knowes how he lookes ; even like hercules furens , and thence is the inequallity of his ravings . you had him in the former chap. in his combate with strong men to take from them their steely armes of demonstration ; but no mortall wight , no hero is able to persist to perpetuity : we see here the great alcides or goliah fainting , not able to weild his weavers beame , or fustilogge , letting it fall at all adventures , himselfe forlorne of friends , his strength and reason fled away . but though the storme be past therere may be danger from these after drops , alcides may stūble , & oppresse the sciences with his fall and a man may be wounded with the convulsive graspe of a dying lyon . let us observe , therefore and either decline or repell these last attempts against the learning of the academies . against metaphysicks his exceptions are these . . it brings no better instrument for the discovery of truth , then the operation of the intellect . why ! hath mr w. any better instrument then this ? is it sense , or is it revelation ? what is his instrument or toole , that he preferres before the intellect of man ? the man is mad why doe i trouble him ? . it containes no certaine principles , the principle of mens cogitans , is more certaine , and undeniable then that of the schooles , impossibile est idem simul esse & non esse . it seemes he is in a case to swallow contradictions , and can assert that a thing can simul esse & non esse ( i warrant this man doth believe transubstantiation ) how is his throat widened since he was so streight as not to admit the inference of a conclusion in a true syllogisme ? but then was then , and now is now , omnium rerum est vicissitudo . yet des cartes will give him little thankes for acknowledging his principle , cogito ergo sum , if a thing may simul esse & non esse . . the summe of the remainder is this , ( though by a speciall gift he hath multiplyed it into three arguments ) that metaphysicks is of no profit but to obscure the truth , hath produced none but weake frivolous opinions concerning god &c. and the poisonous cocatrice egs of altercation . i answer sir that i have no inclination to grapple with the wind , or deale with wild universalityes , i am of opinion , that there is much to be considered of , & amended in the metaphysicks ; but that upon this occasion , he hath only discovered an art he hath which might have saved him the labour of all particulars , by saying at once both to the schooles and sciences that they are evill and not good , yea even wicked frivolous and abominable . his next touch is at ethicks , and his exceptions are . against aristotle , who was a heathen , and did not acknowledge god . and you say sir , mr webster is a friar , yet aristotle acknowledged a first mover & if that be not god what is it . . he placed the summum bonum in the exercise of virtue , but the summum bonum is not attaineable in this life . but he was disputing what was the summum bonum in this life , and if virtue be the way to life eternall , it is certainely that summum bonum . . they have taught nothing practicable . we are sorry that mr webster finds justice , prudence , temperance , modesty &c. unpracticable , but so it seemes it is with him , and yet he will be our reformer . . aristotle takes the preheminence of that which is deduced from the principles of christianity , and is unjustly preferred before socrates , plato , zeno , seneca , epictetus , who containe more precious treasure . but where is it o thou roaring lyon , ( seeking whom thou maist devour ) or rather thou essex-lyon , that aristotle is preferred before christ ? is it at oxford or at cambridge ? are not the christian ethicks of daneus , scultetus , amesius , aquinas , others , beside all those authors you have mentioned , read & studyed and preferred before him in the universities ? what shall be done unto thee o thou leasing toungue ? politicks . his exception against the politicks read in the universities is very faint and thinne being only this , that plato , bodin , machavell , are as good as aristotle ( though he have many things of singular use , which is the first good word he hath given him ) and that our country man , m. hobbs , is more profound , and yet we read aristotle in the vniversities . rhetorick . and the same is his exception against rhetorick . we read aristotle , and spend too much time upon ornamentall oratory and poetry , which are gifts of nature . ans. had this man found any one that had written whole bookes against these arts of aristotle , so as gassendus , helmont , &c. against his logick and naturall phylosophy , and a translator ready to assist him , these arts and sciences had not thus escaped him , now he can only clatter at aristotle , and clamour against the schooles for reading him . plato , bodin , macchiavel , are as good as aristotle : well , and aristotle as good as them ; what then ? but mr hobbs is more profound &c. 't is true our theologues say he is bottomed in the great abysse . againe , aristotle in his rhetorick must give way to plato ; i will not repeat what i have said , and you sir before me , concerning the liberty and variety amongst us , but i affirme , that supposing those morall authours which even now he mentioned , zeno , seneca , epictetus , or these politick writers or rhetoritians , did conteine things better in their kind then aristotle , yet they are not so fit to be read in universities by way of institution , as he . they have written diffusedly stilo oratorio , or use by way of dialogues , but have not given a briefe methodicall body of the things they handle . the businesse of such as have the institution of youth , is to give them , first a briefe and generall comprehension of the kinds and natures of those things , about which their studyes , and endeavours are to be employed , and so to excite & stirre them up to a deeper & more thorough consideration of them , to set them into a way of study and knowledge , but no man is made perfect in any kind by the meere endeavours of a tutor , but for that they must have recourse to their industry , their ingenuity , and their inclination . now the chiefe reason as i conceive , why aristotle hath been universally received as magister legitimus in schooles hath been ; the universallity of his enquiries ; the brevity and method of them ; fitting them for institutions , and not the truth or infallibillity of his workes : ignorance or want of consideration of that end , mixt with pride and arrogance and an ambition to be a reformer , hath produced this glorious worke of mr webster . he hath now done with the learning of the universityes , indeed he had done with it long agoe , and will have a fling at their customes and method . cap. viii . of their customes and method . what erasmus said concerning the popes crowne , and monkes bellyes , is more fit for a fryar to speak , then for us who live upon college commons . to come therefore briefely to his exceptions . . his first is , that all our severall colleges are tyed to one method , carried on in one way , bound to the same authors . the charge is utterly untrue , yet were it so , it were no inconvenience ( unlesse he could demonstrate an errour in our institutions ) that those who are to engage in the same scholastick exercises , should be trained up in the same authors and method . . but our exercises are slothfully performed , our publick acts being kept but foure times in the yeare , that is in the termes , which , if one should tell them in plaine termes , are but usually idle termes . would not some man as knowing as himself imagine our terms to last some four dayes or thereabouts ? but you know sir , they take up the greatest part of all the yeare , and that in the vacations our schollars are not exempt from exercise , either in the college-halls , or in their tutors chambers . as for his quibling about termes , ( it being the only wit that he hath offered at ) i will upon no termes spoile his conundrum , yet i must confesse some grudging i have , that he should set up in two trades at once , quibling and reforming . . the custome is injurious which ties men to a set time of yeares and acts , before they can receive their laureation . of all men living i know no reason why such as he should complaine of this : alas ! why should such men be left behind their over nimble fellowes ? me thinks he should be comforted , in being suffered to leird it in a crowd of better company . but seriously sir , i use to admire in this the prudence of our ancestors ; to stay a while for a degree ( which yet this mā would not have us so proud and arrogant as to conferre ) it is no prejudice to mens worth or learning ; those colledges have not been least renowned where the locall statutes oblige them to stay the longest ; we are not destitute of other equivalent encouragements , in case of an egregious proficiency : and if upon such pretences , time and exercises should be dispensed with , the overweening of men , and the partiallities of friends , would prove very prejudiciall to the true and sincere interest of worth and learning . . his next scandall is , at the humming and hissing of boyes , rather like geese then bees &c. indeed sir , the boyes are to be chidden , yet i must needs tell m. webster , that all are not bees that buzze , and it appeares their hissing hath been his great vexation ; but that he was never troubled with their humming . . he complaines , that their disputations are about notions and paper-idols . was there ever , or can there be a disputation about any thing else but notions ? would he have them bring forth bread and cheese & dispute de gustibus ? or would he have the consecrated host brought in , and paper-idols converted into wafer-idols of more savour ? . and in earnest , it is a heavy thing , that they make use still of the latine tongue in all their exercises . indeed sir , this is a sad and grievous complaint , and hath not fallen from him without reason . his reason i discovered in his chapter about philosophy : let others admire his wit , i am for his judgement : you say sir , he is a friar ( whether black or gray , of the family of the creepers , or the skippers it matters not ) now sir , if he could reforme out of the universities , our studied arts and languages , so farre as to banish from us the use of even the latine tongue , and put us into a course of studying magicall signatures , astrology , and iacob behmen ; his modesty might admit of demanding a canonization , and this great mathematician , might justly conclude his account to his holinesse , with an {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . p. , , his next three complaints i shall make bold to put together , as containing our adhering to antiquity , our being sweyed by plurality of voyce , and our adhering to aristotle . o aristotle , are you there ! i wondered where he was all this while , when m. webster was in distresse for want of him : but he is a peripatetick , and will never leave these courses , till m. webster turne him out from among the academies ; however for us , let m. w. answer for our affectation of novelty and singularity , and we shall well enough evade the charges of these paragraphs . . his last complaint is , that we doe not read the mathematicks . indeed we doe not so much and earely as is fitting , yet this i must needs say , that we read ptolemy , apollonius , and euclide , &c. and he hath read nothing but iohn dees english preface : make roome now for his expedients . cap. ix . of some expedients or remedies in theology , grammar , logick , and mathematicks . did not i heretofore intimate , that i found m. webster to be a pittifull man , and now sir you see it plainly proved by this chapter , and those which follow , vna eademque manus vulnus opemque feret . he that hath hurt the universities will heale them . you know it is the custome of those generous soules , who for the health and safety of the generality of men , doe use to ascend the banke or publick stage , to give poyson to some that are about them , to wound or scald them , not that they delight in torturing the creature , ( that were cruelty ) but by the smart of some few , to convince the unbelieving multitude of the celestiall energy of their balsames ; they only wound , that they may cure the wounded . and now for application in short , that 's the designe of this noble gentleman : yet least any man should think the remedies worse then the diseases , i am resolved here to joyne with him , and with steely arguments , to confound his gainsayers . for theology . . his first remedy is , that men should lay aside the suffering of themselves , to be stiled by the blasphemous title of divines , and that the people should call them theologues , as they doe in scotland . i am for theologue , divine is a thinne stingy word to it , this fills the mouth better , and is fitter to astonish , comes nearer too to a magicall noise , ( and magick is almost divine p. . ) i would have the people call them theologues , and this is my reason ; his reasons are mysticall , because the other is blasphemous : yet nothing more frequent amongst the antients then {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : and those who have sought epithites for plato , aristotle , and ptolemy , called the first of them {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the second {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and the last {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , i am perswaded without any intention to blaspheme . in the last place , i must pray you not to mistake him , as a favourer of the scottish interest , for it is well known he is a leveller , and by consequence an adversary to the high-lands . . his next remedy is , that the scriptures be wholly laid aside in scholastick exercises . the truth is sir , he hath spoken so excellently in his remedies , that all the service i can doe him , is only to unfold his meaning . i say then that his meaning is not , that the scripture should be laid aside in morall exercises , ( for he would have them deduced from the principles of christianity p. . ) nor yet in physicall exercises , ( for he would have some physicall learning introduced into the schooles , which is grounded upon scripture principles p. . ) but his meaning is only , that the scriptures should be laid aside in theologicall exercises , and who does not see what a remedy to theology that would prove ? . that the discoveries of god by reason , may be a part of naturall philosophy . for why ? the subject of naturall philosophy is corpus naturale mobile . concerning languages . . . his first and second remedies for languages are , that we should advance our owne , and have a compendious way for teaching forraigne languages . who ever thou art that deniest these to be speciall ( or rather indeed generall ) remedies in this malady , i say unto thee , thou liest , and art stiffnecked : moreover i say , that they are excellent remedies , as being part of the universall medicine . , . that in teaching languages , comenius way in his ianua linguarum . grammar , m. brinsleys way in his grammar schoole . may be followed . comenius i know , and that his way is usefull , mr brinsley i have not the happinesse to know , any otherwise then by m. websters commendation , being one of his favorites i should be glad to serve him : i conceive by m. w. his designe is , that children should be well instructed in the accedence before they learne their grammar . . in his fift remedy he discovers a maine secret , that irregulars should be learned without rule , and that the irregulars being learned , the rule also of the regular nounes and verbes would be facile and briefe , as being but one rule for all . indeed the children ought to cry gratias , for if for one play-day , and that a broken one , they use to doe it , how many play-daies hath he procured them ? besides the present sport he makes them . after all this he feares it may be imagined , that he should proffer at advancing symbolicall and cryptographicall learning , the universall character , and language of nature . i testify they doe him wrong that thus imagine , and never understood well what formerly he delivered in that argument : i had him presently in the wind , ( such was my felicity ) and durst then have sworne ( if need had been ) that it was even just as now i find it : that concerning cryptography , symbols , the vniversall character , he knew nothing ; and that his discourse of the language of nature , did signify only this , that wanting the use of other languages , even of the latine , he had obtained a gift as usefull , viz. a canting language . next in order followeth logick . . his first remedy is , that we find out what reason is in its intrinseck nature and operation . and examine wherein mans reason exceeds the reason of other animants ; and here he saith it will be found , there is no specificall but a gradual difference . m. webster having discovered that betwixt his reason , and his horses , there is only a graduall difference , hath given much light in the present enquiry ; only he hath concealed from us , which of them hath the advantage of degrees , and whether those degrees are divided by minutes , seconds , and thirds , and whether in the sexagesimall or decimall way . when he shall have holpen us in these scruples , i pray sir , let us make the best we can of this remedy . . that the principles of syllogisme be cleared and demonstrated . because 't is very hard for him to understand , that quae eidem sunt aequalia , vel inaequalia ; sunt inter se aequalia vel inaequalia . or quae conveniunt in uno tertio vel non conveniunt ; inter se conveniunt etiam vel non conveniunt , his reason differing but gradually from the reason of other animants . . that some prevalent way be found out , for discovering and rectifying the fallacies of the sences , for abstracting adequate notions , and giving apposite denominations to them . now sir , what say you to m. webster ? had he had the luck to have added the quadrature of the circle , with its appendices in geometry , and the phylosophers stone in chymystry , what could more judiciously and comprehensively have been required ? . that induction may be improved , and to that end experiments frugiferous and luciferous may be made . the thing that is here proposed i do exceedingly like , and seeing it is an amphibious argument , belonging to physick and logick both , i will not be so unreasonable as to quarrell with him about his method or disposition . the mathematicks . the mathematicks should come to be spoken of , but they being what they are , ( able to shift for themselves ) and he being able to make a ( scambling ) shift without them , and it being terrible hard for one utterly unacquainted with them to speake any tollerable sence in this argument , he being wisely-wary , wishing well to the mathematicks and mathematicians , ( l meane the copernican astronomers ) having spoken against ptolemy , having had a twitch at aristotle , and having no more to say , concludes the chapter . cap. x. of some helps in naturall phylosophy . how can it chose but be well help't up , when he shall set his hands to it who is so great a naturall-phylosopher ? in this chapter he first discusses that great question , what shall become of aristotle ? and then proceeds to his remedies . the first in truth is decided ( in my opinion ) not without some judgement , how ever it comes to passe . there are many things in him good ( in truth very many excellent things , all his historicall parts of nature are excellent , and so is his rhetorick , and all his other workes ) only his physicks is to be eliminated , it being founded upon either false , or not intelligible principles , referring all things to that system , and modell of the world , which time and observation have manifested to be untrue : the astronomy depending thereon ( upon that system of foure elements , and a quintessentiall solid heaven ) falls necessarily upon the removall of his physicks , or rather the physicall part of that astronomy . you see sir , how loath i am to vary from m. w. my opinion concerning aristotle being even coincident with his : yet i think aristotles bookes , the best of any philosophick writings , & that when these things are laid aside , that which remaines deserves for him the honour that ought to be given to one of the greatest wits , and most usefull that ever the world enjoyed . farther , i must enforme m. webster , that the thing he doth desire , is already performed in our academies , there being no man , any thing deeply seene in naturall philosophy , who goes about to salve things upon the principles , of matter , forme , and privation , or the first and second qualities . so that i feare his molimina against aristotle , will by some witts , be accounted disingenious , and his reflections upon our universities , unworthy and impertinent . but to come to his remedies . . his first is , that my l. bacons way may be embraced . that axioms be evidently proved by observations , and no other be admitted . &c. i am wholly of his judgement , yet i have an itching desire to know what lilly , and booker , behmen , and all the families of magicians , soothsayers , canters , and rosycrucians , have done to vexe him , since he was writing of mathematicks , and scholastick philosophy , that having cherished them then , and put them in hopes of his blessing , he should now of a sudden cast them off , betaking himselfe to their deadly enemy . . the second remedy is , that some physicall learning may be brought into the schooles , that is grounded upon sensible , rationall , experimentall , and scripture principles , and such an author is dr fludd ; then which for all the particulars , the world never had a more perfect piece how little trust there is in villainous man ! he that even now was for the way of strict and accurate induction , is fallen into the mysticall way of the cabala , and numbers formall : there are not two waies in the whole world more opposite , then those of the l. verulam and d. fludd , the one founded upon experiment , the other upon mysticall ideal reasons ; even now he was for him , now he is for this , and all this in the twinkling of an eye , o the celerity of the change and motion of the wind. . his third remedy is , that the philosophy of plato and democritus , of epicurus and philolaus , of hermes and dr gilbert , be brought into examination and practise . he meanes that these be examined by those that can understand them ( himselfe being unprovided in that kind , ) that we chuse the good , and refuse the evill . you will say , if de fluctibus be so perfect , what need we go any farther ? i warrant you sir , he knows both why and wherefore , though i can see no reason for it . . that youth may put their hands to labour , and their fingers to the furnaces : that the mysteries discovered by pyrotechny ; and the wonders brought to light by chymistry may be familiar to them . all that i can do here is to explaine his meaning , least the remedy should loose its operation [ it is not his meaning , that the youth should put their fingers into the furnaces , for that would make them dread the fire , nor yet unto the furnaces , for that would smut them , but to , that is , towards the furnace . ] he hath likewise taken care that we should not confound in this paragraph chymistry and pyrotechny , the wonders of that , and the mysteries of this . chymistry is well knowne , pyrotechny is the method of fireworkes , the mystery of making squibs and crackers . . the last remedy is , that galenicall physick may not be the prison that all men must be enchained in . see sir how one may live and learne ! i ever thought that galenicall physick had served to make men loose , and not to be a prison to them . i can but thank mr webster for this discovery , ingratum si dixeris , omnia dixeris . metaphysicks . his remedy for metaphysicks is to read des cartes . yet had he read him till he had understood him , the world had been deprived of this herculean labour . ethicks . ethicks is better taught by president . which made him shew his manners in dealing with the universities . rhetorick and poetry . rhetorick and poetry are gifts , and he hath nought to do with them , for why ? kings and emperours cannot make an orator or poet , much lesse can he make either of them . a sows eare will never make a silken saile . cap. xi . some expedients concerning their custome and method . whosoever shall consider the errours charged upon the universities in his eight chapter , and the expedients here proposed , if he do not acknowledge the remedies here applyed to be the very genuine & naturall ones hinted by the indication of the diseases : i say he labours in his judgment , and is a dis-idoneous auditor of mr webster . for if the disease be , that the body of the university is bound , ( bound to one method ) can there be a surer remedy , then to use a solutive medicine , to give them a purge and set them loose ? if it labour of idlenesse or a consumption of time , can any remedy be more naturall , then that time should not hence forth be trifled away ? these are his recipes , carried on thus to the last , against which the tongue of envy , cannot say but they are proper to their maladyes . yet i must speake to them in severall . . that there be a liberty in the way and method of study . i have formerly hinted to him , that our universities are pretty well furnished with this medicine , so that he shall doe well to vent it upon those forraigne ones from whence he is come . . that time be not mispent in the universities . some captious ones have asked , why then he would not take care , to keep his workes from coming hither to be read ? to whom i answer , that he never did intend they should come hither , he meant them to a party in the city , and takes no pleasure i dare say , that i should spend this time about him ; well this is not the only thing wherein it is my happinesse to agree with m. webster . . that there be not a set time for degrees , but that merit , not years should take place , and be rewarded . how fitting this is , i have endeavoured to shew p. . . that in their exercises , it be tried what they can doe , that ( nature having given them two hands ) they may learne to worke &c. the reasons of this may be many , i shall name only two . first , because he hath been used to weed the garden , and to other labour in his covent : then why should not we ? secondly , because if his reformation shall take place , we must be put shortly to work for our livings , therefore t is good before hand , for each man to be provided of a trade . . that exercises may be in english . his reason is , least we forget the english tongue , which would be very sad if it should fall out : mine is , that m. webster and others of his measure , be not deprived of the benefit of them . . that neither antiquity nor novelty take place of verity , nor the authority of aristotle , or any other , should enchaine us . what ? againe at aristotle ! nay verily now he is to blame : this remedy had been a pure one , if he could have let aristotle alone : the fetching him in here , i feare , may give occasion to some , to think he does it out of spight . . lastly , the order he prescribes is this , that they be taught , . mathematicks . . tongues . . physicks . . logick . . metaphysicks . &c. not that all men should be bound to the same method , ( as is above expressed ) beside m. webster studied all these together , which hath made him so equally skilled in all , that there is not any thing to chuse betwixt his skill in every one of them , no man being able to speake , whether he be a greater mathematician , a linguist , or a philosopher . and now sir , you judge that i have faithfully performed what i undertook , at the opening of his remedies : i having stuck to him as close as needed to be , and to speake truth , as close as his sent would suffer mee . sir , i have ran through this pamphlet , and i think i have in some measure , made good the character you gave me of him in your epistle ; you know sir , i am not of those who hate to be reformed ; it hath been my earnest desire , that men of parts and experience would meet together , and consult about the advancement of study , by the most convenient method , that would produce something worthy of our age of light ; the raw and crude attempts of such men as these , are slight and very ridiculous , no waies considerable , unlesse it shall be in their excitations of us , to reforme such errours as we find , to assert and vindicate the honour of these places . a thing which would speedily and plentifully be performed , if our designe of printing bookes , and setting up a forreigne correspondency were once accomplished . there is one thing which this sort of pamphleteers insist on , which as it is pursued by my l. verulam , so it carries weight with it , but is very impertinently applied , either as an exception against us , or as a generall rule to be imposed upon us in our academicall institution . it is , that instead of verball exercises , we should set upon experiments and observations , that we should lay aside our disputations , declamations , and publick lectures , and betake our selves , to agriculture , mechanicks , chymistry , and the like . it cannot be denied but this is the way , and the only way to perfect naturall philosophy and medicine : so that whosoever intend to professe the one or the other , are to take that course , and i have not neglected occasionally to tell the world , that this way is pursued amongst us . but our academies are of a more generall and comprehensive institution , and as there is a provision here made , that whosoever will be excellent in any kind , in any art , science , or language , may here receive assistance , and be led by the hand , till he come to be excellent ; so is there a provision likewise , that men be not forced into particular waies , but may receive an institution , variously answerable to their genius and designe . of those very great numbers of youth , which come to our universities , how few are there , whose designe is to be absolute in naturall philosophy ? which of the nobility or gentry , desire when they send their sonnes hither , that they should be set to chymistry , or agriculture , or mechanicks ? their removall is from hence commonly in two or three years , to the innes of court , and the desire of their friends is not , that they be engaged in those experimentall things , but that their reason , and fancy , and carriage , be improved by lighter institutions and exercises , that they may become rationall and gracefull speakers , and be of an acceptable behaviour in their countries . i am perswaded , that of all those , who come hither for institution , there is not one of many hundreds , who if they may have their option , will give themselves to be accomplished naturall philosophers , ( such as will , ought certainly to follow this course ) the paines is great , the reward but slender , unlesse we reckon in the pleasure of contemplation ; that indeed is great and high , but therefore to draw all men that way , by reason of the pleasure , were to present a feast all of custard or tart , and not to consult the variety of tasts , and tempers of our guests : but i have been too much and long extravagant and idle : if out of all this you shall be pleased to raise a contemplation of your power over mee , and shall from thence receive a complacence , it is the only aime and interest of , sir , your most &c. h. d. an appendix concerning what mr hobbs and mr dell have written touching the universities . sir , when i consider how i have spent that little time , which i have hitherto bestowed upon mr websters examen , and into what a temper of mind i have fallen upon that occasion , the satisfaction i receive from what i have done , is so small , that were i not held on by the power you have over mee , in truth i would excuse my selfe from any farther trouble . now it seemes i must goe on , and being tired with idle play , i must addresse my selfe for a much more considerable encounter . you know sir , and have observed in your letter to mee , how vast a difference there is , betwixt the learning and reputation of mr hobbs , and these two gentlemen , and how scornefully he will take it to be ranked with a friar and an enthusiast : the answer to this , if he complaine , will be , we found him inter grues , and could not without prejudice let him escape : however i shall deale with him as respectfully as i can , giving him leave to heare himselfe speake at large , ( a thing he is infinitely taken with ) and making such replies , as truth and reason shall suggest in our concernements . i intend only to consider what he hath spoken of the universities in his leviathan , or rather what i have therein observed to that purpose , laying together such passages as may make him to be understood . that men may be able fully to comprehend the meaning of this author , we must carefully by way of preparation , search for his . end and designe . . judgement , concerning the meanes of attaining it . . expectation as to successe in his designe , and the consequences of it . . it appeares that the end he proposes to himselfe ( in his leviathan ) is , that the world should be regulated exactly , by that modell which he there exhibits , and that his reason should be the governing reason of mankind . this is ( i conceive ) so evident , that he will not denie it , and so frequently insinuated , that it 's needlesse to be particular . the close of his second part , and chapter , is with an intimation of a desire , that by the exercise of entire soveraignty , his truth of speculation may be converted into the utility of practise . . the meanes he proposes to accomplish this end , is the publicke teaching of his leviathan : which he would have protected by the exercise of entire soveraignty . ibid. now this publick teaching may be either in the pulpits . universities . the divines and others who make shew of learning , derive their knowledge from the vniversities , and from the schooles of law , or from the books which by men eminent in those schooles and vniversities have been published . it is therefore manifest , that the instruction of the people , dependeth wholly upon the right teaching of youth in the vniversities . p. , . so that the way he proposes to accomplish his great designe , is , the publicke reading of his leviathan in the universities , ( especially of england ) and in order to this , he hath declared himselfe concerning his booke , the universities , and himselfe . . concerning his booke in the review . p. . " that it may be profitably printed , and more profitably taught in the vniversities . , and concerning the other two . p. . in answer to these two questions . . are not the vniversities of england learned enough already ( to teach the people their duty ? . is it you ( mr hobbs ) will undertake to teach the vniversities ? where the answer to the first , is , that the vniversities have not been able to plant the true doctrine ( which is his . ) and to the other , that any man which sees what he is doing , may easily perceive what he thinkes . his immediate desire and judgment is therefore , that his leviathan be by entire soveragnity imposed upon the vniversities , there to be read , and publickly taught . . it will now concerne us to consider his expectation and hope , concerning the accomplishment of this ( sober and modest ) designe . upon the prevailing or failing of which hope in his mind , the destiny of the universities ( as to his endeavours ) shall depend . if he have hope that he shall be publickly taught in the universities , it will be convenient for him only to endeavour this peice of reformation , and to assert their usefulnesse being so ordered . if there be little hopes of obtaining this publick authority for this great leviathan ; to what end then serve the universities ? shall other things be taught there publickly , and this be looked upon as the writing of a private author ? it will then concerne him to fall downe right upon them , on every occasion to endeavour to blast them , and to proclaime them uselesse to the world . and here indeed we find him fluctuating betwixt despaire and hope , p. . sometimes , at the point of believing this his labour as uselesse as the commonwealth of plato . at other times recovering hopes , that one time or other this writing of his may fall into the hands of a soveraigne , who by the exercise of entire soveraignty , in protecting the publick teaching of it , will convert this truth of speculation into the vtility of practise . how happy sir had it been , if his hopes might have reigned perpetually in his mind , that so the universities might have obtained a patron of this great man , but he is well in yeares , and jelousy and spleen have prevailed over him , and in conclusion , he deales with us accordingly ; indeed sir , somewhat puerilely , in insulting over us without cause , tetrically striking at us without any occasion , vnreasonably , in charging us with some things we are not guilty of , and condemning us for other , without convincing us of any fault . this is that we shall demonstrate in our just defence , there are two passages by the by , and one entire chapter which will concerne us to consider . his first passage is in the . chapter p. . where having determined sence to be nothing else but a perception of a motion made upon the organ , he adds , but the phylosophy schooles through all the vniversities of christendome grounded upon certaine texts of aristotle , teach another doctrine ( viz. that sence is made by a species &c. ) . as for the thing here charged upon all the schooles of christendome , you know it sir to be untrue . the other theory of explaining sence upon the grounds of motion , was almost generally received here before his booke came forth . being sufficiently taught by des cartes , gassendus , s. k. digby , and others , before he had published any thing in that kind . . that which he so much glories in , is not his owne invention , but is contained for substance ( as i am certainely informed by one who hath seen it ) in mr warners papers , which mr hobbs had long since in his hands , and is delivered in the very beginning of that tract of vision , which treats de penicillo optico . . if mr hobbs had invented this , who hath not ( so farre as i can learne ) added any thing considerable to the inventions of other men : it might have been needlesse , upon so slight an occasion , to insult over all the schooles of christendome ; but his mind was intent upon his designe , and at this time his hope had possession there ; he sayes not ( therefore ) that , as disapproving ( yet ) the use of vniversities , but to let men see what would be amended in them . page . but that which followes after is indeed of worse consequence , and is ( to speake the best and mildest of it ) an evidence of a fuming spleene , and an instance of despondency in his designe . a touch he is thought to give us in his kingdome of darkenesse , where he makes a comparison of the papacy with the kingdome of fayries . the words are ( p. . ) in what shop or operatory the fayries make their enchantments , the old wives have not determined ; but the operatories of the clergy , are well enough known to be the vniversities , that received their discipline , from authority pontificiall . in truth sir , i hardly know how to behave myselfe upon this occasion . first , i know not whether he intended this to concerne our universities or not ; if not , he might have done us the justice , to have separated our case from that of popish vniversities ; if he did intend to cast a contumely upon us , i am yet at a losse how to answer him . this whole discourse is freakish and unbecoming the archipoliticall gravity of a master of the world , our universities have bin modelled by commission from the civill power . seeing the old women have found no operatory for the fairyes ; it was a needlesse sollicitude in this reverend old man , to seeke one for the clergy . well sir , seeing he will have his frollick , i am resolved to answer this passage with a crotchet of a friend of mine , whose observation , is that however the fayries are sayd to be harmelesse in their dancings , he is sure the hobbe-goblins are spightfull and mischeivous in their friskings . but hitherto we have been but girded at ; his maine forces he hath gathered into the chapter preceding this , viz. the . . whose title is of darkenesse from vaine philosophy , &c. but its designe is against universities . and this chapter containes , . a discourse concerning , the beginning and progresse of philosophy . . concerning the originall , & progresse of schooles . . the unprofitablenesse of schooles . . of universities , and a generall charge against them . . their particular errours . the two first parts of this chapter , seeme not to be of any speciall concernement to us , and i shall have that regard to him , and to my selfe , not to oppose him without necessity : were it requisite so to doe , it were easy to manifest , that his sentence concerning the beginnings and progresse of knowledge , is neither suitable to reason nor history : the supposition laid as a lemma to that sentence is , that hearding of men like beasts together , their feeding upon akornes , and drinking water , their wanting for some time the use of speech , &c. things neither suitable to those authentick histories which ought to have authority amongst us , nor yet to the conclusions of reason , running back from the present state of the world , to the temper and state of earlier times . but to drive this home were to unravell the whole body of his politicks , and to dissolve this goodly work , which is not to be done occasionally in such an appendix ; the time may be , when after mr hobbs shall have published his other philosophicall workes , from whence the rise of this great one is fetched , some friend or other of ours may set apart some time , to weigh and examine all his labours , and then to render him what shall be due to the truth and demonstration of his assertions . you know how much may be said for that origine & derivation of knowledge , which the bookes of moses deliver to us ; and for the origine of schooles , which is the second part of this discourse : as we cannot deny them to have been the productions of peace and leasure , so i conceive it is an excessive instance of spleen and melancholy , prejudiciall even to the whole course of life and profession of m.h. to call the discourses and contemplations of the antient philosophers , by the name of talke and idlenesse , and to compare the exercises of plato , aristotle , zeno , and the antient worthies , ( without some of whose endeavours , there had scarce at this time been either oportunity of knowing much , nor had the world perhaps set so high a price on knowledge , ) to the prating and loitering usually exercised in pauls church , and more-fields ▪ the world had then another esteeme of those exercises , who publickly upon this occasion erected schooles for lectures , and disputations , almost in every common-wealth . and it is in the strength of the reputation of philosophy gained that way , that m. hobbs findes a regard amongst men , desirous of knowledge , and not for the eminence of what he hath published , in any kind exceeding the productions of those men whom he despises . thus much in generall concerning the two first parts of this chapter . the third is , the inutility of the antient schooles . the distast he hath conceived against our universities , hath not suffered him to containe his rage within any bounds . what hath been the utility of those ( antient ) schooles ? what science is there at this day acquired by their readings and disputings . p. . the meaning is , there never was any profit by publick schooles . this concernes us , and we will examine it particularly . the substance of his reasoning is this , ( ib. ) naturall philosophy cannot be had , without having first attained great knowledge in geometry that we have of geometry ( which is the mother of all naturall science ) we are not indebted for it to the schooles . plato forbad entrance to all that were not in some measure geometricians , &c. sir , here it is that i cannot but complaine of misguided rage in m. hobbs ; against this passage i assert , that not onely geometry was taught in the antient schooles , but that to those schooles , we owe the geometry which we have . much we owe to the schoole of athens , and even to plato's schoole ( the academy ) much more to that famous schoole of alexandria . plato was he , who when the oracle required the duplication of the cubicall altar , expounded it of the recommendation of the study of geometry to them , shewed them that the particular solution of the problem , must be by the invention of two meane proportionalls betwixt two lines given , propounded the problem to his scholers , who wrote severall things concerning it . proclus doth often referre the invention of propositions in euclides collection , to the schoole of pythagoras . theudius magnes , cyzicinus the athenian , and others , are delivered to us by proclus , in the second book of commentaries upon the first element of euclide , in academia simul vacasse quaestionibus geometricis enucleandis . but the schoole of alexandria , hath been so renouned for delivering of the mathematicks , that in truth i cannot but wonder at the assertion of m hobbs . it was begun by euclide there , not long after the building of that city , in the time of ptolemaeus lagi . it was continued by the disciples of euclide , who left many behind him as pappus acknowledges in his collections . to it we owe all the great mathematicians , which ever were amongst the antients , such as eratosthenes ( who set up the instruments at alexandria , by which men made the observations of hipparchus , and ptolemy the foundation of all astronomy ) archimedes , apollonius ( the great geometrician ) ptolemy , theon , diophantus , and very many others . nay , sir h. savile hath asserted , that from the time of euclide to the saracenicall times , there never was a great mathematician , who was not borne at alexandria , or had not studied some yeares there . i would gladly know , what is there in geometry , or all mathematicks , which we are not indebted for to some of these , i speak not of propositions , but of the way and method of mastering all kinds of problemes . the analyticks was their art , the exegeticall part hath indeed been found out by vieta , and the geometricall effection of solid and lineary problemes , by the immortall wit of des cartes , but had it not been for those , we never had enjoyed the benefit of these . i have heard that m. hobbs hath given out , that he hath found the solution of some problemes , amounting to no lesse then the quadrature of the circle , when we shall be made happy with the sight of those his labours , i shall fall in with those that speake loudest in his praise , in the meane time i cannot dissemble my feare , that his geometricall designe ( as to those high pieces ) may prove answerable to a late opticall designe of his , of casting conicall glasses in a mould , then which there could not be any thing attempted , lesse becoming such a man , as he doth apprehend himselfe to be . briefely as to the case in hand , either m. hobbs did know of these schooles , or not ; if he knew not of them , i dare undertake him not to be so great a geometrician as he pretends to be , and that he is defective at his chiefe weapon . if he did know of them , where is his ingenuity in asserting the inutility of schooles ? and that we are not beholden to them for our geometry ? it is not in vaine sir , that i have charged these things upon his spleene , which yet will more appeare by that which followes . pag. . . that which he there asserts concerning universities is , that whereas an university is an incorporation of many publick schooles in one towne . . the principall schooles were ordained for the romane religion . the romane law . the art of medicine . to this it is easily answered , that however the ordination of them hath formerly been , the two universities have since the casting off the papall yoke , been regulated by the civill power , and been conformed to it , so that the discourse of the romish religion or law , with reflexion upon us , is disingenious , and nothing to this purpose . . for the study of philosophy , it hath no otherwise place , then as a handmaid to the romish religion . this is in truth so barbarous an assertion , as nothing beside the reverence to his grey haires , restraines me from speaking bluntly of him : what friends to the romish religion our universities have brought forth , that party have felt . and it is said that mr hobbs is no otherwise an enemy to it , save only , as it hath the name of a religion . . and since the authority of aristotle is only current there , that study is not properly phylosophy but aristotelity . how farre the authority of aristotle is current amongst us , sir both you and i have spoken . what his designe is concerning the publick reading of his leviathan himselfe hath told us . from whence it is manifest , that the only thing which paines him is the desire that aristotelity may be changed into hobbeity , & insteed of the stagyrite , the world may adore the great malmesburian phylosopher . . for geometry till of very late times it had no place at all . and if any man by the ingenuity of his nature had atteined to any degree of perfection in it , he was commonly thought a magician , and his art diabolicall . geometry hath now so much place in the universities , that when mr hobbs shall have published his philosophicall and geometricall peices , i assure my selfe , i am able to find a great number in the university , who will understand as much or more of them then he desires they should , indeed too much to keep up in them that admiration of him which only will content him . and if in our times these studies have been advanced , we might have expected from a temperate man , rather the commendation for our advance , then an exprobration with the ignorance of our ancestors . the truth is sir , about that time when mr hobbs was conversant in magdalen-hall , the constitution and way of the university might ( likely ) be enclining to his character of it , but now his discourse seemes like that of the seaven sleepers , who after many yeares awaking , in vaine addressed themselves to act according to the state of things when they lay downe . i shall speake no more to this fourth head . and to the fift , containing an enumeration of particular errours : they all or most are resolved into that aristotelity he charges us with , and require no answer , save that we enjoy a liberty of philosophizing , and that if he should do us the honour to come amongst us , i am perswaded he would hardly find any other fault with us , except that great unpardonable one , that the publick reading of his leviathan , is not by a sanction of the magistrate imposed upon us . . the particular errors which he would charge us with , are neere twenty in number , amongst which there is not one , either in philosophy , politicks , or divinity , which he hath proved , or can prove , both to be an error , and to be maintained by our universities . i shall give a briefe account of them all . . his first error charged upon us , is the doctrine of abstracted essences , and immateriall substances . concerning which , as i cannot but acknowledge his ratiocination to be good , as to the former part , viz. of vniversalls , and formall entities : so i am willing to make good upon a just occasion , that being is a superiour notion to body , that immateriall substance , or separated substances , is no contradiction , and that the truths of philosophy , are better salved upon that ground , then upon his imagination . . his next quarrell is at nunc stans , the common definition of eternity : this i affirme to be more intelligible then a successive eternity , or a progresse in infinitum , which is the contrary position . of all that which followes , i doe not know one thing which is held by any of us . . as that one body may be in many places , many in one . . that gravity is the cause of heavinesse . . that quantity is put into body already made . . that the soule of man is poured into the body , meaning it literally and grossely . . that the power of willing is the ( totall ) cause of actuall willing . . that fortune or ignorance , is an occult cause of things , although we may not professe to know the causes of all things . these are the errors in naturall philosophy charged on us , and yet not one of those positions generally maintained by us . morall errours are these . . that one makes things incongruent , another the incongruity . . that private appetite is the rule of publick good . . lawfull marriage is unchastity . . that all government but popular is tyranny . . that not men but law governes . . that humane lawes ought to extend to the inquisition of mens thoughts and consciences , notwithstanding the conformity of their speeches and actions . . that private men may interpret the law , and restraine where the soveraigne hath left a liberty concerning all which positions , i am perswaded he cannot instance in one university man , who hath published such an opinion , as he would put upon the whole universities : it is true , that in the first of these , when the question is , whether there be free will in man , or god be the author of sinne , men fall frequently into very great difficulties : but either mr hobbes ought to have cleared one part of these two ; or not to have charged upon us , either the obscurity of truth , or the imbecillity of humane nature . as for the rest of them , he may better assert , that there are universities in the moone , and that they maintaine all those positions , then impose them upon us . there it will be hard to prove the contrary , we now challenge him to make proofe of what he hath delivered , and promise to give him satisfaction . there remaines three other charges , viz. . the insignificant language of the schoolemen ( the commenters upon peter lombard . ) . errors from tradition ( as the histories of apparitions and ghosts , &c. ) . the suppression of reason and true philosophy . but these with the other charges , are so extravagant , and so much forced to appeare against us , that had he not been in great necessity , and much constrained to it by his passion , i am perswaded , he never would have produced them , as arguments of our disgrace . what is the language of peter lombard , or the writers upon the sentences , to the universities of oxford or cambridge ? when were we troubled or frighted with ghosts or apparitions ? whose reason or philosophy have we supprest ? or is it such a crime to assert the attributes of god , and the naturall immortality of the soules of men , that it shall exempt our adversaries from the common lawes , honesty , and ingenuity , and excuse the most grosse and palpable calumniations of us ? nay , the delation of us to the civill magistrate , and the endeavours for our extirpation ? but he hath done what becomes a man of his judgment and principles , let us be answerable to ours , not returning railing for railing , or scorne for scorne , but making an end of this contention , let us release the reader from farther trouble . concerning mr dell . it remaines now , that i should take into consideration what mr dell hath written in our concernements , but that which he hath done , is so little either in magnitude or vertue , that i can hardly perswade my selfe to make a businesse of it . the cause of learning , its necessity and usefullnesse to the ministers of the gospell , though it be of generall importance to all men , whose interest it is , that the blind be not leaders of the blind , yet seeing the defence of it is taken up , by one so able and ready to maintaine the truth , ( mr sydrach sympson ) i look upon it as forreigne to our present engagement , and shall therefore wholly decline it . our view is only of a post-script to his book , called the triall of spirits , where he delivers his judgement concerning the reformation of universities . the piece is short , it containes many things wherein we agree with him , and some few wherein we differ . . he would not have children have nothing to doe , but to doe nothing . very witty , no more would we . . he thinkes it meet , the magistrate take great care for the education of youth . we also think it meet . . that schooles be erected in greater townes and villages , that none but godly men , and sober and grave women have charge of of them . very good . . that they first teach them to read their native tongue , [ very necessary ] and presently to read the scriptures . very convenient . . that in great townes they teach them latine , greeke , and hebrew , and the latine and greeke especially from christian authors . ( not from heathen poets &c. ) this also is very honest . . it may be convenient , that there may be some vniversities or colledges , for the teaching liberall arts , as logick of good use in humane things , though in divinity gladius diaboli , and mathematicks , which as they carry no wickednesse in them , so are they 〈…〉 usefull . this sentence , though as it concernes the use of logick in divinity , it be of an occult and not investigable sence , yet as it concernes the mathematicks , it carries in it neither non-sence nor dishonesty , and is besides very allowable . thus farre then we are agreed , in that which followes , reason will that we should differ from him . . he complaines that our universities should only be at cambridge and oxford , and here he . charges them of encroachment against the law of love , for monopolizing humane learning . . he charges them to have been places of great licentiousnesse and profanenesse . . he asserts it to be more suitable to a common-wealth , ( if we become so indeed , and not in word only ) and more advantagious to the people to have vniversities in every great towne . to answer first to his criminall charges . . if mr dell be a graduate in the the university , he hath sworne to defend the priviledges of it , to do it all the honour and right he can , if so how doth he encroach upon the law of nature , sacred amongst all not given over to barbarisme ▪ unlesse he can prove the matter of that oath to be unlawfull which is yet retained in every corporatiō ) i do not know any thing which can here excuse him from unrighteousness . if he himselfe be no graduate , he doth indeed discover no more , but a disingenuous envy and ( considering his relations ) an unworthy ingratitude . . but particularly , first , that which he calls the monopolizing of learning by those two places , it is not to be charged upon them ( neither is it f●rther chargeable then upon any corporation of men whatsoever ) but it reflects upon the soveraigne magistracy of our nation by whose ordination , the priviledges & statutes of both the universityes have been alwayes regulated . . his second charge is generall , unproved , and no wayes concernes us ▪ i am sure that this university cannot now be justly taxed with any such licentiousnesse or profanenesse : indeed the care and prudence and successe of our immediate governors , as to the advancement of religion and learning is such as mr dell may envy but he will never equall it , i should be very loath to injure him , yet common fame hath brought his name hither with a character upon it of one whose studyed designe is ( by letting fall all discipline ) to let in licence with all its usuall traine , both into cays colledge , and that other university : an i that the consequence of what he hath done hitherto hath been such as tends manifestly rather to the ruine then reformation of that place . . his third assertion containes in the parenthesis an unworthy reflexion upon those who have the mannage of the supream power , and is in it selfe such as he cannot prove ; were his designe put in execution , it would tend undoubtedly to the disadvantage of learning ; there is nothing in the world more conducing to the enlarging of the minds of men and the compleating of their knowledge , then the cōversation with men eminent in all the severall parts of learning , and the honest emulation of those that doe excell . this is to be had only where there are great numbers of students and professors , and the cause of the advance in learning encreases alwayes with the variety and eminency of mens wits and learning who converse together . to spare more words in a theoreticall discourse of this nature , we may cōpare together the learning of the universities , and religious houses of foreigne parts , where it is evident , the difference in learning is vast ; those are dispursed according to great townes , and remaine pittifully ignorant , these are one or two in a nation , flourishing with the profession of all ingenious learning . now that which he alleadges as a convenience in his way , that people may maintaine their children at home while they learne in the schooles , hath not been observed to tend to an advance in learning but to the contrary . we have not generally observed that towns-mens children prove the greatest schollars and those who would have their children excellently learned rather choose to send them abroad to schoole , or to travell , then keepe them at home . having briefely examined this proposall , i shall need only to mention his second ; which is , . that youth may be so trained up that they may spend some part of the day in learning , and another part in some lawfull calling ( suppose of weaving or making shooes ) or one day in study , and another in businesse . how much he hath in him either of learning or judgement , he hath manifested by this proposall ; i am much assured , there is not a learned man in all the world who hath not found by experience , that skill in any faculty ( so as to exceed the smatterings of such trifies as mr dell ) is not to be attained , without a timely beginning , a constancy and assiduity in study , especially while they are young ; had not mr dell abstained from reading of the poets ( rather because they are too hard for him , then for any wickednesse which is in them ) he had long since been perswaded of this truth , multa tulit fecitque puer , sudavit & alsit . vdum & molle lutum es , nunc , nunc properandus , & acri fingendus sine fine rotâ — it is very probable that mr dell may have given as much of his time to some other trade , as he hath done to learning or study : indeed his learning and judgement shewes it , ( notwithstanding which he may be ( for ought i know ) an excellent artificer , his wit perhaps lying that way ) but if this course shall be set up , as the only authorized way of institution , we may by this meanes have ignorance enough to think highly of our selves , but we shall become the scorne of all the gallant men in the nations about us , and mr dell shall not need to torment himselfe about tithes , and maintainance of ministers , the romans will come and take away their place and nation . sir , i have now done what i intended , ( as slightly as i could runne over what you recommended , ) and am ambitious only to continue in the acceptance wherein i stand with you , as being your most humble and affectionate servant h. d. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- prov. . . coloss. . . notes for div a e- epistle . preface ▪ pag. . stat. cant. some thoughts concerning education locke, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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[ ], , [ ] p. printed for a. and j. churchill ..., london : . written by john locke. cf. dnb. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng education -- early works to . education -- philosophy -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion asileae , impensis lvdov . regis typis ioannis schroeteri . mdc xxv . some thoughts concerning education . london , printed for a. and j. churchill , at the black swan in pater-noster-row , . to edward clarke of chipley , esq sir ; these thoughts concerning education , which now come abroad into the world , do of right belong to you , being written several years since for your sake , and are no other than what you have already by you in my letters . i have so little varied any thing , but only the order of what was sent you at different times , and on several occasions , that the reader will easily find , in the familiarity and fashion of the style , that they were rather the private conversation of two friends , than a discourse designed for publick view . the importunity of friends is the common apology for publications men are afraid to own themselves forward to . but you know i can truly say , that if some who having heard of these papers of mine had not pressed to see them , and afterwards to have them printed , they had lain dormant still in that privacy they were designed for . but those whose judgment i deferr much to , telling me , that they were persuaded , that this rough draught of mine might be of some use , if made more publick , touch'd upon what will always he very prevalent with me : for i think it every man 's indispensible duty to do all the service he can to his country : and i see not what difference he puts between himself and his cattel , who lives without that thought . this subject is of so great concernment , and a right way of education is of so general advantage , that did i find my abilities answer my wishes , i should not have needed exhortations or importunities from others . however , the meanness of these papers , and my just distrust of them , shall not keep me , by the shame of doing so little , from contributing my mite , when there is no more required of me , than my throwing it into the publick receptacle . and if there be any more of their size and notions , who liked them so well , that they thought them worth printing , i may flatter my self they will not be lost labour to every body . i my self have been consulted of late by so many , who profess themselves at a loss how to breed their children , and the early corruption of youth , is now become so general a complaint , that he cannot be thought wholly impertinent , who brings the consideration of this matter on the stage , and offers something , if it be but to excite others , or afford matter of correction . for errours in education should be less indulged than any : these , like faults in the first concoction , that are never mended in the second or third , carry their afterwards incorrigible taint with them , through all the parts and stations of life . i am so far from being conceited of any thing i have here offered , that i should not be sorry , even for your sake , if some one abler and fitter for such a task , would in a just treatise of education , suited to our english gentry , rectifie the mistakes i have made in this ; it being much more desirable to me , that young gentlemen should be put into ( that which every one ought to be sollicitous about ) the best way of being formed and instructed , than that my opinion should be received concerning it . you will however , in the mean time bear me witness that the method here propos'd has had no ordinary effects upon a gentleman's son , it was not designed for . i will not say the good temper of the child did not very much contribute to it , but this i think you and the parents are satisfied of , that a contrary usage according to the ordinary disciplining of children , would not have mended that temper , nor have brought him to be in love with his book , to take a pleasure in learning , and to desire as he does to be taught more than those about him think fit always to teach him . but my business is not to recommend this treatise to you , whose opinion of it i know already ; nor it to the world , either by your opinion or patronnge . the well educating of their children is so much the duty and concern of parents , and the welfare and prosperity of the nation so much depends on it , that i would have every one lay it seriously to heart , and after having well examined and distinguished what fancy , custom or reason advises in the case , help to promote that way in the several degrees of men , which is the easiest , shortest and likeliest to produce vertuous , useful and able men in their distinct callings : though that most to be taken care of , is the gentleman 's calling , for if those of that rank are by their education once set right , they will quickly bring all the rest into order . i know not whether i have done more than shewn my good wishes towards it , in this short disourse ; such as it is the world now has it , and if there be any thing in it worth their acceptance , they owe their thanks to you for it . my affection to you gave the first rise to it , and i am pleased that i can leave to posterity this mark of the friendship has been between us . for i know no greater pleasure in this life , nor a better remembrance to be left behind one than a long continued friendship , with an honest , usefull and worthy man , and lover of his country . i am , sir , your most humble and most faithful servant . some thoughts concerning education . § . . a sound mind in a sound body , is a short , but full description of a happy state in this world : he that has these two , has little more to wish for ; and he that wants either of them , is but little the better for any thing else . mens happiness or misery is most part of their own making . he , whose mind directs not wisely , will never take the right way ; and he , whose body is crazy and feeble , will never be able to advance in it . i confess , there are some mens constitutions of body and mind so vigorous and well framed by nature , that they need not much assistance from others , but by the strength of their natural genius , they are from their cradles carried towards what is excellent ; and by the privilege of their happy constitutions are able to do wonders : but examples of these are but few , and i think i may say , that of all the men we meet with , nine parts of ten are what they are , good or evil , useful or not , by their education . 't is that which makes the great difference in mankind : the little , and almost insensible impressions on our tender infancies , have very important and lasting consequences : and there 't is , as in the fountains of some rivers , where a gentle application of the hand turns the flexible waters into chanels , that make them take quite contrary courses , and by this little direction given them at first in the source , they receive different tendencies , and arrive at last , at very remote and distant places . § . . timagine the minds of children as easily turned this or that way , as water it self ; and though this be the principal part , and our main care should be about the inside , yet the clay cottage is not to be neglected . i shall therefore begin with the case , and consider first the health of the body , as that , which perhaps you may rather expect from that study , i have been thought more peculiarly to have applied my self to ; and that also , which will be soonest dispatched , as lying , if i guess not amiss , in a very little compass . § . . how necessary health is to our business and happiness : and how requisite a strong constitution , able to endure hardships : and fatigue , is to one that will make any figure in the world , is too obvious to need any proof . § . . the consideration , i shall here have of health , shall be , not what a physician ought to do with a sick or crazy child ; but what the parents , without the help of physick , should do for the preservation and improvement of an healthy , or at least , nor sickly constitution in their children : and this perhaps might be dispatched , all in this one short rule , viz. that gentlemen should use their children , as the honest farmers and substantial yeomen do theirs . but because the mothers possible may think this a little too hard , and the fathers too short , i shall explain my self more particularly , only laying down this as a general and certain observation for the women to consider , viz. that most children's constitutions , are either spoiled or harmed by cockering and tenderness . § . . the first thing to be taken care of , is , that children be not too warmly clad or covered winter or summer . the face , when we are born , is no less tender than any other part of the body : 't is use alone hardens it , and makes it more able to endure the cold ; and therefore the scythian philosopher gave a very significant answer to the athenian , who wonder'd how he could go naked in frost and snow . how , said the scythian can you endure your face exposed to the sharp winter-air ? my face is used to it , said the athenian . think me all face , replyed the scythian . our bodies will endure any thing , that from the beginning they are accustomed to . and therefore , amongst other things , i think that when nature has so well covered his head with hair , and strengthen'd it with a year or two's age , that he can run about , by day , without a cap , it is best , that by night a child should also lie without one , there being nothing that more exposes to head-ach , colds , catarrhs , coughs , and several other diseases , than keeping the head warm . § . . i have said he here , because the principal aim of my discourse is , how a young gentleman should be brought up from his infancy , which , in all things , will not so perfectly suit the education of daughters , though where the difference of sex requires different treatment , 't will be no hard matter to distinguish . § . . i would also advise his feet to be washed every night in cold water ; and to have his shooes so thin , that they might leak and let in water , when ever he comes near it . here , i fear , i shall have the mistress and maids too against me ; one will think it too filthy , & the other , perhaps , too much pains to make clean his stockings . but yet truth will have it , that his health is much more worth than all such considerations and ten-times as much more . and he that considers how mischievous and mortal a thing , taking wet in the feet is to those , who have been bred nicely , will wish he had , with the poor people's children , gone bare-foot ; who , by that means , come to be so reconciled , by custom , to wet in their feet , that they take no more cold or harm by it , than if they were wet in their hands . and what is it , i pray , that makes this great difference between the hands , and the feet in others , but only custom ? i doubt not , but if a man from his cradle had been always used to go bare-foot , whilst his hands were constantly wrapped up in warm mittins , and covered with hand-shooes , as the dutch call gloves ; i doubt not , i say , but such a custom , would make taking wet in his hands , as dangerous to him , as now taking wet in their feet is to a great many others . the way to prevent this , is , to have his shooes made so , as to leak water ; and his feet washed every night in cold water , both for health and cleanliness sake . but begin first in the spring , with luke-warm , and so colder and colder every night , till , in a few days , you come to perfectly cold water , and then continue it so . for it is to be observed in this , as in all other alterations from our ordinary way of living , the changes must be made by gentle and insensible degrees ; and so we may bring our bodies to any thing , without pain and without danger . § . . i shall not need here to mention his learning to swim , when he is of age able to learn , and has any one to teach him . the advantages ( besides that of swiming ) to health , by often bathing in the summer in cold water , are so many , that i think nothing need to be said to encourage it , provided this one caution be used , that he never go into the water , when exercise has at all warm'd him , or left any emotion in his blood or pulse . § . . another thing that is of great advantage to every one's health , but especially children's , is , to be much in the open air , and very little as may be by the fire , even in winter . by this he will accustom himself also to heat and cold , shine and rain ; all which if a man's body will not endure , it will serve him to very little purpose in this world ; and when he is grown up , it is too late to begin to use him to it ; it must be got early , and by degrees . thus the body may be brought to bear almost any thing . if i should advise him to play in the wind and the sun without a hat , i doubt whether it could be born ; there would a thousand objections be made against it , which at last would a mount to no more , in truth , than being sun-burnt : and if my young master be to be kept always in the shade , and never exposed to the sun and wind , for fear of his complexion , it may be a good way to make him a beau , but not a man of business . and although greater regard be to be had to beauty in the daughters , yet i will take the liberty to say , that the more they are in the air , without prejudice to their faces , the stronger and healthier they will be ; and the nearer they come to the hardships of their brothers in their education , the greater advantage will they receive from it all the remaining part of their lives . § . . playing in the open air has but this one danger in it , that i know ; and that is , that when he is hot with running up and down , he should sit or lie down on the cold or moist earth . this , i grant , and drinking cold drink , when they are hot with labour or exercise , brings more people to the grave , or to the brink of it , by fevers , and other diseases , than any thing i know . these mischiefs are easily enough prevented whilst he is little , being then seldom out of sight : and if , during his childhood , he be constantly and rigorously kept from sitting on the ground , or drinking any cold liquor , whilst he is hot , the custom of forbearing grown into habit , will help much to preserve him , when he is no longer under his maid's or tutor's eye . this is all i think can be done in the case ; for , as years increase , liberty must come with them ; and in a great many things he must be trusted to his own conduct , since there cannot always be a guard upon him , except what you have put into his own mind by good principles , and established habits , which is the best and surest , and therefore most to be taken care of : for from repeated cautions and rules , never so often inculcated , you are not to expect any thing farther than practice has established them into habits . § . . one thing the mention of the girls brings into my mind , which must not be forgot ; and that is , that your son's cloths be never made strait , especially about the breast . let nature have scope to fashion the body as she thinks best ; she works of her self a great deal better , and exacter , than we can direct her : and if women were themselves to frame the bodies of their children in their wombs , as they often endeavour to mend their shapes when they are out , we should as certainly have no perfect children born , as we have few well-shaped that are strait-laced or much tamper'd with . this consideration should , me-thinks , keep busie people ( i will not say ignorant nurses and bodice-makers ) from medling in a matter they understand not ; and they should be afraid to put nature out of her way in fashioning the parts , when they know not how the least and meanest is made , and yet i have seen so many instances of children receiving great harm from strait-lacing , that i cannot but conclude , there are other creatures as well as monkeys , who little wiser than they destroy their young ones by sensless fondness , and too much embracing . § . . narrow breasts , short and stinking breath , ill lungs , and crookedness , are the natural and almost constant effects of hard bodice , and cloths that pinch . that way of making slender wastes and fine shapes , serves but the more effectually to spoil them . nor can there indeed but be disproportion in the parts , when the nourishment prepared in the several offices of the body , cannot be distributed as nature designs ; and therefore what wonder is it , if it being laid where it can on some part not so braced , it often makes a shoulder or a hip higher or bigger than its just proportion . 't is generally known , that the women of china ( imagining i know not what kind of beauty in it ) by bracing and binding them hard from their infancy , have very little feet . i saw a pair of china shooes lately , exceedingly disproportioned to the feet of one of the same age amongst us ; their womens shooes would scarce be big enough for one of our little girls . besides this , 't is observed , that their women are also very little and short lived , whereas the men are of the ordinary stature of other men , and live to a proportionable age. these defects in the female sex in that country , are by some , imputed to the unreasonable binding of their feet , whereby the free circulation of the blood is hindred , and the growth and health of the whole body suffers . and how often do we see , that some small part of the foot being injured by a wrench or a blow , the whole leg and thigh thereby lose their strength and nourishment , and dwindle away ? how much greater inconveniences may we expect , when the thorax , wherein is placed the heart and seat of life , is unnaturally compressed , and hindred from its due expansion ? § . . as for his diet , it ought to be very plain and simple . flesh once a day , and of one sort at a meal , is enough . beef , mutton , veal , &c. without other sawce than hunger , is best ; and great care should be used , that he eat bread plentifully , both alone and with every thing else . and whatever he eats that is solid , make him chew it well . we english are often negligent herein ; from whence follow indigestion , and other great inconveniences . § . . for breakfast and supper , milk , milk-pottage , water-gruel , flummery , and twenty other things that we are wont to make in england , are very fit for children : only , in all these let care be taken that they be plain , and without much mixture , and very sparingly seasoned with sugar , or rather none at all ; especially all spice , and other things that may heat the blood , are carefully to be avoided . be sparing also of salt in the seasoning of all his victuals , and use him not to high-seasoned meats : our palates like the seasoning and cookery they are set to , and an over much use of salt , besides that it occasions thirst , and over-much drinking , has other ill effects upon the body . i should think that a good piece of well made , and well baked brown bread , sometimes with , and sometimes without butter or cheese , would be often the best breakfast for my young master . i am sure 't is as wholsom , and will make him as strong a man as greater delicacies : and if he be used to it , it will be pleasant to him . if he at any time calls for victuals between meals , use him to nothing but dry bread ; if he be hungry more than wanton , bread alone will down ; and if he be not hungry , 't is not fit he should eat . by this you will obtain two good effects ; . that by custom he will come to be in love with bread ; for , as i said , our palates are pleased with the things we are used to . another good you will gain hereby is , that you will not teach him to eat more , nor oftner than nature requires . i do not think that all people's appetites are alike ; some have naturally stronger , and some weaker stomachs . but this i think , that many are made gormans and gluttons by custom , that were not so by nature ; and i see in some countries men as lusty and strong that eat but two meals a day , as others that have for their stomachs by a constant usage , like larms , to call on them for four or five : and therefore , if it should not be thought too severe , i should judge it most convenient that he should have nothing but bread too for breakfast : you cannot imagine of what force custom is : and i impute a great part of our diseases in england to our eating too much flesh , and too little bread. § . . as to his meals , i should think it best , that , as much as can be conveniently avoided , they should not be kept constantly to an hour ; for when custom has fixed his eating to certain stated periods , his stomach will expect victuals at the usual hour ; and if he passes it , either grow indisposed , and as it were peevish , or lose its appetite . in short , i think it best he should eat flesh but once a day , plain flesh , and of one sort at a time ; and whilst young , spoon-meat also once a day ; and if you please , once a day cheese or butter with his bread ; but i would have no time kept constantly to , but rather varied almost every day . and if betwixt these which i call meals he will eat , let him have , as often as he calls for it , good dry bread. if any one think this too hard and sparing a diet for a child , let them know , that a child will never starve , nor want nourishment , who , besides flesh once a day , and other things once or twice more , may have good bread and beer as often as he has a stomach . nor let any one think this unsuitable to one of estate and condition : a gentleman in any age ought to be so bred , as to be fitted to bear arms , and be a soldier ; but he that in this breeds his son so , as if he designed him to sleep over his life in the plenty and ease of a full fortune he intends to leave him , little considers the examples he has seen , nor the age he lives in . § . . his drink should be only small beer ; and that too he should never be suffered to have between meals , but after he had eat a piece of bread. the reasons why i say this are these : § . . . more fevers and surfeits are got by people's drinking when they are hot , than by any one thing i know ; therefore , if by play he be hot and dry , bread will ill go down , and so if he cannot have drink , but upon that condition , he will be forced to forbear . for , if he be very hot , he should by no means drink ; at least , a good piece of bread first to be eaten , will gain time to warm the beer blood-hot , which then he may drink safely . if he be very dry , it will go down so warm'd , and quench his thirst better : and if he will not drink it so warm'd , abstaining will not hurt him . besides , this will teach him to forbear , which is an habit of greatest use for health of body and mind too . § . . . not being permitted to drink without eating , will prevent the custom of having the cup often at his nose ; a dangerous beginning , and preparation to good-fellowship . men often bring habitual hunger and thirst on themselves by custom ; and if you please to try , you may , though he be weaned from it , bring him , by use , to such a necessity again of drinking in the night , that he will not be able to sleep without it : and it being the lullaby used by nurses , to still crying children , i believe mothers generally find some difficulty to wean their children from drinking in the night , when they first take them home . believe it , custom prevails as much by day as by night ; and you may , if you please , bring any one to be thirsty every hour . i once lived in an house , where , to appease a froward child , they gave him drink as often as he cried ; so that he was constantly bibbing : and tho' he could not speak , yet he drunk more in twenty four hours than i did . try it when you please , you may with small , as well as with strong beer , drink your self into a drought . the great thing to be minded in education is , what habits you settle ; and therefore in this , as all other things , do not begin to make any thing customary , the practice whereof you would not have continue , and increase . it is convenient for health and sobriety , to drink no more than natural thirst requires : and he that eats not salt meats , nor drinks strong drink , will seldom thirst between meals , unless he has been accustomed to such unseasonable drinking . § . . above all , take great care that he seldom , if ever , taste any wine , or strong drink . there is nothing so ordinarily given children in england , and nothing so destructive to them . they ought never to drink any strong liquor , but when they need it as a cordial , and the doctor prescribes it . and in this case it is , that servants are most narrowly to be watched , and most severely to be reprehended when they transgress . those mean sort of people , placing a great part of their happiness in strong drink , are always forward to make court to my young master , by offering him that , which they love best themselves ; and finding themselves made merry by it , they foolishly think 't will do the child no harm . this you are carefully to have your eye upon , and restrain with all the skill and industry you can , there being nothing that lays a surer foundation of mischief , both to body and mind , than childrens being used to strong drink ; especially , to drink in private , with the servants . § . . fruit makes one of the most difficult chapters in the government of health , especially that of children . our first parents ventur'd paradise for it , and 't is no wonder our children cannot stand the temptation , though it cost them their health . the regulation of this cannot come under any one general rule . for i am by no means of their mind , who would keep children almost wholly from fruit , as a thing totally unwholsome for them : by which strict way they make them but the more ravenous after it ; and to eat good and bad , ripe or unripe , all that they can get , whenever they come at it . melons , peaches , most sorts of plumbs , and all sorts of grapes in england . i think children should be wholly kept from , as having a very tempting taste , in a very unwholsome juice ; so that , if it were possible , they should never so much as see them , or know there were any such thing . but straw-berries , cherries , goose-berries , or currans , when through ripe , i think may be very safely allowed them , and that with a pretty liberal hand , if they be eaten with these cautions . not after meals , as we usually do , when the stomach is already full of other food : but i think they should be eaten rather before , or between meals , and children should have them for their breakfasts . . bread eaten with them . . perfectly ripe . if they are thus eaten , i imagine them rather conducing , than hurtful to our health : summer-fruits being suited to the hot season of the year , they come in and refresh our stomachs , languishing and fainting under it : and therefore i should not be altogether so strict in this point , as some are to their children ; who being kept so very short , instead of a moderate quantity of well-chosen fruit , which being allowed them , would content them , when-ever they can get loose , or bribe a servant to supply them , satisfie their longing with any trash they can get , and eat to a surfeit . apples and pears too , which are through ripe , and have been gathered some time , i think may be safely eaten at any time , and in pretty large quantities ; especially apples , which never did any body hurt , that i have heard , after october . fruits also dried without sugar , i think very wholesome : but sweet-meats of all kinds to be avoided ; which , whether they do more harm to the maker , or eater , is not easie to tell . this i am sure , it is one of the most inconvenient ways of expence that vanity hath yet found out ; and so i leave them to the ladies . § . . of all that looks soft and effeminate , nothing is more to be indulged children than sleep : in this alone they are to be permitted to have their full satisfaction , nothing contributing more to the growth and health of children than sleep . all that is to be regulated in it is , in what part of the twenty four hours they should take it : which will easily be resolved , by only saying , that it is of great use to accustom them to rise early in the morning . it is best so to do , for health : and he that , from his childhood , has by a setled custom , made rising betimes easie and familiar to him , will not , when he is a man , waste the best and most useful part of his life in drowziness , and lying a bed . if children therefore are to be called up early in the morning , it will follow of course , that they must go to bed betimes ; where by they will be accustomed to avoid the unhealthy and unsafe hours of debauchery , which are those of the evenings : and they who keep good hours , seldom are guilty of any great disorders . i do not say this , as if your son , when grown up , should never be in company past eight , nor ever chat over a glass of wine till midnight . you are now , by the accustoming of his tender years , to indispose him to those inconveniences , as much as you can : and that will be no small advantage , that contrary practice having made sitting up uneasie to him , it will make him often avoid , and very seldom propose mid-night-revels . but if it should not reach so far , but fashion and company should prevail , and make him live as others do about twenty , 't is worth the while to accustom him to early rising , and early going to bed between this and that , for the present improvement of his health , and other advantages . § . let his bed be hard , and rather quilts than feathers . hard lodging strengthens the parts ; whereas being buried every night in feathers melts and dissolves the body , is often the cause of weakness , and the fore-runner of an early grave : and besides the stone , which has often its rise from this warm wrapping of the reins , several other indispositions ; and that which is the root of them all , a tender weakly constitution , is very much owing to downe-beds . besides , he that is used to hard lodging at home , will not miss his sleep ( where he has most need of it ) in his travels abroad , for want of his soft bed and his pillows laid in order ; and therefore i think it would not be amiss to make his bed after different fashions , sometimes lay his head higher , sometimes lower , that he may not feel every little change , he must be sure to meet with , who is not design'd to lie always in my young master's bed at home , and to have his maid lay all things in print , and tuck him in warm . the great cordial of nature is sleep ; he that misses that , will suffer by it : and he is very unfortunate , who can take his cordial only in his mother's fine gilt cup , and not in a wooden dish . he that can sleep soundly , takes the cordial ; and it matters not whether it be on a soft bed , or the hard boards ; 't is sleep only that is the thing necessary . § . . one thing more there is , which has a great influence upon the health , and that is , going to stool regularly . people that are very loose , have seldom strong thoughts , or strong bodies : but the cure of this , both by diet and medicine , being much more easie than the contrary evil , there needs not much to be said about it ; for if it come to threaten , either by its violence , or duration , it will soon enough , and sometimes too soon , make a physician be sent for ; and if it be moderate or short , it is commonly best to leave it to nature . on the other side , costiveness has too its ill effects , and is much harder to be dealt with by physick ; purging medicines , which seem to give relief , rather increasing than removing the evil. § . . it having been an inconvenience , i had a particular reason to enquire into ; and not finding the cure of it in books , i set my thoughts on work , believing , that greater changes than that might be made in our bodies , if we took the right course , and proceeded by rational steps . . then i considered , that going to stool , was the effect of certain motions of the body , especially of the perristaltick motion of the guts . . i considered , that several motions , that were not perfectly voluntary , might yet by use and constant application be brought to be habitual , if by an unintermitted custom , they were at certain seasons endeavoured to be constantly produced . . i had observed some men , who by taking after supper a pipe of tabaco , never failed of a stool , and began to doubt with my self , whether it were not more custom , than the tabaco , that gave them the benefit of nature ; or at least , if the tabaco did it , it was rather by exciting a vigorous motion in the guts , than by any purging quality , for then it would have had other effects . having thus once got the opinion , that is was possible to make it habitual ; the next thing was to consider , what way and means was the likeliest to obtain it . . then i guessed , that if a man , after his first eating in the morning , would presently sollicite nature , and try , whether he could strain himself so , as to obtain a stool , he might in time , by a constant application , bring it to be habitual . § . . the reasons that made me chuse this time , were , . because the stomach being then empty , if it received any thing grateful to it ( for i would never , but in case of necessity , have any one eat , but what he likes , and when he has an appetite ) it was apt to imbrace it close by a strong constriction of its fibres , which constriction , i supposed , might probably be continued on in the guts , and so increase their peristaltick motion , as we see in the ileus , that an inverted motion , being begun any where below , continues it self all the whole length , and makes even the stomach obey that irregular motion . . because when men eat , they usually relax their thoughts , and the spirits , then free from other imployments , are more vigorously distributed into the lower belly , which thereby contribute to the same effect . . because , when ever men have leisure to eat , they have leisure enough also to make so much court to madam cloacina , as would be necessary to our present purpose ; but else , in the variety of humane affairs and accidents , it was impossible to affix it to any hour certain , whereby the custom would be interrupted . whereas men in health , seldom failing to eat once a day , tho' the hour changed , the custom might still be preserved . § . . upon these grounds , the experiment began to be tried , and i have known none , who have been steady in the prosecution of it , and taken care to go constantly to the necessary house , after their first eating , when ever that happen'd , whether they found themselves called on or no , and there endeavoured to put nature upon her duty , but in a few months obtained the desired success , and brought nature to so regular an habit , that they seldom ever failed of a stool , after their first eating , unless it were by their own neglect . for , whether they have any motion or no , if they go to the place , and do their part , they are sure to have nature very obedient . § . . i would therefore advise , that this course should be taken with a child every day , presently after he has eaten his break-fast . let him be set upon the stool , as if disburthening were as much in his power , as filling his belly ; and let not him , or his maid know any thing to the contrary , but that it is so ; and if he be forced to endeavour , by being hindred from his play , or eating again , till he has been effectually at stool , or at least done his utmost , i doubt not , but in a little while it will become natural to him . for there is reason to suspect , that children being usually intent on their play and very heedless of any thing else , often let pass those motions of nature , when she calls them but gently , and so they neglecting the seasonable offers , do by degrees bring themselves into an habitual costiveness . that by his method costiveness may be prevented , i do more than guess , having known , by the constant practice of it for some time , a child brought to have a stool regularly after his break-fast every morning . § . . how far any grown people will think fit to make tryal of it , i know not , tho' i cannot but say , that considering the many evils that come from that defect , of a requisite easing of nature , i scarce know any thing more conducing to the preservation of health than this is . once in four and twenty hours , i think , is enough , and no body , i guess , will think it too much ; and by this means , it is to be obtained without physick , which commonly proves very ineffectual , in the cure of a settled and habitual costiveness . § . . this is all i have to trouble you with concerning his management , in the ordinary course of his health ; and perhaps it will be expected from me , that i should give some directions of physick to prevent diseases . for which i have only this one very sacredly to be observed : never to give children any physick for prevention . the observation of what i have already advised , will , i suppose , do that better than apothecarie's drugs and medicines ; have a great care of tampering that way , least , instead of preventing , you draw on diseases . nor even upon every little indisposition is physick to be given , or the physician to be called to children , especially if he be a busy-man , that will presently fill their windows with gally-pots , and their stomachs with drugs . it is safer to leave them wholly to nature , than to put them into the hands of one , forward to tamper , or that thinks children are to be cured in ordinary distempers , by any thing but diet , or by a method very little distant from it . it seeming suitable both to my reason and experience , that the tender constitutions of children , should have as little done to them , as is possible , and as the absolute necessity of the case requires . a little cold , still'd red popy-water , which is the true surfeit-water , with ease , and abstinence from flesh , often puts an end to several distempers in the beginning , which by too forward applications , might have been made lusty diseases . when such a gentle . treatment will not prevent the growing mischief , but that it will turn into a form'd disease , it will be time to seek the advice of some sober and discreet physician . in this part , i hope , i shall find an easy belief , and no body can have a pretence to doubt the advice of one , who has spent some time in the study of physick , when he counsels you not to be too forward in making use of physick and physicians . § . . and thus i have done with what concerns the body and health , which reduces it self to these few and easily observable rules . plenty of open air , exercise and sleep ; plain diet , no wine or strong drink , and very little or no physick ; not too warm and straight clothing , especially the head and feet kept cold , and the feet often used to cold water , and exposed to wet . § . . due care being had to keep the body in strength and vigor , so that it may be able to obey and execute the orders of the mind . the next and principal business is , to set the mind right , that on all occasions it may be disposed , to do nothing , but what may be suitable to the dignity and excellency of a rational creature . § . . if what i have said in the beginning of this discourse , be true , as i do not doubt but it is , viz. that the difference to be found in the manners and abilities of men , is owing more to their education , than to any thing else , we have reason to conclude , that great care is to be had of the forming children's minds , and giving them that seasoning early , which shall influence their lives always after . for when they do well or ill , the praise or blame will be laid there ; and when any thing is done untowardly , the common saying will pass upon them , that it is suitable to their breeding . § . . as the strength of the body lies chiefly in being able to endure hardships , so also does that of the mind . and the great principle and foundation of all vertue and worth , is placed in this , that a man is able to deny himself his own desires , cross his own inclinations , and purely follow what reason directs as best , tho' the appetite lean the other way . § . . the great mistake i have observed in people's breeding their children has been , that this has not been taken care enough of in its due season . that the mind has not been made obedient to rules , and pliant to reason , when at first it was most tender , most easy to be bowed . parents , being wisely ordain'd by nature to love their children , are very apt , if reason watch not that natural affection very warily ; are apt , i say , to let it run into fondness . they love their little ones , and 't is their duty : but they often , with them , cherish their faults too . they must not be crossed , forsooth ; they must be permitted to have their wills in all things , and they being in their infancies not capable of great vices , their parents think , they may safely enough indulge their little irregularities , and make themselves sport with that pretty perverseness , which , they think , well enough becomes that innocent age. but to a fond parent , that would not have his child corrected for a perverse trick , but excused it , saying , it was a small matter ; solon very well replied , ay , but custom is a great one . § . . the fondling must be taught to strike , and call names ; must have what he cries for , and do what he pleases . thus parents , by humoring and cockering them when little , corrupt the principles of nature in their children , and wonder afterwards to tast the bitter waters , when they themselves have poisoned the fountain . for when their children are grown up , and these ill habits with them ; when they are now too big to be dandled , and their parents can no longer make use of them , as play-things , then they complain , that the brats are untoward and perverse ; then they are offended to see them wilfull , and are troubled with those ill humours , which they themselves inspired and cherished in them . and then perhaps , too late , would be glad to get out those weeds , which their own hands have planted , and which now have taken too deep root to be easily extirpated . for he that has been used to have his will in every thing , as long as he was in coats , why would we think it strange , that he should desire it , and contend for it still , when he is in breeches ? indeed , as he grows more towards a man , age shews his faults the more , so that there be few parents then so blind , as not to see them ; few so insensible as not to feel the ill effects of their own indulgence . he had the will of his maid before he could speak or go ; he had the mastery of his parents ever since he could prattle ; and why now he is grown up , is stronger and wiser than he was then , why now of a sudden must he be restrained and curbed ? why must he at seven , fourteen , or twenty years old , lose the privilege which the parent's indulgence , till then , so largely allowed him ? try it in a dog or an horse , or any other creature , and see whether the ill and resty tricks , they have learn'd when young , are easily to be mended when they are knit ; and yet none of those creatures are half so wilful and proud , or half so desirous to be masters of themselves and others , as man. § . . we are generally wise enough to begin with them when they are very young , and discipline betimes those other creatures we would make usefull to us . they are only our own off-spring , that we neglect in this point ; and having made them ill children , we foolishly expect they should be good men. for if the child must have grapes or sugar-plumbs , when he has a mind to them , rather than make the poor baby cry , or be out of humour , why when he is grown up , must he not be satisfied too , if his desires carry him to wine or women ? they are objects as suitable to the longing of one of more years , as what he cried for when little , was to the inclinations of a child . the having desires suitable to the apprehensions and relish of those several ages is not the fault : but the not having them subject to the rules and restraints of reason : the difference lies not in the having or not having appetites , but in the power to govern and deny our selves in them . and he , that is not used to submit his will to the reason of others , when he is young , will scarce hearken or submit to his own reason , when he is of an age to make use of it . and what a kind of a man such an one is like to prove , is easie to fore-see . § . . it seems plain to me , that the principle of all vertue and excellency , lies in a power of denying our selves the satisfaction of our own desires , where reason does not authorize them . this power is to be got and improved by custom , made easy and familiar by an early practice . if therefore i might be heard , i would advise , that contrary to the ordinary way , children should be used to submit their desires , and go without their longings , even from their very cradles . the first thing they should learn to know should be , that they were not to have any thing , because it pleased them , but because it was thought fit for them . if things suitable to their wants were supplied to them , so that they were never suffered to have what they once cried for , they would learn to be content without it , would never with bawling and peevishness contend for mastery , nor be half so uneasy to themselves and others , as they are , because from the first beginning , they are not thus handled . if they were never suffered to obtain their desire by the impatience they expressed for it , they would no more cry for other things , than they do for the moon . § . . i say not this , as if children were not to be indulged in any thing ; or that i expected they should , in hanging-sleeves , have the reason and conduct of councellors . i consider them as children that must be tenderly used , that must play , and have play-things . that which i mean , is , that whenever they crave what was not fit for them to have or do , they should not be permitted it , because they were little , and desired it : nay , whatever they were importunate for , they should be sure , for that very reason , to be denied . i have seen children at a table , who , whatever was there , never asked for any thing , but contentedly took , what was given them : and at another place i have seen others cry for every thing they saw , must be served out of every dish , and that first too . what made this vast difference but this ; that one was accustomed to have what they called or cried for ; the other to go without it ? the younger they are , the less , i think , are their unruly and disorderly appetites to be complied with ; and the less reason they have of their own , the more are they to be under the absolute power and restraint of those , in whose hands they are . from which , i confess , it will follow , that none but discreet people should be about them . if the world commonly does otherwise , i cannot help that : i am saying what i think should be ; which , if it were already in fashion , i should not need to trouble the world with a discourse on this subject . but yet i doubt not , but when it is considered , there will be others of opinion with me , that the sooner this way is begun with children , the easier it will be for them , and their governors too . and , that this ought to be observed as an inviolable maxim , that whatever once is denied them , they are certainly not to obtain by crying or importunity , unless one has a mind to teach them to be impatient , and troublesome , by rewarding them for it , when they are so . § . . those therefore that intend ever to govern their children , should begin it whilst they are very little ; and look , that they perfectly comply with the will of their parents . would you have your son obedient to you when past a child ? be sure then to establish the authority of a father as soon as he is capable of submission , and can understand in whose power he is . if you would have him stand in awe of you , imprint it in his infancy ; and , as he approaches more to a man , admit him nearer to your familiarity ; so shall you have him your obedient subject ( as is fit ) whilst he is a child , and your affectionate friend when he is a man. for , methinks they mightily misplace the treatment due to their children , who are indulgent and familiar , when they are little , but severe to them , and keep them at a distance when they are grown up : for , liberty and indulgence can do no good to children , their want of judgment makes them stand in need of restraint and discipline : and , on the contrary , imperiousness and severity is but an ill way of treating men , who have reason of their own to guide them , unless you have a mind to make your children , when grown up , weary of you ; and secretly to say within themselves , when will you die , father ? § . . i imagine every one will judge it reasonable , that their children , when little , should look upon their parents as their lords , their absolute governors , and as such , stand in awe of them : and that , when they come to riper years , they should look on them as their best , as their only sure friends ; and as such , love and reverence them . the way i have mentioned , if i mistake not , is the only one to obtain this . we must look upon our children , when grown up , to be like our selves ; with the same passions , the same desires . we would be thought rational creatures , and have our freedom ; we love not to be uneasie , under constant rebukes and brow-beatings ; nor can we bear severe humours , and great distance in those we converse with . whoever has such treatment when he is a man , will look out other company , other friends , other conversation , with whom he can be at ease . if therefore a strict hand be kept over children from the beginning , they will in that age be tractable , and quietly submit to it , as never having known any other : and if , as they grow up to the use of reason , the rigour of government be , as they deserve it , gently relaxed , the father's brow be more smooth to them , and the distance by degrees abated , his former restraints will increase their love , when they find it was only a kindness to them and a care to make them capable to deserve the pavour of their parents , and the esteem of every body else . § . . thus much for the setling your authority over your children in general . fear and awe ought to give you the first power over their minds , and love and friendship in riper years to hold it : for the time must come , when they will be past the rod , and correction ; and then , if the love of you make them not obedient and dutifull , if the love of vertue and reputation keep them not in laudable courses , i ask , what hold will you have then upon them , to turn them to it ? indeed , fear of having a scanty portion if they displease you , may make them slaves to your estate , but they will be never the less ill and wicked in private ; and that restraint will not last always . every man must some time or other be trusted to himself , and his own conduct ; and he that is a good , a vertuous , and able man , must be made so within ; and therefore , what he is to receive from education , what is to sway and influence his life , must be something put into him betimes , habits woven into the very principles of his nature ; and not a counterfeit carriage , and dissembled out-side , put on by fear , only to avoid the present anger of a father , who perhaps may dis-inherit him . § . . this being laid down in general , as the course ought to be taken , 't is fit we now come to consider the parts of the discipline to be used , a little more particularly . i have spoken so much of carrying a strict hand over children , that perhaps i shall be suspected of not considering enough what is due to their tender ages and constitutions . but that opinion will vanish , when you have heard me a little farther . for i am very apt to think , that great severity of punishment does but very little good ; nay , great harm in education : and i believe it will be found , that , caeteris paribus , those children who have been most chastised seldom make the best men. all , that i have hitherto contended for , is that whatsoever rigour is necessary , it is more to be used the younger children are ; and having , by a due application , wrought its effect , it is to be relaxed , and changed into a milder sort of government . § . . a compliance , and suppleness of their wills , being by a steady hand introduced by parents , before children have memories to retain the beginnings of it , will seem natural to them , and work afterwards in them as if it were so , preventing all occasions of strugling , or repining . the only care is , that it be begun early , and inflexibly kept to , till awe and respect be grown familiar , and there appears not the least reluctancy in the submission and ready obedience of their minds . when this reverence is once thus established , ( which it must be early , or else it will cost pains and blows to recover it ; and the more , the longer it is deferred , ) 't is by it , mixed still with as much indulgence as they make not an ill use of ; and not by beating , chiding , or other servile punishments , they are for the future to be governed as they grow up to more understanding . § . . that this is so , will be easily allowed , when it is but considered , what is to be aimed at in an ingenuous education ; and upon what it turns . . he that has not a mastery over his inclinations , he that knows not how to resist the importunity of present pleasure or pain , for the sake of what reason tells him is fit to be done , wants the true principle of vertue and industry ; and is in danger never to be good for any thing . this temper therefore , so contrary to unguided nature , is to be got betimes ; and this habit , as the true foundation of future ability and happiness , is to be wrought into the mind , as early as may be , even from the first dawnings of any knowledge , or apprehension in children ; and so to be confirmed in them , by all the care and ways imaginable , by those who have the over-sight of their education . § . . . on the otherside , if the mind be curbed , and humbled too much in children ; if their spirits be abased and broken much , by too strict an hand over them , they lose all their vigor , and industry , and are in a worse state than the former . for extravagant young fellows , that have liveliness and spirit , come sometimes to be set right , and so make able and great men : but dejected minds , timorous , and tame , and low spirits , are hardly ever to be raised , and very seldom attain to any thing . to avoid the danger , that is on either hand , is the great art ; and he that has found a way , how to keep up a child's spirit , easy , active and free ; and yet at the same time , to restrain him from many things , he has a mind to , and to draw him to things that are uneasy to him ; he , i say , that knows how to reconcile these seeming contradictions , has , in my opinion , got the true secret of education . § . . the usual lazy and short way by chastisement , and the rod , which is the only instrument of government , that tutors generally know , or ever think of , is the most unfit of any to be used in education , because it tends to both those mischiefs , which , as we have shewn , are the sylla and charybdis , which on the one hand or other , ruine all that miscarry . § . . . this kind of punishment , contributes not at all to the mastery of our natural propensity , to indulge corporal and present pleasure , and to avoid pain at any rate , but rather encourages it ; and so strengthens that in us , which is the root of all vitious and wrong actions . for what motives , i pray , does a child act by , but of such pleasure and pain , that drudges at his book against his inclination , or abstains from eating unwholsome fruit , that he takes pleasure in , only out of fear of whipping ? he in this only preferrs the greater corporal pleasure , or avoids the greater corporal pain , and what is it to govern his actions , and direct his conduct by such motives as these ? what is it , i say , but to cherish that principle in him , which it is our business to root out and destroy ? and therefore i cannot think any correction usefull to a child , where the shame of suffering for having done amiss , does not more work upon him than the pain . § . . . this sort of correction naturally breeds an aversion to that which 't is the tutor's business to create a liking to . how obvious is it to observe , that children come to hate things liked at first , as soon as they come to be whipped or chid , and teased about them ; and it is not to be wonder'd at in them , when grown men , would not be able to be reconciled to any thing by such ways . who is there , that would not be disgusted with any innocent recreation in it self indifferent to him , if he should with blows or ill language be haled to it , when he had no mind ? or be constantly so treated , for some circumstance in his application to it ? this is natural to be so : offensive circumstances ordinarily infect innocent things , which they are joined with ; and the very sight of a cup , wherein any one uses to take nauseous physick , turns his stomach , so that nothing will relish well out of it , tho' the cup be never so clean , and well shaped , and of the richest materials . § . . . such a sort of slavish discipline , makes a slavish temper . the child submits , and dissembles obedience , whilst the fear of the rod hangs over him ; but when that is removed , and by being out of sight , he can promise himself impunity , he gives the greater scope to his natural inclination , which by this way is not at all altered , but on the contrary heightned and increased in him , and after such restraint , breaks out usually with the more violence ; or , § . . . if severity carried to the highest pitch does prevail , and works a cure upon the present unruly distemper , it is often by bringing in the room of it , a worse and more dangerous disease , by breaking the mind , and then in the place of a disorderly young fellow , you have a low spirited , moap'd creature , who , however with his unnatural sobriety , he may please silly people , who commend tame , unactive children , because they make no noise , nor give them any trouble ; yet , at last , will probably prove as uncomfortable a thing to his friends , as he will be , all his life , an useless thing to himself and others . § . . beating then , and all other sorts of slavish and corporal punishments , are not the discipline fit to be used in the education of those , we would have wise , good , and ingenuous men ; and therefore very rarely to be applied , and that only in great occasions , and cases of extremity . on the other side , to flatter children by rewards of things , that are pleasant to them is as carefully to be avoided . he that will give his son apples or sugar-plumbs , or what else of this kind he is most delighted with , to make him learn his book , does but authorize his love of pleasure , and cocker up that dangerous propensitie , which he ought by all means to subdue and stifle in him . you can never hope to teach him to master it , whilst you compound for the check you give his inclination in one place , by the satisfaction you propose to it in another . to make a good , a wise , and a vertuous man , 't is fit he should learn to cross his appetite , and deny his inclination to riches , finery , or pleasing his palate , &c. when ever his reason advises the contrary , and his duty requires it . but when you draw him to do any thing that is fit , by the offer of money , or reward the pains of learning his book , by the pleasure of a luscious morsel : when you promise him a lace-crevat , or a fine new suit upon the performance of some of his little tasks , what do you by proposing these as rewards , but allow them to be the good things , he should aim at , and thereby encourage his longing for them , and accustom him to place his happiness in them ? thus people to prevail with children to be industrious about their grammar , dancing , or some other such matter , of no great moment to the happiness or ufefullness of their lives , by misapplied rewards and punishments , sacrifice their vertue , invert the order of their education , and teach them luxury , pride , or covetousness , &c. for in this way , flattering those wrong inclinations , which they should restrain and suppress , they lay the foundations of those future vices , which cannot be avoided but by curbing our desires , and accustoming them early to submit to reason . § . . i say not this , that i would have children kept from the conveniences or pleasures of life , that are not injurious to their health or vertue . on the contrary , i would have their lives made as pleasant and as agreeable to them , as may be , in a plentiful enjoyment of whatsoever might innocently delight them : provided it be with this caution , that they have those enjoyments , only as the consequences of the state of esteem and acceptation , they are in with their parents and governors , but they should never be offer'd or bestow'd on them as the rewards of this or that particular performance , that they shew an aversion to , or to which they would not have applied themselves without that temptation . § . . but if you take away the rod on one hand , and those little encouragements , which they are taken with on the other , how then ( will you say ) shall childern be govern'd ? remove hope and fear , and there is an end of all discipline . i grant , that good and evil , reward and punishment , are the only motives to a rational creature ; these are the spur and reins whereby all mankind are set on work and guided , and therefore they are to be made use of to children too . for i advise their parents and governors always to carry this in their minds , that they are to be treated as rational creatures . § . . rewards , i grant , and punishments must be proposed to children , if we intend to work upon them ; the mistake , i imagine , is , that those , that are generally made use of , are ill chosen . the pains and pleasures of the body are , i think , of ill consequence , when made the rewards and punishments , whereby men would prevail on their children : for they serve but to increase and strengthen those appetites , which 't is our business to subdue and master . what principle of vertue do you lay in a child , if you will redeem his desires of one pleasure by the proposal of another ? this is but to enlarge his appetite , and instruct it to wander . if a child cries for an unwholsome and dangerous fruit , you purchace his quiet by giving him a less hurtful sweet-meat ; this perhaps may preserve his health , but spoils his mind , and sets that farther out of order . for here you only change the object , but flatter still his appetite , and allow that must be satisfied : wherein , as i have shewed , lies the root of the mischief ; and till you bring him to be able to bear a denial of that satisfaction , the child may at present be quiet and orderly , but the disease is not cured . by this way of proceeding you foment and cherish in him , that which is the spring , from whence all the evil flows , which will be sure on the next occasion to break out again with more violence , give him stronger longings , and you more trouble . § . . the rewards and punishments then , whereby we should keep children in order , are quite of another kind , and of that force , that when we can get them once to work , the business , i think , is done , and the difficulty is over . esteem and disgrace are , of all others , the most powerful incentives to the mind , when once it is brought to relish them : if you can once get into children a love of credit , and an apprehension of shame and disgrace , you have put into them the true principle , which will constantly work , and incline them to the right . but it will be asked , how shall this be done ? i confess , it does not at first appearance want some difficulty ; but yet i think it worth our while , to seek the ways ( and practise them when found , ) to attain this , which i look on as the great secret of education . § . . first , children ( earlier perhaps than we think ) are very sensible of praise and commendation . they find a pleasure in being esteemed , and valued , especially by their parents , and those whom they depend on . if therefore the father caress and commend them , when they do well ; shew a cold and neglectful countenance to them upon doing ill : and this accompanied by a like carriage of the mother , and all others that are about them , it will in a little time make them sensible of the difference ; and this , if constantly observed , i doubt not but will of it self work more than threats or blows , which lose their force when once grown common , and are of no use when shame does not attend them ; and therefore are to be forborn , and never to be used , but in the case hereafter mentioned , when it is brought to extremity . § . . but secondly , to make the sense of esteem or disgrace , sink the deeper , and be of the more weight , other agreeable or disagreeable things should constantly accompany these different states ; not as particular rewards and punishments of this or that particular action , but as necessarily belonging to , and constantly attending one , who by his carriage has brought himself into a state of disgrace or commendation . by which way of treating them , children may , as much as possible , be brought to conceive , that those that are commended , and in esteem , for doing well , will necessarily be beloved and cherished by every body , and have all other good things as a consequence of it . and on the other side , when any one by miscarriage , falls into dis-esteem , and cares not to preserve his credit , he will unavoidably fall under neglect and contempt ; and in that state , the want of what ever might satisfie or delight him will follow . in this way , the objects of their desires are made assisting to vertue , when a setled experience from the beginning teaches children , that the things they delight in , belong to , and are to be enjoyed , by those only , who are in a state of reputation . if by these means you can come once to shame them out of their faults , ( for besides that , i would willingly have no punishment , ) and make them in love with the pleasure of being well thought on , you may turn them as you please , and they will be in love with all the ways of vertue . § . . the great difficulty here is , i imagine , from the folly and perverseness of servants , who are hardly to be hinder'd from crossing herein the design of the father and mother . children discountenanced by their parents for any fault , find usually a remedy and retreat in the caresses of those foolish flatterers , who thereby undo whatever the parents endeavour to establish . when the father or mother looks sowre on the child , every body else should put on the same carriage to him , and no body give him countenance , till forgiveness asked , and a contrary carriage restored him to his esteem and former credit again . if this were constantly observed , i guess there would be little need of blows , or chiding : their own ease and satisfaction would quickly teach children to court commendation , and avoid doing that which they found every body condemned , and they were sure to suffer for , without being chid or beaten . this would teach them modesty and shame ; and they would quickly come to have a natural abhorrence for that , which they found made them slighted and neglected by every body . but how this inconvenience from servants is to be remedied , i can only leave to parents care and consideration ; only i think it of great importance : and they are very happy , who can get discreet people about their children . § . . frequent beating or chiding is therefore carefully to be avoided , because it never produces any good , farther than it serves to raise shame and abhorrence of the miscarriage that brought it on them : and if the greatest part of the trouble be not the sense that they have done amiss , and the apprehension that they have drawn on themselves the just displeasure of their best friends , the pain of whipping will work but an imperfect cure ; it only patches up for the present , and skins it over , but reaches not to the bottom of the sore . shame then , and apprehension of displeasure , being that which ought alone to give a check , and hold the reins , 't is impossible but punishment should lose that efficacy , when it often returns . shame has in children the same place as modesty in women , which cannot be kept , and often transgressed against . and as to the apprehension of displeasure in the parents , that will come to be very insignificant , if the marks of that displeasure quickly cease . and therefore i think , parents should well consider what faults in their children are weighty enough to deserve the declaration of their anger : but when their displeasure is once declared to a degree , that carries any punishment with it , they ought not presently to lay by the severity of their brows , but to restore their children to their former grace with some difficulty ; and delay till their conformity , and more than ordinary merit , make good their amendment . if this be not so ordered , punishment will be , by familiarity , but a thing of course ; and offending , being punished , and then forgiven , be as natural and ordinary , as noon , night , and morning following one another . § . . concerning reputation , i shall only remark this one thing more of it ; that though it be not the true principle and measure of vertue , ( for that is the knowledge of a man's duty , and the satisfaction it is , to obey his maker , in following the dictates of that light god has given him , with the hopes of acceptation and reward , ) yet it is that , which comes nearest to it ; and being the testimony and applause that other people's reason , as it were by common consent , gives to vertuous , and well-ordered actions , is the proper guide and encouragement of children , till they grow able to judge for themselves , and to find what is right , by their own reason . § . . but if a right course be taken with children , there will not be so much need of the application of the common rewards and punishments as we imagine , and as the general practice has established : for , all their innocent folly , playing , and childish actions are to be left perfectly free and unrestrained , as far as they can consist with the respect due to those that are present ; and that with the greatest allowance . if these faults of their age , rather than of the children themselves , were as they should be , left only to time and imitation , and riper years to cure , children would escape a great deal of mis-applied and useless correction ; which either fails to over-power the natural disposition of their childhood , and so , by an ineffectual familiarity , makes corection in other necessary cases of less use ; or else , if it be of force to restrain the natural gaiety of that age , it serves only to spoil the temper both of body and mind . if the noise and bustle of their play prove at any time inconvenient , or unsuitable to the place or company they are in , ( which can only be where their parents are , ) a look or a word from the father or mother , if they have established the authority they should , will be enough either to remove , or quiet them for that time. but this gamesome humour , which is wisely adapted by nature to their age and temper , should rather be encouraged to keep up their spirits , and improve their strength and health , than curbed , or restrained , and the chief art is , to make all that they have to do , sport and play too . § . . and here give me leave to take notice of one thing i think a fault in the ordinary method of education ; and that is , the charging of children's memories , upon all occasions , with rules and precepts which they often do not understand , and constantly as soon forget as given . if it be some action you would have done , or done otherwise ; whenever they forget , or do it awkardly , make them do it over and over again , till they are perfect : whereby you will get these two advantages ; first , to see whether it be an action they can do , or is fit to be expected of them : for sometimes children are bid to do things , which , upon trial , they are found not able to do ; and had need be taught and exercised in , before they are required to do them . but it is much easier for a tutor to command , than to teach . secondly , another thing got by it will be this ; that by repeating the same action till it be grown habitual in them , the performance will not depend on memory , or reflection the concomitant of prudence and age , and not of childhood , but will be natural in them . thus bowing to a gentleman when he salutes him , and looking in his face when he speaks to him , is by constant use as natural to a well-bred man as breathing ; it requires no thought , no reflection . having this way cured in your child any fault , it is cured for ever : and thus one by one you may weed them out all , and plant what habits you please . § . . i have seen parents so heap rules on their children , that it was impossible for the poor little ones to remember a tenth part of them , much less to observe them . however they were either by words or blows corrected for the breach of those multiplied and often very impertinent precepts . whence it naturally followed , that the children minded not , what was said to them ; when it was evident to them , that no attention , they were capable of , was sufficient to preserve them from transgression and the rebukes which followed it . let therefore your rules , to your son , be as few as is possible , and rather fewer than more than seem absolutely necessary . for if you burden him with many rules , one of these two things must necessarily follow ; that either he must be very often punished , which will be of ill consequence , by making punishment too frequent and familiar ; or else you must let the transgressions of some of your rules go unpunished : whereby they will of course grow contemptible , and your authority become cheap to him . make but few laws , but see they be well observed , when once made . few years require but few laws , and as his age increases , when one rule is , by practice , well established , you may add another . § . . but pray remember , children are not to be taught by rules , which will be always slipping out of their memories . what you think necessary for them to do , settle in them by an indispensible practice , as often as the occasion returns ; and if it be possible , make occasions . this will beget habits in them , which being once established , operate of themselves easily and naturally without the assistance of the memory . but here let me give two cautions , . the one is , that you keep them to the practice of what you would have grow into a habit in them , by kind words , and gentle admonitions , rather as minding them of what they forget , than by harsh rebukes and chiding , as if they were wilfully guilty . dly , another thing you are to take care of , is , not to endeavour to settle too many habits at once , least by variety you confound them , and so perfect none . when constant custom has made any one thing easy and natural to them , and they practise it with reflection , you may then go on to another . § . . manners , as they call it , about which children are so often perplexed , and have so many goodly exhortations made them , by their wise maids and governesses , i think , are rather to be learnt by example than rules ; and then children , if kept out of ill company , will take a pride , to behave themselves prettily , after the fashion of others , perceiving themselves esteemed and commended for it . but if by a little negligence in this part , the boy should not put of his hat , nor make leggs very gracefully , a dancing-master would cure that defect , and wipe of all that plainness of nature , which the alamode people call clownishness . and since nothing appears to me to give children so much becoming confidence and behaviour , and so to raise them to the conversation of those above their age , as dancing , i think , they should be taught to dance as soon as they are capable of learning it . for though this consist only in outward gracefulness of motion , yet , i know not how , it gives children manly thoughts , and carriage more than any thing . but otherwise , i would not have children much tormented about punctilio's , or niceties of breeding . never trouble your self about those faults in them , which you know age will cure . and therefore want of well-fashion'd civility in the carriage , whilst civility is not wanting in the mind ( for there you must take care to plant it early ) should be the parent 's and tutor's least care , whilst they are young . if his tender mind be fill'd with a veneration for his parents and teachers , which consists in love and esteem , and a fear to offend them ; and with respect and good will to all people , that respect will of it self teach those ways of expressing it , which he observes most acceptable . be sure to keep up in him the principles of good nature and kindness ; make them as habitual as you can by credit and commendation , and the good things accompanying that state : and when they have taken root in his mind , and are settled there by a continued practice , fear not , the ornaments of conversation , and the out-side of fashionable manners , will come in their due time . whilst they are young , any carelesness is to be born with in children , that carries not with it the marks of pride or ill nature : but those , when they appear in any action , are to be corrected immediately by the ways above-mentioned ; and what else remains like clownishness , or want ofg ood breeding , time and observation will of it self reform in them as they ripen in years , if they are bred in good company ; but if in ill , all the rules in the world , all the correction imaginable , will not be able to polish them . for you must take this for a certain truth , that let them have what instructions you will , what teachers soever you please , that , which will most influence their actions , will be the company they converse with ; children ( nay , and men too ) do most by example : we are all a sort of camelions , that still take a tincture from things about us ; nor is it to be wonder'd at in children , who better understand what they see , than what they hear . § . . i mentioned above , one great mischief that came by servants to children , when by their flatteries they take off the edge and force of the parents rebukes , and so lessen their authority . and here is another great inconvenience which children receive from the ill examples , which they meet with amongst the meaner servants . they are wholly , if possible , to be kept from such conversation : for the contagion of these ill precedents , both in civility and vertue , horribly infects children , as often as they come within reach of it . they frequently learn from unbred or debauched servants , such language , untowardly tricks and vices , as otherwise they possibly would be ignorant of all their lives . § . . 't is a hard matter wholly to prevent this mischief , you will have very good luck , if you never have a clownish or vitious servant , and if from them your children never get any infection . but yet as much must be done towards it , as can be , and the children kept as much as may be in the company of their parents , and those to whose care they are committed . to this purpose , their being in their presence , should be made easie to them ; they shall be allowed the liberties and freedom suitable to their ages , and not to be held under unnecessary restraints , when in their parent 's or governour 's sight . if it be a prison to them , 't is no wonder they should not like it . they must not be hindred from being children , or from playing , or doing as children , but from doing ill ; all other liberty is to be allowed them . next to make them in love with the company of their parents , they should receive all their good things there , and from their hands . the servants should be hindred from making court to them , by giving them strong drink , wine , fruit , play-things , and other such matters , which may make them in love with their conversation . § . . having named company , i am almost ready to throw away my pen , and trouble you no farther on this subject . for since that does more than all precepts , rules and instructions , methinks 't is almost wholly in vain , to make along discourse of other things , and to talk of that almost to no purpose ; for you will be ready to say , what shall i do with my son ? if i keep him always at home , he will be in danger to be my young master ; and if i send him abroad , how is it possible to keep him from the contagion of rudeness and vice , which is so every where in fashion ? in my house , he will perhaps be more innocent , but more ignorant too of the world , and being used constantly to the same faces , and little company , will , when he comes abroad , be a sheepish or conceited creature . i confess , both sides have their inconveniences , but whilst he is at home , use him as much to your company , and the company of men. genteel and well-bred people , that come to your house , as you can ; and keep him from the taint of your servants , and meaner people : and about his going abroad , or staying at home , it must be left to the parents conveniences and circumstances . but this is certain , breeding at home in their own sight , under a good governour , is much the best , when it can be had , and is ordered , as it should be . § . . having under consideration how great the influence of company is , and how prone we are all , especially children , to imitation , i must here take the liberty to mind parents of this one thing , viz. that he that will have his son have a respect for him and his orders , must himself have a great reverence for his son. maxima debetur pueris reverentia . you must do nothing before him , which you would not have him imitate . if any thing scape you , which you would have pass for a fault in him , he will be sure to shelter himself under your example : and how then you will be able to come at him to correct it in the right way i do not easily see : and if you will punish him for it , he cannot look on it as a thing which reason condemns , since you practise it ; but he will be apt to interpret it , the peevishness , and arbitrary imperiousness of a father , which , without any ground for it , would deny his son the liberty and pleasures he takes himself . or if you would have it thought , it is a liberty belonging to riper years , and not to a child , you add but a new temptation , since you must always remember , that children affect to be men earlier than is thought : and they love breeches , not for their cut , or ease , but because the having them is a mark of a step towards manhood . what i say of the father's carriage before his children , must extend it self to all those who have any authority over them , or for whom he would have them have any respect . § . . thus all the actions of childishness , and unfashionable carriage , and whatever time and age will of it self be sure to reform , being exempt from the discipline of the rod , there will not be so much need of beating children , as is generally made use of . to which if we add learning to read , write , dance , foreign languages , &c. as under the same privilege , there will be but very rarely any occasion for blows or force in an ingenuous education . the right way to teach them those things is , to give them a liking and inclination to what you propose to them to be learn'd ; and that will engage their industry and application . this i think no hard matter to do , if children be handled as they should be , and the rewards and punishments above-mentioned be carefully applied , and with them these few rules observed in the method of instructing them . § . . . none of the things they are to learn should ever be made a burthen to them , or imposed on them as a task : whatever is so proposed , presently becomes irksome ; the mind takes an aversion to it , though before it were a thing of delight or indifferency . let a child be but ordered to whip his top at a certain time every day , whether he has , or has not a mind to it ; let this be but required of him as a duty , wherein he must spend so many hours morning and afternoon , and see whether he will not soon be weary of any play at this rate . is it not so with grown men ? what they do chearfully of themselves , do they not presently grow sick of , and can no more endure , as soon as they find it is expected of them , as a duty ? children have as much a mind to shew that they are free , that their own good actions come from themselves , that they are absolute and independent , as any of the proudest of your grown men , think of them as you please . § . . . as a consequence of this , they should seldom be put upon doing even those things you have got an inclination in them to , but when they have a mind and disposition to it . he that loves reading , writing , musick , &c. finds yet in himself certain seasons wherein those things have no relish to him : and if at that time he forces himself to it , he only pothers and wearies himself to no purpose . so it is with children : this change of temper should be carefully observed in them , and the favourable seasons of aptitude and inclination be heedfully laid hold of , to set them upon any thing . by this means a great deal of time and tiring would be saved ; for a child will learn three times as much when he is in tune , as he will with double the time and pains , when he goes awkardly and unwillingly to it . if this were minded as it should , children might be permitted to weary themselves with play , and yet have time enough to learn what is suited to the capacity of each age. and if things were order'd right , learning any thing , they should be taught , might be made as much a recreation to their play , as their play is to their learning . the pains are equal on both sides : nor is it that which troubles them , for they love to be busie , and the change and variety is that which naturally delights them ; the only odds is , in that which we call play , they act at liberty , and employ their pains ( whereof you may observe them never sparing ) freely ; but what they are to learn , they are driven to it , called on , or compelled . this is that that at first entrance balks and cools them ; they want their liberty : get them but to ask their tutor to teach them , as they do often their play-fellows , instead of this calling upon them to learn , and they being satisfied that they act as freely in this , as they do in other things , they will go on with as much pleasure in it , and it will not differ from their other sports and play. by these ways , carefully pursued , i guess , a child may be brought to desire to be taught any thing , you have a mind he should learn. the hardest part , i confess , is with the first , or eldest ; but when once he is set right , it is easie by him to lead the rest whether one will. § . . though it be past doubt , that the fittest time for children to learn any thing , is , when their minds are in tune , and well disposed to it , when neither flagging of spirit , nor intentness of thought upon something else makes them awkard and averse ; yet two things are to be taken care of : . that these seasons either not being warily observed , and laid hold on , as often as they return ; or else , not returning as often as they should , ( as always happens in the ordinary method and discipline of education , when blows and compulsion have raised an aversion in the child to the thing he is to learn , ) the improvement of the child be not thereby neglected , and so he be let grow into an habitual idleness , and confirmed in this indisposition . . that though other things are ill learned when the mind is either indisposed , or otherwise taken up , yet it is a great matter , and worth our endeavours , to teach the mind to get the mastery over it self ; and to be able , upon choice , to take it self off from the hot pursuit of one thing , and set it self upon another with facility and delight ; or at any time to shake off its sluggishness , and vigorously employ it self about what reason , or the advice of another shall direct . this is to be done in children by trying them sometimes , when they are by laziness unbent , or by avocation bent another way , and endeavouring to make them buckle to the thing proposed . if by this means the mind can get an habitual dominion over it self , lay by idea's , or business , as occasion requires , and betake it self to new and less acceptable employments , without reluctancy or discomposure , it will be an advantage of more consequence than latin or logick , or most of those things children are usually required to learn. § . . children being more active and busie in that age than any other part of their life , and being indifferent to any thing they can do , so they may be but doing , dancing and scotch-hoppers would be the same thing to them , were the encouragements and discouragements equal . but to things we would have them learn , the great and only discouragement i can observe is , that they are called to it , 't is made their business , they are teas'd and chid about it , and do it with trembling and apprehension ; or , when they come willingly to it , are kept too long at it , till they are quite tired : all which intrenches too much on that natural freedom they extreamly affect , and 't is that liberty alone which gives the true relish and delight to their ordinary play games . turn the tables , and you will see they will soon change their application ; especially if they see the examples of others , whom they esteem and think above themselves : and if the things they see others do be ordered so , that they are persuaded it is the privilege of an age or condition above theirs , then ambition , and the desire still to get forward , and higher , and to be like those above them , will give them an inclination which will set them on work in a way wherein they will go on with vigour and pleasure , enjoying in it their dearly beloved freedom ; which , if it brings with it also the satisfaction of credit and reputation , i am apt to think , there will need no other spur to excite their application and assiduity as much as is necessary . i confess , there needs patience and skill , gentleness and attention , and a prudent conduct to attain this at first . but , why have you a tutor , if there needed no pains ? but when this is once established , all the rest will follow more easily , than in any more severe and imperious discipline ; and i think it no hard matter , to gain this point ; i am sure it will not be , where children have no ill examples set before them . the great danger therefore i apprehend , is only from servants , and other ill-ordered children , or such other vicious or foolish people , who spoil children , both by the ill pattern they set before them in their own ill manners , and by giving them together , the two things they should never have at once , i mean , vicious pleasures and commendation . § . . as children should very seldom be corrected by blows ; so , i think , frequent , and especially , passionate chiding , of almost as ill consequence . for it lessens the authority of the parents , and the respect of the child , for i bid you still remember , they distinguish early between passion and reason ; and as they cannot but have a reverence for what comes from the latter , so they quickly grow into a contempt of the former ; or if it causes a present terrour , yet it soon wears off , and natural inclination will easily learn to slight such scare-crows , which make a noise , but are not animated by reason . children being to be restrained by the parents only in vicious ( which , in their tender years , are only a few ) things , a look or nod only ought to correct them , when they do amiss : or , if words are sometimes to be used , they ought to be grave , kind and sober , representing the ill , or unbecomingness of the fault , rather than a hasty rating of the child for it , which makes him not sufficiently distinguish , whether your dislike be not more directed to him , than his fault . § . . i fore-see here it will be objected to me ; what then , will you have children never beaten nor chid for any fault ? this will be to let loose the reins to all kind of disorder . not so much , as is imagined , if a right course has been taken in the first seasoning of their minds , and implanting that awe of their parents above-mentioned . for beating , by constant observation , is found to do little good , where the smart of it is all the punishment is feared , or felt in it ; for the influence of that quickly wears out , with the memory of it . but yet there is one , and but one fault , for which , i think , children should be beaten ; and that is , obstinacy or rebellion , and in this too , i would have it ordered so , if it can be , that the shame of the whipping , and not the pain , should be the greatest part of the punishment . shame of doing amiss , and deserving chastisement , is the only true restraint belonging to vertue . the smart of the rod , if shame accompanies it not , soon ceases , and is forgotten , and will quickly , by use , lose its terrour . i have known the children of a person of quality kept in awe , by the fear of having their shooes pulled off , as much , as others by apprehensions of a rod hanging over them . some such punishment , i think , better than beating ; for , 't is shame of the fault , and the disgrace that attends it , that they should stand in fear of , rather than pain , if you would have them have a temper truly ingenuous . but stubbornness , and an obstinate disobedience , must be mastred with force and blows , for this there is no other remedy . whatever particular action you bid him do , or forbear , you must be sure to see your self obey'd , no quarter in this case , no resistance ; for when once it comes to be a trial of skill , a contest for mastery betwixt you , as it is if you command , and he refuses , you must be sure to carry it , whatever blows it costs , if a nod or words will not prevail , unless , for ever after , you intend to live in obedience to your son. a prudent and kind mother , of my acquaintance , was , on such an occasion , forced to whip her little daughter , at her first coming home from nurse , eight times successively the same morning , before she could master her stubbornness , and obtain a compliance in a very easy and indifferent matter . if she had left off sooner , and stop'd at the seventh whiping , she had spoiled the child for ever , and by her unprevailing blows , only confirmed her refractariness , very hardly afterwards to be cured : but wisely persisting , till she had bent her mind , and suppled her will , the only end of correction and chastisement , she established her authority throughly in the very first occasion , and had ever after , a very ready compliance and obedience in all things from her daughter . for as this was the first time , so i think , it was the last too she ever struck her . § . . this , if well reflected on , would make people more wary in the use of the rod and the cudgel ; and keep them from being so apt to think beating , the safe and universal remedy to be applied at random , on all occasions . this is certain however , if it does no good , it does great harm ; if it reaches not the mind , and makes not the will supple , it hardens the offender , and whatever pain he has suffered for it , it does but indear to him his beloved stubbornness , which has got him this time the victory , and prepares him to contest and hope for it for the future . this , i doubt not , but by ill order'd correction many have been taught to be obstinate and refractary , who otherwise would have been very pliant and tractable . for if you punish a child , so as if it were only to revenge the past fault , which has raised your choler , what operation can this have upon his mind , which is the part to be amended ? if there were no sturdy wilfulness of mind mixed with his fault , there was nothing in it , that needed the severity of blows : a kind or grave admonition would have been enough , to remedy the faults of frailty , forgetfullness , or inadvertency , as much as they needed . but if there were a perverseness in the will , if it were a designed , resolved disobedience , the punishment is not to be measured by the greatness or smallness of the matter , wherein it appeared , but by the opposition it carries , and stands in , to that respect and submission is due to the father's orders , and must always be rigorously exacted , and the blows , by pauses , laid on till they reach the mind , and you perceive the signs of a true sorrow , shame , and resolution of obedience . this , i confess , requires something more than setting children a task , and whipping them without any more adoe , if it be not done , and done to our phansy : this requires care , attention , observation , and a nice study of children's tempers , and weighing their faults well before we come to this sort of punishment : but is not that better , than always to have the rod in hand , as the only instrument of government ? and by frequent use of it on all occasions misapply and render inefficacious this last and usefull remedy , where there is need of it . for what else can be expected , when it is promiscuously used upon every little slip , when a mistake in concordance , or a wrong position in verse , shall have the severity of the lash , in a well-temper'd and industrious lad , as surely , as a willfull crime , in an obstinate and perverse offender ? how can such a way of correction be expected to do good on the mind , and set that right , which is the only thing to be looked after ; and when set right , brings all the rest , that you can desire , along with it ? § . . where a wrong bent of the will , wants not amendment , there can be no need of blows . all other faults , where the mind is rightly disposed , and refuses not the government and authority of the father or tutor , are but mistakes , and may often be over-looked ; or when they are taken notice of , need no other , but the gentler remedies of advice , direction and reproof , till the repeated and willfull neglect of those , shews the fault to be in the mind , and that a manifest perversness of the will , lies at the root of their disobedience : but when ever obstinacy , which is an open defiance , appears , that cannot be winked at , or neglected , but must in the first instance , be subdued and master'd ; only care must be had , that we mistake not , and we must be sure it is obstinacy and nothing else . § . . but since the occasions of punishment , especially beating , are as much to be avoided as may be , i think it should not be often brought to this point : if the awe i spoke of be once got , a look will be sufficient in most cases . nor indeed , should the same carriage , seriousness , or application be expected from young children , as from those of riper growth : they must be permitted , as i said , the foolish and childish actions suitable to their years , without taking notice of them : inadvertency , carelessness and gayety is the character of that age. i think the severity i spoke of is not to extend it self to such unseasonable restraints . keep them from vice , and vicious dispositions , and such a kind of behaviour in general will come with every degree of their age , as is suitable to that age , and the company they ordinarily converse with ; and as they grow in years , they will grow in attention and application . but that your words may always carry weight and authority with them , if it shall happen , upon any occasion , that you bid him leave off the doing of any even childish thing , you must be sure to carry the point , and not let him have the mastery . but yet , i say , i would have the father seldom interpose his authority and command in these cases , or any other , but such as have a tendency to vicious habits : i think there are better ways of prevailing with them ; and a gentle perswasion in reasoning ( when the first point of submission to your will is got ) will most times do much better . § . . it will perhaps be wondered that i mention reasoning with children , and yet i cannot but think that the true way of dealing with them . they understand it as early as they do language ; and , if i mis-observe not , they love to be treated as rational creatures sooner than is imagined . 't is a pride should be cherished in them , and , as much as can be , made the great instrument to turn them by . but when i talk of reasoning , i do not intend any other , but such as is suited to the child's capacity and apprehension . no body can think a boy of three or seven years old should be argued with , as a grown man : long discourses , and philosophical reasonings , at best , amaze and confound , but do not instruct children . when i say therefore , that they must be treated as rational creatures , i mean , that you should make them sensible by the mildness of your carriage , and the composure even in your correction of them , that what you do is reasonable in you , and useful and necessary for them : and that it is not out of caprichio , passion , or fancy , that you command or forbid them any thing . this they are capable of understanding ; and there is no vertue they should be excited to , nor fault they should be kept from , which i do not think they may be convinced of ; but it must be by such reasons as their age and understanding are capable of , and those proposed always in very few and plain words . the foundations on which several duties are built , and the fountains of right and wrong , from which they spring , are not perhaps easily to be let into the minds of grown men , not used to abstract their thoughts from common received opinions : much less are children capable of reasonings from remote principles ; they cannot conceive the force of long deductions : the reasons that move them must be obvious , and level to their thoughts , and such as may ( if i may so say ) be felt , and touched . but yet if their age , temper and inclinations be considered , there will never want such motives as may be sufficient to convince them . if there be no other more particular , yet these will always be intelligible , and of force to deterr them from any fault fit to be taken notice of in them , ( viz. ) that it will be a discredit and disgrace to them , and displease you . § . . but of all the ways whereby children are to be instructed , and their manners formed , the plainest , easiest , and most efficacious , is , to set before their eyes the examples of those things you would have them do , or avoid . which , when they are pointed out to them , in the practice of persons within their knowledge , with some reflection on their beauty , or unbecomingness are of more force to draw or deterr their imitation , than any discourses can be made to them . vertues and vices can by no words be so plainly set before their understandings , as the actions of other men will shew them , when you direct their observation , and bid them view this or that good or bad quality in their practice . and the beauty or uncomeliness of many things in good and ill breeding will be better learnt , and make deeper impressions on them , in the examples of others , than from any rules or instructions can be given about them . this is a method to be used , not only whilst they are young , but to be continued even as long as they shall be under another's tuition or conduct . nay , i know not whether it be not the best way to be used by a father , as long as he shall think fit , on any occasion , to reform any thing he wishes mended in his son : nothing sinking so gently , and so deep , into men's minds , as example . and what ill they either over-look , or indulge in them themselves , they cannot but dis-like , and be ashamed of , when it is set before them in another . § . . it may be doubted concerning whipping , when , as the last remedy , it comes to be necessary ; at what time , and by whom it should be done ; whether presently upon the committing the fault , whilst it is yet fresh and hot ; and whether parents themselves should beat their children . as to the first , i think it should not be done presently , lest passion mingle with it , and so , though it exceed the just proportion , yet it lose the authority : for even children discern when we do things in passion ; but , as i said before , that has most weight with them , that appears sedately to come from their parents reason ; and they are not without this distinction . next , if you have any discreet servant capable of it , and has the place of governing your child ( for if you have a tutor , there is no doubt ) i think it is best the smart should come more immediately from another's hand , though by the parents order , who should see it done ; whereby the parent 's authority will be preferred , and the child's aversion for the pain it suffers rather be turned on the person that immediately inflicts it . for i would have a father seldom strike his child , but upon very urgent necessity , and as the last remedy ; and then perhaps it will be fit to do it so , that the child should not quickly forget it . § . . but , as i said before , beating is the worst , and therefore the last means to be used in the correction of children ; and that only in cases of extremity , after all gentler ways have been tried , and proved unsuccessful ; which , if well observed , there will be very seldom any need of blows . for it not being to be imagined that a child will often , if ever , dispute his father's present command in any particular instance ; and the father not rigorously interposing his authority in positive rules concerning childish or indifferent actions , wherein his son is to have his liberty ; nor concerning his learning or improvement , wherein there is no compulsion to be used ; there remains only the prohibition of some vicious actions , wherein a child is capable of obstinacy , and consequently can deserve beating : and so there will be but very few occasions of that discipline to be used by any one , who considers well , and orders his child's education as it should be . for the first seven years , what vices can a child be guilty of , but lying , or some ill-natur'd tricks ; the repeated commission whereof , after his father's direct command against it , shall bring him into the condemnation of obstinacy , and the chastisement of the rod ? if any vicious inclination in him be , in the first appearance and instances of it , treated as it should , first with your wonder , and then if returning again a second time , discountenanced with the severe brow of the father , tutor , and all about him , and a treatment suitable to the state of discredit before-mentioned ; and this continued till he be made sensible , and ashamed of his fault , i imagine there will be no need of any other correction , nor ever any occasion to come to blows . the necessity of such chastisement is usually the consequence only of former indulgencies , or neglects . if vicious inclinations were watched from the beginning , and the first irregularities they caused corrected by those gentler ways , we should seldom have to do with more than one disorder at once , which would be easily set right without any stir or noise , and not require so harsh a discipline as beating . thus one by one as they appear'd , they might all be weeded out without any signs or memory that ever they had been there . but we letting their faults ( by indulging and humouring our little ones ) grow up till they are sturdy and numerous , and the deformity of them makes us asham'd and uneasy , we are fain to come to the plough and the harrow , the spade and the pick-ax must go deep to come at the roots ; and all the force , skill , and diligence we can use , is scarce enough to cleanse the vitiated seed-plat over-grown with weeds , and restore us the hopes of fruits to rewards our pains in its season . § . . this course , if observed , will spare both father and child the trouble of repeated injunctions and multiplied rules of doing and forbearing . for , i am of opinion , that of those actions which tend to vitious habits ( which are those alone that a father should interpose his authority and commands in ) none should be forbidden children till they are found guilty of them . for such untimely prohibitions , if they do nothing worse , do at least so much towards teaching and allowing them , that they suppose that children may be guilty of them ; who would possibly be safer in the ignorance of any such faults . and the best remedy to stop them , is , as i have said , to shew wonder and amazement at any such action , as hath a vitious tendency , when it is first taken notice of in a child . for example , when he is first found in a lye or any ill natur'd trick , the first remedy should be to talk to him of it as a strange , monstrous matter , that it could not be imagin'd he would have done , and so shame him out of it . § . . it will be ( 't is like ) objected , that whatever i fansie of the tractableness of children , and the prevalency of those softer ways of shame and commendation , yet there are many who will never apply themselves to their books , and to what they ought to learn , unless they are scourged to it . this i fear is nothing but the language of ordinary schools and fashion which has never suffered the other to be tried as it should be , in places where it could be taken notice of . why , else , does the learning of latin and greek need the rod , when french and italian needs it not ? children learn to dance and fence without whipping ; nay , arithmetick , drawing , &c. they apply themselves well enough to without beating , which would make one suspect , that there is something strange , unnatural and disagreeable to that age , in the things requir'd in grammar-schools , or the methods used there , that children cannot be brought to , without the severity of the lash , and hardly with that too , or else that it is a mistake , that those tongues could not be taught them without beating . § . . but let us suppose some so negligent or idle , that they will not be brought to learn by the gentler ways proposed ; for we must grant that there will be children found of all tempers , yet it does not thence follow , that the rough discipline of the cudgel is to be used to all ; nor can any one be concluded unmanagable by the milder methods of government , till they have been throughly tried upon him ; and if they will not prevail with him to use his endeavours , and do what is in his power to do , we make no excuses , for the obstinate blows are the proper remedies for those ; but blows laid on in a way different from the ordinary . he that wilfully neglects his book , and stubbornly refuses any thing he can do , required of him by his father , expressing himself in a positive serious command , should not be corrected with two or three angry lashes , for not performing his task , and the same punishment repeated again and again upon every the like default . but when it is brought to that pass , that wilfulness evidently shews it self , and makes blows necessary , i think the chastisement should be a little more sedate and a little more severe , and the whipping ( mingled with admonitions between ) so continued , till the impressions of it on the mind were found legible in the face , voice and submission of the child , not so sensible of the smart as of the fault he has been guilty of , and melting in true sorrow under it . if such a correction as this tried some few times at sit distances , and carried to the utmost severity , with the visible displeasure of the father all the while , will not work the effect , turn the mind , and produce a future compliance , what can be hoped from blows , and to what purpose should they be any more used ? beating , when you can expect no good from it , will look more like the fury of an enraged enemy , than the good will of a compassionate friend ; and such chastisements carries with it only provocation without any prospect of amendment . if it be any father's misfortune to have a son thus perverse and untractable , i know not what more he can do but pray for him . but , i imagine , if a right course be taken with children from the beginning , very few will be found to be such , and when there are any such instances , they are not to be the rule for the education of those who are better natur'd , and may be managed with better usage . § . . if a tutor can be got , that thinking himself in the father's place , charged with his care , and relishing these things , will at the beginning apply himself to put them in practice , he will afterwards find his work very easy ; and you will , i guess , have your son in a little time a greater proficient in both learning and breeding , than perhaps you imagine . but let him by no means beat him , at least without your consent and direction . he must be sure also to shew him the example of the things , he would have the child practise , and carefully to preserve him from the influence of ill precedents , especially the most dangerous of all , that of the servants , from whose company he is to be kept , not by prohibitions , for that will but give him an itch , but by other ways i have mentioned . § . . in all the whole business of education , there is nothing like to be less hearken'd to , or harder to be well observed , than what i am now going to say , and that is , that i would from their first beginning to talk , have some discreet , sober ; nay , wise person about children , whose care it should be to fashion them aright , and keep them from all ill , especially the infection of bad company . i think this province requires great sobriety , temperance , tenderness , diligence and discretion , qualities hardly to be found united in persons that are to be had for ordinary salaries , or easily to be found any where . as to the charge of it , i think it will be the money best laid out , that can be , about our children ; and therefore though it may be expensive more than is ordinary , yet it cannot be thought dear . he that at any rate procures his child a good mind , well principled , temper'd to vertue and usefulness , and adorned with civility and good breeding , makes a better purchase for him , than if he laid out the money for an addition of more earth to his former acres . spare it in toys and play-games , in silk and ribbons , laces and other useless expences , as much as you please ; but be not sparing in so necessary a part as this . 't is not good husbandry to make his fortune rich , and his mind poor . i have often with great admiration seen people lavish it profusely in tricking up their children in fine clothes ; lodging and feeding them sumptuously , allowing them more than enough of useless servants , and yet at the same time starve their minds , and not take sufficient care to cover that , which is the most shameful nakedness , viz. their natural wrong inclinations and ignorance . this i can look on as no other than a sacrificing to their own vanity ; it shewing more their pride than true care of the good of their children . whatsoever you imploy to the advantage of your son's mind will shew your true kindness , though it be to the lessening of his estate . a wise and good man can hardly want either the opinion or reality of being great and happy . but he , that is foolish or vicious , can be neither great nor happy , what estate soever you leave him : and i ask you , whether there be not men in the world , whom you had rather have your son be with l. per annum , than some other you know with l. § . . the consideration of charge ought not therefore to deterr those who are able ; the great difficulty will be where to find a proper person . for those of small age , parts and vertue , are unfit for this imployment ; and those that have greater , will hardly be got to undertake such a charge . you must therefore look out early , and enquire every where ; for the world has people of all sorts ; and i remember , montaigne says in one of his essays , that the learned castalio was fain to make trenchers at basle to keep himself from starving , when his father would have given any money for such a tutor for his son , and castalio have willingly embraced such an imployment upon very reasonable terms , but this was for want of intelligence . § . . if you find it difficult to meet with such a tutor as we desire , you are not to wonder ; i only can say , spare no care nor cost to get such an one ; all things are to be had that way , and i dare assure you , that if you get a good one , you will never repent the charge , but will always have the satisfaction to think it the money of all other the best laid out . but be sure take no body upon friends or charitable , no nor bare great commendations : nor will the reputation of a sober man with learning enough ( which is all usually that is required in a tutor ) serve the turn . in this choice be as curious as you would in that of a wife for him : for you must not think of trial or changing afterwards , that will cause great inconvenience to you , and greater to your son. when i consider the scruples and cautions i here lay in your way , methinks it looks as if i advised you to something , which i would have offer'd at , but in effect not done . but he that shall consider how much the business of a tutor rightly imployed lies out of the road , and how remote it is from the thoughts of many , even of those who propose to themselves this imployment , will perhaps be of my mind , that one sit to educate and form the mind of a young gentleman is not every where to be found ; and that more than ordinary care is to be taken in the choice of him , or else you may fail of your end. § . . but to return to our method again . tho' i have mentioned the severity of the father's brow , and the awe settled thereby in the mind of children when young , as one main foundation , whereby their education is to be managed : yet i am far from being of an opinion , that it should be continued all a long to them , whilst they are under the discipline and government of pupilage . i think it should be relaxed as fast as their age , discretion , and good behaviour could allow it , even to that degree , that a father will do well , as his son grows up , and is capable of it , to talk familiarly with him ; nay , ask his advice , and consult with him about those things , wherein he has any knowledge , or understanding . by this , the father will gain two things , both of great moment . the one is , that it will put serious considerations into his son's thoughts , better than any rules or advices he can give him . the sooner you treat him as a man , the sooner he will begin to be one : and if you admit him into serious discourses sometimes with you , you will insensibly raise his mind above the usual a musements of youth , and those trifling occupations it is commonly wasted in : for it is easie to observe , that many young men continue longer in the thoughts and conversation of school-boys , than otherwise they would , because their parents keep them at that distance , and in that low rank , by all their carriage to them . § . . another thing of greater consequence , which you will obtain by such a way of treating him , will be his friendship . many fathers , though they proportion to their sons liberal allowances , according to their age and condition ; yet they keep them as much unacquainted with their estates , and all other concernments , as if they were strangers . this if it looks not like jealousie , yet it wants those marks of kindness and intimacy , which a father should shew to his son ; and , no doubt , often hinders , or abates , that cheerfullness and satisfaction , wherewith a son should address himself to , and rely upon his father ; and i cannot but often wonder to see fathers , who love their sons very well , yet so order the matter by a constant stiffness , and a mien of authority and distance to them all their lives , as if they were never to enjoy or have any comfort from those they love best in the world , till they had lost them , by being removed into another . nothing cements and establishes friendship and good-will , so much as confident communication of concernments and affairs . other kindnesses without this , leave still some doubts ; but when your son sees you open your mind to him , that you interest him in your affairs , as things you are willing should in their turn come into his hands , he will be concerned for them , as for his own ; wait his season with patience , and love you in the mean time , who keep him not at the distance of a stranger . this will also make him see , that the enjoyment you have is not without care , which the more he is sensible of , the less will he envy you the possession , and the more think himself happy under the management of so favourable a friend , and so careful a father . there is scarce any young man of so little thought , or so void of sense , that would not be glad of a sure friend , that he might have recourse to , and freely consult on occasion . the reservedness and distance , that fathers keep , often deprives their sons of that refuge , which would be of more advantage to them , than an hundred rebukes and chidings . would your son engage in some frolick , or take a vagary , were it not much better he should do it with , than without your knowledge ? for since allowances for such things must be made to young men , the more you know of his intrigues and designs , the better will you be able to prevent great mischiefs ; and by letting him see what is like to follow , take the right way of prevailing with him to avoid less inconveniencies . would you have him open his heart to you , and ask your advice ? you must begin to do so with him first , and by your carriage beget that considence . § . . but whatever he consults you about , unless it lead to some fatal and irremediable mischief , be sure you advise only as a friend of more experience ; but with your advice mingle nothing of command or authority , no more than you wou●d to your equal , or a stranger . that would be to drive him for ever from any farther demanding or receiving advantage from your counsel . you must consider , that he is a young man , and has pleasures and fancies , which you are pass'd . you must not expect his inclinations should be just as yours , nor that at twenty he should have the same thoughts you have at fifty . all that you can wish is , that since youth must have some liberty , some out-leaps , they might be with the ingenuity of a son , and under the eye of a father , and then no very great harm can come of it . the way to obtain this , as i said before , is ( according as you find him capable ) to talk with him about your affairs , propose matters to him familiarly , and ask his advice ; and when he ever lights on the right , follow it as his , and if it succeeds well , let him have the commendation . this will not at all lessen your authority , but increase his love and esteem of you . whilst you keep your estate , the staff will still be in your own hands , and your authority the surer , the more it is strengthen'd with confidence and kindness . for you have not that power , you ought to have over him , till he comes to be more afraid of offending so good a friend , than of losing some part of his future expectation . § . . when , by making your son sensible that he depends on you , and is in your power , you have establish'd your authority ; and by being inflexibly severe in your carriage to him , when obstinately persisting in any ill natur'd trick , you have forbidden especially lying , you have imprinted on his mind that awe , which is necessary : and on the other side , when , by permitting him the full liberty due to his age , and laying no restraint in your presence to those childish actions and gaiety of carriage , which , whilst he is very young , is as necessary to him as meat or sleep , you have reconcil'd him to your company , and made him sensible of your care and love of him by indulgence and tenderness , especially , caressing him on all occasions wherein he does any thing well , and being kind to him after a thousand fashions suitable to his age , which nature teaches parents better than i can ; when , i say , by these ways of tenderness and affection , which parents never want for their children , you have also planted in him a particular affection for you , he is then in the state you could desire , and you have formed in his mind that true reverence , which is alway afterwards carefully to be increased and maintained in both the parts of it , love and fear , as the great principle , whereby you will always have hold upon him , to turn his mind to the ways of vertue of honour . § . . when this foundation is once well laid , and you find this reverence begin to work in him , the next thing to be done is carefully to consider his temper , and the particular constitution of his mind . stubbornness , lying and ill natur'd actions are not ( as has been said ) to be permitted in him from the beginning , whatever his temper be : those seeds of vices are not to be suffered to take any root , but must be suppress'd in their appearance ; and your authority is to be establish'd from the very dawning of any knowledge in him , that it may operate as a natural principle , whereof he never perceived the beginning , never knew that it was or could be otherwise . by this , if the reverence he owes you be establish'd early , it will always be sacred to him , and it will be as hard for him to resist it as the principles of his nature . § . . having thus very early established your authority , and by the gentler applications of it , shamed him out of what leads towards any immoral habit , as soon as you have observed it in him ( for i would by no means have chiding used , much less blows , till obstinacy and incorrigibleness make it absolutely necessary ) it will be fit to consider which way the natural make of his mind inclines him . some men by the unalterable frame of their constitutions are stout , others timorous some confident , others modest , tractable or obstinate , curious or careless . there are not more differences in men's faces , and the outward lineaments of their bodies , than there are in the makes and tempers of their minds , only there is this difference , that the distinguishing characters of the face , and the lineaments of the body grow more plain and visible with time and age , but the peculiar physiognomy of the mind is most discernable in children , before art and cunning hath taught them to hide their deformities and conceal their ill inclinations under a dissembled out-side . § . , begin therefore betimes nicely to observe your son's temper , and that when he is under least restraint . see what are his predominant passions and prevailing inclinations , whether he be fierce or mild , bold or bashful , compassionate or cruel , open or reserv'd , &c. for as these are different in him , so are your methods to be different , and your authority must hence take measures to apply it self different ways to him . these native propensions , these prevalencies of constitution are not to be cured by rules , or a direct contest , especially those of them that are the humbler and meaner sort , that proceed from fear and lowness of spirit ; though with art they may be much mended , and turned to good purposes . but this , be sure , after all is done , the byas will always hang on that side , that nature first placed it : and if you carefully observe the characters of this mind now in the first scenes of his life , you will ever after be able to judge , which way his thoughts lean , and what he aims at , even hereafter , when , as he grows up , the plot thickens , and he puts on several shapes to act it . § . . i told you before that children love liberty , and therefore they should be brought to do the things are fit for them , without feeling any restraint laid upon them . i now tell you , they love some thing more , and that is dominion , and this is the first original of most vicious habits , that are ordinary and natural . this love of power and dominion shews it self very early and that in these two things : § . . . we see children ( as soon almost as they are born ( i am sure long before they can speak ) cry , grow peevish , sullen , and out of humour , for nothing but to have their wills. they would have their desires submitted to by others ; they contend for a ready complyance from all about them , especially from those that stand near or beneath them in age or degree , as soon as they come to consider others with those distinctions . § . . another thing wherein they shew their love of dominion , is , their desire to have things to be theirs ; they would have propriety and possession , pleasing themselves with the power that seems to give , and the right they thereby have to dispose of them as they please . he , that has not observed these two humours working very betimes in children , has taken little notice of their actions : and he , that thinks that these two roots of almost all the injustice and contention , that so disturb humane life , are not early to be weeded out , and contrary habits introduced , neglects the proper season to lay the foundations of a good and worthy man. to do this , i imagine , these following things may somewhat conduce . § . . . that a child should never be suffered to have what he craves , or so much as speaks for , much less if he cries for it . what then , would you not have them declare their wants ? yes , that is very fit ; and 't is as fit , that with all tenderness they should be hearken'd to , and supplied , at least whilst they are very little . but 't is one thing to say , i am hungry ; another to say , i would have roast-meat . having declared their wants , their natural wants , the pain they feel from hunger , thirst , cold , or any other necessity of nature , 't is the duty of their parents , and those about them , to relieve them : but children must leave it to the choice and ordering of their parents , what they think properest for them , and how much ; and must not be permitted to chuse for themselves , and say , i would save wine , or white-bread ; the very naming of it should make them lose it . § . . this is for natural wants , which must be relieved : but for all wants of fancy and affectation , they should never , if once declar'd , be hearken'd to , or complied with . by this means they will be brought to get a mastery over their inclinations , and learn the art of stifling their desires , as soon as they rise up in them , and before they take vent , when they are easiest to be subdued , which will be of great use to them in the future course of their lives . by this i do not mean , that they should not have the things , that one perceives would delight them : 't would be inhumanity , and not prudence , to treat them so . but they should not have the liberty to carve , or crave any thing to themselves ; they should be exercised in keeping ; their desires under , till they have got the habit of it , and it be grown easie ; they should accustom themselves to be content in the want of what they wished for : and the more they practised modesty and temperance in this , the more should those about them study to reward them with what is suited and acceptable to them : which should be bestowed on them , as if it were a natural consequence of their good-behaviour , and not a bargain about it . but you will lose your labour , and what is more , their love and reverence too , if they can receive from others , what you deny them . this is to be kept very stanch , and carefully to be watched . and here the servants come again in my way . § . . if this be begun betimes , and they accustom themselves early to silence their desires , this usefull habit will settle in them ; and as they come to grow up in age and discretion , they may be allowed greater liberty , when reason comes to speak in them , and not passion . for when ever reason would speak , it should be hearken'd to . but as they should never be heard , when they speak for any thing they would have , unless it be first , proposed to them ; so they should always be heard , and fairly and kindly answered , when they ask after any thing they would know , and desire to be inform'd about . curiosity should be as carefully cherished in children , as other appetites suppressed . § . . . children who live together often strive for mastery , whose will shall carry it over the rest ; whoever begins the contest , should be sure to be crossed in it : but not only that , but they should be taught to have all the deference , complaisance , and civility one for another imaginable . this when they see it procures them respect , and that they lose no superiority by it ; but on the contrary , they grow into love , and esteem with every body , they will take more pleasure in , than in insolent domineering ; for so plainly is the other . the complaints of children one against another , which is usually but the desiring the assistance of another to revenge them , should not be favourably received , nor hearken'd to : it weakens and effeminates their minds to suffer them to complain : and if they endure sometimes crossing , or pain from others , without being permitted to think it strange or intolerable , it will do them no harm to learn sufferance , and hearden them early . but though you give no countenance to the complaints of the querulous , yet take care to suppress all insolence and ill-nature . when you observe it your self , reprove it before the injured party : but if the complaint be of something really worthy your notice , and prevention another time , then reprove the offender by himself alone , out of sight of him that complained , and make him go and ask pardon , and make reparation . which coming thus , as it were , from himself , will be the more cheerfully performed , and more kindly received , the love strengthened between them , and a custom of civility grow familiar amongst your children . § . . . as to the having and possessing of things , teach them to part with what they have easily and freely to their friends ; and let them find by experience , that the most liberal has always most plenty , with esteem and commendation to boot , and they will quickly learn to practise it . this i imagine will make brothers and sisters kinder and civiller to one another , and consequently to others , than twenty rules about good manners , with which children are ordinarily perplexed and cumbred . covetousness and the desire of having in our possession , and under our dominion , more than we have need of , being the root of all evil , should be early and carefully weeded out , and the contrary quality of a readiness to impart to others , implanted . this should be encouraged by great commendation and credit , and constantly taking care , that he loses nothing by his liberality . let all the instances he gives of such freeness be always repaid , and with interest ; and let him sensibly perceive , that the kindness he shows to others , is no ill husbandry for himself , but that it brings a return of kindness both from those that receive it , and those who look on . make this a contest among children , who shall out-do one another this way ; and by this means , by a constant practice , children having made it easie to themselves to part with what they have , good nature may be setled in them into an habit , and they may take pleasure and pique themselves in being kind , liberal , and civil to others . § . . crying is a fault that should not be tolerated in children , not only for the unpleasant and unbecoming noise it fills the house with , but for more considerable reasons in reference to the children themselves , which is to be our aim in education . their crying is of two sorts ; either stubborn and domineering , or querulous and whining . . their crying is very often a contention for mastery , and an open declaration of their insolence , or obstinacy , when they have not the power to obtain their desire , they will by their clamour and sobbing , maintain their title and right to it . this is an open justifying themselves , and a sort of remonstrance of the unjustness of the oppression , which denies them , what they have a mind to . § . . . sometimes their crying is the effect of pain , or true sorrow , and a bemoaning themselves under it . these two if carefully observed may by the mien , looks and actions , and particularly by the tone of their crying be easily distinguished , but neither of them must be suffer'd , much less incourag'd . . the obstinate or stomachful crying should by no means be permitted , because it is but another way of flattering their desires , and incouraging those passions , which 't is our main business to subdue : and if it be , as often it is , upon the receiving any correction , it quite defeats all the good effects of it : for a punishment , which leaves them in this declar'd opposition , only serves to make them worse . the restraints and punishments laid on children are all misapplied and lost , as far as they do not prevail over their wills , teach them to submit their passions , and make their minds supple and pliant , to what their parents reason advises them now , and so prepare them to obey , what their own reasons shall advise hereafter . but if , in any thing wherein they are crossed , they may be suffer'd to go away crying , they confirm themselves in their desires , and cherish the ill humour with a declaration of their right , and a resolution to satisfy their inclination the first opportunity . this therefore is another reason why you should seldom chastise your children , for , whenever you come to that extremity , 't is not enough to whipp or beat them , you must do it till you find you have subdued their minds ; till with submission and patience they yield to the correction , which you shall best discover by their crying and their ceasing from it upon your bidding . without this , the beating of children is but a passionate tyranny over them , and it is mere cruelty and not correction to put their bodies in pain , without doing their minds any good . as this gives us a reason why children should seldom be corrected , so it also prevents their being so . for if when-ever they are chastised , it were done thus without passion , soberly and yet effectually too , laying on the blows and smart not all at once , but slowly , with reasoning between , and with observation how it wrought , stopping when it had made them pliant , penitent and yielding ; they would seldom need the like punishment again , being made carefull to avoid the fault , that deserved it . besides , by this means , as the punishment would not be lost for being too little and not effectual , so it would be kept from being too much , if we gave off , as soon as we perceived , that it reach'd the mind , and that was better'd . for since the chiding or beating of children should be always the least , that possible may be ; that which is laid on in the heat of anger , seldom observes that measure , but is commonly more than it should be , though it prove less than enough . § . . . many children are apt to cry upon any little pain they suffer , and the least harm that befals them puts them into complaints and bawling . this few children avoid , for it being the first and natural way to declare their sufferings or wants , before they can speak , the compassion that is thought due to that tender age , foolishly incourages and continues it in them long after they can speak . 't is the duty , i confess , of those about children to compassionate them , when-ever they suffer any hurt ; but not to shew it in pitying them . help and ease them the best you can , but by no means bemoan them . this softens their minds , and makes the little harms , that happen to them , sink deep into that part , which alone feels ; and make larger wounds there , than otherwise they would . they should be harden'd against all sufferings , especially of the body , and have a tenderness only of shame and for reputation . the many inconveniencies this life is exposed to , require we should not be too sensible of every little hurt . what our minds yield not to , makes but a slight impression , and does us but very little harm : 't is the suffering of our spirits that gives and continues the pain . this brawniness and insensibility of mind is the best armour , we can have , against the common evils and accidents of life ; and being a temper that is to be got by exercise and custom , more than any other way , the practice of it should be begun betimes , and happy is he that is taught it early . that effeminacy of spirit , which is to be prevented or cured , as nothing , that i know , so much increases in children as crying , so nothing , on the other side , so much checks and restrains , as their being hindred from that sort of complaining . in the little harms they suffer from knocks and falls , they should not be pitied for falling , but bid do so again , which is a better way to cure their falling , than either chiding or bemoaning them . but let the hurts they receive , be what they will , stop their crying , and that will give them more quiet and ease at present , and harden them for the future . § . . the former sort of crying requires severity to silence it , and where a look or a positive command will not do it , blows must . for it proceeding from pride , obstinacy , and wilfullness , the will , where the fault lies , must be bent , and made to comply by a rigour sufficient to subdue it : but this latter being ordinarily from softness of mind , a quite contrary cause , ought to be treated with a gentler hand . persuasion , or diverting the thoughts another way , or laughing at their whining , may perhaps be at first the proper method . but for this the circumstances of the thing , and the particular temper of the child must be considered ; no certain unvariable rules can be given about it , but it must be left to the prudence of the parents or tutor . but this i think i may say in general , that there should be a constant discountenancing of this sort of crying also ; and that the father by his looks , words and authority , should always stop it , mixing a greater degree of roughness in his looks or words , proportionably as the child is of a greater age , or a sturdier temper : but always let it be enough to master the disorder . § . . one thing i have frequently observed in children , that when they have got possession of any poor creature , they are apt to use it ill : they often torment , and treat very roughly young birds , butterflies , and such other poor animals , which fall into their hands , and that with a seeming kind of pleasure . this i think should be watched in them , and if they incline to any such cruelty ; they should be taught the contrary usage . for the custom of tormenting and killing of beasts will , by degrees , harden their minds even towards men ; and they who delight in the suffering and destruction of inferiour creatures , will not be apt to be very compassionate or benigne to those of their own kind . our practice takes notice of this in the exclusion of butchers from juries of life and death . children should from the beginning be bred up in an abhorrence of killing , or tormenting any living creature ; and be taught not to spoil or destroy any thing , unless it be for the preservation or advantage of some other that is : nobler . and truly , if the preservation of all mankind , as much as in him lies , were every one's persuasion , as indeed it is every one's duty , and the true principle to regulate our religion , politicks and morality by , the world would be much quieter , and better natur'd than it is . but to return to our present business , i cannot but commend both the kindness and prudence of a mother i knew , who was wont always to indulge her daughters , when any of them desired dogs , squirils , birds or any such things , as young girls use to be delighted with . but then , when they had them , they must be sure to keep them well , and look diligently after them , that they wanted nothing , or were not ill used : for if they were negligent in their care of them , it was counted a great fault , which often forfeited their possession , or at least they fail'd not to be rebuked for it ; whereby they were early taught diligence and good nature . and indeed , i think people should be accustomed , from their cradles , to be tender to all sensible creatures , and to spoil or waste nothing at all . this delight they take in doing of mischief , whereby i mean spoiling of any thing to no purpose ; but more especially the pleasure they take to put any thing in pain , that is capable of it , i cannot persuade my self to be any other than a foreign and introduced disposition , an habit borrowed from custom and conversation . people teach children to strike , and laugh , when they hurt , or see harm come to others : and they have the examples of most about them , to confirm them in it . all the entertainments and talk of history is of nothing almost but fighting and killing : and the honour and renown , that is bestowed on conquerours ( who for the most part are but the great butchers of mankind ) farther misleads growing youth , who by this means come to think slaughter the laudable business of mankind , and the most heroick vertue . this custom plants unnatural appetites , and reconciles us to that , which it has laid in the way of honour . thus by fashion and opinion that comes to be a pleasure , which in it self neither is ; nor can be any . this ought carefully to be watched , and early remedied , so as to settle and cherish the contrary and more natural temper of benignity and compassion in the room of it : but still by the same gentle methods , which are to be applied to the other two faults before mentioned . but pray remember , that the mischiefs , or harms , that come by play , inadvertency , or ignorance , and were not known to be harms , or designed for mischief's sake , though they may perhaps be sometimes of considerable damage , yet are not at all , or but very gently to be taken notice of . for this , i think , i cannot too often inculcate , that whatever miscarriage a child be guilty of , and whatever be the consequence of it , the thing to be regarded in taking notice of it , is only , what root it springs from , and what habit it is like to establish ; and to that the correction ought to be directed , and the child not to suffer any punishment for any harm may have come by his play or inadvertency . the faults to be amended lie in the mind ; and if they are such as either age will cure , or no ill habits will follow from the present action , whatever displeasing circumstances it may have , is to be passed by without any animadversion . § . . curiosity in children ( which i had occasion just to mention § . ) is but an appetite after knowledge , and therefore ought to be encouraged in them , not only as a good sign , but as the great instrument , nature has provided , to remove that ignorance they were born with ; and which , without this busie inquisitiveness , will make them dull and useless creatures . the ways to encourage it , and keep it active and vigorous , are , i suppose , these following : . not to check or discountenance any enquiries he shall make , nor suffer them to be laugh'd at ; but to answer all his questions , and explain the matters , he desires to know , so , as to make them as much intelligible to him , as suits the capacity of his age and knowledge . but confound not his understanding with explications or notions , that are above it , or with the variety or number of things , that are not to his present purpose . mark what 't is his mind arms at in the question , and not what words he expresses it in : and when you have informed and satisfied him in that , you shall see how his thoughts will proceed on to other things , and how by fit answers to his enquiries , he may be led on farther than perhaps you could imagine : for knowledge to the understanding is acceptable , as light to the eyes ; and children are pleased and delighted with it exceedingly , especially if they see , that their enquiries are regarded , and that their desire of knowing is encouraged and commended . and i doubt not , but one great reason , why many children abandon themselves wholly to silly play , and spend all their time in trifling , is , because they have found their curiosity bauk'd , and their enquiries neglected . but had they been treated with more kindness and respect , and their questions answered , as they should , to their satisfaction , i doubt not , but they would have taken more pleasure in learning and improving their knowledge , wherein there would be still newness and variety , which is what they are delighted with , than in returning over and over to the same play and play-things . § . . . to this serious answering their questions , and informing their understandings , in what they desire , as if it were a matter that needed it , should be added some peculiar ways of commendation . let others whom they esteem , be told before their faces of the knowledge they have in such and such things ; and since we are all , even from our cradles , vain and proud creatures , let their vanity be flattered with things , that will do them good ; and let their pride set them on work on something which may turn to their advantage . upon this ground you shall find , that there cannot be a greater spur to the attaining what you would have the eldest learn , and know himself , than to set him upon teaching it his younger brothers and sisters . § . . . as children's enquiries are not to be slighted ; so also great care is to be taken that they never receive deceitful and eluding answers . they easily perceive when they are slighted , or deceived , and quickly learn the trick of neglect , dissimulation , and falshood , which they observe others to make use of . we are not to intrench upon truth in any conversation , but least of all with children ; since if we play false with them , we not only deceive their expectation , and hinder their knowledge , but corrupt their innocence , and teach them the worst of vices . they are travellers newly arrived in a strange country , of which they know nothing : we should therefore make conscience not to mis-lead them . and though their questions seem sometimes not very material , yet they should be seriously answer'd : for however they may appear to us ( to whom they are long since known ) enquiries not worth the making , they are of moment to those who are wholly ignorant . children are strangers to all we are acquainted with ; and all the things they meet with , are at first unknown to them , as they once were to us ; and happy are they who meet with civil people , that will comply with their ignorance , and help them to get out of it . if you or i now should be set down in japan , with all our prudence and knowledge about us , a conceit whereof makes us perhaps so apt to slight the thoughts and enquiries of children ; should we , i say , be set down in japan , we should , no doubt ( if we would inform our selves of what is there to be known ) ask a thousand questions , which , to a supercilious or inconsiderable japaner , would seem very idle and impertinent ; and yet to us would be natural : and we should be glad to find a man so kind and humane , as to answer them , and instruct our ignorance . when any new thing comes in their way , children usually ask , the common question of a stranger , what is it ? whereby they ordinarily mean nothing but the name ; and therefore to tell them how it is call'd , is usually the proper answer to that demand . the next question usually is , what is it for ? and to this it should be answered truly and directly ; the use of the thing should be told , and the way explained , how it serves to such a purpose , as far as their capacities can comprehend it : and so of any other circumstances they shall ask about it , not turning them going , till you have given them all the satisfaction they are capable of ; and so leading them by your answers into farther questions . and perhaps to a grown man , such conversation will not be altogether so idle and insignificant , as we are apt to imagine . the native and untaught suggestions of inquisitive children , do often offer things , that may set a considering man's thoughts on work . and i think there is frequently more to be learn'd from the unexpected questions of a child , than the discourses of men , who talk in a road according to the notions they have borrowed , and the prejudices of their education . § . . . perhaps it may not sometimes be amiss to excite their curiosity , by bringing strange and new things in their way on purpose to engage their enquiry , and give them occasion to inform themselves about them : and if by chance their curiosity leads them to ask , what they should not know , it is a great deal better to tell them plainly , that it is a thing that belongs not to them to know , than to pop them off with a falshood , or a frivolous answer . § . . pertness , that appears sometimes so early , proceeds from a principle , that seldom accompanies a strong constitution of body , or ripens into a strong judgment of mind . if it were desirable to have a child a more brisk talker , i believe there might be ways found to mak him so : but , i suppose , a wise father had rather that his son should be able and useful when a man , than pretty company , and a diversion to others , whilst a child . though if that too were to be consider'd , i think i may say there is not so much pleasure to have a child prattle agreeably , as to reason well . encourage therefore his inquisitiveness all you can , by satisfying his demands , and informing his judgment as far as it is capable . when his reasons are any way tolerable , let him find the credit and commendation of it ; and when they are quite out of the way , let him , without being laugh'd at for his mistake , be gently put into the right ; and take care as much as you can , that in this inclination , he shews to reasoning about every thing , no body bauk , or inpose upon him . for when all is done , this , as the highest and most important faculty of our minds , deserves the greatest care and attention in cultivating it ; the right improvement and exercise of our reason , being the highest perfection that a man can attain to in this life . § . . contrary to this busie inquisitive temper there is sometimes observable in children , a listless carelesness , a want of regard to any thing , and a sort of trifling even at their business . this sauntring humour i look on as one of the worst qualities can appear in a child , as well as one of the hardest to be cured where it is natural . but it being liable to be mistaken in some cases , care must be taken to make a right judgment concerning that trifling at their books or business , which may sometimes be complained of in a child . upon the first suspicion a father has , that his son is of a sauntring temper , he must carefully observe him , whether he be listless and indifferent in all his actions , or whether in some things alone he be slow and sluggish , but in others vigorous and eager . for though he find that he does loyter at his book , and let a good deal of the time he spends in his chamber or study run idly away , he must not presently conclude , that this is from a sauntring humour in his temper . it may be childishness , and a preferring something to his study which his thoughts run on ; and he dislikes his book , as is natural , because it is forced upon him as a task . to know this perfectly , you must watch him at play , when he is out of his place and time of study following his own inclinations , and see there , whether he be vigorous and active ; whether he designs any thing , and with labour and eagerness pursues it , till he has accomplished what he aimed at ; or whether he lazily and listlesly dreams away his time . if this sloth be only , when he is about his book , i think it may be easily cured . if it be in his temper it will require a tittle more pains and attention to remedy it . § . . if you are satisfied by his earnestness at play or any thing else , he sets his mind on , in the intervals between his hours of business , that he is not of himself inclin'd to laziness , but only want of relish of his book makes him negligent and sluggish in his application to it . the first step is to try by talking to him kindly of the folly and inconvenience of it , whereby he loses a good part of his time which he might have for his diversion ; but be sure to talk calmly and kindly , and not much at first , but only these plain reasons in short . if this prevails you have gain'd the point by the most desirable remedy , which is reason and kindness . if it prevails not , try to shame him out of it , by laughing at him for it , asking every day , if there be no strangers there , when he comes to table , how long he was that day about his business , and if he has not done it in the time he might be well supposed to have dispatch'd it , expose and turn him into ridicule for it , but mix no chiding , only put on a pretty cold brow towards him , and keep it till he reform and let his mother . tutor and all about him do so too . if this work not the effect you desire , then tell him , he shall be no longer troubled with a tutor , to take care of his education , you will not be at the charge to have him spend his time idly with him ; but since he preferrs this or that [ whatever play he delights in ] to his book , that only he shall do , and so in earnest set him on work on his beloved play , and keep him steadily and in earnest to it morning and afternoon , till he be fully surfeited , and would at any rate change it for some hours at his book again . but when you thus set him a task of his play , you must be sure to look after him your self , or set some-body else to do it , that may constantly see him employ'd in it , and that he be not permitted to be idle at that too . i say , your self look after him , for it is worth the father's while , whatever business he has , to bestow two or three days upon his son , to cure fo great a mischief as is sauntring at his business . § . . this is what i propose , if it be idleness not from his general temper , but a peculiar or acquir'd aversion to learning , which you must be careful to examine and distinguish , which you shall certainly know by the way above propos'd . but though you have your eyes upon him , to watch what he does , with the time he has at his own disposal , yet you must not let him perceive , that you , or any body else do so . for that may restrain him from following his own inclination , and that being the thing his head or heart is upon , and not daring to prosecute it for fear of you , he may forbear doing other things , and so seem to be idle and negligent ; when in truth it is nothing , but being intent on that , which the fear of your eye or knowledge keeps him from executing . you must therefore , when you would try him , give full liberty : but let some body , whom you can trust , observe what he does , and it will be best he should have his play-day of liberty , when you , and all , that he may suspect to have an eye upon him , are abroad , that so he may without any check follow his natural inclination . thus by his employing of such times of liberty , you will easily discern , whether in be listlesness in his temper , or aversion to his book , that makes him saunter away his time of study . § . . if listlesness and drearning be his natural disposition . this unpromising temper is one of the hardest to be dealt with , because it generally carrying with it an indifferency for future things , may be attributed to want of fore-sight and want of desire : and how to plant or increase either of these , where nature has given a cold or contrary temper , is not i think very easie . as soon as it is perceived , the first thing to be done , is to find out his most predominate passion , and carefully examine , what it is , to which the greatest bent of his mind has the most steady and earnest tendency : and when you have found that , you must set that on work to excite his industry to any thing else . if he loves praise or play or fine cloths , &c. or , on the other side , dreads shame and disgrace , your displeasure , &c. whatever it be that he loves most , except it be sloth ( for that will never set him on work ) let that be made use of to excite him to activity . for in this listless temper , you are not to fear an excess of appetite ( as in all other cases ) by cherishing it : 't is that which you want , and therefore must labour to stir up and increase . for where there is no desire , there will be no industry . § . . if you have not hold enough upon him this way to stir up vigor and activity in him , you must imploy him in some constant bodily labour , whereby he may get an habit of doing something . the keeping him hard to some study were the better way to get him an habit of exercising and applying his mind : but because this is an invisible attention , and no body can tell , when he is , or is not idle at it , you must find bodily imployments for him , which he must be constantly busied in , and kept to : and if they have some little hardship and shame in them , it may not be the worse , to make them the sooner weary him , and desire to return to his book . but be sure , when you exchange his book for his other labour , set him such a task , to be done in such a time , as may allow him no opportunity to be idle : only after you have by this way brought him to be attentive and industrious at his book , you may , upon his dispatching his study within the time set him , give him , as a reward , some respit from his other labour , which you may diminish , as you find him grow more and more steddy in his application , and at last wholly take off , when his sauntring at his book is cured . § . . we formerly observed , that variety and freedom was that , that delighted children , and recommended their plays to them : and that therefore their book , or any thing , we would have them learn , should not be enjoined them as business . this their parents , tutors , and teachers are apt to forget ; and their impatience to have them busied in what is fit for them to do , suffers them not to deceive them into it ; but by the repeated injunctions they meet with , children quickly distinguish between what is required of them , and what not . when this mistake has once made his book uneasie to him , the cure is to be applied at the other end : and since it will be then too late to endeavour to make it a play to him , you must take the contrary course ; observe what play he is most delighted with ; enjoin that , and make him play so many hours every day , not as a punishment for playing , but as if it were the business required of him . this , if i mistake not , will , in a few days , make him so weary of his most beloved sport , that he will preferr his book , or any thing to it , especially if it may redeem him from any part of the task of play is set him , and he may be suffered to imploy some part of the time , destined to his task of play , in his book , or such other exercise as is really useful to him . this i at least think a better cure , than that forbidding ( which usually increases the desire ) or any other punishment should be made use of to remedy it . for when you have once glutted his appetite ( which may safely be done in all things but eating and drinking ) and made him surfeit of what you would have him avoid , you have put into him a principle of aversion , and you need not so much fear afterwards his longing for the same thing again . § . . this i think is sufficiently evident , that children generally hate to be idle . all the care then is , that their busie humour should be constantly imploy'd in something of use to them ; which if you will attain , you must make , what you would have them do , a recreation to them , and not a business . the way to do this , so that they may not perceive you have any hand in it , is this proposed here ; viz. to make them weary of that , which you would not have them do , by enjoyning , and making them under some pretence or other do it , till they are surfeited . for example : does your son play at top , and scourge too much ? enjoin him to play so many hours every day , and look that he do it ; and you shall see he will quickly be sick of it , and willing to leave it . by this means making the recreations you dislike a business to him , he will of himself with delight betake himself to those things , you would have him do , especially if they be proposed as rewards for having performed his task in that play is commanded him . for if he be ordered every day to whip his top so long as to make him sufficiently weary , do you not think he will apply himself with eagerness to his book , and wish for it , if you promise it him as a reward of having whipped his top lustily , quite out all the time that is set him ? children , in the things they do , if they comport with their age , find little difference so they may be doing ; the esteem they have for one thing above another , they borrow from others : so that what those about them make to be a reward to them , will really be so . by this art it is in their governour 's choice , whether scotch-hoppers shall reward their dancing , or dancing their scotch-hoppers ; whether peg-top , or reading ; playing at trap , or studying the globes , shall be more acceptable and pleasing to them . all that they desire being to be busie , and busie , as they imagine , in things of their own choice , and which they receive as favours from their parents , or others , for whom they have respect , and with whom they would be in credit . a sett of children thus ordered , and kept from the ill example of others , would all of them i suppose , with as much earnestness and delight , learn to read , write , and what else one would have them , as others do their ordinary plays : and the eldest being thus entered , and this made the fashion of the place , it would be as impossible to hinder them from learning the one , as it is ordinarily to keep them from the other . § . . play-things i think children should have , and of all sorts , but still to be in the keeping of their tutors , or some body else , whereof the child should have in his power but one at once , and should not be suffered to have another , but when he restor'd that . this teaches them betimes to be carefull of not losing , or spoiling the things they have , whereas plenty and variety in their own keeping , makes them wanton and carless , and teaches them from the beginning to be squanderers and wasters . these , i confess , are little things and such as will seem beneath the care of a governour ; but nothing , that may form children's minds , is to be over-look'd and neglected , and whatsoever introduces habits , and settles customs in them , deserves the care and attention of their governours , and is not a small thing in its consequences . § . . lying is so ready and cheap a cover for any miscarriage , and so much in fashion amongst all sorts of people , that a child can hardly avoid observing the use is made of it on all occasions ; and so can scare be kept , without great care , from getting into it : but it is so ill a quality , and the mother of so many ill ones that spawn from it , and take shelter under it , that a child should be brought up in the greatest abhorrence of it imaginable . it should be always ( when occasionally it comes to be mentioned ) spoke of before him with the utmost detestation , as a quality so wholly incompetent with a gentleman , that no body of any credit can bear the imputation of a lye , that it is proper only to beggar-boys , and the abhorr'd rascality , and not tolerable in any one , who would converse with people of condition , or have any esteem or reputationin the world : and the first time he is found in a lye , it should rather be wondered at as a monstrous thing in him , than reproved as an ordinary fault . if that keeps him not from relapsing , the next time he must be sharply rebuked , and fall into the state of great displeasure of his father and mother , and all about him , who take notice of it . and if this way work not the cure , you must come to blows . for after he has been thus warned , a premeditated lye must always be looked upon as obstinacy , and never be permitted to 'scape unpunished . § . . children , afraid to have their faults seen in their naked colours , will , like the rest of the sons of adam , be apt to make excuses . this is a fault usually bordering upon , and leading to untruth , and is not to be indulged in them . but yet it ought to be cured rather with shame than roughness . if therefore when a child is questioned for any thing , his first answer be an excuse , warn him soberly to tell the truth ; and then if he persists to shuffle it off with a falshood , he must be chastised . but if he directly confess , you must commend his ingenuity , and pardon the fault , be it what it will ; and pardon it so , that you never so much as reproach him with it , or mention it to him again . for if you would have him in love with ingenuity , and by a constant practice make it habitual to him , you must take care , that it never procure him the least inconvenience ; but on the contrary , his own confession bringing always with it perfect impunity , should be besides incouraged by some marks of approbation . if his excuse be such at any time , that you cannot prove it to have any falshood in it , let it pass for true , and be sure not to shew any suspicion of it . let him keep up his reputation with you as high as is possible ; for when once he finds he has lost that , you have lost a great and your best hold upon him . therefore let him not think he has the character of a liar with you , as long as you can avoid it without flattering him in it . thus some slips in truth may be over-looked . but after he has once been corrected for a lye , you must be sure never after to pardon it in him , when ever you find , and take notice to him , that he is guilty of it . for it being a fault , which he has been forbid , and may , unless he be wilful , avoid , the repeating of it is perfect perversness , and must have the chastisement due to that offence . § . . this is what i have thought concerning the general method of educating a young gentleman , which though i am apt to suppose may have some influence on the whole course of his education , yet i am far from magining it contains all those particulars , which his growing years , or peculiar temper may require . but this being premised in general , we shall in the next place descend to a more particular consideration of the several parts of his education . § . . that which every gentleman ( that takes any care of his education ) desires for his son , besides the estate he leaves him , is contain'd , i suppose , in these four things , virtue , wisdom , breeding and learning . i will not trouble my self whether these words do not some of them sometimes stand for the same thing , or really include one another . it serves my turn here to follow the popular use of these words , which i presume , is clear enough to make me be understood , and i hope there will be no difficulty to comprehend my meaning . § . . i place vertue as the first and most necessary of those endowments , that belong to a man or a gentleman , as absolutely requisite to make him valued and beloved by others , acceptable or tolerable to himself ; without that , i think , he will neither be happy in this , nor the other world. § . . as the foundation of this , there ought very early to be imprinted on his mind a true notion of god , as of the independent supreme being , author and maker of all things , from whom we receive all our good , that loves us , and gives us all things ; and consequent to it a love and reverence of him . this is enough to begin with , without going to explain this matter any farther , for fear , least , by talking too early to him of spirits , and being unseasonably forward to make him understand the incomprehensible nature of that infinite being , his head be either fill'd with false , or perplexed with unintelligible notions of him . let him only be told upon occasion of god , that made and governs all things , hears and sees every thing , and does all manner of good to those , that love and obey him . you will find that being told of such a god , other thoughts will be apt to rise up fast enough in his mind about him , which , as you observe them to have any mistakes , you must set right ; and i think it would be better if men generally rested in such an idea of god , without being too curious in their notions about a being , which all must acknowledge incomprehensible , whereby many , who have not strength and clearness of thought , to distinguish between what they can , and what they cannot know , run themselves into superstition or atheism , making god like themselves , or ( because they cannot comprehend any thing else ) none at all . § . . having by gentle degrees , as you find him capable of it , setled such an idea of god in his mind , and taught him to pray to him , forbear any discourse of other spirits , till the mention of them coming in his way upon occasion hereafter to be set down , and his reading the scripture-history , put him upon that enquiry . § . . but even then , and always whilst he is young , be sure to preserve his tender mind from all impressions and notions of sprites and goblins , or any fearful apprehensions in the dark . it being the usual method of servants to awe children , and keep them in subjection , by telling them of raw-head and bloody-bones , and such other names , as carry with them the idea's of some hurtful terrible things , inhabiting darkness . this must be carefully prevented . for though by this foolish way , they may keep them from little faults , yet the remedy is much worse than the disease , and there is stamped upon their minds idea's , that follow them with terror and affrightment . for such bug-bear thoughts once got into the tender minds of children , sink deep there , and fasten themselves so , as not easily , if ever , to be got out again , and whilst they are there , frequently haunt them with strange visions , making children dastards when alone , and afraid of their shadows and darkness all their lives after . for it is to be taken notice , that the first impressions sink deepest into the minds of children , and the notions , they are possess'd with when young , are scarce by any industry or art ever after quite wiped out . i have had those complain to me , when men , who had been thus used when young , that though their reason corrected the wrong idea's , they had then taken in ; and though they were satisfied , that there was no cause to fear invisible beings more in the dark , than in the light ; yet that these notions were apt still upon any occasion to start up first in their preposses'd fancies , and not to be removed without some pains . and to let you see , how lasting frightful images are , that take place in the mind early , i shall here tell you a pretty remarkable but true story . there was in a town in the west , a man of a disturb'd brain , whom the boys used to teaze , when he came in their way : this fellow one day seeing in the street one of those lads , that used to vex him , step'd into a cutlers shop he was near , and there seizing on a naked sword , made after the boy , who seeing him coming so armed , betook himself to his feet , and ran for his life ; and by good luck , had strength and heels enough to reach his father's house , before the mad-man could get up to him : the door was only latch'd , and when he had the latch in his hand , he turn'd about his head to see how near his pursuer was , who was at the entrance of the porch with his sword up ready to strike , and he had just time to get in and clap to the door to avoid the blow , which though his body escaped , his mind did not . this frightning idea made so deep an impression there , that it lasted many years , if not all his life after . for , telling this story when he was a man , he said , that after that time till then , he never went in at that door ( that he could remember ) at any time , without looking back , whatever business he had in his head , or how little soever , before he came thither , he thought of this mad-man . if children were let alone , they would be no more afraid in the dark , than of the broad sun-shine : they would in their turns as much welcome the one for sleep , as the other to play in : and there should be no distinction made to them by any discourse of more danger or terrible things in the one than the other ; but if the folly of any one about them should do them this harm , to make them think there is any difference between being in the dark and winking , you must , get it out of their minds as soon as you can , and let them know , that god , who made all things good for them , made the night that they might sleep the better and the quieter ; and that they being under his protection , there is nothing in the dark to hurt them . what is to be known more of god and good spirits , is to be deferr'd till the time we shall hereafter mention , and of evil spirits , 't will be well if you can keep him from wrong francies about them , till he is ripe for that sort of knowledge . § . . having laid the foundations of vertue in a true notion of a god , such as the creed wisely teaches , as far as his age is capable , and by accustoming him to pray to him . the next thing to be taken care of , is to keep him exactly to speaking of truth , and by all the ways imaginable , inclining him to be good natur'd . let him know that twenty paul●s are sooner to be forgiven than the straining of truth to cover any one by an excuse . and to teach him betimes to love , and be good natur'd to others , is to lay early the true foundation of an honest man : all injustice generally springing from too great love of our selves , and too little of others . this is all i shall say of this matter in general , and is enough for laying the first foundations of vertue in a child . as he grows up , the tendency of his natural inclination must be observed , which , as it inclines him , more than is convenient , on one or t'other side from the right path of vertue , ought to have proper remedies applied . for few of adam's children are so happy , as not to be born with some byass in their natural temper which it is the business of education either to take off , or counter-balance ; but to enter into the particulars of this , would be beyond the design of this short treatise of education . i intend not a discourse of all the vertues and vices , and how each vertue is to be attained , and every particular vice by its peculiar remedies cured . though i have mentioned some of the most ordinary faults , and the ways to be used in correcting them . § . . wisdom , i take in the popular acceptation , for a man's managing his business ablely , and with fore-sight in this world. this is the product of a good natural temper , application of mind , and experience together , and not to be taught children . the greatest thing that in them can be done towards it , is to hinder them , as much as may be , from being cunning , which being the ape of wisdom , is the most distant from it that can be , and as an ape , for the likeness it has to a man , wanting what really should make him so , is by so much the uglier . cunning is only the want of understanding , which , because it cannot compass its ends by direct ways , would do it by a trick and circumvention ; and the mischief of it is , a cunning trick helps but once , but hinders , ever after . no cover was ever made either so big or so fine as to hide its self . no body was ever so cunning as to conceal their being so ; and when they are once discovered , every body is shie , every body distrustful of crafty men , and all the world forwardly joyn to oppose and defeat them . whilst the open , fair , wise man has every body to make way for him , and goes directly to his business . to accustom a child to have true notions of things , and not to be satisfied till he has them . to raise his mind to great and worthy thoughts , and to keep him at a distance from falshood and cunning which has always a broad mixture of falshood in it , is the fittest preparation of a child for wisdom , which being to be learn'd from time , experience , and observation , and an acquaintance with men , their tempers , and designs , are not to be expected in the ignorance and inadvertency of childhood , or the inconsiderate heats and unwariness of youth : all that can be done towards it , during this unripe age , is , as i have said , to accufrom them to truth , and submission to reason ; and , as much as may be , to reflection on their own actions . § . . the next good quality belonging to a gentleman , is good breeding . there are two sorts of ill breeding , the one a sheepish bashfulness , and the other a mis-becoming negligence and disrespect in our carriage , both which are avoided by duly observing this one rule , not to think meanly of our selves , and not to think meanly of others . § . . the first part of this rule must not be understood in opposition to humility , but to assurance : we ought not to think so well of our selves , as to stand upon our own value , or assume a preference to others , because of any advantage , we may imagine , we have over them ; but modestly to take what is offered , when it is our due . but yet we ought to think so well of our selves , as to perform those actions , which are incumbent on , and expected of us , without discomposure , or disorder , in whose presence soever we are , keeping that respect and distance , which is due to every one's rank and quality . there is often in people , especially children , a clownish shamefac'dness before strangers , or those above them : they are confounded in their thoughts , words , and looks ; and so lose themselves in that confusion , as not to be able to do any thing , or at least not to do it with that freedom and gracefulness , which pleases , and makes them acceptable . the only cure for this , as for any other miscarriage , is by use to introduce the contrary habit. but since we cannot accustom our selves to converse with strangers , and persons of quality , without being in their company , nothing can cure this part of ill-breeding , but change and variety of company , and that of persons above us . § . . as the before-mentioned consists in too great a concern , how to behave our selves towards others ; so the other part of ill-breeding , lies in the appearance of too little care of pleasing , or shewing respect to those we have to do with . to avoid these , two things are requisite : first , a disposition of the mind not to offend others ; and , secondly , the most acceptable , and agreeable way of expressing that disposition . from the one , men are called civil ; from the other well fashion'd . the latter of these is , that decency and gracefullness of looks , voice , words , motions , gestures , and of all the whole outward demeanour , which pleases in company , and makes those easie and delighted , whom we converse with . this is , as it were , the language , whereby that internal civility of the mind is expressed ; and being very much governed by the fashion and custom of every country , as other languages are , must , in the rules and practice of it , be learn'd chiefly from observation , and the carriage of those , who are allow'd to be exactly well-bred . the other part , which lies in the mind , is that general good-will and regard for all people , which makes any one have a care not to shew , in his carriage , any contempt , disrespect , of neglect o them ; but to express according to the fashion and way of that country , a respect and value far them , according to their rank and condition . § . . there is another , fault in good manners , and that is excess of ceremony , and an obstinate persisting to force upon another , what is not his due , and what he cannot take without folly or shame . this seems rather a design to expose than oblige : or at least looks like a contest for mastery , and at best is but troublesome , and so can be no part of good breeding , which has no other use nor end , but to make people easie and satisfied in their conversation with us . this is a fault few young people are apt to fall into ; but yet if they are ever guilty of it , or are suspected to encline that way , they should be told of it , or warned of this mistaken civility . the thing they should endeavour and aim at in conversation , should be to shew respect , esteem , and good-will , by paying to every one that common ceremony and regard which is in civility due to them . to do this , without a suspicion of flattery , dissimulation , or meanness , is a great skill , which good sense , reason , and good company can only teach ; but is of so much use in civil life , that it is well worth the studying . § . . though the managing our selves well , in this part of our behaviour , has the name of good-breeding , as if peculiarly the effect of education ; yet , as i have said , young children should not be much perplexed about it ; i mean about putting off their hats , and making legs modishly . teach them humility , and to be good-natur'd , if you can , and this sort of manners will not be wanting : civility being , in truth , nothing but a care not to shew any slighting , or contempt , of any one in conversation . what are the most allow'd and esteem'd ways of expressing this , we have above observed . it is as peculiar and different , in several countries of the world , as their languages ; and therefore if it be rightly confidered , rules and discourses , made to children about it , are as useless and impertinent , as it would be now and then to give a rule or two of the spanish tongue , to one that converses only with english-men . be as busie as you please with discourses of civility to your son , such as is his company , such will be his manners . a plough-man of your neighbourhood , that has never been out of his parish , read what lectures you please to him , will be as soon in his language as his carriage a courtier ; that is , neither will be more polite than of those he uses to converse with : and therefore of this , no other care can be taken . and , in good earnest , if i were to speak my mind freely , so children do nothing out of obstinacy , pride , and ill-nature , 't is no great matter how they put off their hats , or make legs . if you can teach them to love and respect other people , they will , as their age requires it , find ways to express it acceptably to every one , according to the fashions they have been used to : and as to their motions and carriage of their bodies , a dancing-master , as has been said , when it is fit , will teach them what is most becoming . in the mean time , when they are young , people expect not that children should be over-mindful of these ceremonies ; carelesness is allow'd to that age , and becomes them as well as complements do grown people : or at least , if some very nice people will think it a fault , i am sure it is a fault , that should be over-look'd and left to time and conversation only to cure . and therefore i think it not worth your while to have your son ( as i often see children are ) molested or child about it : but where there is pride or ill-nature appearing in his carriage , there he must be persuaded or shamed out of it . § . . this that i have said here , if it were well reflected on , would , perhaps , lead us a little farther , and let us see of what influence company is . 't is not the modes of civility alone , that are imprinted by conversation : the tincture of company sinks deeper than the out-side ; and possibly if a true estimate were made of the morality and religions of the world , we should find , that the far greater part of mankind received even those opinions and ceremonies they would die for , rather from the fashions of their country , and the constant practice of those about them , than from any conviction of their reasons . i mention this only to let you see of what moment , i think , company is to your son , in all the parts of his life , and therefore how much that one part is to be weighed , and provided for ; it being of greater force to work upon him , than all you can do besides . § . . you will wonder , perhaps , that i put learning last , especially if i tell you i think it the least part . this will seem strange in the mouth of a bookish man ; and this making usually the chief , if not only bustle and stir about children , this being almost that alone , which is thought on , when people talk of education , makes it the greater paradox . when i consider what a-do is made about a little latin and greek , how many years are spent in it , and what a noise and business it makes to no purpose , i can hardly forbear thinking , that the parents of children still live in fear of the schoolmasters rod , which they look on as the only instrument of education , as a language or two to be its whole business . how else is it possible that a child should be chain'd to the oar , seven , eight , or ten of the best years of his life to get a language or two , which i think , might be had at a great deal cheaper rate of pains and time , and be learn'd almost in playing . forgive me therefore , if i say , i can not with patience think , that a young gentleman should be put into the herd , and be driven with whip and scourge , as if he were to run the gantlet through the several classes , ad capiendum ingenii cultum . what then , say you , would you not have him write and read ? shall he be more ignorant than the clerk of our parish , who takes hopkins and sternhold for the best poets in the world , whom yet he makes worse , than they are , by his ill reading ? not so , not so fast , i beseech you . reading , and writing , and learning , i allow to be necessary , but yet not the chiefest business . i imagine you would think him a very foolish fellow , that should not value a vertuous or a wise man , infinitely before a great scholar : not but that i think learning a great help to both in well dispos'd minds ; but yet it must be confess'd also , that in others not so dispos'd , it helps them only to be the more foolish or worse men. i say this , that when you consider of the breeding of your son , and are looking out for a school-master , or a tutor , you would not have ( as is usual ) latin and logick only in your thoughts . learning must be had , but in the second place , as subservient only to greater qualities : seek out some-body , that may know how discreetly to frame his manners : place him in hands , where you may , as much as possible , secure his innocence cherish and nurse up the good , and gently correct and weed out any bad inclinations , and settle in him good habits . this is the main point , and this being provided for , learning , may be had into the bargain , and that , as i think , at a very easie rate , by methods that may be thought on . § . . when he can talk ; 't is time he should begin to learn to read . but as to this , give me leave here to inculcate again , what is very apt to be forgotten , viz. that a great ca●e is to be taken , that it be never made as a business to him , nor he look on it as a task . we naturally , as i said , even from our cradles , love liberty , and have therefore an aversion to many things , for no other reason , but because they are enjoyn'd us . i have always had a fancy , that learning might be made a play and recreation to children ; and that they might be brought to desire to be taught , if it were propos'd to them as a thing of honour , credit , delight and recreation , or as a reward for doing something else ; and if they were never chid or corrected for the neglect of it . that which confirms me in this opinion , is , that amongst the portugueses , 't is so much a fafhion , and emulation , amongst their children , to learn to read , and write , that they cannot hinder them from it : they will learn it one from another , and are as intent on it , as if it were forbidden them . i remember that being at a friend's house , whose younger son , a child in coats , was not easily brought to his book ( being taught to read at home by his mother ) i advised to try another way , then requiring it of him as his duty ; we therefore , in a discourse on purpose amongst our selves , in his hearing , but without taking any notice of him , declared , that it was the privilege and advantage of heirs and elder brothers , to be scholars ; that this made them fine gentlemen , and beloved by every body : and that for younger brothers , 't was a favour to admit them to breeding ; to be taught to read and write , was more than came to their share ; they might be ignorant bumpkins and clowns , if they pleased . this so wrought upon the child , that afterwards he desired to be taught ; would come himself to his mother to learn , and would not let his maid be quiet till she heard him his lesson . i doubt not but some way like this might be taken with other children ; and when their tempers are found , some thoughts be instilled into them , that might set them upon desiring of learning themselves , and make them seek it , as another sort of play or recreation . but then , as i said before , it must never be imposed as a task , nor made a trouble to them . there may be dice and play-things , with the letters on them , to teach children the alphabet by playing ; and twenty other ways may be found , suitable to their particular tempers , to make this kind of learning a sport to them . § . . thus children may be cozen'd into a knowledge of the letters ; be taught to read , without perceiving it to be any thing but a sport , and play themselves into that others are whipp'd for , children should not have any thing like work , or serious , laid on them ; neither their minds nor bodies will bear it . it injures their healths ; and their being forced and tied down to their books in an age at enmity with all such restraint , has , i doubt not , been the reason , why a great many have hated books and learning , all their lives after : 't is like a surfeit , that leaves an aversion behind not to be removed . § . . i have therefore thought , that if play-things were fitted to this purpose , as they are usually to none , contrivances might be made to teach children to read , whilst they thought they were only playing . for example , what if an ivory-ball were made like that of the royal-oak lottery , with thirty two sides , or one rather of twenty four , or twenty five sides ; and upon several of those sides pasted on an a , upon several others b , on others c , and on others d. i would have you begin with but these four letters , or perhaps only two at first ; and when he is perfect in them , then add another ; and so on till each side having one letter , there be on it the whole alphabet . this i would have others play with before him , it being as good a sort of play to lay a stake , who shall first throw an a or b , as who upon dice shall throw six or seven . this being a play amongst you , tempt him not to it , least you make it business ; for i would not have him understand 't is any thing but a play of older people , and i doubt not but he will take to it of himself . and that he may have the more reason to think it is a play , that he is sometimes in favour admitted to , when the play is done , the ball shall be laid up safe out of his reach , that so it may not , by his having it in his keeping at any time , grow stale to him . to keep up his eagerness to it , let him think it a game belonging to those above him : and when by this means he knows the letters , by changing them into syllables , he may learn to read , without knowing how he did so , and never have any chiding or trouble about it ; nor fall out with books , because of the hard usage and vexation they have caused him . children , if you observe them , take abundance of pains to learn several games , which if they should be enjoined them , they would abhorr as a task and business . i know a person of great quality ( more yet to be honoured for his learning and vertue , than for his rank and high place ) who by pasting on the six vowels ( for in our language y is one ) on the six sides of a die , and the remaining eighteen consonants on the sides of three other dice , has made this a play for his children , that he shall win , who at one cast throws most words on these four dice ; whereby his eldest son , yet in coats , has play'd himself into spelling with great eagerness , and without once having been child for it , or forced to it . § . . i have seen little girls exercise whole hours together , and take abundance of pains to be expert at dibstones , as they call it : whilst i have been looking on , i have thought , it wanted only some good contrivance , to make them employ all that industry about something that might be more useful to them ; and methinks 't is only the fault and negligence of elder people , that it is not so . children are much less apt to be idle , than men ; and men are to be blamed , if some part of that busie humour be not turned to useful things ; which might be made usually as delightful to them , as those they are employ'd in , if men would be but half so forward to lead the way , as these little apes would be to follow . i imagine some wise portuguese heretofore began this fashion amongst the children of his country , where , i have been told , as i said , it is impossible to hinder the children from learning to read and write : and in some parts of france they teach one another to sing and dance from the cradle . § . . the letters pasted upon the sides of the dice , or polygon , were best to be of the size of those of the folio bible to begin with , and none of them capital letters ; when once he can read what is printed in such letters , he will not long be ignorant of the great ones : and in the beginning , he should not be perplexed with variety ; with this die , also , you might have a play just like the royal-oak , which would be another variety , and play for cherries or apples , &c. § . . besides these , twenty other plays might be invented , depending on letters , which those , who like this way , may easily contrive and get made to this use if they will. but the four dice above-mentioned , i think so easy , and useful , that it will be hard to find any better , and there will be scarce need of any other . § . . thus much for learning to read , which let him never be driven to , nor chid for ; cheat him into it if you can , but make it not a business for him ; 't is better it be a year later before he can read , than that he should this way get an aversion to learning . if you have any contests with him , let it be in matters of moment , of truth , and good nature ; but lay no task on him about abc . use your skill to make his will supple and pliant to reason : teach him to love credit and commendation ; to abhor being thought ill or meanly of , especially by you and his mother , and then the rest will come all easily . but i think , if you will do that , you must not shackle and tie him up with rules about indifferent matters , nor rebuke him for every little fault , or perhaps some , that to others would seem great ones : but of this i have said enough already . § . . when by these gentle ways he begins to be able to read , some easy pleasant book suited to his capacity , should be put into his hands , wherein the entertainment , that he finds , might draw him on , and reward his pains in reading , and yet not such as should fill his head with perfectly useless trumpery , or lay the principles of vice and folly. to this purpose , i think , aesop's fables the best , which being stories apt to delight and entertain a child , may yet afford useful reflections to a grown man. and if his memory retain them all his life after , he will not repent to find them there amongst his manly thoughts , and serious business . if his aesop has pictures in it , it will entertain him much the better , and encourage him to read , when it carries the increase of knowledge with it . for such visible objects children hear talked of in vain and without any satisfaction , whilst they have no idea's of them ; those idea's being not to be had from sounds , but either the things themselves , or their pictures . and therefore i think , as soon as he begins to spell , as many pictures of animals should be got him , as can be found , with the printed names to them , which at the same time will invite him to read , and afford him matter of enquiry and knowledge . raynard the fox , is another book , i think , may be made use of to the same purpose . and if those about him will talk to him often about the stories he has read , and hear him tell them , it will , besides other advantages , add incouragement , and delight to his reading , when he finds there is some use and pleasure in it , which in the ordinary method , i think learners do not till late ; and so take books only for fashionable amuzements or impertinent troubles good for nothing . § . . the lord's prayer , the creeds , and ten commandments , 't is necessary he should learn perfectly by heart , but i think , not by reading them himself in his primer , but by some-body's repeating them to him , even before he can read . but learning by heart , and learning to read , should not i think be mixed , and so one made to clog the other . but his learning to read should be made as little trouble or business to him as might be . what other books there are in english of the kind of those above-mentioned , fit to engage the liking of children , and tempt them to read , i do not know : but am apt to think that children , being generally delivered over to the method of schools , where the fear of the rod is to inforce , and not any pleasure of the imployment to invite them to learn , this sort of useful books amongst the number of silly ones , that are of all sorts , have yet had the fate to be neglected ; and nothing that i know has been consider'd of this kind out of the ordinary road of the horn-book , primer , psalter , testament , and bible . § . . as for the bible , which children are usually imploy'd in , to exercise and improve their talent in reading , i think , the promiscuous reading of it through , by chapters , as they lie in order , is so far from being of any advantage to children , either for the perfecting their reading , or principling their religion , that perhaps a worse could not be found . for what pleasure or incouragement can it be to a child to exercise himself in reading those parts of a book , where he understands nothing ? and how little are the law of moses , the song of solomon , the prophecies in the old , and the epistles and apocalypse in the new testament , suited to a child's capacity ? and though the history of the evangelists , and the acts , have something easier ; yet taken altogether , it is very disproportionate to the understanding of childhood . i grant , that the principles of religion are to be drawn from thence , and in the words of the scripture : yet none should be propos'd to a child , but such , as are suired to a child's capacity and notions . but 't is far from this to read through the whole bible , and that for reading's sake . and what an odd jumble of thoughts must a child have in his head , if he have any at all such as he should have concerning religion , who in his tender age , reads all the parts of the bible indifferently , as the word of god without any other distinction . i am apt to think , that this in some men has been the very reason , why they never had clear and distinct thoughts of it all their life-time . § . . and now i am by chance fallen on this subject , give me leave to say , that there are some parts of the scripture , which may be proper to be put into the hands of a child , to ingage him to read ; such as are the story of joseph , and his brethren , of david and goliah , of david and jonathan , &c. and others , that he should be made to read for his instruction , as that , what you would have others do unto you , do you the same unto them ; and such other easy and plain-moral rules , which being fitly chosen , might often be made use of , both for reading and instruction together : but the reading of the whole scripture indifferently , is what i think very inconvenient for children , till after having been made acquainted with the plainest fundamental parts of it , they have got some kind of general view of what they ought principally to believe and practise , which yet , i think , they ought to receive in the very words of the scripture , and not in such , as men prepossess'd by systems and analogies , are apt in this case to make use of , and force upon them . dr. worthington , to avoid this , has made a catechism , which has all its answers in the precise words of the scripture . a thing of good example , and such a sound form of words , as no christian can except against , as not fit for his child to learn , of this , as soon as he can say the lord's prayer , creed , and ten commandments by heart , it may be fit for him to learn a question every day , or every week , as his understanding is able to receive , and his memory to retain them . and when he has this catechism perfectly by heart , so as readily and roundly to answer to any question in the whole book , it may be convenient to lodge in his mind the moral rules scattered up and down in the bible , as the best exercise of his memory , and that which may be always a rule to him ready at hand , in the whole conduct of his life . § . . when he can read english well , it will be seasonable to enter him in writing : and here the first thing should be taught him is , to hold his pen right ; and this he should be perfect in , before he should be suffered to put it to paper : for not only children , but any body else , that would do any thing well , should never be put upon too much of it at once , or be set to perfect themselves in two parts of an action at the same time , if they can possibly be separated . when he has learn'd to hold his pen right ( to hold it betwixt the thumo and fore-finger alone , i think best ; but in this , you should consult some good writing-master , or any other person who writes well and quick ) then next he should learn how to lay his paper , and place his arm and body to it . these practices being got over , the way to teach him to write , without much trouble , is to get a plate graved , with the characters of such an hand as you like best : but you must remember to have them a pretty deal bigger than he should ordinarily write ; for every one naturally comes by digrees to write a less hand , than he at first was taught , but never a bigger . such a plate being graved , let several sheets of good writing-paper be printed off with red ink , which he has nothing to do but to go over with a good pen fill'd with black ink , which will quickly bring his hand to the formation of those characters , being at first shewed where to begin , and how to form every letter . and when he can do that well , he must then exercise on fair paper ; and so may easily be brought to write the hand you desire . § . . when he can write well , and quick , i think it may be convenient , not only to continue the exercise of his hand in writing , but also to improve the use of it farther in drawing , a thing very useful to a gentleman in several occasions ; but especially if he travel , as that which helps a man often to express , in a few lines well put together , what a whole sheet of paper in writing , would not be able to represent , and make intelligible . how many buildings may a man see , how many machines and habits meet with , the idea's whereof would be easily retain'd and communicated , by a little skill in drawing ; which being committed to words , are in danger to be lost , or at best but ill retained in the most exact descriptions ? i do not mean , that i would have your son a perfect painter ; to be that to any tolerable degree , will require more time than a young gentleman can spare from his other improvements of greater importance : but so much insight into perspective , and skill in drawing , as will enable him to represent tolerably on paper any thing he sees , except faces , may , i think , be got in a little time , especially if he have a genius to it : but where that is wanting , unless it be in things absosutely necessary , it is better to let him pass them quietly , than to vex him about them to no purpose : and therefore in this , as in all other things not absolutely necessary , the rule holds , nihil invita minerva . § . . as soon as he can speak english , 't is time for him to learn some other language : this no body doubts of , when french is proposed . and the reason is , because people are accustomed to the right way of teaching that language : which is by talking it into children in constant conversation , and not by grammatical rules . the latin tongue would easily be taught the same way if his tutor , being constantly with him , would talk nothing else to him , and make him answer still in the same language . but because french is a living language , and to be used more in speaking , that should be first learn'd , that the yet pliant organs of speech might be accustomed to a due formation of those sounds , and he get the habit of pronouncing french well , which is the harder to be done the longer it is delay'd . § . . when he can speak and read french well , which in this method is usually in a year or two , he should proceed to latin , which 't is a wonder parents , when they have had the experiment in french , should not think ought to be learn'd the same way , by talking and reading . only care is to be taken whilst he is learning these foreign languages , by speaking and reading nothing else with his tutor , that he do not forget to read english , which may be preserv'd by his mother , or some-body else , hearing him read some chosen parts of the scripture , or other english book every day . § . . latin , i look upon as absolutely necessary to a gentleman , and indeed , custom , which prevails over every thing , has made it so much a part of education , that even those children are whipp'd to it , and made spend many hours of their precious time uneasily in latin , who , after they are once gone from school , are never to have more to do with it as long as they live . can there be any thing more ridiculous , than that a father should waste his own money , and his son's time , in setting him to learn the roman language , when at the same time he designs him for a trade , wherein he having no use of latin , fails not to forget that little , which he brought from school , and which 't is ten to one he abhorrs , for the ill usage it procur'd him ? could it be believ'd , unless we had every where amongst us examples of it , that a child should be forced to learn the rudiments of a language , which he is never to use in the course of life , he is designed to , and neglect all the while the writing a good hand , and casting account , which are of great advantage in all conditions of life , and to most trades indispensibly necessary ? but though these qualifications , requisite to trade and commerce , and the business of the world , are seldom or never to be had at grammar schools , yet thither , not only gentlemen send their younger sons , intended for trades ; but even tradesmen and farmers fail not to send their children , though they have neither intention nor ability to make them scholars . if you ask them why they do this , they think it as strange a question , as if you should ask them , why they go to church . custom serves for reason , and has to those who take it for reason , so consecrated this method , that it is almost religiously observed by them , and they stick to it as if their children had scarce an orthodox education unless they learn'd lily's grammar . § . . but how necessary soever latin be to some , and is thought to be to others , to whom it is of no manner of use or service ; yet the ordinary way of learning it in a grammar school is that , which having had thoughts about i cannot be forward to encourage . the reasons against it are so evident , and cogent , that they have prevailed with some intelligent persons , to quit the ordinary road , not without success , though the method made use of , was not exactly that which i imagine the easiest , and in short is this : to trouble the child with no grammar at all but to have latin , as english has been , without the perplexity of rules talked into him ; for if you will consider it , latin is no more unknown to a child , when he comes into the world , than english : and yet he learns english without master , rule , or grammar ; and so might he latin too , as tully did , if he had some-body always to talk to him in this language . and when we so often see a french-woman teach a young girl to speak and read french perfectly in a year or two , without any rule of grammar , or any thing else but pratling to her , i cannot but wonder , how gentlemen have over-seen this way for their sons , and thought them more dull or incapable than their daughters . if therefore a man could be got , who himself speaks good latin , who would always be about your son , and talk constantly to him , and make him read latin , that would be the true genuine , and easy way of teaching him latin , and that that i could wish , since besides teaching him a language , without pains or chiding ( which children are wont to be whipp'd for at school six or seven years together ) he might at the same time , not only form his mind and manners , but instruct him also in several sciences , such as are a good part of geography , astronomy , chronology , anatomy , besides some parts of history , and all other parts of knowledge of things , that fall under the senses , and require little more than memory : for there , if we would take the true way , our knowledge should begin , and in those things be laid the foundation ; and not in the abstract notions of logick and metaphysicks , which are fitter to amuze , than inform the understanding , in its first setting out towards knowledge : in which abstract speculations when young men have had their heads imploy'd a while without finding the success and imployment or use of it which they expected , they are apt to have mean thoughts , either of learning or themselves , to quit their studies , and throw away their books , as containing nothing but hard words , and empty sounds ; or else concluding , that if there be any real knowledge in them , they themselves have not understandings capable of it ; and that this is so , perhaps i could assure you upon my own experience . amongst other things to be learn'd by a young man in this method , whilst others of his age are wholly taken up with latin and languages , i may also set down geometry for one , having known a young gentleman , bred something after this way , able to demonstrate several propositions in eucbid before he was thirteen . § . . but if such a man can not be got , who speaks good latin , and being able to instruct your son in all these parts of knowledge , will undertake it by this method ; the next best is to have him taught as near this way as may be , which is by taking some easie and pleasant book , such as aesop's fables , and writing the english translation ( made as literal as it can be ) in one line , and the latin words which answer each of them , just over it in another . these let him read every day over and over again , till he perfectly understands the latin. ( but have a care still , whatever you are teaching him , of cloging him with too much at once ; or making any thing his business but down-right vertue ; or reproving him for any thing but vice ) and then go on to another fable till he be also perfect in that , not omitting what he is already perfect in , but sometimes reviewing that , to keep it in his memory . and when he comes to write , let these be set him for copies , which with the exercise of his hand , will also advance him in latin. this being a more imperfect way than by talking latin unto him ; the formation of the verbs first , and afterwards the declensions of the nouns , and pronouns perfectly learn'd by heart , may facilitate his acquaintance with the genius and manner of the latin tongue , which varies the signification of verbs , and nouns , not as the modern languages do by particles prefixt , but by changing the last syllables . more than this of grammar , i think he need not have till he can read himself sanctii minerva with scioppius's notes . § . . when by this way of interlining latin and english one with another , he has got a moderate knowledge of the latin tongue , he may then be advanc'd a little farther to the reading of some other easie latin book , such as justin or eutropius , and to make the reading and understanding of it the less tedious and difficult to him , let him help himself if he please with the english translation . nor let the objection , that he will then know it only by roat ( which is not when well consider'd of any moment against , but plainly for this way of learning a language ) fright any one . for languages are only to be learn'd by reat ; and a man who does not speak english or latin perfectly by roat , so that having thought of the thing he would speak of , his tongue of course without thought of rule or grammar , salls into the proper expressions and idiom of that language , does not speak it well , nor is master of it . and i would fain have any one name to me that tongue , that any one can learn , or speak as he should do by the rules of grammar . languages were made not by rules , or art , but by accident , and the common use of the people . and he that will speak them well , has no other rule but that ; nor any thing to trust to , but his memory , and the habit of speaking after the fashion learn'd from those , that are allow'd to speak properly , which in other words is only to speak by roat . § . . for the exercise of his writing , let him sometimes translate latin into english : but the learning of latin , being nothing but the learning of words , a very unpleasant business both to young and old , join as much other real knowledge with it as you can , beginning still with that which lies most obvious to the senses , such as is the knowledge of minerals , plants , and animals ; and particularly timber and fruit-trees , their parts and ways of propagation : wherein a great deal may be taught a child , which will not be useless to the man. but more especially geography , astronomy , and anatomy . § . . but if , after all , his fate be to go to school to get the latin tongue , 't is in vain to talk to you concerning the method i think best to be observed in schools ; you must submit to that you find there ; nor expect to have it changed for your son : but yet by all means obtain , if you can , that he be not employ'd in making latin themes and declamations , and least of all verses of any kind . you may insist on it if it will do any good , that you have no design to make him either a latin orator , or a poet ; but barely would have him understand perfectly a latin author ; and that you observe , that those , who teach any of the modern languages , and that with success , never amuse their scholars , to make speeches , or verses , either in french or italian , their business being language barely , and not invention . § . . but to tell you a little more fully , why i would not have him exercis'd in making of themes and verses . as to themes , they have , i confess , the pretence of something usefull , which is to teach people to speak handsomly and well , on any subject ; which if it could be attained this way , i own , would be a great advantage ; there being nothing more becoming a gentleman , nor more useful in all the occurrences of life , than to be able , on any occasion , to speak well , and to the purpose . but this i say , that the making of themes , as is usual in schools , helps not one jot toward it . for do but consider what 't is in making a theme , that a young lad is employ'd about : 't is to make a speech on some latin saying ; as , omnia vincit amor ; or , non licet in bello bis peccare , &c. and here the poor lad , who wants knowledge of these things he is to speak of , which is to be had only from time and observation , must set his invention on the rack to say something , where he knows nothing ; which is a sort of egyptian tyranny , to bid them make bricks , who have not yet any of the materials : and therefore it is usual , in such cases , for the poor children , to go to those of higher forms with this petition , pray give me a little sense ; which whether it be more reasonable , or more ridiculous , is not easie to determine . before a man can be in any capacity to speak on any subiect , 't is necessary to be acquainted with it : or else 't is as foolish to set him to discourse on it , as to set a blind man to talk of colours , or a deaf man of musick . and would you not think him a little crack'd who would require another to make an argument on a moot point , who understands nothing of our laws ? and what , i pray , do school-boys understand concerning those matters , which are used to be proposed to them in their themes , as subjects to discourse on , to whet and exercise their fancies ? § . . in the next place consider the language that their themes are made in : 't is latin , a language foreign in their country , and long since dead every-where : a language , which your son , 't is a thousand to one , shall never have an occasion once to make a speech in , as long as he lives , after he comes to be a man ; and a language , wherein the manner of expressing ones self is so far different from ours , that to be perfect in that , would very little improve the purity and facility of his english style . besides that , there is now so little room , or use , for set speeches in our own language , in any part of our english business , that i can see no pretence for this sort of exercise in our schools , unless it can be supposed , that the making of set latin speeches , should be the way , to teach men to speak well in english extempore . the way to that , i should think rather to be this : that there should be propos'd some rational and material question to young gentlemen , when they are of a fit age for such exercise , which they should extempore , or after a little meditation in the place , speak to , without penning of any thing . for , i ask , if we will examine the effects of this way of learning to speak well , who speak best in any business , when occasion calls them to it , upon any debate , either those who have accustomed themselves to compose and write down before-hand , what they would say ; or those , who thinking only of the matter , to understand that as well as they can , use themselves only to speak extempore ? and he , that shall judge by this , will be little apt to think , that the accustoming him to studied speeches , and set compositions , is the way to fit a young gentleman for business . § . . but , perhaps , we shall be told , 't is to improve and perfect them in the latin tongue . 't is true , that is their proper business at school ; but the making of themes is not the way to it : that perplexes their brains about invention of things to be said , not about the signification of words to be learn'd : and when they are making a theme , 't is thoughts they search and sweat for , and not language . but the learning and mastery of a tongue , being uneasie and unpleasant enough in it self , should not be cumbred with any other difficulties , as is done in this way of proceeding . in fine , if boys invention be to be quickn'd by such exercise , let them make themes in english ; where they have facility , and a command of words , and will better see what kind of thoughts they have , when put into their own language : and if the latin tongue be to be learn'd , let it be done the easiest way , without toiling and disguisting the mind , by so uneasie an imployment , as that of making speeches join'd to it . § . . if these may be any reasons against children's making latin themes at school , i have much more to say , and of more weight , against their making verses ; verses of any sort : for if he has no genius to poetry , 't is the most unreasonable thing in the world , to torment a child , and waste his time about that which can never succeed : and if he have a poetick vein , 't is to me the strangest thing in the world , that the father should desire , or suffer it to be cherished , or improved . methinks the parents should labour to have it stifled , and suppressed , as much as may be ; and i know not what reason a father can have , to wish his son a poet , who does not desire to have him bid defiance to all other callings , and business , which is not yet the worst of the case ; for if he proves a successful rhymer , and get once the reputation of a wit , i desire it may be consider'd what company and places he is like to spend his time in , nay , and estate too . for it is very seldom seen , that any one discovers mines of gold or silver in parnassus . 't is a pleasant air , but a barren soil ; and there are very few instances of those , who have added to their patrimony by any thing they have reaped from thence . poetry and gaming , which usually go together , are alike in this too , that they seldom bring any advantage , but to those who have nothing else to live on . men of estates almost constantly go away losers ; and 't is well if they escape at a cheaper rate than their whole estates , or the greatest part of them . if therefore you would not have your son the fiddle to every jovial company , without whom the sparks could not relish their wine , nor know how to pass an afternoon idly ; if you would not have him waste his time and estate , to divert others , and contemn the dirty acres left him by his ancestors , i do not think you will much care he should be a poet , or that his school-master should enter him in versifying . but yet , if any one will think poetry a desirable quality in his son , and that the study of it would raise his fancy and parts , he must needs yet confess , that to that end reading the excellent greek and roman poets is of more use , than making bad verses of his own , in a language that is not his own . and he , whose design it is to excell in english poetry , would not , i guess , think the way to it were to make his first essays in latin verses . § . . another thing very ordinary in the vulgar method of grammar-schools there is , of which i see no use at all , unless it be to balk young lads in the way to learning languages , which , in my opinion , should be made as easie and pleasant as may be ; and that which was painful in it , as much as possible quite removed . that which i mean , and here complain of , is , their being forced to learn by heart , great parcels of the authors which are taught them ; wherein i can discover no advantage at all , especially to the business they are upon . languages are to be learn'd only by reading , and talking , and not by scraps of authors got by heart ; which when a man's head is stuffed with , he has got the just furniture of a pedant , and 't is the ready way to make him one ; than which , there is nothing less becoming a gentleman : for what can be more ridiculous , than to mix the rich and handsome thoughts and sayings of others , with a deal of poor stuff of his own ; which is thereby the more exposed , and has no other grace in it , nor will otherwise recommend the speaker , than a thread-bare , russet coat would , that was set off with large patches of scarlet , and glittering brocard . indeed , where a passage comes in the way , whose matter is worth remembrance , and the expression of it very close and excellent ( as there are many such in the ancient authors ) it may not be amiss to lodge it in the mind of young scholars , and with such admirable stroaks of those great masters , sometimes exercise the memory of school-boys . but their learning of their lessons by heart , as they happen to fall out in their books , without choice or distinction , i know not what it serves for , but to mis-spend their time and pains , and give them a disgust and aversion to their books , wherein they find nothing but useless trouble . § . . but under whose care soever a child is put , to be taught , during the tender and flexible years of his life , this is certain , it should be one , who thinks latin and language the least part of education ; one who knowing how much vertue , and a well-temper'd soul is to be preferr'd to any sort of learning or language , makes it his chief business to form the mind of his scholars , and give that a right disposition , which if once got , though all the rest should be neglected , would , in due time , produce all the rest ; and which if it be not got , and setled , so as to keep out ill and vicious habits , languages and sciences , and all the other accomplishments of education will be to no purpose , but to make the worse , or more dangerous man. and , indeed , whatever stir there is made about getting of latin , as the great and difficult business , his mother may teach it him her self , if she will but spend two or three hours in a day with him , and make him read the evangelists in latin to her : for she need but buy a latin testament , and having got somebody to mark the last syllable but one , where it is long , in words above two syllables ( which is enough to regulate her pronunciation and accenting the words ) read daily in the gospels , and then let her avoid understanding them in latin if she can . and when she understands the evangelists in latin , let her , in the same manner , read aesop's fables , and so proceed on to eutropius , justin , and other such books . i do not mention this , as an imagination of what i fansie may do , but as of a thing i have known done , and the latin tongue with ease got this way . but to return to what i was saying : he that takes on him the charge of bringing up young men , especially young gentlemen , should have something more in him than latin , more than even a knowledge in the liberal sciences : he should be a person of eminent vertue and prudence , and with good sense , have good humour , and the skill to carry himself with gravity , ease , and kindness , in a constant conversation with his pupils . § . . at the same time that he is learning french and latin , a child , as has been said , may also be enter'd in arithmetick , geography , chronology , history , and geometry too . for if these be taught him in french or latin , when he begins once to understand either of these tongues , he will get a knowledge in these sciences , and the language to boot . geography , i think , should be begun with : for the learning of the figure of the globe , the situation and boundaries of the four parts of the world , and that of particular kingdoms and countries , being only an exercise of the eyes and memory , a child with pleasure will learn and retain them : and this is so certain , that i now live in the house with a child , whom his mother has so well instructed this way in geography , that he knew the limits of the four parts of the world , could readily point being asked , to any county upon the globe , or any country in the map of england , knew all the great rivers , promontories , straits , and bays in the world , and could find the longitude and latitude of any place , before he was six years old . these things , that he will thus learn by sight , and have by roat in his memory , is not all , i confess , that he is to learn upon the globes . but yet it is a good step and preparation to it , and will make the remainder much easier , when his judgment is grown ripe enough for it : besides , that it gets so much time now ; and by the pleasure of knowing things , leads him on insensibly to the gaining of languages . § . . when he has the natural parts of the globe well fix'd in his memory , it may then be time to begin arithmetick . by the natural parts of the globe , i mean the several positions of the parts of the earth , and sea , under different names and distinctions of countries , not coming yet to those artificial and imaginary lines , which have been invented , and are only suppos'd for the better improvement of that science . § . . arithmetick , is the easiest , and consequently the first sort of abstract reasoning , which the mind commonly bears , or accustoms it self to ; and is of so general use in all parts of life and business , that scarce any thing is to be done without it : this is certain , a man cannot have too much of it , nor too perfectly ; he should therefore begin to be exercis'd in counting , as soon , and as far , as he is capable of it ; and do something in it every day , till he is master of the art of numbers . when he understands addition and substraction , he may then be advanced farther in geography , and after he is acquainted with the poles , zones , parallel circles and meridians , be taught longitude and latitude , and the use of maps , and by that time he is perfected in these circles of the globe , with the horizon and the eclyptick , he may be taught the same thing also on the celestial globe , with the figure and position of the several constellations , which may be shewed him first upon the globe , and then in the heavens . but in this as in all other parts of instruction , great care must be taken with children , to begin with that , which is plain and simple , and to teach them as little as can be at once , and settle that well in their heads , before you proceed to the next , or any thing new in that science , whereby children 'scape being amazed and confounded ; by which way of giving them first one simple idea , and taking care that they took it right and perfectly comprehended it before you went any farther , and then adding some other simple idea ( which lay next in your way to what you aim'd at ) and no more to it , and so proceeding by gentle and insensible steps , children have had early righter apprehensions , and their thoughts extended farther , than could have been expected . and when he has learn'd any thing himself , there is no such way to fix it in his memory , and to incourage him to go on , as to set him to teach it others . § . . when he has once got such an acquaintance with the globes , he may be fit to be tried a little in geometry ; wherein i think the six first books of euelid enough for him to be taught . for i am in some doubt , whether more to a man of business be necessary or useful . at least if he have a genius and inclination to it , being enter'd so far by his tutor , he will be able to go on of himself without a teacher . the globes therefore must be studied , and that diligently , and i think , may be begun betimes , if the tutor will but be careful to distinguish , what the child is capable of knowing , and what not ; for which this may be a rule that perhaps will go a pretty way ( viz. ) that children may be taught any thing , that falls under their senses , especially their sight , as far as their memories only are exercised : and thus a child very young may learn , which is the aequator , which the meridian , &c. which europe and which england upon the globes , as soon almost as he knows the rooms of the house he lives in , if care be taken not to teach him too much at once , nor to set him upon a new part , till that , which he is upon , be perfectly learn'd and fix'd in his memory . § . . with geography , chronology ought to go hand in hand , i mean the general part of it , so that he may have in his mind a view of the whole current of time , and the several considerable epochs that are made use of in history . without these two history , which is the great mistress of prudence and civil knowledge ; and ought to be the proper study of a gentleman , or man of business in the world , without geography and chronology , i say , history will be very ill retained , and very little useful ; but be only a jumble of matters of fact , confusedly heaped together without order or instruction . 't is by these two , that the actions of mankind are ranked into their proper places of times and countries , under which circumstances , they are not only much easier kept in the memory , but in that natural order , are only capable to afford those observations , which make a man the better and the abler for reading them . § . . when i speak of chronology as a science he should be perfect in , i do not mean the little controversies , that are in it . these are endless , and most of them of so little importance to a gentleman , as not to deserve to be inquir'd into , were they capable of an easy decision . and therefore all that learned noise and dust of the chronologist is wholly to be avoided . the most useful book i have seen in that part of learning , is a small treatise of strauchius , which is printed in twelves , under the title of breviarum chronologium , out of which may be selected all that is necessary to be taught a young gentleman concerning chronology ; for all that is in that treatise a learner need not be cumbred with . he has in him the most remarkable or usual epochs reduced all to that of the julian period , which is the easiest and plainest , and surest method , that can be made use of in chronology . to this treatise of strauchius , helvicus's tables may be added as a book to be turned to on all occasions . § . . as nothing teaches , so nothing delights more than history . the first of these recommends it to the study of grown-men , the latter makes me think it the fittest for a young lad , who as soon as he is instructed in chronology , and acquainted with the several epochs in use in this part of the world , and can reduce them to the julian period , should then have some latin history put into his hand . the choice should be directed by the easiness of the stile ; for where-ever he begins , chronology will keep it from confusion ; and the pleasantness of the subject inviting him to read the language will insensibly be got , without that terrible vexation and uneasiness , which children suffer , where they are put into books beyond their capacity , such as are the roman orators and poets , only to learn the roman language . when he has by reading master'd the easier , such perhaps as justin , eutropius , quintus curtius , &c. the next degree to these , will give him no great trouble : and thus by a gradual progress from the plainest and easiest historians , he may at last come to read the most difficult and sublime of the latin authors , such as are tully , virgil , and horace . § . . the knowledge of vertue , all along from the beginning , in all the instances he is capable of , being taught him , more by practice than rules ; and the love of reputation instead of satisfying his appetite , being made habitual in him , i know not whether he should read any other discourses of morality , but what he finds in the bible ; or have any system of ethicks put into his hand , till he can read tully's offices , not as a school-boy to learn latin , but as one that would be informed in the principles and precepts of vertue , for the conduct of his life . § . . when he has pretty well digested tully's offices , it may be seasonable to set him upon grotius de jure belli & pacis , or which i think , is the better of the two , puffendorf de jure naturali & gentium ; wherein he will be instructed in the natural rights of men , and the original and foundations of society , and the duties resulting from thence . this general part of civil-law and history , are studies which a gentleman should not barely touch at , but constantly dwell upon , and never have done with . a vertuous and well behaved young man , that is well versed in the general part of the civil-law ( which concerns not the chicane of private cases , but the affairs and intercourse of civilized nations in general , grounded upon principles of reason ) understands latin well , and can write a good hand , one may turn loose into the world , with great assurance , that he will find imployment and esteem every where . § . . it would be strange to suppose an english gentleman should be ignorant of the law of his country . this , whatever station he is in , is so requisite , that from a justice of the peace , to a minister of state , i know no place he can well fill without it . i do not mean the chicane or wrangling and captious part of the law ; a gentleman , whose business it is to seek the true measures of right and wrong , and not the arts how to avoid doing the one , and secure himself in doing the other , ought to be as far from such a study of the law , as he is concerned diligently to apply himself to that , wherein he may be serviceable to his country . and to that purpose , i think the right way for a gentleman to study our law , which he does not design for his calling , is to take a view of our english constitution and government , in the ancient books of the common law ; and some more modern writers , who out of them have given an account of this government . and having got a true idea of that , then to read our history , and with it join in every king's reign the laws then made . this will give an insight in to the reason of our statutes , and shew the true ground upon which they came to be made , and what weight they ought to have . § . . rhetorick and logick being the arts that in the ordinary method usually follow immediately after grammar , it may perhaps be wondered that i have said so little of them : the reason is , because of the little advantage young people receive by them : for i have seldom or never observed any one to get the skill of reasoning well , or speaking handsomly by studying those rules , which pretend to teach it : and therefore i would have a young gentleman take a view of them in the shortest systems could be found , without dwelling long on the contemplation and study of those formalities . right reasoning is founded on something else than the predicaments and predicables , and does not consist in talking in mode and figure it self . but 't is besides my present business to enlarge upon this speculation : to come therefore to what we have in hand ; if you would have your son reason well , let him read chillingworth ; and if you would have him speak well , let him be conversant in tully , to give him the true idea of eloquence ; and let him read those things that are well writ in english , to perfect his style in the purity of our language . if the use and end of right reasoning , be to have right notions and a right judgment of things ; to distinguish betwixt truth and falshood , right and wrong , and to act accordingly ; be sure not to let your son be bred up in the art and formality of disputing , either practising it himself , or admiring it in others ; unless instead of an able man , you desire to have him an insignificant wrangler , opiniater in discourse , and priding himself in contradicting others ; or , which is worse , questioning every thing , and thinking there is no such thing as truth to be sought , but only victory in disputing . truth is to be found and maintained by a mature and due consideration of things themselves , and not by artificial terms and ways of arguing , which lead not men so much into the discovery of truth , as into a captious and fallacious use of doubtful words , which is the most useless and disingenous way of talking , and most unbecoming a gentleman or a lover of truth of any thing in the world. natural philosophy , as a speculative science , i think we have none , and perhaps , i may think i have reason to say we never shall . the works of nature are contrived by a wisdom , and operate by ways too far surpassing our faculties to discover , or capacities to conceive , for us ever to be able to reduce them into a science . natural philosophy being the knowledge of the principles , properties and operations of things , as they are in themselves , i imagine there are two parts of it , one comprehending spirits with their nature and qualities ; and the other bodies . the first of these is usually referr'd to metaphysicks , but under what title soever the consideration of spirits comes , i think it ought to go before the study of matter , and body , not as a science that can be methodized into a system , and treated of upon principles of knowledge ; but as an enlargement of our minds towards a truer and fuller comprehension of the intellectual world to which we are led both by reason and revelation and since the clearest and largest discoveries we have of other spirits besides god and our own souls is imparted to us from heaven by revelation , i think the information , that at least young people should have of them , should be taken from that revelation . to this purpose , i think , it would be well if there were made a good history of the bible for young people to read , wherein every thing , that is fit to be put into it , being laid down in its due order of time , and several things omitted , which were suited only to riper age , that confusion , which is usually produced by promiscuous reading of the scripture , as it lies now bound up in our bibles , would be avoided . and also this other good obtained , that by reading of it constantly , there would be instilled into the minds of children , a notion and belief of spirits , they having so much to do in all the transactions of that history , which will be a good preparation to the study of bodies , for without the notion and allowance of spirits , our philosophy will be lame and defective in one main part of it , when it leaves out the contemplation of the most excellent and powerful part of the creation . § . . of this history of the bible , i think too it would be well if there were a short and plain epitome made , containing the chief and most material heads , for children to be conversant in as soon as they can read . this , though it will lead them early into some notion of spirits , yet is not contrary to what i said above , that i would not have children troubled whilst young with notions of spirits , whereby my meaning was , that i think it inconvenient , that their yet tender minds should receive early impressions of goblins , spectres , and apparitions , wherewith their maids and those about them are apt to fright them into a compliance with their orders , which often proves a great inconvenience to them all their lives after , by subjecting their minds to frights , fearful apprehensions , weakness , and superstition , which , when coming abroad into the world , and conversation , they grow weary and asham'd of , it not seldom happens , that to make as they think , a through cure , and ease themselves of a load has sate so heavy on them , they throw away the thoughts of all spirits together , and so run into the other but worse extream . § . . the reason why i would have this premised to the study of bodies ; and the doctrine of the scriptures well imbibed , before young men be entered in natural philosophy , is , because matter being a thing , that all our senses are constantly conversant with , it is so apt to possess the mind , and exclude all other beings , but matter , that prejudice grounded on such principles often leaves no room for the admittance of spirits , or the allowing any such things as immaterial beings , in rerum natura , when yet it is evivent that by mere matter and motion , none of the great phoenomena of nature can be resolved , to instance but in that common one of gravity , which i think impossible to be explained by any natural operation of matter or any other law of motion , but the positive will of a superiour being , so ordering it . and therefore since the deluge cannot be well explained without admitting something out of the ordinary course of nature , i propose it to be considered whether god's altering the center of gravity in the earth for a time ( a thing as intelligible as gravity it self , which , perhaps a little variation of causes unknown to us would produce ) will not more easily account for noah's flood , than any hypothesis yet made use of to solve it . but this i mention by the by , to shew the necessity of having recourse to something beyond bare matter and its motion in the explication of nature , to which the notions of spirits and their power , to whose operation so much is attributed in the bible , may be a fit preparative reserving to a fitter opportunity , a fuller explication of this hypothesis , and the application of it to all the parts of the deluge , and any difficulties can be supposed in the history of the flood as recorded in the bible . § . . but to return to the study of natural philosophy , though the world be full of systems of it , yet i cannot say , i know any one which can be taught a young man as a science , wherein he may be sure to find truth and certainty , which is what all sciences give an expectation of . i do not hence conclude that none of them are to be read : it is necessary for a gentleman in this loarned age to look into some of them , to fit himself for conversation . but whether that of des cartes be put into his hands , as that which is most in fashion ; or it be thought fit to give him a short view of that and several other also . i think the systems of natural philosophy that have obtained in this part of the world , are to be read , more to know the hypotheses , and to understand the terms and ways of talking of the several sects , than with hopes to gain thereby a comprehensive scientifical and satisfactory knowledge of the works of nature : only this may be said , that the modern corpusoularians talk in most things more intelligibly than the peripateticks , who possessed the schools immediately before them . he that would look farther back , and acquaint himself with the several opinions of the ancients , may consult dr. cudworth's intellectual system ; wherein that very learned author hath with such accurateness and judgment collected and explained the opinions of the greek philosophers , that what principles they built on , and what were the chief hypotheses , that divided them , is better to be seen in him , than any where else that i know . but i would not deterr any one from the study of nature , because all the knowledge we have , or possibly can have of it , cannot be brought into a science . there are very many things in it , that are convenient and necessary to be known to a gentleman : and a great many other , that will abundantly reward the pains of the curious with delight and advantage . but these , i think , are rather to be found amongst such , as have imployed themselves in making rational experiments and observations , than in writting barely speculative systems . such writings therefore , as many of mr. boyles are , with others , that have writ of husbandry , planting , gardening , and the like , may be fit for a gentleman , when he has a litle acquainted himself with some of the systems of the natural philosophy in fashion . § . . though the systems of physick , that i have met with , afford little encouragement to look for certainty or science in any treatise , which shall pretend to give us a body of natural philosophy from the first principles of bodies in general , yet the incomparable mr. newton , has shewn how far mathematicks , applied to some parts of nature , may , upon principles that matter of fact justifie , carry us in the knowledge of some , as i may so call them , particular provinces of the incomprehensible universe . and if others could give us so good and clear an account of other parts of nature , as he has of this our planetary world , and the most considerable phoenomena observable in it , in his admirable book , philosophiae naturalis principia mathematica , we might in time hope to be furnished with more true and certain knowledge in several parts of this stupendious machin , than hitherto we could have expected . and though there are very few , that have mathematicks enough to understand his demonstrations , yet the most accurate mathematicians , who have examined them , allowing them to be such , his book will deserve to be read , and give no small light and pleasure to those , who willing to understand the motions , properties , and operations of the great masses of matter , in this our solar system , will but carefully mind his conclusions , which may be depended on as propositions well proved . § . . this is , in short , what i have thought concerning a young gentleman's studies ; wherein it will possibly be wondred , that i should omit greek , since amongst the grecians is to be found the original , as it were , and foundation of all that learning which we have in this part of the world. i grant it so ; and will add , that no man can pass for a scholar , that is ignorant of the greek tongue . but i am not here considering of the education of a profess'd scholar , but of a gentleman , to whom latin and french , as the world now goes , is by every one acknowledged to be necessary . when he comes to be a man , if he has a mind to carry his studies farther , and look into the greek learning , he will then easily get that tongue himself : and if he has not that inclination , his learning of it under a tutor will be but lost labour , and much of his time and pains spent in that , which will be neglected and thrown away , as soon as he is at liberty . for how many are there of an hundred , even amongst scholars themselves , who retain the greek they carried from school ; or ever improve it to a familiar reading , and perfect understanding of greek authors ? § . . besides what is to be had from study and books , there are other accomplishments necessary to a gentleman , to be got by exercise , and to which time is to be allowed , and for which masters must be had . dancing being that which gives graceful motions all the life , and above all things manliness , and a becoming confidence to young children , i think it cannot be learn'd too early , after they are once of an age and strength capable of it . but you must be sure to have a good master , that knows , and can teach , what is gracefull and becoming , and what gives a freedom and easiness to all the motions of the body . one that teaches not this , is worse than none at all , natural unfashionableness being much better , than apish , affected postures ; and i think it much more passable to put off the hat , and make a leg , like an honest country-gentleman , than like an ill-fashion'd dancing-master . for as for the jigging part and the figures of dances , i count that little or nothing farther , than as it tends to perfect graceful carriage . § . . musick is thought to have some affinity with dancing , and a good hand , upon some instruments , is by many people mightily valued ; but it wastes so much of a young man's time , to gain but a moderate skill in it , and engages often in such odd company , that many think it much better spared : and i have , amongst men of parts and business , so seldom heard any one commended , or esteemed for having an excellency in musick , that amongst all those things that ever came into the list of accomplishments , i think i may give it the last place . our short lives will not serve us for the attainment of all things ; nor can our minds be always intent on something to be learn'd : the weakness of our constitutions , both of mind and body , requires that we should be often unbent , and he , that will make a good use of any part of his life , must allow a large portion of it to recreation . at least this must not be denied to young people , unless whilst you , with too much haste , make them old , you have the displeasure to see them in their graves , or a second childhood , sooner than you could wish . and therefore , i think , that the time and pains allotted to serious improvements , should be employ'd about things of most use and consequence , and that too in the methods the most easie and short , that could be at any rate obtained : and perhaps it would be none of the least secrets in education , to make the exercises of the body and the mind , the recreation one to another . i doubt not but that something might be done in it , by a prudent man , that would well consider the temper and inclination of his pupil . for he that is wearied either with study , or dancing , does not desire presently to go to sleep ; but to do something else , which may divert and delight him . but this must be always remembred , that nothing can come into the account of recreation , that is not done with delight . § . . fencing and riding the great horse , are look'd upon as so necessary parts of breeding , that it would be thought a great omission to neglect them : the latter of the two being for the most part to be learn'd only in great towns , is one of the best exercises for health which is to be had in those places of ease and luxury ; and upon that account makes a fit part of a young gentleman's employment during his abode there . and as far as it conduces to give a man a firm and graceful seat on horseback , and to make him able to teach his horse to stop and turn quick , and to rest on his haunches , is of use to a gentleman both in peace and war. but whether it be of moment enough to be made a business of , and deserve to take up more of his time than should barely for his health be employed at due intervals in some such vigorous exercise , i shall leave to the discretion of parents and tutors , who will do well to remember , in all the parts of education , that most time and application is to be bestowed on that which is like to be of greatest consequence , and frequentest use , in the ordinary course and occurrences of that life the young man is designed for . § . . as for fencing , it seems to me a good exercise for health , but dangerous to the life . the confidence of it being apt to engage in quarrels , those that think they have some skill , and to make them more touchy than needs , on points of honour , and slight occasions . young men in their warm blood are forward to think , they have in vain learned to fence , if they never shew their skill and courage in a duel , and they seem to have reason . but how many sad tragedies that reason has been the occasion of , the tears of many a mother can witness . a man that cannot fence will be the more careful to keep out of bullies and gamesters company , and will not be half so apt to stand upon punctilio's , nor to give affronts , or fiercely justifie them when given , which is that , which usually makes the quarrel . and when a man is in the field , a moderate skill in fencing rather exposes him to the sword of his enemy , than secures him from it . and certainly a man of courage who cannot fence at all , and therefore will put all upon one thrust , and not stand parrying , has the odds against a moderate fencer , especially if he has skill in wrestling , and therefore if any provision be to be made against such accidents , and a man be to prepare his son for duels , i had much rather mine should be a good wrestler than an ordinary fencer , which is the most a gentleman can attain to in it , unless he will be constantly in the fencing-school , and every day exercising . but since fencing and riding the great horse , are so generally looked upon as necessary qualifications in the breeding of a gentleman , it will be hard wholly to deny any one of that rank these marks of distinction . i shall leave it therefore to the father , to consider , how far the temper of his son , and the station he is like to be in , will allow or incourage him to comply with fashions , which having very little to do with civil life , were yet formerly unknown to the most warlike nations , and seem to have added little of force or courage to those who have received them , unless we will think martial skill or prowess , have been improved by duelling , with which fencing came into , and with which i presume it will go out of , the world. § . . these are my present thoughts concerning learning and accomplishments . the great business of all is vertue and wisdom . nullum numen abest si sit prudentia . teach him to get a mastery over his inclinations , and submit his appetite to reason . this being obtained , and by constant practice settled into habit , the hardest part of the task is over . to bring a young man to this , i know nothing which so much contributes , as the love of praise and commendation , which should therefore be instilled into him by all arts imaginable . make his mind as sensible of credit and shame as may be : and when you have done that , you have put a principle into him , which will influence his actions , when you are not by , to which the fear of a little smart of a rod is not comparable , and which will be the proper stock , whereon afterwards to graft the true principles of morality and religion . § . . i have one thing more to add , which as soon as i mention , i shall run the danger to be suspected to have forgot what i am about , and what i have above written concerning education , which has all tended towards a gentleman's calling , with which a trade seems wholly to be inconsistent . and yet , i cannot forbear to say , i would have him learn a trade , a manual trade ; nay , two or three , but one more particularly . § . . the busy inclination of children being always to be directed to some thing , that may be useful to them . the advantage may be considered of two kinds ; . where the skill it self , that is got by exercise , is worth the having . thus skill not only in languages , and learned sciences , but in painting , turning , gardening , tempering , and working in iron , and all other useful arts is worth the having . . where the exercise it self , without any other consideration , is necessary , or useful for health . knowledge in some things is so necessary to be got by children whilst they are young , that some part of their time is to be allotted to their improvement in them , though those imployments contribute nothing at all to their health : such are reading and writing and all other sedentary studies , for the improvement of the mind , and are the unavoidable business of gentlemen quite from their cradles . other manual arts , which are both got and exercised by labour , do many of them by their exercise contribute to our health too , especially , such as imploy us in the open air. in these , then , health and improvement may be joyn'd together , and of these should some fit ones be chosen , to be made the recreations of one , whose chief business is with books and study . in this choice , the age and inclination of the person is to be considered , and constraint always to be avoided in bringing him to it . for command and force may often create , but can never cure an aversion : and whatever any one is brought to by compulsion , he will leave as soon as he can , and be little profited , and less recreated by , whilst he is at it . § . . that which of all others would please me best , would be a painter , were there not an argument or two against it not easie to be answered . first , ill painting is one of the worst things in the world ; and to attain a tolerable degree of skill in it , requires too much of a man's time. if he has a natural inclination to it , it will endanger the neglect of all other more useful studies , to give way to that , and if he have no inclination to it , all the time , pains , and money shall be employ'd in it , will be thrown away to no purpose . another reason why i am not for painting in a gentleman , is , because it is a sedentary recreation , which more employs the mind than the body . a gentleman 's more serious employment i look on to be study ; and when that demands relaxation and refreshment , it should be in some exercise of the body , which unbends the thought , and confirms the health and strength . for these two reasons i am not for painting . § . . in the next place , for a country-gentleman , i should propose one , or rather both these ; viz. gardening , and working in wood , as a carpenter , joyner , or turner , as being fit and healthy recreations for a man of study , or business . for since the mind endures not to be constantly employ'd in the same thing , or way ; and sedentary or studious men , should have some exercise , that at the same time might divert their minds , and employ their bodies ; i know none that could do it better for a country-gentleman , than these two , the one of them affording him exercise , when the weather or season keeps him from the other . besides , that by being skill'd in the one of them , he will be able to govern and teach his gardener ; by the other , contrive and make a great many things both of delight and use : though these i propose not as the chief end of his labour , but as temptations to it ; diversion from his other more serious thoughts and employments , by useful and healthy manual exercise , being what i chiefly aim at in it . § . . nor let it be thought that i mistake , when i call these or the like trades , diversions or recreations : for recreation is not being idle ( as every one may observe ) but easing the wearied part by change of business : and he that thinks diversion may not lie in hard and painful labour , forgets the early rising , hard riding , heat , cold and hunger of huntsmen , which is yet known to be the constant recreation of men of the greatest condition . delving , planting , inoculating , or any the like profitable employments , would be no less a diversion , than any of the idle sports in fashion , if men could but be brought to delight in them , which custom and skill in any trade will quickly make any one do . and i doubt not , but there are to be found those , who being frequently call'd to cards , or any other play , by those they could not refuse , have been more tired with these recreations , than with any the most serious employment of life , though the play has been such , as they have naturally had no aversion to , and with which they could willingly sometimes divert themselves . § . . though when one reflects on these and other the like pastimes , ( as they are call'd , ) one finds they leave little satisfaction behind them , when they are over ; and most commonly give more vexation than delight to people , whilst they are actually engaged in them , and neither profit the mind , nor the body . they are plain instances to me , that men cannot be perfectly idle ; they must be doing something . the skill should be so to employ their time of recreation , that it may relax and refresh the part , that has been exercised , and is tired , and yet do something , which besides the present delight and ease , may produce what will afterwards be profitable . it has been nothing but the vanity and pride of greatness and riches , that has brought unprofitable and dangerous pastimes into fashion , and persuaded people into a belief , that the learning or putting their hands to any thing , that was useful , could not be a diversion fit for a gentleman . this has been that which has given cards , dice , and drinking so much credit in the world : and a great many throw away their spare hours in them , through the prevalency of custom , and want of some better employment to pass their time , more than from any real delight is to be found in them , only because it being very irksome and uneasie to do nothing at all , they had never learn'd any laudable manual art where with to divert themselves . ; and so they betake themselves to those foolish , or ill ways in use , to help off their time , which a rational man , till corrupted by custom , could find very little pleasure in . § . . i say not this , that i would never have a young gentleman accommodate himself to the innocent diversions in fashion , amongst those of his age and condition . i am so far from having him austere and morose to that degree , that i would persuade him to more than ordinary complaisance sor all the gaieties and diversions of those he converses with , and be averse or resty in nothing , they should desire of him , that might become a gentleman and an honest man. but allowance being made for idle and jovial conversation , and all fashionable becoming recreations ; i say , a young man will have time enough , from his serious and main business , to learn almost any trade . 't is want of application , and not of time , that men are not skilful in more arts than one ; and an hour in a day , constantly employ'd in such a way of diversion , will carry a man , in a short time , a great deal farther than he can imagine : which if it were of no other use , but to drive the common , vicious , useless , and dangerous pastimes out of fashion ; and to shew there was no need of them , would deserve to be encouraged . if men from their youth were weaned from that sauntring humour , wherein some , out of custom , let a good part of their lives run uselesly away , without either business or recreation , they would find time enough to acquire dexterity and skill in hundreds of things ; which though remote from their proper callings , would not at all interfere with them . and therefore , i think , for this , as well as other reasons before-mentioned , a lazie , listless humour , that idlely dreams away the time , is of all others the least to be indulged , or permitted in young people . it is the proper state of one sick , and out of order in his health , and is tolerable in no body else , of what age or condition soever . § . . to the arts above-mentioned , may be added perfuming , varnishing , graving , and several sorts of working in iron , brass , and silver : and if , as it happens to most young gentlemen , that a considerable part of his time be spent in a great town , he may learn to cut , pollish , and set precious stones , or employ himself in grinding and pollishing optical glasses . amongst the great variety there is of ingenuous manual arts , 't will be impossible that no one should be found to please and delight him , unless he be either idle or debauch'd , which is not to be supposed in a right way of education . and since he cannot be always employ'd in study , reading , and conversation , there will be many an hour , besides what his exercises will take up , which , if not spent this way , will be spent worse : for , i conclude , a young man will seldom desire to sit perfectly still and idle ; or if he does , 't is a fault that ought to be mended . . but if his mistaken parents , frighted with the disgraceful names of mechanick and trade , shall have an aversion to any thing of this kind in their children ; yet there is one thing relating to trade , which when they consider , they will think absolutely necessary for their sons to learn. merchants accompts , though a science not likely to help a gentleman to get an estate , yet possibly there is not any thing of more use and efficacy , to make him preserve the estate he has . 't is seldom observed , that he who keeps an accompt of his income and expences , and thereby has constantly under view the course of his domestick affairs , le ts them run to ruine : and i doubt not but many a man gets behind-hand , before he is aware , or runs further on , when he is once in , for want of this care , or the skill to do it . i would therefore advice all gentlemen to learn perfectly merchants accounts , and not think it is a skill , that belongs not to them , because it has received its name , and has been chiefly practised by men of traffick . § . . when my young master has once got the skill of keeping accounts ( which is a business of reason more than arithmetick ) perhaps it will not be amiss , that his father , from thenceforth , require him to do it in all his concernments : not that i would have him set down every pint of wine , or play , that costs him money , the general name of expences will serve for such things well enough , nor would i have his father look so narrowly into these accounts , as to take occasion from thence to criticize on his expences . he must remember that he himself was once a young man , and not forget the thoughts he had then , nor the right his son has to have the same : and to have allowance made for them . if therefore , i would have the young , gentleman obliged to keep an account , it is not at all to have that way a check upon his expences ( for what the father allows him , he ought to let him be fully master of ) but only , that he might be brought early into the custom of doing it , and that that might be made familiar and habitual to him betimes , which will be so useful and necessary to be constantly practised the whole course of his life . a noble venetian , whose son wallowed in the plenty of his father's riches , finding his son's expences grow very high and extravagant , ordered his casheer to let him have for the future , no more money , than what he should count , when he received it . this one would think no great restraint to a young gentleman's expences , who could freely have as much money , as he would tell . but , yet this , to one who was used to nothing but the pursuit of his pleasure , proved a very great trouble , which at last ended in this sober and advantageous reflection . if it be so much pains to me barely to count the money , i would spend , what labour and pains did it cost my ancestors , not only to count , but get it ? this rational thought , suggested by this little pains impos'd upon him , wrought so effectually upon his mind , that it made him take up , and from that time forwards , prove a good husband . this at least every body must allow , that nothing is likelier to keep a man within compass , than the having constantly before his eyes , the state of his affairs in a regular course of accounts . § . . the last part usually in education is travel , which is commonly thought to finish the work , and compleat the gentleman . i confess travel into foreign countries has great advantages , but the time usually chosen to send young men abroad , is , i think , of all other , that which renders them least capable of reaping those advantages . those which are propos'd , as to the main of them , may be reduced to these two , first language , secondly an improvement in wisdom and prudence , by seeing men , and conversing with people of tempers , customs , and ways of living , different from one another , and especially from those of his parish and neighbourhood . but from sixteen to one and twenty , which is the ordinary time of travel , men are of all their lives , the least suited to these improvements . the first season to get foreign languages , and from their tongue to their true accents , i should think , should be from seven to fourteen or sixteen ; and then too a tutor with them is useful and necessary , who may with those languages teach them other things . but to put them out of their parents view at a great distance , under a governour , when they think themselves too much men to be governed by others , and yet have not prudence and experience enough to govern themselves , what is it , but to expose them to all the greatest dangers of their whole life , when they have the least fence and guard against them ? till that boyling boisterous part of life comes in , it may be hoped , the tutor may have some authority . neither the stubbornness of age , nor the temptation or examples of others can take him from his tutor's conduct , till fifteen or sixteen : but then , when he begins to consort himself with men , and think himself one ; when he comes to relish , and pride himself in manly vices , and thinks it a shame to be any longer under the controul and conduct of another , what can be hoped from even the most careful and discreet governour , when neither he has power to compel , nor his pupil a disposition to be perswaded ; but on the contrary , has the advice of warm blood , and prevailing fashion , to hearken to the temptations of his companions , just as wise as himself , rather than to the perswasions of his tutor , who is now looked on as the enemy to his freedom ? and when is a man so like to miscarry , as when at the same time he is both raw and unruly ? this is the season of all his life , that most requires the eye and authority of his parents , and friends to govern it . the flexibleness of the former part of a man's age , not yet grown up to be head-strong , makes it more governable and safe ; and in the after part , reason and fore-sight begin a little to take place , and mind a man of his safety and improvement . the time therefore i should think the fittest for a young gentleman to be sent abroad , would be , either when he is younger , under a tutor , whom he might be the better for : or when he was some years older , without a governour , when he was of age to govern himself , and make observations of what he found in other countries worthy his notice , and that might be of use to him after his return : and when too , being throughly acquainted with the laws and fashions , the natural and moral advantages and defects of his own country , he has something to exchange , with those abroad , from whose conversation he hoped to reap any knowledge . § . . the ordering of travel otherwise is that , i imagine , which makes so many young gentlemen come back so little improved by it . and if they do bring home with them any knowledge of the places and people , they have seen , it is often an admiration of the worst and vainest fashions they met with abroad , retaining a relish and memory of those things wherein their liberty took its first swing , rather than of what should make them better and wiser after their return . and indeed how can it be otherwise , going abroad at the age they do , under a governour , who is to provide their necessaries , and make their observations for them ? thus under the shelter and pretence of a governour , thinking themselves excused from standing upon their own legs , or being accountable for their own conduct , they very seldom trouble themselves with enquiries , or making useful observations of their own . their thoughts run after play and pleasure ; wherein , they take it as a lessening , to be controul'd ; but seldom trouble themselves to examine the designs , observe the address , and consider the arts , tempers and inclinations of men , they meet with ; that so they may know how to comport themselves towards them . here he that travels with them , is to skreen them ; get them out when they have run themselves into the briars , and in all their miscarriages be answerable for them . i confess , the knowledge of men is so great a skill , that it is not to be expected , that a young man should presently be perfect in it : but yet his going abroad is to little purpose , if travel does not somewhat open his eyes , make him cautious and wary , and accustom him to look beyond the out-side , and , under the inoffensive guard of a civil and obliging carriage , keep himself free and safe in his conversation with strangers , and all sorts of people , without forfeiting their good opinion . he that is sent out to travel at the age , and with the thoughts of a man designing to improve himself , may get into the conversation and acquaintance of persons of condition where he comes ; which though a thing of most advantage to a gentleman that travels , yet i ask amongst our young men , that go abroad under tutors , what one is there of an hundred , that ever visits any person of quality ? much less makes an acquaintance with such , from whose conversation he may learn , what is good breeding in that country , and what is worth observation in it : though from such persons it is , one may learn more in one day , than in a years rambling from one june to another . nor indeed is it to be wondred ; for men of worth and parts , will not easily admit the familiarity of boys , who yet need the care of a tutor ; though a young gentleman and a stranger , appearing like a man , and shewing a desire to inform himself in the customs , manners , laws , and government of the country he is in , will find welcome assistance and entertainment , amongst the best and most knowing persons every-where , who will be ready to receive , encourage , and countenance an ingenuous and inquisitive foreigner . § . . this , how true soever it be , will not , i fear alter the custom , which has cast the time of travel upon the worst part of a man's life ; but for reasons not taken from their improvement . the young lad must not be ventured abroad at eight or ten , for fear what may happen to the tender child , though he then runs ten times less risque than at sixteen or eighteen . nor must he stay at home till that dangerous heady age be over , because he must be back again by one and twenty to marry and propagate . the father cannot stay any longer for the portion , nor the mother for a new sett of babies to play with ; and so my young master , whatever comes on 't must have a wife look'd out for him , by that time he is of age ; though it would be no prejudice to his strength , his parts , nor his issue , if it were respited for some time , and he had leave to get , in years and knowledge , the start a little of his children , who are often found to tread too near upon the heels of their fathers , to the no great satisfaction either of son or father . but the young gentleman being got within view of matrimony , 't is time to leave him to his mistress . § . . though i am now come to a conclusion of what obvious remarks have suggested to me concerning education , i would not have it thought that i look on it as a just treatise on this subject : there are a thousand other things that may need consideration , especially if one should take in the various tempers , different inclinations , and particular defaults , that are to be found in children , and prescribe proper remedies : the variety is so great , that it would require a volume ; nor would that reach it . each man's mind has some peculiarity , as well as his face , that distinguishes him from all others ; and there are possibly scarce two children , who can be conducted by exactly the same method . besides , that i think a prince , a nobleman , and an ordinary gentleman's son , should have different ways of breeding . but having had here only some general views , in reference to the main end and aims in education , and those designed for a gentleman's son , who being then very little , i considered only as white paper , or wax , to be moulded and fashioned as one pleases ; i have touch'd little more than those heads , which i judged necessary for the breeding of a young gentleman of his condition in general ; and have now published these my occasional thoughts with this hope , that though this be far from being a compleat treatise on this subiect , or such , as that every one may find what will just fit his child in it , yet it may give some small light to those , whose concern for their dear little ones , makes them so irregularly bold , that they dare venture to consult their own reason , in the education of their children , rather than wholly to rely upon old custom . the contents of the sections . a. alteration sect. . air . awe . arithmetick . astronomy . b. bed . beating . breeding c. cloths . costiveness . craving , . childishness . company , . compulsion , . chiding . curiosity , . complaints . crying . cruelty chronology . civil-law . d. diet . drink . drink strong . dejected . dancing , . disposition . dominion . drawing . e early , . example , . excuses . ethicks . f feet . fruie . familiarity . french . fencing . g government . governour . god . goblins . geography . geometry . greek . gardening . h health . history . i. joyner . l. liberality . lying . learning . latin , . law . logick . m. meals . mind . maimers . memoriter . musick . merchants accounts . o. obstinacy . p. physick . punishment , . play-games . philosophy natural . . painting . r. rewards . reputation , . rules . reasoning . reverence . reading . rhetorick . recreation . s. swiming . sleep . self-denial . shame . sauntring . spirits . t. tenderness . task . tutor . temper . truth . themes . trade , . travel . v. vertue . verses . w. warmth . whipping . wisdom . writing . . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e health . tenderness . warmth . feet . alterations . swiming . air. cloths . diet. meals . drink . strong drink . fruit sleep . bed. costiveness . physick . mind . early . craving . early . punishments . awe . self-denial . dejected . beating . rewards . reputation . shame . reputation . childishness . rules . manners . dancing . manners . company . example . punishment task . disposition . compulsion . chiding . obstinacy . reasoning . examples . whipping . tutor governour . familiarity . reverence . governour . temper . dominion . craving . curiosity . complaints . liberality . crying . cruelty . curiosity . sauntring . compulsion . play-games . lying . excuses . vertue . god. spirits . goblins . truth . wisdom . breeding . company . learning . reading . writing . drawing . french. latin. themes . verses . memoriter . latin. geography . arithmetick . astronomy . geometry . chronology . history . ethicks . civil-law . law. rhetorick . logick . natural philosophy . greek . dancing . musick . fencing . trade . painting . gardning . joyner . recreation . trade . merchants accompts . merchants accounts . travel . a consolation for our grammar schooles: or, a faithfull and most comfortable incouragement, for laying of a sure foundation of all good learning in our schooles, and for prosperous building thereupon more specially for all those of the inferiour sort, and all ruder countries and places; namely, for ireland, wales, virginia, with the sommer ilands, and for their more speedie attaining of our english tongue by the same labour, that all may speake one and the same language. ... brinsley, john, fl. - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a consolation for our grammar schooles: or, a faithfull and most comfortable incouragement, for laying of a sure foundation of all good learning in our schooles, and for prosperous building thereupon more specially for all those of the inferiour sort, and all ruder countries and places; namely, for ireland, wales, virginia, with the sommer ilands, and for their more speedie attaining of our english tongue by the same labour, that all may speake one and the same language. ... brinsley, john, fl. - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by richard field for thomas man, dwelling in pater noster row, at the signe of the talbot, london : . dedication signed: iohn brinsley. the first leaf is blank. with a final imprimatur leaf. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every 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markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a consolation for ovr grammar schooles : or , a faithfull and most comfortable incouragement , for laying of a sure foundation of all good learning in our schooles , and for prosperous building thereupon . more specially for all those of the inferiour sort , and all ruder countries and places ; namely , for ireland , wales , virginia , with the sommer ilands , and for their more speedie attaining of our english tongue by the same labour , that all may speake one and the same language . and withall , for the helping of all such as are d●sirous speedilie to recouer that which they had formerlie got in the grammar schooles ; and to proceed aright therein , for the perpetuall benefit of these our nations , and of the churches of christ. london , printed by richard field for thomas man ▪ dwelling in pater noster row , at the signe of the talbot . . ¶ to the right honourable his maiesties lord deputy of ireland , and to the right honourable the lord president and lord lieutenant of wales , and the principalitie thereof , the gouernours of the iles of gernsey and iernsey ; and to the right honourable and right worshipfull , the treasurer , councell and company for virginia , and of the sommer ilands ; and to all other gouernours within his maiesties dominions , to whom the charge and care of schooles ; namely , those of the inferiour sort , are assigned : with all true fauourers of good learning , who vnfainedly wish the perpetuall flourishing of the church of god , and of their natiue countrey , i. b. wisheth all happinesse in christ eternally . after many thoughts to whom i should more particularly dedicate this my hoped consolation , ( right honourable able and right worshipfull , ) the lord in his wisedome and mercie ( i trust ) directed me vnto your selues , as those whom it doth in a peculiar manner concerne . that like as he hath appointed you to these places , so ye may euer haue before your eies , the speciall ends for which he hath assigned them to your trust , & for which you must be answerable to his heauenly maiesty . the first and chiefe whereof ( as i conceiue ) is this , that his pure religion , honour , and true worship , may be set vp , and aduaunced in them ; the next , that the wealth and sauing of all his poore people in those places , both of their soules and bodies , may be by you procured , so farre as in your power shall lie . and these things to be effected principally , by a learned , holie , and faithfull ministerie , protected and assisted by a godlie magistracie , and by propagating and spreading all good learning and knowledge amongst them . to this purpose god hauing ordained schooles of learning to be a principall meanes to reduce a barbarous people to ciuilitie , and thereby to prepare them the better to receiue the glorious gospel of iesus christ ; as also for the breeding and nourishing of such a holie ministerie , with a wife and godlie magistracie , and people to be perpetuallie preserued ; your care as i take it , in the next place ( that i may speak with all reuerence and submission ) ought to be for prouision of meete schooles and seminaries for them , according to the natures and conditions of the places , and as god shall raise vp meanes thereto . and for those which are alreadie so prouided and established , that the best orders may be knowne and receiued , for the speediest aduancement of the best learning in them , and for accomplishing all the good thereby desired ; and withall for supply of what priuate helpes gods goodnes shall vouchsafe , for breeding , and nourishing , and also preseruing all true pietie and grace amongst them . the benefit therefore and comfort of such small mites , as his heauenlie bountie hath vouchsafed me , which may be helpefull hereunto , i do most thankefully and cheerefully , as from his goodnesse , tender vnto you to this end ; and more specially to you , right honour able and right worshipfull the gouernour , councell and companie for virginia , and of the sommer ilands ; that planting in a right order , beginning with the lord , and the carefull planting and watering of his sacred religion , you may finde a more happie growth , and increase , and euermore sound and lasting ioy to your owne soules . first , the mite of my schoole-labours trauelled in , now manie yeares for all inferiour and ruder places , whereunto what blessing his heauenlie bountie hath giuen , i leaue to the iudgement of all true harted wel-willers vnto good learning . secondly , i desire to commend vnto you , for them , and that vpon vndoubted experience , the helpe , and benefit of another poore labour , which he of his goodnes hath likewise granted vnto me , namelie of a little treatise called , the true watch , and rule of life : which hauing receiued the witnesse of sundrie godlie learned , ( of whom i haue for manie yeares intreated the examining ; and censuring of it , after the publique authorizing thereof ) to be that waie of godlines , wherein we all who truelie professe christs gospel do agree , and that narrow path , in which all that walke conscionablie , and carefullie , shall certainely finde eternall life : i dare be the more bold in ●●tie to make tender of , for the furtherance of their perpetuall comfort and felicitie . and vnto the same adioyned the rule of true prayer , the second part of the same true watch ; wherein i haue followed , ( so neare as i haue beene able ) the perfect patterne of our blessed sauiour : which two so conioyned , may be for directing priuately euerie soule ( which hath grace to vse them , and to put them so in practise ) as their sea-card and compasse , to keepe them in the right course to their intended point ; that they may not be carried ouer farre , nor fall too short of their desired hauen ; yea to performe that for them , which neither card nor compasse can ; to wit , that they may not onelie be k●pt from splitting ; or dashing vpon the rockes or sands , but that they may saile securelie amongst the most dangerous rockes and perillous tempests . that arriuing happily , they may likewise euer after be kep● safe , in the midst of all sauage and cruell enemies . and finally , what straits or miseries soeuer they shall come into , either by sea or land ; that but onely crying vnto the lord , they may be graciously heard ; and mercifully deliuered in due time , according to that which shal be most for the glorie of his maiestie and their owne saluation , with the good of his people . though the dedication and patronage of my schoole-labours belong vnto our most hopefull and illustrious prince , and so in like maner of my watch vnto most honourable personages ( to whom i am euer bound ) yet i know that the tender of the assured benefit thereof , after so long triall in the right vse and practise of them , euen vnto your honours and worships , for these poore soules , and for your more happie execution of your charge , will be most pleasing vnto them , as who desire the wealth of all . yea ( giue me leaue to speake iointlie and freelie , yet in all humble duty vnto you all before mentioned , both right honourable and right worshipfull ) euen yee are they to whom the charge of these poore countries and places are committed in speciall manner , and the prouiding for them . if therefore you should not vse all holie meanes for the honour of our god , with the sauing and preseruing of all those soules , and their posteritie , and gaining the verie sauage amongst them vnto iesus christ , whether irish or indian , but onelie respect your owne ends and proiects , you could neuer stand before his heauenlie maiestie , to answere his highnesse for it ; especiallie , if hee most graciouslie offering you helpes thereto , you should not embrace them accordinglie , and to your vtmost abilitie see them put in execution . you cannot be ignorant of the wofull estate of all sorts , so long as they remaine in ignorance and blindnesse , without the sauing knowledge of our lord iesus christ , and much more of all such , as haue bene nourished long in fearefull superstition and idolatrie : and aboue all other , those who haue bene bred in a manifest , and most palpable , and euen a visible adoring of sathan ; nor , how the holie ghost hath told vs plainelie , that our lord iesus will come , in flaming fire to render vengeance to all who know not god , and which obey not his heauenly gospell . who must then be punished with euerlasting perdition , when he shall come to be glorified in his saints , and to be made maruellous in all them that beleeue . oh set before your faces the miserable condition of the damned , and so the danger of all liuing in blindnesse , whilst they so remaine . if we beleeue the word of the lord , and looke stedfastlie with the eies of faith , vpon the wretched estate and wofull torment of that rich glutton in hell ( by whom our sauiour fore-warneth all sorts for euer ) it will surely cause vs to looke vnto our selues . or if we set before our eies the lake prepared for all the vngodlie , and where the bloud of those soules must be required , if they perish for lacke of warning or instruction . and finallie , if we consider aright , that the righteous can scarcely be saued , as the holie ghost witnesseth most plainelie , and we may see it by d●ilie experience , ( when as m●nie a good soule , which hath bene carefull to walke with god , yet in distresse of conscience , and a little left to sathans buffe●tings , for their humbling , endure such miserie , and is so hardly rescued from him and from vtter destruction ) it will surely awake vs all to looke more carefully to all committed to our charges . yee are those whom our blessed god hath appointed ; vnder our dread and gracious soueraigne to be as foster-fathers vnto them , and therefore it concernes you neerelie , to thinke seriouslie hereof ; for if that way of godlinesse , which we professe according to the word of the lord and our good lawes ( which i haue long endeuoured to set plainely before , our faces , in that little tr●atise , the vse and benefit whereof i desire to commend vnto you for them ) be that narrow way of life , as wee are assured from the mouth of the lord it is ; then their contrary courses must needes be the way of death and hell . though therefore , wee should haue no commiseration of the poore soules themselues , yet remember the things that may concerne your owne blessed estate and posteritie , and your ioyfull appearing before the high tribunall of our lord and sauiour , and then there will be no more need to mooue you therein , nor anie other whom the charge of soules concernes , who shall consider hereof aright , to do your vtmost endeuour for their saluation . there will be no more need to call on you to see the gospel of christ planted among them , or to prouide them of faithfull ministers , and to procure by all possible meanes all other helps , or that , that which hath bene most charitablie giuen , and formerlie collected to these ends , may be rightlie employed , and whatsoeuer else the lord shall hereafter affoord for their benefit , chieflie to bring them into and keep them in this narrow path . wofull is the case of all those , amongst whom sathan reignes , and who worship him instead of christ , as all such do , who know him not , and much more those poore indians , among whom he ( as is reported ) is visibly adored & sacrificed vnto , as their god. maruell not if honest and vnderstanding christians be so hardly drawne ouer to these places , as namely into virginia , or so much as to perswade their friends to such a voyage , when as there are in the same so manifold perils , and especially of falling away from god to sathan , and that themselues , or their posterity should become vtterly sauage , as they are . this holy care being first had , for their soules and eternall happinesse ; and withall , that there be no wrong offered to the poore sauage there , nor scand all giuen to them , there may be a greater hope of a happy plantation , and that he will in mercy afford a plentifull supply of all good things , and raise vp many to be benefactors and furtherers , and giue a prosperous successe to all your holy endeuours , with assurance of his fauour present , and for euermore . but if thorough the wickednes or offensiue carriage ef ministers or people , minding nothing but for their owne aduantage , these poore soules shall take occasion to conceiue euill of the lord , and his religion , all this hope is vtterly ouerthrowne , in the very hauen . here upon in my desire of their conuersion and saluation , with the sauing and preseruation of our owne countrie-men there alreadie , and which hereafter shall go to them , and of all other in these ruder countries and places , i haue bene bold to tender these my poore trauels , vpon much hope and confidence : that first euen this course of instruction , to be presented vnto you , being embraced and rightly put in practise , a most speedy and sure foundation , may be layd for all future good learning , in their schooles , without any difference at all from our courses receiued here at home ; and whereby both maisters and scholars , may proceed speedily , and cheerefully , and with certaine assurance of a blessing ; and that so from vs may be sent continu●ll supplies of teachers to proceed in the same order . the triall whereof i dare ( through gods goodnesse ) tender to any by your selu●s appointed to m●ke full demonstration of it to them , like as i haue formerly done to the most learned and fit that i could chuse to this purpose , as appeareth in the examiners ce●sure , in the closing vp of this little treatise . and withal , to help that we may haue by the same , not onely the puritie of our owne language preserued amongst all our owne people th●re , but also that it may be readily learned in the schooles , together with the latin , and other tongues , and so more propagated to the rudest welch and irish , yea to the very heathen & sauage , brought vp amongst them , the more easily thereby to reduce them all ( as was said ) to a louing ciuility , with loyall and faithfull obedience to our soueraigne , and good lawes , and to prepare a way to pull them from the power and seruice of sathan , that they may ioyntly submit themselues to iesus christ. and for the watch , being agreeable to the word of the lord , as i trust euery one that tries aright shal find it , i dare boldly a vow , that euery soule that shall truely put in practise , first that rule and way of life to walke in it , shall find more true comfort by it , then by all the commodities in virginia , yea more true ioy , with all heauenly riches and felicity , then all the golden mines of the indians can possibly promise vnto them . secondly , for that rule of praier in the same , that euery one who shall learne to exercise it , as the lord iesus hath taught him , shall obtaine whatsoeuer good thing his soule shall desire : and finally , that so watching and praying , he shall be kept safe , euen in the midst of diuels and ten thousand other perils , and haue the lord to be vnto him , as he was to abraham , god all-sufficient , whither soeuer he calleth him , to be seene of him in the mount , and the inheritance of abraham , to him and his , so walking , for an euer lasting possession . thus haue i presumed to tender vnto you ( right honourable and right worshipfull ) whatsoeuer the lord hath vouchsafed me , whereof i haue had hope , that it might help you in your gouernments and charges , for the good of those poore people committed to you , and specially which might further the happy successe of that so much desired plantation , for the conuersion of the heathen , and training them vp in good learning , and the feare of the lord , and that so from the children , it may please god more easily to deriue the same vnto their fathers , from the younger to the ancients ; and so in time , by some of themselues so trained vp , to propagate it to all their posterity : which ( if after further triall made by you ) it shal be as curteously accepted , as it is heartily and cheerefully offered , according to that which i haue receiued from the lord , i shall not onely haue more cause to blesse his heauenly maiestie , but also be encouraged still to prosecute these poore trauels , and to study the further good of them all during life , especially for drawing the poore natiues in virginia , and all other of the rest of the rude and barbarous from sathan to god , and so rest , yours in all humble obseruance and hearty prayer to god for you , iohn brinsley . a consolation for ovr grammar schooles . the vncomfortable and fruitlesse toyles , which the lord hath left vnto men , to humble them thereby , haue euer caused many to bēd their wits and beate their braines , to find out more plaine and profitable wayes , both to rel●eue themselues , and to make their burdens more light . amongst others , my selfe hauing first had long experience of the manifold euils which grow from the ignorance of a right order of teaching , and afterwards some gracious tast of the sweetnesse that is to be found in the better courses truly knowne and practised , i haue betaken me almost wholly , for manie yeares , vnto this weightie worke , and that not without much comfort , through the goodnesse of our blessed god. and thence the more earnestly haue i pursued this same , for that i haue bene fully perswaded vpon happie experience ( i trust ) that i could neuer employ my thoughts and trauels more acceptably in anie earthly thing , or whereby a greater benefite might redound both to church and commonwealth , and in some sort to euery soule , then in searching out , and setting forth to the view of all , the shortest , surest , and most easie entrance to all good learning , and how with certaine hope of good successe all may proceed therein . who knowes not the grieuous complaints , which ( to the disgrace of learning ) are made almost in euerie place , for the iniuries done to countries , townes , parents and children ; because in so manie schooles , the children , which are the chiefe hope of parents and posteritie , are either spoiled altogether , or else do profite so verie litle ? and for the most part , wherein any good is done , that it is ordinarily effected by the endlesse vexation of the painfull maisters , the extreme labour and ●errour of the poore scholars , with enduring far ouermuch and long seueritie . now whence proceedeth all this , but because so few of those who vndertake this function , are acquainted with anie good method , or right order of instruction , fit for a grammer schoole ? this therefore hath bene in my heart , to shew my loue and dutie to all sorts , in seeking for my part to deliuer the poore , painfull & honest minded schoolemaister from this reproch and griefe , and to helpe withall to supply this so great a want . and in stead hereof my earnest desire hath bene to procure a perpetuall benefite to all estates and degrees , euen to euery man for his children and posteritie ; by endeuoring to make the path to all good learning more euen and pleasing in the first entrance , then former ages haue knowne ; and thereby also in the continuall proceeding afterwards , so farre as the lord shall vouchsafe me his mercifull assistance in this great attempt . that children being so entred in a plaine manner , may striue towards the goale with vndoubted certaintie of obtaining their desire , with pleasant delight and chearefulnesse throughout all their time . concerning the singular benefits and blessings which come by good learning , like as to euery particular soule , and so to whole nations , no man truly wise did euer yet make doubt . no not anie one who hath knowne aright what learning meant ; or who vnfainedly loued his coūtrey , the soules of gods people , or the gospel of christ. for what maketh a nation to be a glorious nation , but that the people are a wise and an vnderstanding people ? what is it whereby we come so neare vnto the highest , or to that blessed estate from which by our first parents we are so fallen , and to which we must be renewed and restored , if euer we shall inherit againe the tree of life , as by true vnderstanding and knowledge , especially if the same be sanctified vnto vs ? yea , what is it else whereby we excell the beastes , but by this diuine reason , with which the more we are enlightened by the spirit of the lord , through the meanes of learning , the more we differ , the more we do excell ? or who is he that can giue god that glorie for which he was created , and redeemed from hell , or can in anie measure honour him as he ought to do , to his owne saluation , but onely he who is endued with right knowledge and vnderstanding ? contrarily , whence is that inhumanitie , as amongst manie of the irish , the virgineans , and all other barbarous nations , but frō their extreme ignorance of our holy god , and of all true and good learning ? if anie man should dislike of learning , or thinke that there is ouer-much of it , for the strange licentiousnesse and outragious courses of sundrie learned ones , or for that so manie do abuse their learning , euen to their own perdition , without vnfained repentance ; why doth not the same man dislike also of the light , yea of riches , honours , and pleasures , all which are abused commonly by the selfe same men , as they haue occasion , as much as learning is ? good learning is indeed the heauenly light , the truest honour , the best riches , the sweetest pleasure . learning is all , and all in all , if we beleeue that wise salomon , or anie of the graue sages who haue euer liued since the beginning of the world . neither is the learning of these men the cause of their licentiousnesse , but this is it in truth ; either that being left vnto themselues , to humble them thereby , they haue put out that light of learning which checked and controlled them , and haue chosen , in their courses , to liue in darknesse rather then in the light ; or for that god hath therfore in his heauie displeausre and most iust iudgement ( as we are to feare of manie of them ) giuen them vp to such palpable blindnesse in the midst of the shining light of this last age , because they loued darknesse rather then the light , or at least for that they receiued not the loue of the truth , that they might be saued . but wholly to conuince all sorts , that learning is the true light , and that principall part of mans glorie ; let any naturall man aske of his owne heart , whether if he would haue his child brought vp to make a worthie man , he would not haue him trained vp in the most excellent learning , notwithstanding all the abuses of it , and whatsoeuer can be deuised against it . and why should anie one who knoweth but the law of nature , much more the diuine law of our holy god , ( that whatsoeuer we would that men should do to vs euen so we should do to them ) once grudge or disdaine that vnto others , which of all other things he most desireth for himselfe & his ? why should he not as well repine against them for the vse of light , seeing the lord in his rich bountie , in like maner granteth the light of true learning to be communicated to euerie one , chiefly for his soule , as he shall be capable , as well as he hath the light of the day for the bodie ; and also hath charged all most strictly , to seeke after it aboue all other things . according to that of salomon : wisedome is the principall thing , therefore get wisedome , and with all thy getting get vnderstanding . exalt her , a●d she shall promote thee , she shall bring thee to honour when thou doest embrace her . wisedome is that one thing without which a man is not in truth a man , nor can euer honour his creator as he ought . yet to passe ouer this point , as not so needfull ( i hope ) amongst vs , especially the true professors of christs glorious gospell ; whereof neuer anie one was a sound fauourer , who was not likewise an earnest furtherer of the best learning : & contrarily , they onely who haue sought the ruine of the church , as iulian , haue sought ( cunningly at least , and vnder other faire pretences ) the shutting vp of the schoole dores , and the bringing of all good learning into open contempt or base esteeme . and the rather do i represse my selfe herein , for that this point hath bene so worthily handled and cleared by some of high place now sundrie yeares agoe , and all obiectours put to silence . to ret●rne therefore towards our proposed marke , & to consider of the meanes whereby the lord bestowes this heauenly gift of all true knowledge and good learning ; is not the first and principall the right education of children in the grammer schooles , which god hath ordained to be his nurseries of all learning and vertue ? in verie many of which schooles abroad the contrarie rudenesse is notwithstanding verie much to be pitied and layed to heart of all ; like as it hath bene long , and is at this day too generally complained of , and that to be feared not without iust cause . of which sort are all those wherein the schollers are so brought vp , as that they are made more vnfit for anie calling , or so much as to take paines in anie profitable employment . but these true nurseries are onely such , wherein learned maisters and vshers , being incouraged with meete maintenance and due rewards , do follow the best & most approued courses , labouring constantly to put the same in vre . for in these a wonderfull difference will appeare , when they are compared with those other , in which the right meanes and orders are litle knowne , and lesse regarded to be put in practise . and first to begin with the matter of learning , which ordinarily and in it selfe , through our naturall blindnesse and dulnesse is so hard and vnpleasant ; it is made in these schooles most easie , and replenished with all sweete delight . secondly for the manner of proceeding , it is in these schooles so direct and orderly , to the verie highest top of all perfection in the same , that the things taught before do euer giue light to those that follow after ; and the later do so hang vpon the former , as that they haue a continuall dependance , and also the scholars haue a continuall helpe and vse of all those things which they haue learned before . there is moreouer in them a very comely array , as in a well gouerned armie , each knowing his owne ranke and office , without the least disorder or confusion . whereupon the painfull schoolemaister may , through gods blessing , as certainly expect much comfortable fruit of his labours , as anie other man in all the world . that euen as the best husbandrie bringeth forth vsually the greatest increase , the shortest and safest cut in nauigation , doth fetch in soonest the double gaine ; so the shortest and fairest way of teaching , shall bring in speedily double learning without anie losse or danger . so as it must needs be great follie to go further about with more trouble and perill , where a shorter and more sure line is plainly directed and pointed out vpon infallible experience . but for the fruits hereof they will be found such , as are able to allure and encourage euerie one , to take the vttermost paines to seek out & to practise the best meanes which euer god shall afford . for in the meaner schooles will soone appeare such a change , from raw and rude behauiour , vnto all commendable qualities , as if they had bene cast in a new mould . so that verie children will begin to vnderstand , write , speake , oppose and answer , and in all thinges so to demeane themselues , as to gaine the hearts of all who shall rightly make triall , and compare them with most others . whence it must needs follow , that whereas learning is now commonly so basely reputed of , and so few in the countries abroad regard to set their children to it ; yet if the best courses were in vse , euerie one would desire to haue his brought vp in some learning and nurture , and all of the better sort and qualitie should be prouoked to become benefactors to schooles , to augment their maintenance and encouragements for the nourishing & increasing of the same . these things likewise will certainly accompanie such a right order of proceeding ; both a maruellous freedome of the maisters from their wearinesse and discontent , and from that ouer-great seueritie which they are enforced to exercise , or else to do litle good ; and withall a ioyfull deliuering of the poore children from that continuall feare , whereby in manie schooles , the greatest part haue bene wont to be exceedingly dulled and to be made most vnwilling to their bookes . that now contrarily maisters may teach with much delight and comfort , and scholars learne with an ingenuous emulation , like as they recreate themselues in their ordinarie sports . and for the time spent in getting learning , assuredly more true , sound , and substantiall learning will be found to be gotten in such places in seuen yeares , then is in others commonly in seuen and halfe seuen . for this is a thing notorious , that in the greatest part of our common schooles abroad , ( some few of principall note excepted ) the scholars at fifteene or sixteene yeares of age , haue not commonly so much as anie sense of the meaning and true vse of learning , for vnderstanding , resoluing , writing , or speaking , but onely to construe and to parse a little , to steale an exercise , and to write such latine as anie of iudgement will disdaine to reade . that in respect of being fit to be sent to the vniuersities with credit , that they may proceed with delight and vnderstanding , when they come there , they are commonly so senslesse , as that they are much meeter to be sent home againe . and if they be admitted into the vniuersities , it is not without the griefe of all who respect the credite thereof . so as that they enter commonly with fowle disgrace , and continue with much contempt , to spend their friends monie & their owne precious time , which might haue bene farre better employed . that they become there a great deale more readie to anie kinde of exercise then vnto the studie of good learning , the ignorance whereof proues such a reproach vnto them . hence also after sundrie yeares so euilly spent , manie of them return home againe , almost as rude as they went thither , or are sent abroad to be vnprofitable burdens , both of the church and common-wealth perpetually . or if such do light into the hands of painfull and conscionable tutors , and fall to their studies , yet their tutors must then act for them the school-maisters part , which must needs be verie harsh and vnpleasing , yea rare to be found amongst them . so that in stead of their academicall readings , they must be enforced to supplie that which was wanting in the grammar schoole . such schollars must likewise vse extraordinarie paines and industrie , and be of most happie capacities , if euer they shall come to that pitch and height of good learning , which being trained vp rightly from the beginning , they might verie easily and in shorter time haue attained vnto . hereof the complaints of the worthiest and most carefull tutors in the vniuersities giue too sufficient testimonie . and though such scholars proue neuer so well , yet shall they feele the want of the grammar schoole all their life long . but to leaue the vniuersitie a litle , and to returne to our schooles againe for the gracing of thē . whereas now in sundrie of them , yea some which are of good maintenance , there are to be found some few like vnprofitable drones , not by the vnaptnesse of nature , but for lacke of better guidance and education ; then contrarily should we haue all such schooles generally , as the litle bee-hiues , euerie one in his owne cell , and each knowing his owne taske , and all gathering iointly to fill the hiues with the most excellent life honie . so that tast wheresoeuer you pleased , you might euer find most sweete contentment ; if thus the best courses were alike made known to all , and care had that they might be constantly put in practise euerie where . yea then it would come to passe , that whereas now there is litle or nothing in verie manie of them , wherein the eye or eare can take delight , but rather those who come to make triall haue enough at the first , and euer take iust cause of griefe , that there should be such lamentable spoiling of so manie toward youths , so wretchlesse mis-spending of their golden age , with such inualuable and irrecouerable losse and iniurie to all , yet in short time we should see the same as the goodly gardens , & as amongst the litle singing birds , in the flourishing spring ; where we still looke and hearken after more sweete varietie of pleasant flowers , and of melodious tunes . then should we find by ioyfull experience , that each meane schoole would ●ot onely excell it selfe , but be equall to manie of chiefer note . and as much as the goodliest garden doth excell the place ouer growne with briars and nettles , the litle bee-hiues the nests of drones , so much should these each way surpasse those same which now they are . that as we haue bene grieued formerly for the one , we should be rapt with admiration of the other , and thinke all our paines and cost farre too litle to be bestowed vpon them . maisters should be much more encouraged to go on with cheerefulnesse , in seeing gods blessing vpon their labours , and by hearing the due commendations giuen to their scholars , then by anie other rewards whatsoeuer . the children should euer likewise haue their emulation increased , which of them all should most excell . and to conclude this point , hence it should come to passe , that although all could not be expected to excell in learning , ( for then should we be left destitute of husbandmen to till the ground , and much more of meete supplies to furnish all other callings ; neither is it possible , by all the meanes or paines in the world , to make such to be scholars , to whom god in their naturall co●stitution seemeth to haue denied it ; chiefly where parents or teachers thēselues are too indulgent or remisse : so that their children are disobedient , much absent from schoole , come and go at their pleasures , neglect their exercises or the like , or haue bene spoiled by ill entrance at the first , ) yet these things would follow through a right and carefull gouernment . that a good part would be found in euerie forme to credit the schoole : some to store the vniuersities , others to adorne all other places and conditions of life ; that thereby might be had men expert in each kinde as necessitie should require , for the common benefite and good of all . all these things we may see verified in some few and rare schooles , by comparing of which with most others , and so by considering what a difference there is ( onely through the better courses practised constantly in them , ) we may fully iudge of the truth of all that hath bene said , and most necessarily be enforced to subscribe thereto . vpon the due consideration hereof , and vpon much and loug experience of diuerse places , together with the certaine assurance of these and the like vndoubted benefites , which must needes ensue generally vpon the best courses of learning and good education , first diligently sought out amongst all , and then diuulged for the publike good , to be put in practise , i haue presumed to endeuour to my poore abilitie , as the lord hath vouchsafed me mercie , to make all sorts partakers of this blessing , and thus to be paying my debts to all , in communicating the same vnto them . this trauell therefore hath bene , and is my dutie and seruice , first vnto you all ( ye worthies of the chiefest ranke ) who are vnfained fauourers of good learning , and more especially to you to whom the lord hath engaged me and mine ; yea my heartie wish ( with all thankfull acknowledgement ) towards you , in your children , and posteritie , in whom you are to remaine after your departing hence , & by whom you would haue your names and dignities still preserued euen in the earth . that they may with sporting , in a pleasant kind of recreation , attaine vnto that heauenly gift of learning , and excell all others therein , according to their places and degrees . and that hereby they may adorne your houses , increase their owne honour in euerie kinde , to become principall lights , and pillars of their countrey , and not to liue to the ouerthrow , or the dishonour of your houses , and names , much lesse to the euil example , or to the spoiling of the poore people amongst whom they dwell , as those who leaue their names for a curse behind them . it hath bene and is my debt , and true desire to all parents , to further their comfort in their beloued children , that they may see before their eyes their childrens forwardnesse in learning and vertue , which may be vnto them some recompence , of all their loue , care , and cost . and also that being hereby encouraged to bring them vp vertuously , they may alwayes haue the testimonie of a good conscience , to cause them to reioice , in that they haue had this first care to prouide them this portion . hereby they may depart hence with gladnesse , when they may leaue those in their places , in whom they may see iust hope , that they shall liue still in the earth with worthie reputation . and in more especiall manner hath it bene my studie for all such who in their naturall and tender affection , would haue their children brought vp in the most louing and gentle manner , as it were in playing , and with ingenuous strife and emulation , without that sharpnesse which they cannot endure , so much as once to heare of . yea to all likewise of the meaner sort , that euen their children may the more easily attaine vnto learning , that so some of them being aduanced thereby , may become a stay to their parents , a comfort to their kinsfolkes , a credit to their countrey which brought them vp . and to come vnto our schooles , for whose comfort i haue chiefly spent my strength , it is my loue vnto you all , that you may be such fertile seminaries , of the best instruction and nurture , as to replenish all places and callings . such as from which all crueltie and terrour may be driuen farre away ; that you may be ludi literarij , truly so termed ; when the maisters may teach with delight , and scholars learne with delight : yea when the greatest delight and comfort may follow in the end , in reaping , and enioying the fruit of all your trauels . when as the meaner schooles may be either equall , or at least come neare to those of greater name , & the chiefe may seeme as litle colledges , euerie yeare sending forth their new supplies , vnto our renowned vniuersities , our innes of court , and to all other places of principall note ; not onely to match our aduersaries herein , but also to surpasse them in that , wherein they haue sought to gaine the chiefest credit , & to giue our church the sorest blow . it is the debt of my loue , and token likewise of my thankfulnesse to you , famous vniuersities , by endeuouring that ye may be replenished with the choisest plants , when tutors may be wholly employed as tutors ought to be , that so you likewise proceeding in the best courses after , may euer flourish more and more , in all the liberall and worthie arts , adorned with the sweetest rhetoricians , the sharpest logicians , most acute and wise philosophers , skilfull physitians , holy and great learned diuines ; for beautifying and fully furnishing the sacred ministerie , to your eternall praise and commendation , and to the euerlasting glorie of christ. my loue to you who haue mis-spent your time , and estate in vnprofitable courses , which will be bitter vnto you in the end , and who know not how to employ your selues or your talents . that hereby you may retire your selues in time , and not onely recouer in a few moneths , that which you haue formerly got in schooles , and now haue lost , ( as experience warrenteth you may in good sort ) but that you may moreouer grow on forward in the konwledge of good learning , to become at length some way profitable to the church of god , and your countrey which bred you . that at least you may betake your selues , if not to the more fruitfull reading of the sacred story with other learned works helping thereunto , to your eternall saluation ; yet to the diligent studie of the famous and ancient grecian or roman history , & their noble warres ; to helpe the better to preserue , and defend your natiue countrey ; or for the succour of the distressed parts of gods true church , and the poore members of christ against that roman antichrist , as you now see the lord to neede your helpe , and call you forth thereto . that thus you may receiue comfort to your owne soules , of the pardon of your former courses , and of the lords fauour , when you shall walke with him in some profitable calling : which otherwise i can neuer see how you can attaine vnto , but that you shall find the flashing of h●ll within you , when your consciences shall be once thoroughly awakened , to consider seriously how vnprofitable you haue bene ; and of that fearefull doome denounced against the vnprofitable seruant : cast that vnprofitable seruant into vtter darknesse , where shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth . this will surely be executed vpon you without your vnfained repentance , and laying liuely hold on the lord iesus christ. finally it hath bene , and is mine vnfained desire to all functions and places , and more particularly to euerie ruder place , as to the ignorant countrie of wales , and more especially that poore irish nation , with our louing countrie-men of virginia , or where euer else , if it might please the lord to cause the light to breake forth vpon them , which now fit in such palpable darknesse , and in the shadow of death , and wholy vnder the slauerie of satan . to the end to make the way of knowledge more easie vnto them , not onely to the attaining of the latine tongue , but also that hereby they may much more easily learne our english tongue , to helpe to reduce the barbarous to more ciuilitie , and so to plant gods true religion there , that iesus christ may reigne amongst them , sathans kingdome fall , and they saued eternally , if the lord vouchsafe them that mercie . to this purpose i cannot but oft thinke of the speech of a worthy learned man whom cambridge in his time much reuerenced , who hauing laboured many yeares with little fruite , amongst a blinde , and superstitious people , was wont much to lament , that he was enforced to labour in a barren soyle where salt had bene sowen : whence he vsed to affirme that the chiefe hope of gods church for all such pleaces so nuzled vp in rudenesse and superstition , was to come out of our grammar schooles . and indeede for bringing men vnto ciuility , the very heathens saw this to be the onely way , according to these verses of the poet , which are familiar to euery child . adde quod ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes emollit mores , nec sinit esse feros . right learning of ingenuous arts , the sauage frames to ciuill parts . this was one chiefe cause that all the wisest among them did so much prefer , and euer so aduance learning , and learned men . to shut vp this point ; this ( i trust ) shall bring a blessing in due time to euerie one , when this way of attaining to learning , shall become so plaine and direct , as that each poore mans child may with a litle cost and labour get some vnderstanding , to know how to serue the high god , and his owne necessary occasions : and that the children , and posteritie of those , may come to the knowledge of the truth , who themselues haue liued in most grosse ignorance , and extreame blindnesse . by the meanes hereof euery one shall be the better enabled to pay that debt , which by his very birth he oweth vnto the lord , and to his natiue countrey . for we are none of vs borne vnto our selues , but as the heathen oratour could say , our countrey doth challenge a part ( of our life & seruice , ) our parents a part , our freinds a part , &c. so that all the course of the life of euery one of vs should be bent , to the faithfull discharge of this our debt : so to leaue to posterity a thankfull remembrance of our well deseruing of them . if the heathens professed this , how much more should we christians oft bethinke our selues , how much we owe not onely to our countrey , & to the church of god in generall , but euen to euery particular soule , and more specially to those whom he hath linked vs to by nearer bonds . and to this end ought each of vs to seeke , as he offereth opportunity , to be alwayes paying this debt of ours ; which none are likely to discharge , so well as they , who haue bene best instructed in their youth . hereupon there shall neuer be wanting many cheerefull aduancers of all good learning , from which so many blessings do proceed , especially when learning shall come into the right estimation . this also shall be the chiefest glorie of all such in the earth , to haue bene benefactours and furtherers vnto the best learning and true pietie , and likewise a notable euidence of the eternall happinesse prepared for them . to this purpose if that heathen orator could likewise say further , euen by the light of nature : that to all who haue preserued , helped , or any way augmented the happinesse of their countrey , there is a most certaine place ordained in the heauens , where they shall enioy eternall happinesse ; how much more boldly may we christians auouch the same , vpon certaine grounds out of the word of god : that there is indeed a place of euerlasting happinesse , and glorie prepared for all those , who in witnesse of their loue & thankfulnesse to iesus christ , and to their countries , shall employ their studies , and their wealth , to the greatest aduancement of all heauenly learning , and vnto the vertuous education of youth , the hope of the succeeding ages ? finally , from all these shall the glorie of our nation be enlarged continually , when men of true wisedome & godlinesse , do both rule and obey euerie where . a state most certaine to endure long . a prince ten times happie , and renowmed to be the head of a people so excelling in all true wisedome and vnderstanding . being thus vndoubtedly perswaded of so manie and rich blessings to ensue , vpon the right finding out , and making knowne the best courses of teaching in the grāmar schoole , without the least euill that i can surmise , i haue thought , that this shall be a speciall part of my comfort , and a mercie aboue all other outward fauors , which the lord hath euer vouchsafed me , if i may but do the least seruice herein , or but shew my desire to further so great a good . hereupon haue i bene encouraged ( as i said ) not onely to trauell thus farre in it , but also to tender this my poore seruice vnto all , presuming vpon the kind acceptance of it amongst all sorts ; which the lord hath hitherto vouchsafed , so far forth as i know . because my confidence hath bene , from my first entrance into this trauel , according to the desire of my heart , that these small beginnings might soone receiue such plentifull augmentations , as in time to accomplish all the good which hath bene mentioned ; and as the lord hauing verified amongst verie manie , will i trust euerie day more manifest vnto all . i also at the first edition of it , hastened it the more , because , as we are borne for all , ( as before was said ) and receiue all our talents for the benefite of euerie one , to whom they may do good , and are thereby each so deeply indebted vnto them , so i haue endeuored since to increase my former experiments , and to make them vndoubted , by full , and most certaine triall ( as i trust and heartily pray : ) that all sorts for whom they haue bene written , may reape some benefit by them , so long as schooles or learning shall remaine . and what is my life but a vapou● , so that i might haue bene taken away before the work● had euer come to light , like as some of my fellow labou●ers in this kind haue bene , ( of whom i receiued some of these directions , and those not of the smallest moment ) who had bene able to haue done farre greater seruice in this kind ; most of whose worthie experiments in this behalfe , were buried with them ? or how could i haue euer stood before the lord , if ( being so fully resolued & assured of the good that might come by this labour , and for that likewise , by the bond of the communion of saints , all to whom this benefite of it might redound , had interest in it ; the lord also hauing offered me so fit oportunitie , ) i should not haue sought the discharge of this my debt to the vttermost farthing ? might i not iustly haue feared , that he would haue bene displeased for my negligence and loitering in so necessarie a worke ? why should i not then still communicate from time to time , what he hath further vouchsafed me in my continuall trauell ? yea why should i not stirre vp all my louing brethren , to the full perfecting of that , which hath bene by his goodnesse brought thus far forward towards the same ? why should we suffer the industrie of the enemies to be a condemnation to vs , for omitting our opportunities of accomplishing any seruice , which may concerne the glory of our god , the welfare of this people , and the perpetuall benefit of this our deare nation : when they watch all occasions not onely to hinder whatsoeuer good they can amongst vs , but to put out for euer the candle of israell . when as they will toyle day and night with the perill of their liues , to vndermine , and blow vp our royall king , and prince , our nobles , and worthies , with all our glorie at once ; thereby to make an easier passage to their most bloudie and accursed massakers , to murder all who beare anie loue to christs gospell , yea to destroy vtterly all the people of the lord , euen through the whole world , if it were possible , as their furious rage doth at this day proclaime , though with the endlesse destruction of themselues both soules and bodies , and euen of their natiue countrey their mother which bred them . notwithstanding , i haue not rashly attempted to enter into this so great a worke , but , i hope , that i may truly say , that the lord our louing god , who hath holpen me hitherto , hath called me vnto it . and this hath he done , partly enforcing me by necessitie , to seeke out the easiest , speediest , and best meanes to manage this my calling , and wherby i might do most good in my place , to be thereby in some sort answerable to the same . partly by giuing me a confident assurance , euen from the beginning of this my trauell , what a benefite might come to all sorts , by the read●est courses once found out ; and more also in this , that i haue seemed to my selfe , by his goodnesse , to haue from time to time gained euer somewhat by my search : & haue withall obserued how much some few schooles haue excelled others , chiefly through the better courses which they haue followed . partly by vouchsafing me strength , and cheerfulnesse to proceed thus farre , still adding vnto me some new experiments . more specially by causing me to haue an earnest desire , and an hope by this meanes to answer the loue of certaine worthie friends , in seeking that good to theirs , which i was not able to performe vnto themselues . but aboue all , hath he called me hereunto , by the encouragement which i haue receiued from some principall benefactors to schooles , & good learning ; who though they might by their authoritie and fauours haue commanded all my seruice , yet knowing my endeuour herein , haue both most louingly cheared me , and withall somewhat supported me to goe through with this so weightie a businesse : for the good of their own schooles and places , and of all others . who haue not thought it enough to found or bestow the places , and to endow them with meete maintenance , vnlesse they shall also do what may be to leaue in them the best meanes of all good instruction and education . to whom not onely my selfe , but the church of god ( as i trust ) shall euer be beholden . but to passe ouer this point . that worthie desire of our royall soueraigne ( whom the lord long preserue to his glory and the good of all his people ) namely to haue all good learning to florish in these his dominions , declared so many wayes , & specially in that his gracious incitement to all schoolemaisters ( in the conclusion of his maiesties letters , set before our common grammar ( ought not onely to prouoke , but to binde vs all , who haue this function and charge , to indeuour our selues to the vttermost , to search out still the best meanes for the most fruitfull training vp of our scholars , in all good literature and vertuous conditions , where he so royally assureth vs , that as we shall receiue reward of almightie god for the same , so of his maiestie worthy commendations . and therefore whatsoe●er comfort we shall finde by our trauels therein , to make the same fully knowne for the generall good of all , as god shall vouchsafe vs fit occasions thereunto . for the manner which i haue vsed in all this proceeding ; the preface to the reader in the same our common grammar hath directed me ; where hauing affirmed that the varietie of teaching is diuerse , and alwayes will be , for that euerie schoolemaister liketh that which he knoweth , & seeth not the vse of that which he knoweth not , and therefore iudgeth that to be the most sufficient way , which he seeth to be the readiest meane to bring a learner to haue knowledge therein ; it directeth vs thus : wherefore it is not amisse ( saith it ) if one seeing by triall an easier and a readier way then the common sort of teachers do , would say that he hath proued , and for the commoditie allowed it , that others not knnwing the same , might by experience proue the like , & then by proofe reasonably iudge thereof : not hereby excluding the better way when it is found , but in the meane season forbidding the worse . this course haue i followed in all directions which i haue here obserued , & set them downe accordingly . whereas it may be obiected and said , that sundry haue written very learned treatises , concerning the trayning vp of youth : i answer , that it is so indeede ; yet ( that i may speake in modesty as the truth is ) all the learned do well know , that they are such , as do onely set downe the same in a generall maner ; or do write of some one piece or two alone , or at most of some few parts of grammar learning and matters appertaining thereunto ; and the principall of them vnknowne to the common sort of teachers : or else they are beyond the capacity and reach of the meaner sort ( for whom this is cheifly intended ; ) or at least , they haue specially fitted their course , for the instruction of two or three alone , to be trained vp in priuate houses , as our renowned maister a●kam . but none whom i know , or haue heard of , haue in this kind of search and triall , gone through the seuerall parts of our grammarschoole learning , applying themselues for the weakest , & for the common countrey schooles , thus leading them as by the hand , thorow all the whole courses thereof , onely according to our common grammar and most approued classicall authors . neither haue i in this , followed mine owne priuate conceit , but besides searching by reading , triall and obseruation , i haue first for many yeares inquired further ( as i said ) the best courses , from the most experienced , who haue proued them : euen of such as haue sent most excellent scholars vnto the vniuersities ; as i haue bene assured from some of the chiefe in the same . secondly i haue made triall to see a demonstration of euery thing . thirdly i haue had ( so much as i could ) the iudgement of all the learned , with whom i could confer or communicate . fourthly , so far as i haue bene able , i haue procu●ed yearely trials to be made by some of the best authoritie , learning , and iudgement that i could obtaine this fauour of , & haue intreated them to censure all things frankely , and to direct vs wherein they found or thought vs defectiue , to confirme and encourage vs wherein we proceeded in a right course . neither haue i conferred with any louing friend hereof ( so farre as i remember ) who hath not approued of the course , and wished all good successe to this my trauell . so that i haue not posted it forward , but hasted slowly ; and vsed so farre as god hath granted me opportuniy , all meanes of due preparation , and of mature deliberation : thus enquiring of ( as i said ) and conferring with so many of the best experienced , as either my calling , or greatnesse of the charges in trauell would permit . and moreouer before i published any thing hereof in print , i sent some draughts , vnto sundry learned , for their helpe and direction , though not to the hundredth man to whom i desired . for that i was neither able to get copies enow written , nor to procure them written truly , much lesse to be at the charge to send thē abroad into all parts , to many , who i know would willingly haue laid to their hands , and added their experiments . therefore herein also , in steed of sending any moe written copies abroad , i after a time , by the coūsell of some faithfull and iudicious welwillers to this worke , thought it best to follow that worthy president of most happy labours , maister perkins ; who when he was in hand with his probleme , being aduised to send some copies first to his learned freinds , answered that he could not get copies enow written , & though he procured some writtē forth , and by good scholars , yet they were so defectiue , as that he could not well send thē . and for that cause he would print some few of them first , which might go forth to the view of the world , and so he might heare the common censure of all , and receiue the helpe of his freinds , and then reforme accordingly . thus did i aduenture to send forth the former draught of my grāmar schoole , with some other parts belonging to the same to the publique view of all , that i might the sooner heare and receiue the free censures and better directions of all louing freinds , and welwillers vnto this worke , so to be forthwith trying , reforming and supplying , like as i haue continued vntill this day . in the whole worke , as i promised not any thing but my trauell , which i haue striuen to performe with all the poore ability which the lord hath vouchsafed me , so i take nothing to my selfe , but onely the wants and errours . the rest is his who hath giuen this desire , and prolonged my life , granted me vnderstanding , strength , and opportunitie to bring it thus farre forward . what directions or experiences herein , i haue receiued from others , as yet , or lately liuing , i would haue set downe with their names adioyned , like as i haue done of some ( which i know might haue brought much credit to the worke , for the authority of sundry of them ; and thereby euerie one of them haue had their due ) but that they did not thinke it meete , desiring to be concealed . what i haue gathered out of the writings of the chiefe learned who haue reuiued learning in this last age , as sturmius , melanchton , erasmus , & others , either shortly set downe , or plainly poynted at in them ; i haue omitted likewise to mētion particularly ; not any way to wrong or detract from them , but partly for that i did not note the places at my reading of them ; and moreouer for that i thought that labour more troublesome then profitable to the reader . neither take i vpon me any way to prescribe to the meanest , knowing my self so far inferiour to the greatest part , but do begin to thinke more and more , of this weightie calling , as paul did of the sacred ministerie , and to breake out into that his admiration , who is sufficient for these things ? who is meete to haue the treasure both of church and common-wealth , with the hopes of all posteritie committed vnto him , and much more to prescribe perpetuall rules in this behalfe ? much lesse do i pre●ume to teach them of most excellent gifts ; but as a poore fellow labourer for the common good , and a willing learner of all , i do humbly desire the iudgement and helpe of all the chiefe learned , both for their cause who wish this , and for the vniuersall benefit of the present age , and of all posteritie . that i may see still both what they approue in the courses set downe , also what they disallow , and likewise vpon what grounds ; what may be bettered , what is yet wanting , and what is superfluous . thus is my hearts desire , to trauel in it still , according as i haue begun , vntill the lord shall accomplish the whole worke , which although it should be seuen yeares more , yea many moe before ; yet the lord prolonging my dayes , i shall euer increase in reioycing in my vndoubted assurance of the rich blessing , which god will giue vnto it , & thinke all my labour most happily spent . but herein let not any man expect from me great matters , in a lofty kind of verse or prose , or eminency in declamations , orations , or the like , this i leaue to our worthy renowned schooles of westminster , eaton , winchester , and the rest both in london & elsewhere , and to our schoolemaisters of chiefe fame , whose breeding & imployment in schooles hath bin accordingly ; and who haue ancient scholars long exercised in these kinds . cōcerning whom i am so far off frō enuying any excellent learning in them , that i wish all others partakers of the like in their kind . and for my selfe i content me with this mercie from the lord , and blesse him for it , that i haue trauelled chiefly for our meaner & ruder schooles ; and that he hath vouchsafed me this fauour , to bring my worke so farre forward , as to helpe to direct hitherto , according to the things mentioned in the contents . yet this i humbly desire of all such of principall note , for education , gifts and experience , to further vs with their better directions in all these exercises and the rest ; & now god hauing so accomplished my desire for the first foundation , and let me see his blessing vpon the little on s , i will labour to follow them in what i am too short , as fast as his goodnesse shall enable , vntill i shall likewise find by experience , wherein that excellency and comfort of theirs doth consist , and come as neare vnto them as i can . though therein , cum in primis non liceat ; in secundis tertijsve consistere pulchrum erit . for the length of the worke in the grammar schoole , i haue in many things contracted very much in this edition . and for those things wherein i may seeme ouer tedious , as namely in the first entrance of children , in teaching accidence and grammar , also for construing , parsing , and making latine , i would haue all consider how therein i haue contended to direct the carefull maister , to incite both himselfe , and his little ones , as by play , to make the least to loue the schoole and learning ; and for that those things being well performed , all the difficulty is past . yea in all such places i would wish you euer still to remember this , that i wrote not for the great learned , but chiefly for the simplest , & yong beginners , both teachers and learners , with whom i cannot be too plaine ; although i haue and do still striue to abridge whatsoeuer can be , so as i may be well conceiued of all , for whom i labour ; and in the end of euery chapter haue vsually repeated briefly the sum thereof . and knowe withall , that i haue thought it my dutie to set downe whatsoeuer i haue found to be profitable , that out of them all , the best may bee setled , being confirmed by the trials of many . in which respects some of great learning , who perused the work formerly , haue not seene how it could well be any shorter , nor what might well be spared , especially being thus offered to the publique censure . consider moreouer what great volumes haue bene written of some one of these points alone , whereas my indeuour hath bene to go thorowe them all , shewing in euery one , what i take to be principally necessary or behooffull . and finally remember that which martiall wittily and truly affirmeth : non sunt longa quibus nihil est quod demere possis . things are not long , wherin there is not ought to spare . those for whom it hath bene labored in , who wil not vouchsafe it the reading because of the length , would much lesse haue taken the paines , or haue bene at the cost , to haue trauelled , searched , and tried to haue found it out . although this i dare constantly auow , and keepe within my bounds , that it had counteruailed vnto me both the labour of an hundredth times reading it ouer , and as manie times the charges , if i had knowne but the things from my first entrance into teaching , which god hath now thus made knowne to all ; besides the freeing both of my body and minde from much toyle and griefe . notwithstanding that i then both read all whom i could get in this argument of teaching , and also had from the beginning for sundry years the aduice and direction of * one in whose house i liued , who was well knowne to be inferiour to few in all excellent learning , and euen in this kinde amongst other . neither do i doubt , but that whosoeuer he be that would do good in this function , especially of the new beginners , and shall peruse the worke with desire to make his benefit of it , shall meete with some one thing alone or other in it , ( which if he will practise it aright ) he will freely acknowledge to be worth all his labour , as i haue done sundry of them at the receiuing and triall of them , and much more shall he do the same for all the rest . yet for those who would not reade ouer the whole treatise at large , they may see the sum briefly in the margents , & so in the table in the end , to reade what they desire , to passe ouer the rest . but for them for whom i haue trauelled , i had much rather to be ouerlong , to the end that i may omit nothing which concerneth their helpe , & may be vnderstood of all , then by being ouer-short , to omit many things , or not to be vnderstood of the greatest part : as it falleth out in most compendiums . for as i once heard a great learned and holy man say publikely in the vniuersitie concerning compendiums , that they brought ordinarily but a compendiarie knowledge ; so it will be found certainly true , amongst all learners of them in matters of any difficulty , vnlesse they haue the help of good readers , or of most familiar commentaries and expositions , to make them plain . because cōmonly the learners do imagine that they haue gotten that learning by them which indeed they are ignorant of , and so ceasse from searching further ; although for those who vnderstand them fully , or haue meanes to haue them plainly opened , they are of most singular vse , for the easie remembring and practise of the things contained in them . moreouer howsoeuer i should not be able to attaine to each point aymed at here , and wished , nor to any one of them in the absolute perfection , yet i euer thought from the beginning that my trauell should be most happily employed , if i might effect but only these things following , or some of them , as namely : if i might but set others on work , to search yet further , or to make trial of these experiments or better , for the ful assurance of all sorts , to finde out at length , that which is desired . or secondly , if it were but to gaine the experiments of some others who haue most happily trauelled herein . and the rather , for that sundry of chiefe experience in this kinde , are so hardly drawne to impart that which they know ; either for lacke of opportunities , or lest they should be thought to presume ouer much , or suspecting the censures of others , or for some like by respects , wherby both church and common-wealth are depriued of their due ; to wit , of such singular helpes as might exceedingly tend to the benefit of them both . or thirdly , if i might but make known amongst alsorts , sundry most profitable bookes and helpes which god hath to this end prouided , both for maisters and scholars , which haue formerly bene hid , and are vtterly vnknowne to the greatest part . or fourthly , if i may but only help such of my brethren as toile without fruit or comfort , wearying themselues in an earnest study to do good , and do mourne and sigh , wishing better directions . and much more those , who neuer knew any good proceedings , and liue as burdens to the publike hurt , for lacke of direction in this behalfe . that so not any one , who maketh conscience of his calling , and will inquire , should be vnprofitable . yea fiftly , if i might but helpe the common sort , how to gaine but one yeare only in the getting of learning , & lessening of charges , chiefly for the poorer . albeit that my vndoubted hope is , that by these courses alone almost double sound and good learning may be gained , in regard of that which hath bene and is in many country schooles , for vnderstanding , speedinesse , certainty and delight . that little children being rightly trained vp , may do more at nine or ten yeares old , then in many places at fourteene or fifteene , as master askam saith , concerning the northern parts in his time ; when they went to the schoole little children , and came away great lubbers ; alwaies learning , little profiting , learning without booke euery thing , and vnderstanding within booke little or nothing , as he rightly affirmeth . and for the further euidence hereof , that so much more good may bee done hereby , it is very apparent in this . that a great deale may be gained by three or foure of these helpes alone , which either are not knowne , or not practised in the ordinary schooles . as first , by winning a yeare or two in the beginning , by ●etting them to schoole so soone as they are able to learne . secondly , by causing all things in schools to be done with vnderstanding . of the benefite whereof see chap. . of the grammar schoole . thirdly , by making the scholars very perfect , first in their grounds , viz accidence , chiefly in nounes and verbes , after the maner which is shewed there ; and after likewise in the grammar it selfe , for the perfect vse , vnderstanding and applying of the rules . this will gaine much in time , and more in ease and certainty then can be imagined . fourthly , by making them very perfect in their authors , as they proceed . fiftly , by the knowledge and practise of the rule of construing , and of translations formed according vnto the same , for all the lower sort . sixtly , by hauing in all things the most easie , sure , and excellent patternes to follow ; which , they being kept vnto constantly , must needes come in time to expresse very liuely , or at least come neere vnto them . to omit the benefit of increasing in our owne toung as in the latin ; and all things for going certainly without staggering or doubting , and much more by their growing in their writing , together with their other learning , & that by one and the same labour . now if by these few so much may be gained , and much more by all the rest together , being constantly practised : then let euery man iudge what we might certainly expect , if many moe learned well-willers , would adde still but each his seuerall experiment . these same , amongst others , haue bene the seuerall ends , whereat i haue aimed , and thought my labours should be happily emploied , if i might in any sort attaine vnto them . wherein how farre the lord hath vouchsafed to fulfill my desire , i refer it to euery one who hath or shall duely make triall of that which i haue written . that i do in this worke so much account of grammaticall translations , which i so oft mention in the grammar schoole , as namely chap. . where i shew the manner , vse and benefit of them , i hope that this wil be found true by experience , that after children haue bene well trained vp in their accidence , and a litle entred and acquainted with them , following the courses directed for thē , they will go ouer their whole authors so translated , by the help of thē , before they could haue gone through one third part of them without . and also that they will learne their authors far more perfectly for each good vse , and keepe them much more surely , with lesse labour or trouble ; besides that they shall continually learne by them to make latine truly and purely , and to get matter and phrase , aswell as to construe and parse . and furthermore because in all the formes which shall vse them , chiefly in the higher , they wil be found for the most part to be in stead of the maisters or vshers labour , and euer certaine , teaching english as wel as latine , without any of the inconueniences vsually imagined ; so that there be a wise direction and ouersight , as in all other things , that they be vsed aright . besides experience , the reasons are most euident , as i haue shewed in their place ; especially by making all their authors to be so easily and soone vnderstood , and then for the continuall practise by them of the grammar analysis and genesis : and finally that by them may be such a daily vse of translating both into english & latin : all which are so highly commended by the learned , for the speedy getting of any tongue . and hereunto the two first leaues of master askams schoolmaster whom i principally esteeme and propound , do giue sufficient testimony . hee in the very entrance of his booke , sharply reproouing the common order of making latins practised in schooles ; and hauing shewed how by that ( as it is comonly said ) children are vtterly marred , and also hauing giuen most manifest reasons of the hurt which comes thereof , for the feare that children are driuen into : affirming moreouer , that nothing hath more dulled the wits , or taken away the wils of children from learning , then that : and lastly how they learne euill choise of words , wrong placing , and ill framing of sentences , and that which they must vnlearne againe ; he afterwards speakes thus , concerning this kinde of translating , and the benifits of it . there is a way ( saith he ) touched in the first booke of cicero de oratore , which wisely brought into schooles , truly taught , and constantly vsed , would not onely take away that butcherly feare of making latines , but also with ease and pleasure , and in short time , as i know by good experience , worke a true choise , and placing of words , a right ordering of sentences , an easie vnderstanding of the tongue , or readinesse to speake , facilitie to write , a true iudgment both of his owne and other mens doings ; what toung soeuer he doth vse . then he setteth downe the manner , how the child should be taught to translate a peece of tully , or a like author thus plainly , & afterwards out of his translation to turne it into the latin of the author againe ; and then by comparing with the author to see how neere he came , and where he missed ; so to amend it , still striuing vntill he come to expresse his author truly . by this he saith , the maister may teach all those things which are most tedious and difficult without any errour , and the scholar may learne without any great paine , the maister being led by so sure a guide , & the scholar brought into so plaine and easie a way . this is the summe of maister askams speech . now these grammaticall translations of our lowest schoole authors , do performe the same things for all young scholars farre more surely and speedily . more surely , because the scholar translating into english of himselfe , vnlesse the maister vse maruellous diligence , before in making him very perfect in the true construing of it , and as much after in perusing & amending euery thing which is faulty , the child wil misse in translating ; and if he translate falsly into english , or misse of the grammaticall order , he can not translate into the same latine againe , vpon sure grounds and reason , vnlesse he go by rote , as we say . moreouer that labour for so perusing the translations , of euery one of each forme thorough a schoole , would be endlesse in the greater schooles , and much more when they haue turned it into latine , for comparing all with the author , and reducing each thing into the right order ; whereas these being so translated vnto their hands , do first guide them certainly how to construe or to translate , to reade all things which they learne by them , into a true translation , and consequently to turne them perfectly into the latine of the authour againe . these do it also more speedily , in as much as they may reade ouer many lines turning them into english or latine before that they can write one . although that kind of translating by pen of themselues , both into english and latine , hath also her due place and singular vse , for some speciall benefits thereof , as writing true orthographie , and the like , as i shall shew in the handling of it . furthermore , this very course of translating peeces of tully or the like good author , into plaine naturall english , by the maister himselfe , and giuing them to the scholar to turne into latine , to trie how neere he can come to the author , and then comparing it with the author , he sets downe in the beginning of his second booke , page . by this meanes he saw that experience which might seeme almost incredible , in that hopefull young gentleman ( whose death he so much bewaileth ) maister iohn vvhitney , in sir anthony dennies house , where the ladie elizabeth did lye , when he came to serue her ; that within lesse then the space of a yeare , he had so profited in writing pure latine , that ( as he saith ) some in seuen yeares in the grammar schooles , yea some in the vniuersities , could not do halfe so well . so afterwards he saw the like in his happiest schollar that euer england had bred , our late queene , who made vs all happie ; who , as hee saith , did so farre surpasse all of her yeares in excellencie of learning , and knowledge of diuers tongues , that verie fewe of the rarest wits in the vniuersities could any way reach vnto her . and this seemeth euidently to haue bene the chiefe meanes ; like as he prooueth at large , by the authoritie of many great learned , this way of translating , to be either the onely , or at least the chiefe , readie , and sure meanes to attaine speedily to any tongue . and that i may adde but one other testimonie of a rare and knowne experience in this kind . at the commencement of that right noble , and memorable gentleman , sir iohn harington , ( who now rests and reignes with the lord ) hauing speech with maister touey , who had bene a schoolmaister , equall ( as he was indged ) to most of the chiefe in that kind ; but was then wholly employed for the attendance and tuition of that young noble-man ( with whom he also liues now in heauen , ) i desired to know this of him : that whereas i had writ vnto him formerly , to haue taken some paines , in setting downe the shortest and best way of teaching , according to his experience ; and now there was a rare fame , that god had giuen an extraordinarie blessing to his endeuours with that young noble-man , so that he did of a sodaine go farre beyond most others of his time , ( aboue all former expectation : ) that he would vouchsafe to impart vnto me , in a word or two , what were the principall meanes he had vsed thereto . he acknowledging thankfully , that he had indeed seene much experience of gods mercie therein , told mee , that this was the principall and summe of his course : that he had bene enforced to begin againe , euen from the verie accidence , causing him to get the perfect vnderstanding of the rules , for the meaning and vse , though he could not the words in so short a time ; and after that , he had caused him to practise continual translating into latine , after this manner . that he himselfe had chosen easie places of tully , and other familiar authors , which the gentleman knew not , and caused him to turne them into latine , and after brought him to the author , to compare that which he had written , to the same , iust according to this last manner mentioned out of maister askam . after , rounding me in the eare , he said ; but shall i tell you , it was by prayer , quoth he . hereupon , after my returne , i set my selfe to put all these in practise , yet more seriously then formerly i had done . but for this kinde of translating , finding the toyle and impossibilitie of it , first to translate peeces fit for euerie forme , and after to examine euerie ones exercise , how he had translated , and to correct them ; i wholly bent my selfe to trie how this might be done , thorow the seuerall lower formes , that they might haue most practise of it . thus trying sundrie waies , which were ouer-long to recite , and amongst others , hauing seene in a chiefe schoole in london , good vse of verball translations ; amongst some other things , i began to thinke , that by the meanes of translations of the first authors which scholars learne , this translating might be practised in each lower forme continually . but there were yet two maine difficulties , which had formerly hindred me from any such vse of them . first , that our vsuall translations did direct the young scholars vncertainly , and sometimes amisse , being oft rather to expresse the sense , then the words in anie right order of grammar ; and that the learners must go by memorie , and as it were by rote , more then by anie certaintie of rule , vnlesse they were of better iudgement . and secondly , that for this and other inconueniences , translations were generally in disgrace in schooles . therefore , this then i thought necessarie to be my first labour , to finde out some certaine rule to follow , according to which to frame these translations , and which might be the guide of all . and herein i , vnder iesus christ , acknowledge my selfe be holden for the rule of construing and translating , in the beginning of my schoole labours , now aboue . yeares ago , first to maister crusius : since to the reuerend and ancient schoole-maister , maister leech . thirdly , after them to that painefull , maister coote , of hunsden in essex , now with the lord. and fourthly , to that learned go●leuius , and to some other of my acquaintance , who had likewise taken paines in this rule , which they willingly imparted vnto me . and so from that time vntil this day , i haue still bene labouring to find out the rule more exactly , & to frame the translations according to the same . secondly , this hath bene my next studie , to seeke out the right vses and benefits of these translations , and so in all things to set them downe , as they might be a certaine direction , wherby most easily and surely to reape the fruite of them . lastly i haue trauelled herein specially to haue full triall & assurance in euerie thing , that as i had gathered these amongst other experiments , for the vse of all schooles , so vpon certaine proofe by my selfe , and other of better iudgement , i might at length commend them to all learners , and so helpe to bring in that excellent vse of them ( which maister askam aduised ) euen into the schooles , in which they had bene so formerly distasted , as that it was thought a paradox , but to name the vse of translations i● them . now vpon this rule , and the expressing euerie thing in the translations , both in proprietie , and also according to the sence and meaning of the author , with varietie of other english phrases , and supplying what is wanting , to make vp the construction , with the other things obserued therein , especially vpon the rule , depend all the chiefe benefits , for a certaine analysis and genesis ; both for construing , parsing , making and tying latin surely , and sundrie of the rest , as is shewed at large in the eight chapter of the grammar schoole . by the right practise of these translations , so framed , as i am fully assured , by long experience , through the lords mercie and goodnesse , an increase will be found in learning , farre more then can be well conceiued , before due triall made , and that with much lesse trouble to the maister then otherwise : and with farre more delight , certaintie , ease , and cheerfull emulation to the scholar . i haue therefore thought it my dutie , after my vnfallible experience of them , rightly vsed , so as i haue plainely set downe the maner in this second edition of my grammar schoole , and after my so long and painfull trauell , to find out the rule most certainly , with the best , and most profitable vses thereof , to commend them more confidently vnto all our schooles , and to all desirous to recouer speedily the knowledge of their latin tongue , or to increase therein . in a certaine affiance , that all who shall vse them aright , shall see a rich blessing , without inconuenience : yet lest in anie thing i should be thought too peremptorie , i intreate the learned first to make proofe , then to iudge hereof according as they find . for anie further apologie therefore for my bold attempt , in these endeuours , i trust that some few of the reasons lightly touched before , may be defence sufficient . and first my vnfained studie to do all this good to all sorts , without the least iniurie to anie one , so farre forth as i shall know it , or without inuerting anie approued course . and that howsoeuer i haue bene the vnfittest of manie of my brethren , to enter vpon so hard a taske , yet the weaker , the more meete haue i bene , to haue a compassionate feeling of the wants of others ; and more like to applie my selfe to the capacitie of the meanest and most ignorant : whereas the great learned and acute do oft times thinke , that what they themselues vnderstand , all others should presently conceiue , though the most of the simple comprehend litle or nothing of it fully , as they should . secondly , for that in these my poore labours , euerie one may haue the wearie trauels , and comfortable experiments , of manie learned thus gathered into one , and brought therby vnto his hands without labor or charge , which otherwise might haue cost them manie miles trauelling , and some yeares triall , as well as my selfe , and yet they might haue failed of manie things , which here they may find , and more hereafter , as god shall vouchsafe moe supplies vnto it . thirdly , because there is no man , hauing the nature of a wise father , who would not haue his child to haue some learning , howsoeuer he purpose to employ him afterward , and who to that end would not haue him so instructed , as whereby to get the best learning , in the shortest time , and with the least seueritie , or who will not giue almost double , if he may be assured to haue his child so trained vp . fourthly , for that i haue him who searcheth & trieth the hearts , and whose good hand hath bene with me in goodnesse , in all this worke , to beare witnesse vnto my conscience , that i haue not either in this , or anie other my trauels , aimed at vaine praise or commendation ( for that our holy god would turne into shame ) or at anie other sinister end ; but that i haue striuen with all my heart , so farre as in my weaknesse i haue bene able , to aime at those verie ends alone , which our blessed sauiour hath taught me , in that diuine patterne of heauenly prayer , which hath bene in all my labours my principall direction . and namely , to manifest my dutie & thankfulnesse to my heauenly father , like as for all other his mercies chiefly in heauenly things in christ , and for innumerable temporall fauors , in his fatherly prouidence , protection and direction vouchsafed vnto me ; so more especially for those three great deliuerances ( to be had in euerlasting remembrance ) not onely of our church and nation , & of all other the churches of christ with them , but euen of my selfe particularly in euerie one of them . and this i haue desired to do , by seeking first to honour him , and secondly to aduance and enlarge his kingdome , and to these ends searching to know and accomplish all his holy will , tending thereunto , and so all the other subordinate ends , as he hath directed me . thus haue i endeuoured to rely vpon that his gracious promise , that thus seeking first the kingdome of god , and his righteousnesse , all these other things should be added vnto me , ( as an ouer-measure ) so farre as should be good . and herein indeed i haue felt no breach of promise from his maiestie , but found him faithfully and true ; yea , exceeding bountifull , aboue all that i could conceiue , in all things wherein his goodnesse hath enabled me so to seeke him . vpon all these grounds i can nothing doubt , but through the mercie of the lord , this labour being intended to these verie ends , and prooued to be answerable thereunto , without inconueniences in the right vse of it , as my assured confidence is ; i cannot but fully hope , that it will in due time be most welcome , and acceptable to all , that euer shal make triall by themselues or others . lastly , for that i willingly submit it , with all my labours , to the louing censure of all the learned , who truly loue christs gospell , being readie to be taught of the meanest , who shall in anie thing shew me my error , or giue me clearer light . and though the defects should still be verie many ( as in so difficult a worke it is no great maruell ; ) yet sith i am most desirous to be continually reforming , euerie ingenuous well-willer vnto good learning , will ( i trust ) louingly pardon them , and thankfully accept of that which god of his goodnesse hath granted . thus i put forth each first copie of translations or others , as not set forth , but to go more generally to all my louing friends , and well-vvishers to this worke , to craue of them further helpe , as i sayd before . to this end , i do still humbly request , euerie true fauourer of good learning , to lay to his hand , that so i may be continually learning , amending , and perfecting , so long as the lord shall lengthen my daies . if in anie thing , i haue or shall seeme to reioice ouermuch , yet consider first , that in my generall work , in my grammar-schoole , i haue thought the forme of a dialogue most fit ; wherein more libertie is granted to incite and incourage others . secondly , that i haue not , nor will speake anie more , then either what i haue seene experience of , or whereof vpon good grounds , i am fully assured , and which i take my selfe bound to relate , onely to the praise of our god , & the good of others , to make all others partakers of the comforts , which to that end he hath vouchsafed vnto me , following so neare as i can , that direction mentioned before , in the preface before our common grammar . thirdly remember that report of maister askam , cōcerning maister iohn whitney , farre greater then all mine are together : and then i doubt not ( these things being rightly weighed ) but all who are wise hearted , will easily beare with me , in my confident reioycing , trusting moreouer that god will verifie all things , to euerie one who shall duly make triall . and in this affiance , and testimonie of my conscience , before his sacred maiestie , i wholly relie my selfe . therefore , before i conclude , giue me leaue a little to turne my speech to you , ( my deare fellow labourers , ) and namely to all you of the weaker sort , for whom i haue and do still chiefly trauell , whose hearts are set as mine to do all the good you can , in your seuerall places , all your dayes . to you all i wish , that as we haue bene sometimes companions , in fruitlesse toile , and vexation ; so we may be now in reioycing at , and admiring the new fruites of our labours . what a griefe may this iustly be vnto vs , when one shall come , and crie out of vs , to our faces : my sonne hath bene vnder you six or seuen yeares , and yet is not able so much as to reade english well ; much lesse to construe or vnderstand a peece of latin , or to write true latin , or to speake in latin in any tolerable sort , which he might haue bene well able to haue performed , if that you had taken that course and those good paines with him which you might haue done ; for in such a schoole others much yonger then mine are able to do it . another shall complaine ; my sonne comes on neuer a whit in his writing . besides that his hand is such , that it can hardly be read ; he also writes so false english , that he is neither fit for trade , nor any employment wherein to vse his pen. when all in a towne generally , shall murmure against vs , in this or the like manner , that their children do no good vnder vs , but lose their time , and spend their friends mony , being brought vp idlely , made fit for nothing , and therefore what should a schoole do amongst them ? that it were much better to turne the maintenance giuen to the schoole , to beare the charges of the towne for other duties and seruices , then so vnprofitably to employ it . moreouer how must this needs trouble vs , when manie shall crie out of our seueritie : some shall wish , i would my child had neuer knowne him . if he had not dealt so cruelly with my child , he had bene a scholar , wheras now he is vndone . or when our scholars coming to mans estate , shall curse vs , for that by our blowes they were made dunses or deafe ( though this oftentimes vniustly ) or to hate all learning . or shall generally bewaile the losse of their time vnder vs , complaining as the vsuall maner is , my maister neuer taught me anie vnderstanding , or right vse of good learning , that though i was with sundrie , yet i was neuer the better . i got more sence , and saw more light for the vse and excellency of learning , and also felt more sweetnesse therein , in one halfe yeare in the end , with one who directed me in a better order , then in all my time , with all others . the rest deceiued my parents , and were my vndoing . or when they shall thus complaine : our maister had not anie care of our gouernment and manners . he neuer taught vs the feare of the lord , nor made the least conscience to plant anie religion or grace in vs. finally , what a terrour shall this be vnto vs , and what a wounding to our consciences , when we shall but thinke , how the lord and all good men , may most iustly lay this vnto our charge , that the cause hath bene chiefely in vs , that gods religion , hath not thriuen any better in our land , in so long a time ; but that popery , ignorance , atheisme , and all irreligiousnesse , haue farre more growne vp in many places ? if we had bene as carefull to season our youth , in the truth of christ , and to settle them in the grounds of his holy religion , truly professed amongst vs , to their saluation , as the popish schoolemaisters are to corrupt them with idolatry , and superstition , vnto perdition , the knowledge and loue of gods true worship , and pietie , had flourished amongst vs , euery where long ago , all popery and atheisme rooted out . and what answer can we thinke to make to god , for his religion , and people , for so many who haue bene lost , chiefly through our lacke of care ? how should these things touch euery one of vs , euen to the very hearts , and cause vs to bethinke our selues at length , of this our weighty function , to the end to take away all this reproch , and to begin to recouer the credit of our worthy profession . you know well , that we are they to whose charge that rich treasure , both of church and cōmon wealth is committed in trust , ( as was said ) and the hope of a more happy age hereafter yet to come . we are they who helpe either to make or marre all ; for that all the flower of our nation , and those who become the leaders of all the rest , are committed to our education , and instruction : that if we bring them vp aright , there is great hope , that they shall prooue goodly lights , and marks to all the rest of the land , especially , to the townes and countries where they are ; and cleane contrarily , most wofull ensamples ( as are euery where to be seene ) if they be spoiled through vs , or for lacke of our better care . so that we must needs do the greatest good or the greatest euill . as we are before them , so we may expect , that they shall prooue for the most part after vs. we are therefore the men , vpon whom the flourishing of this our canaan , doth very much depend . we cannot then but know , that as our worke aud charge are so weighty , and in course of education next vnto the worke and charge of the holy ministery , which we also are to helpe to furnish : so our account must be according to that which our god hath trusted vs withall , and our reward answerable ; dreadfull , if we haue bene negligent ; glorious , if we haue bene faithfull . we cannot be ignorant , how our enemies the iesuits , not onely in their semina●ies , but also in their lesser schooles , do bend their wits , to go beyond vs in this verie kind . giue me leaue to put you in mind of that which was written vnto me , from an ancient acquaintance in the vniuersitie , now sundrie yeares ago , and which i do gladly acknowledge , to the praise of god , that it hath from the first relation put more life vnto me in this businesse . the summe of it was this . the iesuites , the popish schoolemaisters beyond the seas , do combine themselues together , and all , or at least manie schooles do reade the same bookes at one time , and the same places , and do change euery quarter , and set vpon the schoole dores , the authors , place , lectures , exercises , euerie quarter , newly printed , and for this they haue great suite made vnto them by the printers . this haue i lately learned of certaine whom i vsed beyond the seas to this end . thus farre my louing friend . whether this report was true in each particular , i cannot certainly affirme , yet for the generall , we all who vnderstand anie thing , do know that it is most certaine . now who are these who thus combine ? are they not the principall plotters of the ruine of all the churches of christ , and of common-wealths , as they are cried out of , euen in the popish countries themselues ; the arch enemies of christ and his gospell , and the chiefe vpholders of the throne of the beast , to make him king of kings , and lord of lords . and what is their purpose in seeking out the most excellent courses of getting most speedily all good learning as they would pretend ? surely their purpose is nothing else , as all the world may plainely see , but by that their learning to ou●-countenance the heauēly learning , the sacred truth of that euerlasting gospell , and all the learned , who professe christ iesus throughout the earth : to gaine all the flowre of the nobility , and gentrie , yea of all the youth in all places where they come , to bewitch all with an opinion of their learning , the more easily when their time serues to cut the throats of all , who truly and sincerely professe christs gospell , and to possesse their places . yea if it were in their power , or possible , to destroy all the churches of christ , to extinguish vtterly all true learning , to bring in againe all their old learning , as ( they call it ) their palpable delusions , and abhominable idolatry . we all saw , how nea●e we were to be consumed by their fornace . we with our royall king , our prince , our nobles , and rulers , the church of christ , with the glory thereof . now our god hauing so miraculously plucked vs out , and we all being in a speciall manner ( next vnto our gracious soueraigne , and his royall progeny , together with these our nobles and rulers , the holy ministery and noted professors ) designed in their hearts , as flesh for their caldron ; let vs shew our selues thankfull , euery one in our places and callings : and in token of our thankfulnesse , to our most mercifull and blessed god ( whose name is for this aboue all other outward deliuerances , to be extolled for euermore ; ) first for our liues , and then for our religion the life of our liues ; let vs all be prouoked to bend our studies , and euen to spend and end our liues , for our christ , and for our dread soueraigne , vnder him . by whose hand ●e so ( euen miraculously ) deliuered vs , the second time , like as formerly he had in a most wonderfull manner , at his first comming to the regall crowne , and his entring in amongst vs ; whereby all their long hopes , and bloudie designes against vs were dashed in a moment , and that heauenly light continued to vs , and to our posteritie ( i trust till christ shall come ) which they certainly accounted at both those times , to haue put out for euer . let vs now contrariwise stirre vp our selues , more then euer heretofore , that the light of all good knowledge may breake forth , and be as the morning brightnesse before the sunne rising , to prepare the way to that glorious appearing , and kingdome , when we with all the children of the light shall shine eternally in the heauens : and when all those who haue sought deuices to bring in againe darknesse vpon all , or but to hinder the glorious light of truth , shall without their vnfained repentance liue perpetually in their place of vtter darknesse . oh that these enemies could thinke of this , and be warned in time , to turne their thoughts another way , euen for the king of kings , that they might haue boldnesse at his appearing . but to leaue them , praying for them , that so many of them as belong to gods eternall election , may haue their eyes open to see their miserie , and be conuerted and saued ; and to returne to our selues . there is no cause at all for vs , why we should feare or doubt of a glorious triumph and crowne hereby ; if that we will but cheerfully ioyne hearts and hands ; prouoked by the combinations of these our bloud-thirtie aduersaries , and all sticke close vnto our lord and sauiour , our captaine and teacher . with them is but an arme of flesh , the spirit of man , of sathan , and antichrist : but with vs our christ , commanding and assuring vs. he who is king of kings and lord of lo●ds . with vs is he who must reigne , vntill he haue vtterly ouerthrowne , and abolished that man of sinne , ( though now exalting himselfe aboue all that is called god , or worshipped ) and all those his souldiers with him . he will be with vs , and guide vs , he will direct and blesse vs. he can make the meanest of his to do more seruice for the vphoding and furthering of his owne kingdome , which must come with power and glory , and endure for euer ; then all their combinations shall do to the contrary . and much more when we shall louingly and faithfully , as of one heart and soule , vnite all our forces , and labours in one , to this so happy and blessed a worke , wherein we are sure to preuaile , if we will but go on manfully , and stand fast to our captaine , and great commander . the victorie is his , he hath gotten it already ; he rideth on the white horse , conquering till he haue accomplished all his worke . if we of the weaker so it can for the presen● , but attaine neare vnto those things mentioned in the contents of the grammar schoole , viz. what may be done for sp●edy & certaine attaining to learning in schooles , which are also hereunto adioyned ; our labour shal be most pleasing to our god , profitable to all , sweete and comfortable to our owne hearts . euen we shall helpe to restore learning againe to her ancient reputation and honour , and ●●ee our selues from all reproch , being able to liue with credit in our places . and that we may come vnto them all , make ye no doubt . my selfe and many others , haue seene so much experience , in as weake meanes , as most of vs haue , as whereby to assure vs , that by our constant labour and diligence , but in the courses set downe in the grammar-schoole , we shall through the helpe of our good god finde them in such sort , 〈…〉 let vs therefore double our diligence , and 〈…〉 we have made triall , in these , or in better , item god haue or shall vouchsa●e them vnto vs. you see how much through his mercifull goodnesse i haue 〈◊〉 herein ( though the vnablest of very 〈◊〉 ) and how farre the worke is proceeded in ; to the end hereby to prouoke and encourage you . you who haue not better , proue these , which god hereby offereth vnto you ; or at least so many of them , as you shall most like of , and as your leisure and opportunitie well serue ; yet not ouerloading your selues or your children . that we may approue , what is best , reforme what is amisse , and draw euery thing still more shortly , euer receiuing better , as his goodnesse shall affoord them . and so in time by our ioynt consent , we may confirme all the surest , both vnto our selues , and to all other whosoeuer shall succeed . you that haue more excellent in any kinde , communicate them with vs , as we haue presumed herein , in duty to tender thus much vnto you . but let none of vs be discouraged though we do not find our desires at the first ; set to it cheerfully , and in due time our eyes shall behold it . thus also our brethren , who are of the most excellent gifts , i meane the maisters of all the principall schooles of our nation , and all other sound hearted fauourers of good learning , seeing our louing contention , shal be enforced to ioyne hearts , and hands , and to affoord vs likewise their vttermost helpe and countenance ; which , in the name of our lord iesus christ , and by our appearing before him , as they tender his glory , the good of our church & their natiue countrey , i againe humbly intreat at their hands : especially their directions for the best performance of these chiefest and most necessarie excercises mentioned , and whatsoeuer else they find vs too short in , for the full adorning of the grammar schoole . by this means , shall the worke of god prosper in our hands , going forward happily , that we shall vndoubtedly find the desires of our s●●les , and wherein the excellency of the speedy attaining to all good learning doth consist , to the endlesse glory of our most holy and onely wise god , the lasting honour of our nation , & of the church of christ , the safe preseruation of our liues and religion , with the happinesse of posteritie , euen to match & go beyond our aduersaries . thus finally all true learning shall be had in lasting honour , and all vnfained fauourers and furtherers of the same , shall triumph eternally . which that it may , let me onely adjoyne that worthy incouragement , wherewith christophorus hegendorphinus incited one of his scholars , now many yeares ago . tu verò in liter as & graecas & latinas , vt soles gnauiter incumbe . nec te deterreat , quod in hoc seculo , tam literae quam literati contemptui sint ; redibit , crede mihi , redibit suus honor , & literis & literatis : nam omnium rerum vicissitudo est . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , inquit sophocles . but applie you your selfe cheerfully vnto greeke and latin studies , as you are wont . neither let this terrifie you , that in this age , as well learning as learned men are in such contempt . there will returne ( beleeue me ) there will returne , their due honour , both to learning and to learned men : for there is an intercourse of all things . for vnto them that shall liue in the last age , pleasant things shall be made bitter , and yet pleasant and beloued afterwards againe , as saith sophocles that ancient greeke poet. thus farre hegendorphinus , as foretelling ( truly i trust ) the glorie of this last succeeding age , whereto let all heartie friends of good learning euer say , amen . contents in generall of svch things as may ( by gods blessing ) be easily effected in our ordinarie grammar schooles ▪ . to teach schol●rs how to be able to reade well , and write true or orthographie in a short time . . to make them ready , in all points of their accidence and grammar , to answer anie necessarie question therein . . to 〈◊〉 without booke all the vsuall and necessarie rules , to 〈◊〉 their grammar rules ; to giue the meaning , vse , and order of the rules , to shew the examples , and to apply them : which being well performed , will make all other learning easie and pleasant . . in the seuerall 〈…〉 and authors to construe truly , and in proprietie of wor●s and sense , and also in pure phrase ; to parse of themselues , and to giue a right reason of euerie word , why it must be so and not otherwise ; and to deliuer the english of the lectures perfectly out of the latine . . out of an english grammaticall translation of their authors , to make and to construe anie part of the latine which they haue learned , or do presently learne ; to proue that it must be so , and so to reade the latine out of the english , first in the plaine grammaticall order ; after as the wo●ds are placed in the author , or in other good composition . also to p●rse in latine , looking onely vpon the translation ; and to all their poets which they so learne : to do all this without booke , which is farre the surest , viz. to repeate , construe , and parse with their booke vnder their arme . . to take their lectures of themselues , except in the verie lowest formes , and first entrers into construction ; or to do it with verie little helpe , in some more difficult things . . to enter surely in making latine , without danger of making false latine , or vsing anie barbarous phrase . . to 〈◊〉 true latine , and pure tullies phrase , and to proue it to be true and pure . . to 〈…〉 , imitating tully and the best a●thors in that kind , 〈◊〉 and pithie , in pure latine , and familiar . . to translate into english , according to proprietie both of words and sense ▪ and out of the english to reade the latine againe , to proue it , and giue a reason of euerie thing . . to take a peece of tully , or of anie other familiar easie authour , grammatically translated , and in proprietie of words , and to turne or reade the same , out of the translation into good latine , and verie neere vnto the words of the author ; so as in most , you shall hardly discerne , whether it be the authors latine or the scholars . . to correct their faults of themsel●es , when they are but noted out vnto them , or a question is asked of them . . to be able in each forme ( at anie time whensoeuer they shall be apposed of a sodaine , in any part of their authors , which they haue lately learned ) to construe , parse , reade into english , and in those authors , whereof they haue translations ; forth of the translation , to construe and to reade into the latine of their author . first into the naturall order , then into the order of the author , or neare vnto it , and in their poëts to do all this without booke , as was sayd before , and so to giue an account , at each quarters ●nd , what they haue learned in that quarter ; so from quarter to quarter to do the like . . in virgil , horace , and other the chiefe and most approued schoole authors in poëtrie and prose , to resolue any peece , for all these points of learning , and to do it in good latine : in construing , to giue propriety of words and sense , and also to expound in good phrase . scanning the verses , and giuing a reason thereof . shewing the difficulties of grammar . obseruing the elegances of rhetoricke in tropes and figures . noting phrases and epithets , with other principall obseruations . . so to reade ouer so much of the chiefe latine poëts , as virgil , horace , &c. and of other the best authors , as shall be thought necessary , by that time , that by reason of their yeares they be in any measure thought fit , for their discretion , to go vnto the vniuersity ; and to be able to go thorough the rest of themselues , by ordinary helpes . . in greeke to take their lectures of themselues , to construe perfectly , and parse as in the latine ; to reade the greeke backe againe , out of a translation , latine , or english ; also to construe , parse , and to prooue it out of the same . . in the hebrew to be able to construe perfectly , and to resolue so farre as is necessary for the grammar-schoole ; and to reade the hebrew also out of the translation ; which practise of daily reading somewhat out of the translations into the originals , must needs make them , both very cunning in the tongues , and also perfect in the texts of the originals themselues , if it be obserued constantly ; like as it is in the daily reading latine out of the translation . . to answer most of the difficulties in all classicall schoole-authors ; as in terence , virgil , horace , persius , iuvenal . . to oppose scholar-like in latine of any grammar question necessary , in a good forme of words ; both what may be objected against lillies rules , and how to defend them . . to write theames full of good matter , in pure latin and with iudgement , and how to inuent matter of themselues . . to enter to make a verse with delight , without any bodging at all ; and to furnish with copie of poëticall phrase , out of the best poëts . . so to imitate and expresse ouid or virgil , as you shall hardly discerne , vnlesse you know the places , whether the verses be the authors or the scholars : and to write verses ex tempore of any ordinarie theame . . to translate forth of english or latin into greeke . also to write theames or verses in greeke . . to pronounce naturally and sweetly , without vaine affectation ; and to begin to do it from the lowest fourmes . . to make right vse of the matter of their authors , besides the latin , euen from the first beginners : as of sententiae , and confabulatiunculae pueriles , cato , aesops fables , tullies ●pistles , ouids metamorphosis , and so on to the highest . to helpe to furnish them with varietie of the best morall matter , and with vnderstanding , wisdome , and precepts of vertue , as they grow ; and withall , to imprint the latin so in their minds therby , as hardly to be forgottē . . to answer concerning the matter contained in their lectures , in the latin of their authors , from the lowest fourmes and so vpward . . to construe anie ordinarie author ex tempore . . to come to that facilitie and ripenesse , as not onely to translate leisurely and with some meditation , both into english and latin , as before in the sections . and . but more also , to reade anie easie author forth of latin into english , and out of english to reade it into latin againe , as corderius , terence , tullies offices , &c. to do this in authors and places which they are not acquainted with , and almost as fast as they are able , to reade the author alone . . to write fa●re , in secretarie , 〈◊〉 , gre●ke , hebrue ; 〈…〉 . . to ●aue all the principall 〈…〉 latin , greek and hebrue , with the etymologies both latin and greek : 〈…〉 worthie helpes and meanes to be had in the vniuersities . . to be acquainted with the grounds of religion , and to haue the summe , and all the chiefe histories of the bible . to take all the substance of the sermons , if they be plainly and orderly deliuered : and to set them downe afterwards in a good latin style , or to reade them extempore into latin out of the english. to conceiue and answer the seuerall points of the sermons , and how to make a briefe repetition of the whole sermon without booke . . to be set in the high way to attaine to the puritie and perfection of the latine tongue by their further labour aud practise in the vniuersitie : hauing both the rules & grounds thereof , and also varietie of the best phrase meete and necessarie for them . to grow in our owne english tongue , according to their ages , and growths in other learning : to vtter their 〈◊〉 in the same , both in propriety , and purity ; and so to be fitted for diuinity , law , or what other calling or faculty soeuer they shal be after employed in . finally , thus to proceed together with the tongs ; in the vnderstanding and knowledge of the learning , or matter contained in the same , to become alike expert , in all good learning , meete for their yeares and studies ; that so proceeding still , after they are gone from the grammar schooles , they may become most exquisite in all kinds of good learning , to which they shall be applied . these things may be effected in good sort , through gods blessing , in the seuerall fourmes , as the scholars proceed , by so manie in each fourme as are apt and industrious , onely by the directions in the grammar schoole constantly obserued . if the maisters being of any competent sufficiencie will take meete paines : and the scholars being set to schoole , so soone as they shall be meete , be kept to learning daily , without loitering , hauing bookes and other necessarie helpes and encouragements : and by their par●nts care caused to do their exercises at home , and be euer kept in meete awe , and submission to their maisters . but out of these i will extract onely those which i take most necessarie and profitable for schooles ( not to trouble with ouer manie ) and set them downe briefly in the grammar schoole . that so all scholars of anie towardnesse and diligence , may be made good grammarians and euerie way fit for the vniuersitie by fifteene years of age , or at least by that time that they shall be meete by discretion and gouernment , which is commonly sixteene or seuenteene . and all this to be done with delight aud certaintie , both to maisters and scholars ; with strife and contention amongest the scholars themselues , without that vsuall terrour and crueltie , which hath bene practised in manie plaees , and without so much as seueritie amongst good natures . how greatly all this must needs tend to the furtherance of the publike good , euerie one may iudge ; which it will d● still , so much the more as the lord vouchsafeth a further supply , to the seuerall meanes and courses after set downe , by adjoining daily moe helpes and experiments , especially of the learned . of whom my hope is stil , according to my earnest desire , that they will lend their helping hands , to the full perfecting of so profitable a worke . for the vndoubted certaintie hereof , and of each particular , first reade and consider of the meanes aright , then try according to the directions in their seuerall places in the grammar schoole , and so giue sentence . for mine owne selfe , i trust ( god assisting ) to be euer able to make such plaine demonstration of euerie thing , as to giue full satisfaction to any one indifferently affected , that by labour and diligence all may be in good sort accomplished , so farre as shall be requisite . or wherein i shall be found too short , i am resolued ( god willing ) neuer to giue ouer , during life , vntill i shall therein likewise see the desire of my soule , vnto his glorie , and the generall good of all . ❧ helps for attaining to those things mentioned in the contents . these helps god hath prouided for our grammar-schooles , more then in former times , or at least more then are commonly knowne and vsed in them : whereof experience teacheth , that there may be excellent furtherance in a right vse of them , for all the seuerall parts of good learning in schooles , for obtaining the same more speedily , easily , surely & profitably : and namely for thus running through all our ordinary classicall-schoole authors , and attaining to the best exercises and faculties in schooles , as any one shall haue occasion to vse them . first , for the more speedy and right reading of english , and so leading the childe as by the hand to the grammar schoole , as a preparatiue thereto . the english-schoolemaister , of that honest and painfull maister coote . there is also a little briefe , of a sheet of paper named , a plaine method for speedy learning to reade , by iohn merest : of whose directions there might be very good vse , if his rules and style were amended by some scholar , and brought to perfection . other directions and helps for teaching to reade , see in the grammar-schoole , chap. . for further growth of young scholars in our english tongue , to expresse their mindes in proprietie and puritie , for their proceeding therein , as they proceede in latine : and also for them who would teach strangers our language , or learne it . see after . secondly , for better learning the accidence and first grounds of grammar ( whereas children are vsually very long in getting their accidence , and oft , when they haue done it , are little the better for it , especially for the vnderstanding and right vse of it ) to the end that the learner may get it sooner & more profitably : for a right vnderstanding and vse thereof , and for answering any necessary question belonging to it , and for better keeping all in memory , to be able thereby to proceed most speedily , pleasantly and certainely in their construction , is prouided the booke called the posing of the parts . as also m. leeches questions of accidence and grammar . other helps , especially for directing the maisters , see in the grammar-schoole , chap. . thirdly , for more speedy construing the latin grammar , to saue much labour therein , and for keeping the same with ease , which is otherwise very hard to the children , and ouer troublesome to the maister , lillies rules construed . fourthly , for better conceiuing , vnderstanding , applying , and making vse of all our grammar rules . the grammar of this last impression hauing the summes of the rules in the margents more perfectly and fully then formerly , and in the syntax , the words noted wherein the force of each ensample lieth . in the first impression of them many things were mistaken and corrupted in the printing . fiftly , for speedy and profitable learning of all our first and lowest schoole-bookes and authors , ( whereas children are commonly very long in learning some little peece of them , as of sententiae pueriles , coufabulatiunculae , cato , &c. and so the rest ; and when they haue learned them through with much toyle to themselues and their maisters , they are commonly little the better for them , for any good vse , and doe after presently forget them , for the most part ; ) to the end that they may soone runne thorow all of them , or so much as shal be thought good , and that for construing , parsing , vnderstanding , reading them forth of latine into english , or forth of english into latine ; for making the same latine , and prouing it ; and finally , for leading the learner by the hand with delight , vntill hee be able to go of himselfe by ordinary helpes , with much lesse trouble to the maister , are prouided grammaticall translations of them , as namely ; first , of sententiae pueriles : confabulatiunculae pueriles : corderius dialogues chiefly for the ready helpe of speaking latin of ordinary matters in a very good and pure phrase . catoes morall disticks , with the sentences adioyned , and also isocrates ad daemonicum , translated into latine by rodolphus agricola : part of esops fables : the first booke of tullies offices : part of ouids metamorphosis : virgils eclog●es , with that excellent booke de aptbus , of the gouernement and ordering of bees . all these are made so plaine , as that children , if they be any thing studious , and well trained vp in the first grounds of grammar , by the former helpes , may with a little direction , euer prepare their lectures afore-hand at home ouer-night : such peeces ( i meane ) as they are to learne in lectures ; and that , as was said , fo● euerie good vse , without neede of other commentaries in any of them , or so much helpe of the maister as is vsuall . so that they will , by the helpe of them , fall to their priuate studies of themselues . and for things to be learned without booke , namely their authors in verse so translated , they will be able thereby so to keep them , as by the meanes thereof , and their other helpes , from quarter to quarter , to say them without booke , construe , and to giue all the chiefe difficulties of them , with a very little priuate labour , thus to keep them better in memorie , and haue vse of them continually . hereof i might giue you instances of experiments , according to which you might iudge of them ; but i passe them ouer , standing vpon so euident grounds of reason , as hath bene shewed before , and as i shall more fully manifest ( god willing ) in the grammar-schoole , chap. . where i shall set downe the vse of them , with th● benefit in a right practise . if you desire a praxis of all or most of the chiefe rules of the syntax or construction shortly comprized , take maister leeches dialogues , set downe in the end of his grammar-questions : which dialogues are so contriued of purpose for children to that end : and so likewise translated into english , as they may be gone through for each good vse so soone as any of the former . by that time that children haue gone through these bookes so translated , and haue by this practise attained vnto the knowledge and right vse of their grammar rules , especially that golden rule of construing : for construing , parsing , &c. they will be able , easily , with much lesse toyle of the maister , to go through all other classicall-schoole-authors , by such helpes and meanes as god hath further prouided . for speedy running ouer the rest of the lower schoole bookes , which are not so translated grammatically : first , the other translations of them may be of very good vse thus farre foorth . as namely , first to giue the learners some light for the right vnderstanding & meaning of the authors ( which vnderstanding of the matter is a maine foundation for the speedy attaining to any such learning , especially for getting the languages , as i haue shewed elsewhere ) as also for resoluing the authors , and affoording some good english phrase , with varietie thereof to expresse their minds . and withall , that by the right vse of such translations , they may the more easily learne the manner of our vsuall translating of authors , or anie other worke , respecting onely the matter and intent of the author , whereof our commonest vse is : and so for reading forth of latin into our owne tongue , to expresse the sense onely , not directly , verbatim , or grammatically , but obseruing perfect sense , good phrase , and purity of our tongue , and so back againe out of the english into a good latine style in like manner . for the right learning of these authors doth not so much consist in the construing and parsing of them , as in getting by them the matter , phrase and style of the author , and to these ends and purposes amongst others , as i take it , they haue bene translated , and are many of them vnknowne to most . the translations are these . . for the rest of tullies offices , which are not translated grammatically ; as namely the two latter bookes , maister grimmald his translation , which yet would be much more profitable to this end , to them who would make vse of it , if the english were separated from the latine , set in a booke by it selfe , as the grammaticall and other translations vsually are . . for tullie de amicitia , senectute , &c. thomas newtous translation . . for the rest of ouids metamorphosis , arthur goldings translation in very good english meeter . . for ouid de tristibus , the translation hereof in english meeter . . ouids epistles , the like . . for the rest of virgils georgickes , not translated grammatically , maister abraham flemmings translation in english meeter , comming next to the grammaticall translations . . for virgils aeneidos , maister phaer in english meeter . . for terence , if you thinke good , and especially to furnish with english phrase to answer the latine , and by reading out of the english into latin , to helpe more speedily to obtaine the latin phrase and style , maister barnards translation . prouided alwayes , that this be with great caution , for auoyding all danger of corrupting their manners by lasciuiousnesse or otherwise ; considering the pronenesse of our nature , like to tinder or gunpowder , if neuer so little a sparke fall into the same . the like caution is to be had for other , as horace , iuvenal , persius , martial , &c. for higher authors . for the more profitable , easie , and speedy reading ouer caesars commentaries ( concerning the roman warre a●chiued chiefly by caesar ) to the end not onely to giue light : first , for the true vnderstanding of the author , but also to expresse the same in the best and fittest words in a pure english phrase ; and likewise for notable obseruations for warre , gathered all along out of it , which is one principall vse of the booke . the translation of it by sir clement edmunds , clarke of the councell . this booke , as it is wel knowne to be the purest style , and an excellent history for matter of warre and martiall affaires , and therefore most necessary for our dayes , for the better helping to preserue the church of god and our natiue countrey ; so it is difficult for children , in regard of the subiect , viz. matter of warre , which they are not acquainted with . yet by the translation rightly vsed , it is made so plaine & easie , that children of twelue or thirteene yeares of age , rightly trained vp , may be able to go through it for all the vses mentioned in short space , and much more others of riper iudgement . so that it were great pitty , in regard of the benefit that may come by it to all sorts , that so worthy a worke should lie hid as it were , being vnknowne to the greatest part . the like we may say for these following . for lucans pharsalia of the like argument in verse , viz. of the warre betweene caesar and pompey , sir arthur gorge in english meeter . for liuy his roman history , d. hollands translation . for that excellent part of the roman history by cornelius tacitus his foure bookes , translated by that worthy fauourer and rare promoter of all good learning , sir henry sauill . for florus his roman history , from the foundation of rome to tratanus , the translation of it , dedicated to the lord marquesse of buckingham . for seneca , that admirable moralist and sweete latinist , the translation of it by maister lodge . commentaries . besides these translations for the ordinary schoole-authors , there are also commentaries for them who desire their helpe ; as , for all ouid , not onely that large commentary of sundry together , but more particularly , for ouids metamorphosis , sabins morals briefly . also raphael regius , a large commentary . for virgil , besides the large commentary of seruius and donate , with the annotations of sundry other , set out by frabricius : see , the analysis of ramus on the eclogues and georgicks for the logicke and rhetoricke thereof . a very sweete paraphrase of friskiline on the eclogues and georgickes . meins annotations on virgil. so for the vse of the maisters , and all of riper yeares and vnderstanding : taubman on virgil , a very profitable worke . moreouer , for the speedy and more profitable reading of all the rest of the chiefe ancient poets , are prouided short and pithy commentaries , or annotations , containing the substance and whatsoeuer is of worth in all the ancient and large commentaries , and the same made so plaine , as that very children , rightly trained vp , may be able , by them , to reade their lectures of themselues , or with very little helpe : whereas formerly they were ouer crabbed and obscure for the maisters in many places to vnderstand ; as namely , maister bonds commentarie on horace and persius . maister farnabee on iuvenal , persius , lucan , senecaes tragedies . martiall . also , for the more cleare and full vnderstanding of these and of all the romane historie and antiquities ; romanae historiae anthologia , viz. a short and very plaine exposition in english , of the romane antiquities , by maister goodwine of oxford , for the vse of abingdons schoole . theames . for helpes for theames both for matter and maner , besides the vnderstanding of aphthonius common places , and the chiefe heads of inuention by ramus and others , see maister vicars his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or manuductio , leading the scholar ( as by the hand ) to the vse of rhetoricke ; especially for making theames , declamations , or orations . for matter , viz. for short , witty , and easie sentences for the yonger sort , maister drax his bibliotheca scholastica . flores senecae . epitome sentent . stobaei . for store of the best examples for theams both roman and forren of most morall matters , in stead of new , they may vse valerius maximus . this is made plain for the better help of the teachers where need is , by two ancient commentaries together , the one of them by oliuerus arzignanensis , the other by badius ascensius , expounding euery thing clearely , and almost grammatically , besides the annotations of others . for further help of theames , both latin and greek , stobaeus sentences , or his anthologia of the largest : a most excellent worke , gathered & digested by him common place-wise , in greeke , out of all the famous greeke authors , translated into latin by gesnere that learned phisitian , hauing the latin set ouer-against the greek , and may be singular for acquainting the higher and better sort of scholars , with the best morall matter of sundry kindes . for phrases in generall , maister drax his cilliepeia . for epithets , ciceroniana epitheta . for some select phrases to this purpose , and the like , maister farnabees phrases . epistles and letters . for patterns of short epistles and pithy letters of all sorts of matter ; see the laconicall epistles , to wit , the shortest and pithiest gathered out of tullie , manutius , politian , erasmus , and many others , comprized by buchlerus in a little volume of purpose to this end . for examples , seruing and directing for imitation of sundry kindes of epistles , both consolatory , gratulatory , and also hortatory , with all the rest of the kinds of examples : see flores & sententiae scribendique formulae illustres . for pure phrases more peculiarly belonging to epistles , see manutius phrases . orations . for orations : the orations of sundry , and those of diuers kindes of morall matters , and vpon sundry occasions , gathered and set forth by melchior iunius . examining of phrases in prose . for helpe in examining of phrases , and so for obseruing propriety and purity therein . . godscalcus his obseruations of the latin tongue digested alphabetically . . schorus phrases , shewing also the manner how to obserue phrases in the reading of authors . . erasmus his epitome of vallaes elegancies , of the last edition . . popma de differentijs verborum . for flourishing and amplifying in prose , see ciceroniana epitheta , antitheta & adiuncta . poetrie . besides textoris epitheta , see buchleri thesaurus poëticus , a booke of notable vse for each scholar : for helpes of epithets and poeticall phrases : and also for his direction of the right manner of making a pure verse , with other things belonging thereto . for quantities of syllables , smetius his prosodia . dictionaries . for both english and latine , especially for finding out the fittest latin words to the english , and most naturall ; and according to propriety first , together with the etymologies or notations of the latine words , riders dictionarie of the last . for giuing the greeke to the latine , and for supply of sundry of the best latin phrases expounded , and the vse shewed , thomas dictionarie of the last . for a short comprising of most latine primitiues in sentences ( except those which belong to the seuerall arts and trades &c. ) and so to furnish with most words of all sorts , for reading of any ordinary author belonging to the grammar schoole , or otherwise , ianua linguarum , a booke in twelue hundred sentences containing the most of the ordinary words , to be euen as a dictionarie in the childrens heads , translated into english , to the end it may be more easily and speedily gotten . analysis or resoluing of authors . for a plaine and easie resolution of the matter of authors meete for young scholars , see the grammaticall translation of the first booke of tullies offices . also of the first booke of ouids metamorphosis . and withall , the like translation of the first and last eclogue of vìrgil , and of his fourth booke of the georgickes de apibus , some of these in the inmost colums , others in the outmost . for a more learned analysis in latine , both logicall and rhetoricall , see ramus commentaries on the eclogues and georgickes , and also vpon all the orations of tully , on which he hath commented . also piscators analysis of tullies offices . for a short and methodicall analysis of the seuerall bookes of the scripture , and of each chapter therein , see gemma fabri . disputing scholar-like of grammar questions , and to prepare for more learned disputations in the vniuersities . . in english , by way of questions and answers to make children perfect in the accidence and grammar ; the posing of the parts . . in latine , for the better scholars in a more large and scholar-like dispute , maister stockwoods disputations of grammar . . for the like dispute in tullies offices by questions and answers , the better to vnderstand the rare and almost diuine matter , for direction of manners , in that booke , maister brasbridge his questions of tullies offices . proper words for seuerall arts and sciences . to be able to get and remember words appertaining to arts , trades , sciences , histories of diuers kinds , and the like , as any one desireth them ; first maister stanbridge his vocabula in verse . these verses are some of them amended already ; the rest so purposed . after him , where he ends , others may be adioyned , in the end of hunters cosmographie , in verse likewise . for words belonging to astronomy and cosmography : and also the ancient proper names of places , as countries , cities , and riuers , &c. hunters cosmographie in verse . if the names of the places , riuers , &c. as they are termed at this day , were set directly ouer the heads of each of the ancient names there , after the manner of stanbridges vocabula , it might be of most excellent vse , and soone gotten , or set on the opposite page directly against them . all other words of like nature , belonging to the seuerall histories , or whatsoeuer else , might be thus comprised in verse , after the manner of stanbridge or hunter , or otherwise , they might be set downe in a short narration , in forme of a dialogue grammatically translated , after the manner of corderius dialogues , wherein he sets out , to the like purpose , a very sumptuous banquet in an historicall narration , in the . dialogue of his fourth booke . such a booke might easily be compiled by a iudicious scholar , of a pregnant wit , hauing meete leisure , by the helpe of hadrianus iunius his nomenclator ; and the speciall dictionaries for seuerall vses , and so any such words be very readily gotten , by studying and reading them oft forth of english into latin : as experience teacheth in the like . but all these would be gotten much sooner , if being thus verbally translated into english , the english were set by it selfe , so to study it out of them , like as the grammar translations are . greeke . whereas there is nothing in any tongue for the perfect obtaining of it , but grammar , words , and practise of them in a right composing and setting them together : i meane , first , the knowledge of the grammar rules , belonging to that tongue ; words to expresse the minde , and practise of both in reading authors , and in writing ; for most easie and speedy attaining to the greek tongue , which hath bene wont to be so difficult and tedious : god hath prouided these readie helpes . . for the grammar , maister camdens is of all other most easie and profitable ( as i take it ) like as for westminster , so for all our schooles ; for that it followes the order of our latine grammar most directly , chiefly in the syntax , wherein many of the rules are the very same , or neare vnto them . the anomalies in the verbs being set alphabetically , so as they may be found very readily ; and the dialects set directly after the order of the declensions and coniugations , that by it alone well studied , most difficulties may be easily vnderstood and answered . for all other difficulties , and wherein it seemes to faile ; see cleonards greeke grammar , with antesignanus , set foorth by sylburgius , wherein by the help of the large index , you may be resolued of most doubts . hereunto adioyne , if need be to enquire further , the anomalies , dialects and other difficulties set downe alphabetically in the end of scapulaes dictionary . secondly , for attaining very speedily to all the greek primitiues or radices ; which being had , all the rest are easily and plainely learned , as deriued from them , god hath prouided , . the clauis linguae graecae , by lubine . in which litle briefe , all , or most of the greeke radices are included in some seuen hundred little sentences , in imitation of ianua linguarum , with a double index adioyned , viz. both latine before the greeke , and greeke before the latine ; whereby they may be soone gotten , and easily kept , or recouered being forgotten . . for the more full vnderstanding of the tongue , for propriety and right significations , notations or etymologies , deriuations , and the like , see fundamentum linguae graecae ; a little epytome gathered briefly of purpose , according to the order of scapula . for the larger explication of the same , with phrases and vse of words ; see scapula . for practise in reading some vsuall authors . the fittest for yong scholars ( so faire as i can iudge ) after they haue runne through their clauis , if you will begin with poetry , that they may learne to make a verse in greek , is theognis his sentences with the other poets ioyned with him ; as namely phocilides , pythagoras , &c. with the latine translation and annotations thereof , set forth by silburgius . some whereof being learned without booke perfectly , is a speciall helpe that scholars may haue quantities , phrase , and apt morall matter for verse . . if you please to reade hesiode his opera & dies , you may vse ceporine and melancthons commentaries set foorth by iohannes frisius tigurinus ; and the new translation of it by erasmus schemidt professor at wittenberg . or if you desire to reade homer , which is most generally approued of all , as the most excellent poet : besides the latine translations , especially that which expoundeth it most neerly and properly . for the better vnderstanding and expressing of it in english , maister chapmans translation in english meeter ; whom we may rightly call , the english homer . to these you may adde , if you will , eustathius , and the large commentarie of spondanus . for the best and fittest authors in prose to be read in schooles , as namely isocrates ad daemonicum , are the translations of wolphius : and also of rodolphus agricola : and like wise the translation of antonius scorus , with his annotations adioyned to his booke de ratione discendi ▪ linguae graecae . . for zenophon , the translation of his . first bookes de cyri vita & disciplina . for more speedy reading the greeke testament , pasors dictionary gathered of purpose to that end . what is defectiue may be supplied by the fundamentum , piscator and others . vvriting in greeke . for writing exercises in greeke , or translating into greeke : besides , the clauis linguae graecae for words , and also thomas his dictionarie , for phrase you may vse garthius his lexicon : and withall for prose poselii calligraphia : elegantiae graecae by vollandus . in verse for epithets and authorities , dinnerus his greeke epithets . for morall matter in greeke , with excellent sentences and discourses out of all the ancient and best greeke authors , for the vse of translations , theames , verses , declamations or orations . stobaei sententiae , called anthologia ; or cornucopia of the largest . speaking greeke . for speaking of ordinarie matters in greeke , poselius his dialogues . hebrue . for a most speedy attaining to the hebrue . . for the grammar , though euery one may take for his owne vse what grammar he hath learned , or is most familiarly acquainted with , and supply out of others what is wanting therein ; yet for him that is newly to beginne , or desires most easily to teach or direct others i take ( vnder better iudgement ) martinius to be the best . my reasons are , . for that it is most methodicall , proceeding according to the right order of nature and rules of art. . for that it hath answering vnto it , maister vdals hebrue grammar in english , being in effect a meere translation of martinius , onely leauing out some things which he thought lesse necessary , and making most things in martinius very plaine , in stead of a commentary , as the translations do the authors . . for that the martinius grammar printed by raphalengius and by abrahamus vveerlinus at berne , haue a praxis adioyned , for the parsing of three psalmes , viz. the . . and , like as maister vdals hath in english : which praxis is so orderly for the right examining or analysing of euery word according to the order of nature and art , and according as all things are set downe in the grammar in order of the chapters , that they leade the learner directly , as by the hand , to the plaine parsing and resoluing of those three psalmes ; and by them , auy other part of the hebrue bible . and lastly , for that maister vdals grammar , ( which i commend as a short commentarie to it ) hath also a briefe epitome of the hebrue lexicon adioyned , for the more speedy finding out any word , and so attaining the tongue . or in stead of martinius , maister vdals grammar it selfe , which i finde to be farre more easie for the learner , and much sooner gotten , for the vse of it , and also may be readily deliuered and vttered in latine , at least by comparing with martinius . for the best lexicon or dictionarie , buxtorphius his epitome for continuall vse : and also his thesaurus for more exquisite knowledge : or , for giuing the hebrue words to the latine ; lexicon latino-hebraicum , in the end of the epitome of pagnine by raphalengius . for helpe for construing , and so reading priuately , and knowing the radices . the interlineal bible , by arias montanus . for the psalmes , tossanus may affoord some helpe . english. concerning our owne language , whereas some great learned , haue much and long complained , that in most schooles there hath bene litle care , to teach scholars to expresse their mindes readily in proprietie and puritie of speech , so to helpe to adorne our owne tongue ; whereof wee haue continuall practise , to the end that they may grow herein with the latine and other learned tongues , god hath prouided these helpes . . the vse of the grammaticall translations ( hauing to that end , both proprietie and also varietie of words and phrase to expresse the minde ) may be a good entrance for the yonger sort . . after them , all the other translations , vsed onely in such sort , as hath bene and shall be further shewed in the grammar schoole ; so to ascend to those who haue written most exquisitely in that kinde of translation . . dictionaries , where fit words are wanting , to make choise of those english words in them which best agree to the matter in hand . . adioyne to these , for them who would grow to more exquisite perfection , the bookes of such as haue written the purest style in english in each faculty , which they purpose to exercise themselues in . for strangers , who vnderstand the latine tongue , at least in some sort , and would learne our tongue themselues , or would teach it vnto others publiquely or priuately , besides the former helpes for reading english. . the english grammar , called grammatica anglicana , a little epitome written according to the rules of art , by p. gr. printed at cambridge anno . . logonomia anglica , by maister gill schoole-maister of paules . . translations , first grammaticall ; which leade the scholar directly to learne our tongue ; after other translations , and so the best english authors and dictionaries as before . rhetoricke . for rhetoricke , so farre as shall be necessary for the grammar-schoole . . for tropes and figures of rhetoricke , and so for other figures of grammar , maister farnabees tropes and figures , so shortly comprized in verse , as that they may be most easily gotten in a very little time , and so likewise kept in memorie , to serue for euery good vse . . for a more full vnderstanding of that little booke , and of all other matters belonging to rhetoricke , as for a methodicall handling , and short comprizing of the whole art , by precepts , illustrations by examples , and the like . m. butlers rhetorick of magd. colledge in oxf. with a short commentary adioyned , now the . time printed . . for the vse of rhetoricke , viz. for the practise thereef in theames , declamatious , orations , &c. the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or manuductio ad artem rhetoricam , by maister vicars of queenes colledge in oxford . religion . concerning religion ; for laying surely the first grounds of our holy religion in schooles , according to our good lawes ; and for seasoning the first and tender yeares of our children therewith : ( wherein the iesuites shall rise in iudgement against vs , being farre more vigilant and industrious to destroy , then we to saue ; to ouerthrow the gospell , then wee to propagate and spreade it . ) . to the end that scholars may speedily get and euer keepe in fresh memorie with ease and delight , the whole summe of the sacred story , viz. the holie bible , ( being the sole foundation of our religion , ) and so the summe of euery chapter therein ; wherby they may become sound christians , and in time ( through the lords blessing ) admirable diuines , god hath prouided a litle booke called bibliorum summula , which comprizeth the arguments or sums of euery chapter of the whole bible in disticks , viz. each chapter in two verses , beginning alphabetically , that they may be more happily committed to memorie , and recalled more easily when they are forgotten . this booke is most painefully and profitably composed in a familiar and easie verse , by maister shaw , according to the contents of the seuerall chapters . hereunto is adioyned in the end , for further helpe of memorie , the same contriued farre more briefly , viz. in a very few verses : as namely genesis hauing fiftie disticks in the summula , according to the fifty chapters , is comprized in ten verses , euery verse whereof comprehends fiue chapters , & almost euery word notes a seuerall chapter ; thus notably deuised by math. martinius . . for the first principles or iudiments in religion , to be taught in catechizing ; and for building soundly vpon the sacred scriptures , according to the doctrine of our church : besides our ordinary catechismes by law established , for a further vnfolding and demonstrating of the principles out of the expresse texts of the word , maister perkins six principles expounded , with many other , and chiefly such briefe ones , as by their oftest printing do testifie the greatest liking , and most generall approbation of the godly learned . vvriting . for faire writing in our owne , and all the chiefe learned tongues . copie bookes , prepared of purpose for the grammar-schooles , as in secretarie for our english , so for the latine , greeke and hebrew , together with directions for writing in the beginning of them , printed by maister thomas man ; whereby all scholars , well entred and practized from their beginning , euery day a little , may come to write commendably , and many of them verie faire euery of these hands , without hindering their learning , as is proued by experience . memorie . for the helpe of memorie , besides all directions for briefe summes of euery matter , as are set downe in their places in the grammar●schoole and others ; and besides diuers good rules and precepts for memorie in a little booke called the castle of memorie , chap. . maister vvillies his booke of memorie , called mnemonica siue reminiscendi , are gathered out of the best who haue written thereof : out of which the most profitable things may be selected and vsed by them who are judicious . other bookes and helps , some of them readie for the presse , others in good forwardnesse to be soone prepared , if they shall be generally desired , and the desire signified to the stationers , as necessarie or profitable for the ends for which they haue bene trauelled in , as namely ; for furnishing with fit matter for theams in prose or verse , latine and greeke , which so troubleth young scholars , and discourageth them , for that they know not where to finde such fit matter for them , and must needes be very difficult before a great deale of reading and practise ; there is an index or booke of references , gathered out of their schoole-authors and others , onely pointing at the places where to finde them . . for patterns for theames , tullies paradoxes translated grammatically , with a short analysis in the margent , whereby they may be learned more perfectly , and vnderstood more fully to that end . . for direction and patterns for writing pithy and short letters in english , which is amongst vs , both most commendable , and of principall and daily vse . the laconicall epistles , translated into a good english style , with the grammar order and propriety in the margents . . for the more speedy and profitable learning the ianua linguarum for euery good vse ; whereas now , the english , in many places keepeth onely the sense , but varieth both from the verball and grammar order , and also from the propriety of the words in the latin , wherby the learners are oft exceedingly puzled and carried amisse : there ●s prouided a grammaticall translation to be set in the margen●s in the english , to carry the learner aright , both for proprietie and grammar . and also in the index or table , are set downe the declining of the nownes and verbs , with the genders of the nownes , to serue in 〈◊〉 of a dictionarie for all of them : and withall , both the doubtfull quantities , and likewise the etymologies or notations of the words briefly , being examined by comparing the best authors in that kinde , and conference with other learned . so that the learner may soone runne through it , to get both english by the latine , and latine by the english , with certainty , and for the other vses mentioned . for furnishing with terence ●phrase , with the best matter , terentianus christianus , translated grammatically . for the greeke . . for getting speedily the greeke radices or primitiues , the clauis linguae graece is made much more plaine , easie and profitable ; first , by the latine set in the margent , according to the greeke , answering word for word in such places where it now differs , and the whole latine sentences to be placed in the page opposite to the greeke , to leade the learner rightly by the hand to the knowledge of the greeke , whereas now many of the sentences in latine do onely expresse the sense , and so set the learner at a stand , or carry him quite amisse . . by the principall etymologies set in the margent of the greeke sentences , directed with letters to know them speedily . . by a grammaticall construction of the same in english , answering the greeke so neare as may be , adioyned in the end of the clauis , with proprietie and varietie of the sense in the margents . by the h●lpe whereof ( as experience will soone shew ) all the sentences may be gotten in a very little time , both for latine and greeke , by studying them out of the english , onely helped by looking vpon the greeke and latin , as need requireth ; to be able thereby to giue the greeke and latine words to the english , and contrarily , so to serue for any good vse thereof : and euer easily by this means to keepe all perfectly , without any trouble or charge of memorie , through the help of the perfect vnderstanding of it by this translation . also for the easier entrance of the young scholar to runne cheerefully and speedily through the best greeke authors in prose , as well as in verse , is prepared isocrates ad daemonicum , translated both in latine grammatically ; and also with another translation in a more pure latine style . so likewise the first booke of zenophons cyropaideia in like manner . which three bookes being well gone through , scholars will easily and speedily run through all other greek authors , by the ordinarie helpes of translations , and the like meanes which god hath so bountifully prouided for this last age , especially if they haue said a good foundation in the grammar first . hebrue . for laying speedily a sure foundation ; first , for the right knowledge of all the hebrue primitiues in their first and proper signification ; secondly , by what tropes their significations are changed into other senses : and so thirdly , by what reasons or notations all their deriuatiues and issue come thereof : and finally , for getting speedily all the hebrue primitiues without booke ; and with the getting of them , to learne also so much of the hebrue bible in most profitable matters and sentences , there hath bene long thought of , and is now in preparing . first , a briefe hebrue lexicon , after the manner of the fundamentum linguae graecae . and secondly , another little booke after the manner of clauis linguae graecae , wherein all , or most of the hebrue primitiues are to be comprized , in certaine choise sentences of the sacred scriptures , of sundry kindes of matt●r . this may be called fi●ly ianua linguae hebraicae ; the other , the clauis vnto it . as these two may be of notable vse , to make speedily perfect hebricians , and likewise to helpe to prepare the way to the calling of the iewes thereby , so they require the cunningest workemen for the more curious framing and finishing of them : whom god hath also prouided , if some noble minded fauourers of good learning , and of the church of christ , will but a little lay to their helping hands , for defraying the charges of their maintenance , till they shall be able to go through the worke , to bring them to perfection , for the full accomplishment of all the good therein desired . for all these bookes and helpes more particularly , and for the right vse of euery of them , and how to auoid all the abuses and other in conueniences ; and so for attaining all those parts or learning mentioned in the contents , see the booke called 〈…〉 , or the grammar-schoole in this second edition : where , in a familiar dialogue betweene two schoole-maisters all these things are full discussed and set foorth , and yet the booke in many things abridged , and made lesse then before . for matter of charges to prouide so many helpes , the gaining of one yeares learning will plentifully recompence , if we vse onely the necessarie : and all the other benefits be a sufficient ouerplus . for all other obiections , i referre you likewise to the grammar-schoole , where ( i hope ) you shall see your selfe well satisfied in all . and what is still wanting , i trust the same good hand of our god will , in his due time , f●●ly supply . finis . ❧ the examiners censure : march. . . where as this author , still desirous to communicate all the new comforts , which god hath vouchs●fed him in his long and painefull trauels , for the generall good , and specially for our grammar-schooles ; and fearing lest in anie matter he should deceiue himselfe or others , hath intreated vs to make some further triall of the things which he hath written h●rein , for the better confirmation of himselfe and of all others ; we could not denie his so honest a request . therefore 〈…〉 labours in this kinde , by 〈…〉 of worcester , at the first 〈◊〉 of his gramm●r-schoole , as appeares in the 〈…〉 preface before it , and by other 〈◊〉 since ; yet now that it is to come foorth 〈…〉 , much more compleate and perfect after so much long trauell and experience ) we haue her●upon made new and further triall accordingly . in which we haue found so much content in euery forme , from the lowest to the highest , for the time which we then had , as perswaded vs of the trueth of whatsoeuer he hath written concerning the same ; and giues vs withall much assurance of a very great blessing to be hoped for , both to church and common-wealth in all places for which he hath trauelled , by these his happie labours rightly put in practise : which all well-willers to religion and learning are to wish to their countrey , and by all meanes to promote , for the good of the present and of all succeeding ages . iames vssher doctour and professor of diuinitie in the vniuersitie of dublin . daniel featly doctour of diuinity , and chaplin in house to his grace of canterburie . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e . thes. . , luke . . ● 〈…〉 pet. . notes for div a -e occasion of this worke . the vsuall complaints against non-proficiencie in schooles . where good is done , how hardly it is effected commonly . a chief cause hereof , want of knowledge of a right course of teaching . the authors desire to help all this . and to procure a perpetuall benefite to all posteritie . of the rare benefits of learning no good man euer doubted the licenciousnesse of some learned or abusers of learning , ought not to cause vs to thinke the worse therof . iob. . . . thes. . . learning is the glorie of man , in the verie naturall mans account prou. . . the first and principall meanes of good learning , the schooles of learning . in what schooles the best learning & nurture are to be found . a wonderfull differēce betweene those scholes wherin the best orders are obserued , & the rest . . the matter of learning easie in such schooles . . the maner of proceeding in a singular order without confusion . the painefull schoolmaster may there expect a rich blessing . the fruite hereof able to encourage each maister to take the vttermost paines to follow the best manner . hence wil ensue a maruellous chāge in schooles . the bringing learning into esteeme , and to make it to be desired , & honored of al ▪ the stirring vp many benefactors to learning . things accompanying a right course in proceeding . deliuery of the maisters from much vexation and ouermuch seueritie . of scholars from terrour . that all things in schooles may be done with delight and comfort . more substantiall learning in such at . yeares ▪ then in others atten . state of most schooles and scholars of . yeares of age . vnfit for the vniuersities . euils in their entrance and continuance in the vniuersities . tutors must playe the schoolmasters if euer they shall do good . such scholars must vse extraordinarie paines . and doing best , shall yet euer feele the want of the grammar schoole . if the best orders were had the schooles should be as the bee-hiues as the goodly gardens & sweet singing birds . and generally excell thēselues . that wee should as much reioice in these , as euer we grieued for the other . maisters and schollars should proceed with all alacritie . though all should not excell , yet all should be fitted to some good emploiment , for the benefit of the whole . all these ve●ied in some few schooles . this endeuor to di●charge a debt to all , by making all sorts partakers of the blessings , which he hath vouchsafed . dutie to all in high place for their children and posteritie . desire to all parents . to all more tender hearted parents . wel-wishing to the poorer sort . to the schooles thēselues . to the vniuersities . loue to all who haue lost their learning to repaire it , and recouer them selues . matth. . desi●e to all functions . to all ruder places , as to wales , to the irish , virgi●ia the sommerlland● . maister iohn ireton of legworth in leicestershire . ouid. discharge of debt to all . that euerie one may pay the debt of his birth . for that none of vs are born to our selues . learning being in reputation , shall neuer want multitudes of benefactors . the chiefest glory in earth to be aduancers o● learning & piety . the glorie of our nation shal be increased as learning increaseth . a part of our happinesse to shew our loue in furthering so great a good . why this work was the more hastned to the publike view . the vncertaintie of our liues ought to make vs to do all the good we can whiles we may . m. to●ey . m. coote . m. richardson we cannot appeare before our ●od , if we haue not done our vttermost endeuour to pay our debts , and to employ our talents to bring most aduantage to our maister . considering well the industrie of our enemie . witnesse for euer the powder fornace . this worke hath not bene set vpō rashly , but vndertakē by an holy & warrantable calling . by special benefactors to schooles such who had author●●y to cōmand ●y seruice . the ●ight hon. e of h. m. iohnson archdeacon of leicestershire . from his soueraigne maiesties desire for all his ●hooles . for the manner of proceeding in this worke , the preface to our common grammar doth direct it . though many haue written hereof , yet none haue proceeded in this particular manner for the helpe of he meanest . this worke hath not bene proceeded in by priuate conceit . nor posted on , but hastened slowly . the author assumeth to himselfe onely the wants & errors . prescribeth not to anie . reasons for the length of the worke . martial . epig. * master iohn ireton of kegworth , mentioned before . the vse of it to the learned , who would not reade the whole . better for the learners that the worke should be ouerlarge then too short . d● . 〈◊〉 . this trauell happily emploied , if but to effect these things following . . if but to set others on work hereby . . or to gain moe experiments , which men are so hardly drawn to communicate . . or to make known sundrie most profitable bookes and helpes . . to helpe all desirous to doe good , and yet toyle without fruit . if but to gain one yeare . thogh there may be hope of almost double sound learning , to that which hath bene in manie rude places . for that so much may be gained by three or foure of these helps alone . reason of the high account of grāmatical translations . chap. . master askams testimonie of the practise of translating . this is well worthie the marking of all . more speedily . this verie course in effect practised by maister askam . experience of the singular benefit of it in maister iohn whitne● . this way of translating the chiefe & sure meanes to attaine speedily to any tongue . maister askams schoolemaster . lib. . p. . a late known and worthie experience in a young noble-man of rare hope . to whom the finding out of the rule , and of translations thereby is acknowledged . labour to find out the rule ▪ and to frame the translations accordingly . and also the right vses & benefits of them . and finally , to haue ●ull assurance of euery thing . vpon what things all the chiefe benefits of these translations depend . chap. . certaine benefits of these translations rightly vsed . further apologie needlesse , except , . the authors desire to do all this good . . the hauing all these experiments gathered to our hands . . assurance of each mans affection , to haue his child so brought vp as is here desired . . for the testimonie of his cō●cience to be vpright & faithfull 〈◊〉 all his worke . . anno . the death of queene elizabeth , and peaceable bringing in our soueraigne . . powder ●reason . . for willing sub●ission of al● things to the publike cen●ure . and desire to be still learning of all . the cause of the confi●nt reioycing in it . exhortation & encouragement to the weaker teachers . griefe to all honest hearted maisters , for complaints and murmurings against thē . complaints of parents for the●● children not profiting . murmurings of townes for charges ill bestowed and children spoiled . some to crie out against our seueritie . scholars comming to mans estate to bewaile losse of their time . that they were not taught any religiou . terrour for for lacke of growth of gods religion . the charge committed to vs. the combinations of the iesuites ought to prouoke vs. october , . . what our state was almost by them . our miraculous preseruations , and their deadly malice , ought to put new life into euery one of vs. we haue no cause to fea●e our bloud-thirstie aduersaries , if we will but sticke vnto our christ. our confidence in our captaine . . thes. . . the power of our christ , with vs , & certainety of victorie of his side . 〈…〉 〈…〉 assurance that we may come vnto them . an 〈…〉 to double ●u● diligence none to be discouraged , if he see not his desire at the first . christoph. hegendorphinus l. e. discipulo suo , . for the speedy and profitable learning all our first and lowest school authors , gram. translations . books grammatically translated . plainnesse & readinesse of these translations . for a practise of the chiefe rules of construction , maister leeches dialogues for the rest of the lower schoole-authors , other translations . for the rest of tullies offices not translated grammatically , m. grimmalds translation . for the other parts adioyned to the offices , tho. newtons translation . for the rest of 〈…〉 virg. a●neid maister phaer . for ●erence maister b●rnards translation . caution to be vsed in this and other authors . for higher authors , as caesars commentaries , sir clement edmunds his translation . this author , with those which follow next , are worthy workes for noble gentlemen and all other , who would doe seruice to the church of god ; and their natiue countrey , to bestow some of their trauels and idle houres in . for lucans pharsalia sir arthur gorge . for liuy d. hollands translation . for cornelius tacitus , sir h. sauill . florus . seneca . comments ▪ on all o●id . for the metamorphosis sabine . on virgil , seruius donate , &c. ramus , on the eclogues and georgickes . friskilines paraphrase . meins . for the rest of the ancient poets short and pithy commentaries . maister bonds ▪ maister farn. for the roman histories and antiquities maister goodwin his anthologia . for theams m. vicars his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for inuention and manner . for matter , bibliotheca scholastica . exampls , valerius max. stobaei anthologia . phrases for theames . drax his calliepeia , maister farnabees phrases . patterns for epistles , laconicae epistolae . examples for imitation of epistles of all sorts , flores & sententiae scribendinque formulae illustres . orations , melchior iunius . examining phrases in prose . godscalcus . schorus . erasmus epit. of vallaes elegancies , popma . in poetry . text. epith. buchleri thesaurus poëticus . smetius . dictionaries . rider . thomas thomasius . for a short comprising of the latine primitiues , ianua linguarum . for resoluing authors , gram. trans . of &c. disputation of grammar questions , in english ; posing of the parts . in latine , m. stockwoods disput . disputing of morall questions , master brasbridge questions of tullies off. for words belonging to historie , trades , &c. stanbridg . vocabula . hunters cosmographie . how this might be more profitable . how such a worke might be easily compiled . how best learned . for speedy attaining to the greeke . for the grammar maister camdens most profitable for vs. for other difficulties concerning grammar , cleonards gram with ant●sign . the short abridgement in the eud of scapula . for speedy attaining the greeke primitiues . clauis 〈◊〉 graecae . for a more full knowledge of thē , fundamētum linguae graecae , siue epitome lexici & etymologici graeci proschola br●mensi . authors in verse , theognis , &c. with sylburgius . hesiode with ceporine & melancth . for homer . maister chapman in english meeter . eustathius . spondanus . for prose ▪ isocrates translated by vvolphius . schorus his translation with annotat . zenophons cyropaideia . for the greek testament , pasors dictionarie . for writing in greeke , clauis , thomas●●s , garthius . poselij calligr . elegantiae graecae . in verse for epithets and authorities , dinnerus . for morall matter out 〈◊〉 best greeke authors , stobaei anthologia , cornucopia . for speaking greeke , poselius . for hebrue grammar . martinius printed by r●phalengius at berne . reason of it . maister vdals grammar . lexicon buxtorphius . tossanus . for our owne tongue to grow in proprietie and puritie . . grāmatical translations for all the first beginners . other translations . . dictionaries . . best authors in each kinde for english. for strangers . the english grammar . logonomia anglica . translations . for tropes and figures briefly in vse , maister fa●nabees tropes and figures . for a more methodicall tractate ▪ m. butlers rhetoricke . . for the vse of rhetorick , maister 〈◊〉 , manuductio ad artem rhetoricum . religion , for laying surely the grounds 〈◊〉 . for know●edge of the historie of the bible , bibliorum summula . a more brief abridgement memoriale , biblicu● . for the p●inciples besides those by law appointed , maister perkins ●ixe principles expounded . for faire writing , copie bookes for secretarie , romane , greeke , hebrue . for memory . maister willies mnemonica . bookes prepared for the presse . helpe for matter for theames . an index gathered out of the fittest schoole-authors and others , with references to the places . tullies paradoxes translated grammatically for patternes for theames . the laconicall epistles translated . . for the more speedie & 〈◊〉 learning 〈…〉 it is prepared to be 〈◊〉 , printed as to supply what is wanting or grammar order , prop●●etie , declining , quantities , and e●ymologies . for speedie getting the greeke primitiues , clauis linguae graeca● , made much more plaine . for entrance in the speedie the running thorough the best greeke authors in prose , grammatical translations of isocrates ad daemonicum . the first 〈…〉 z●nophons cyropaideia . for the speedy and sure attaining all the hebrue radiees , are preparing a ●word and a 〈◊〉 thereunto like 〈…〉 and greeke . for all these helpes more particularly , and the right vse of them : the grammar schoole in this last edition . matter of charge , and all objections there answe●●● ▪ october the . . the three-penny cooks fat in the fire, or rhe [sic] downefall of as-in-presentis; or the schoole-master under the black-rod. or the brain-breakers breaker newly broke out againe. by thomas grantham, master in art of peter-house in cambridge, heretofore professor in bowlane and mug-well-street neere barber chyrurgions hall: now over against graies inn gate in holborne, at master bulls. grantham, thomas, d. . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing g thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) october the . . the three-penny cooks fat in the fire, or rhe [sic] downefall of as-in-presentis; or the schoole-master under the black-rod. or the brain-breakers breaker newly broke out againe. by thomas grantham, master in art of peter-house in cambridge, heretofore professor in bowlane and mug-well-street neere barber chyrurgions hall: now over against graies inn gate in holborne, at master bulls. grantham, thomas, d. . p. printed for thomas pabody, in queenes-head-alley, in pater-noster-row, [london] : . an advertisement of a new method of teaching greek and latin. [thomason catalog]. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng latin language -- study and teaching -- early works to . greek language -- study and teaching -- early works to . education -- england -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no october the . . the three-penny cooks fat in the fire, or rhe [sic] downefall of as-in-presentis; or the schoole-master under the blac grantham, thomas c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion october the . . the three-penny cooks fat in the fire , or the downefall of as-in-presentie ; or the schoole-master under the black-rod . or the brain-breakers breaker newly broke out againe . by thomas grantham , master in art of peter-house in cambridge , heretofore professor in bowlane and mugwell-street neere barbar chyrurgions hall : now over against graies inn gate in holborne , at master bulls . printed for thomas pabody , in queenes-head-alley , in pater-noster-row . . vpon a time , walking by my selfe , i fell into contemplation of my former life , and of all the miseries that befell me , either by my inconsideratenesse and rashnesse , or gods justice upon me for my sins . and although i added weight to some of those crosses , by taking them more heavily then i ought to have done ; yet i found nothing crucifi'd me so much as my long and tedious going to the schoole ; how many showers of teares ? how many streams of blood ? and i was cuffed , as if the messenger of satan had beene sent to buffit me ; and after two seaven years spent constantly in this bride-well , so that i was nineteene or twenty yeares of age , i could not understand so much latine as a sucking child , nor speak so much as a spelling child ; methought it was strange , that a child should suck in more with milke , then i should get with so many drops of blood , having so much advantage of yeares , but some will say , it may be you were very dull in learning , if i were never so dull , nor never so stupid , nor never so blockish ; was this cruelty a way to quicken me ? but some will say , wee know the misery 's so great , that many of us had rather have our children ignorant then learn with so much torment : therefore the time will be better spent by me in showing the remedy , and that is my task at this present . . remedy . one remedy against this epidemicall disease is , let a boy learn his grammer aschams way , which way those learned schooles beyond seas doe highly commend , that is , to understand within booke , and to apply every necessary rule : it makes no matter whether he can say his grammer word by word without booke or no ; if he can give the sence without booke , and turne to the rule within booke , it is sufficient ; no university man , no great scholler , can say his grammer word by word without booke , no , not the master himselfe ; and yet he whips the schollers for that he cannot doe himself ; if a man remember there is such a rule , or such a sence of the r●l● , it suffices : no grammer have the same words , the sense is all wee looke for ; and so soone as wee come to the university wee forget to say our rules word by word without book , may , scorn and deride him that doth it . thus this many yeares great labour is lost in a moneth or two , and is so farre from profiting , that it becomes rediculous . consider also , the grammers which were before lilly , were some of them almost as bigge as a church-bible , if you take out the apocrypha and common-prayer . now to learne these word by word without booke , was a taske passing the patience of an asse ; upon this erasmus concludeth , that grammer it selfe is enough to make a man spend his whole life in tortures . ascham , in his first book hath these words ; so as the grammer-booke be alwayes in the schollers hand , and also used of him as a dictionary for every present use , this is a lively and perfect way for teaching of rules , where the common way used in common schooles , to reade the grammer alone by it selfe , is tedious for the master , hard for the sholler , cold and uncomfortable fur them both . now you see according to ascham , the grammer must be used as a dictionary , and he that knowes any thing , knowes that a dictionary is not to be learned word by word without booke therefore not a grammer : he tells you in this place , that it is tedious to a scholler ; let any man consider who hath not the patience of an asse , what a tedious thing it is to have all the grammer or most part of it lapt up in his head word by word , and presently to apply every rule word by word , or else up he goes , if he were as good as george a greene . read ascham in his second booke , these are his words ; i remember when i was young , in the north there went to the grammer-schoole little children , they came from thence great lubbars , always learning and little profiting , learning without booke every thing , understanding within book little or nothing ; their whole knowledge by learning without the booke was tyed only to their tongue and lips , and never ascended up to the braine and head ; and therefore was soone spit out of the mouth againe ; they were as men alwayes going , but ever out of the way ; and why ? for their whole labour , or rather great toyle without order , was even vaine idlenesse without profit ; indeed they tooke great paines about learning , but imployed small labour in learning ; when by this way prescribed in this booke , being strait , plain and easie , the scholler is alwayes labouring with pleasure , and ever going on forward with profit . here this scholler famous all over christendome , and the glory of his kingdom for languages , tells you learning without booke , was vain idlenesse without profit ; he tells you , they tooke great paines about learning , but imployed small labour in learning . erasmus , the restorer of the fathers greeke and latine , the greatest writer in his time , incomperable for wit , learning , and eloquence , hath the same words ; some make it their greatest care to learne the rules word by word without book , which thing saith he , i allow not of , for it is great paines to no purpose , nor profit all . brinsley , a famous schoole-master in his booke called , a consolation for our grammer schooles , writes of one master tovey a schoole-master equall to the best , that teaching aschums way ; that is , only the sense of the rules , brought a nobleman to a perfection beyond all expectation . comenins , a man admired for his quicknesse in teaching the languages , hath writ sharply against this dog-bolt way ; innumerable are the learned men who have sought to take away the servitude and slavery that youth hath undergone ; some authors i have quoted in my animadversions upon cambdens greeke grammer , made for the use of westminster-schoole , and i have shewed , and i will shew more hereafter ; that it is a false , obscure , imperfect gammer , abounding with above twelve grosse errors , besides many little ones ; and those who are schoole : masters of great schooles , and make men beleeve they know much , when alas it is very little they know ; they might blush if they had any shame , to let so many errours goe uncorrected in a grammer , which is the foundation of a language ; if foundations be false and rotten , what will the building be ? i need not spend much time upon this point , because i have represented in a comedy often acted by my schollers , the cruelty , folly , and non-sense of common school-masters , which i intend to print as soon as i can . looke upon aschams successe in this way , in his first booke he speakes thus of queene elizabeth ; it is your shame , i speake to you all ( you young gentlemen of england ) that one maid should goe beyond you all in excellency of learning and knowledge of divers tongues ; point forth six of the best given gentlemen of this court , and they altogether shew not so much , will not spend so much time , bestow not so many houres , dayly , orderly and constantly , for the increase of learning and knowlidge as doth the queenes majesty here : yea , i beleeve th●t besides her perfect readinesse in latine , italian , french and spanish ; she did reade more geeke every day , then some prebbendary of this church doth read latine in a whole weeke ; and that which is most praise-worthy of all , within the walls of her privy-chamber , she hath obtained that excellency of learning , to understand , speake and write , both wittily with head , and faire with hand , as scarce one or two rare wits in both the universities have in many yeares reached unto . among all the benefits that god hath blessed me withall , next the knowledge of christs true religion , i count this the greatest , that it pleased god to cal me to be one poore minister in setting forward ▪ these excellent gifts of learning in this most excellent prince . looke upon his successe in his second booke , amongst many others , one witney , a most accomplished gentleman , these are his words ; i gave him a translation to turne into latine , which he did so choisely , so orderly , without any great misse in the hardest points of grammer , that some in seven yeares in grammer-schooles , yea , and some in the universities too , cannot doe halfe so well : and this perfection be obtained from christmas to alhallowes-tide , & this scholler was altogether ignorant of the latine tongue and the rules before . now briefly take some few reasons against this way of saying word by word without booke . all arts , as geometree , arithmetick , logick , navigation , men attaine too , and never learne rule word by word without booke , and what offence hath grammer done that it must be cuft into a boy word by word without booke ? if learning without booke word by word be necessary for the understanding of a thing , then it is before a boy understands or after he understands . now for a boy to learne without booke like a parret , that he understands not , is very laborious and rediculous ; and to learne without booke after he understands , that is to no purpose ; for the master understanding himselfe the sense of the rule , neglects saying word by word without booke , and whips shollers for that he cannot doe himselfe : if saying without book word by word be profitable to the understanding , then he that saith best without booke understands best , but this is false ; there are many that can say much scripture without book , but understand not so well as those that can say none . take this instance , christopher grecu● , clerk of a g●eat parish , a man of threescore yeares and ten , he can say all the psalmes without booke , and yet i dare not trust him to apply a psalm after my sermon . i have had boyes come from common schooles , could say all the grammer word for word without booke , and yet could not make halfe a line of true latine ; and that which is most absurd of all , they teach a boy to make latine by the latine rules , when a boy understands not latine ; just as if a man should teach one an art in french , when he understands not french ; then there are many boyes can say without book to their companions or by themselves , but the master , strutting with the rod in his hand , and his imperious looke and threatning , puts a boy cleare out ; as for a master to talk thus to a boy , sirra i le smoke you , i le make your buttocks blush , i le make you feare me ; these words confound a boy and fright him out of all : if a boy be to say this rule , a●ectives that signifie fulnesse , emptinesse , plenty , &c. if he mis-place a word , although the sense be the same , presently the master fells him all along , where as some grammers have the first words last , and the last words first , the sense being still the same . observe doctor webs words , in his appeale to truth , now if gammer should be the best course to languages , and kings may have their choice of best courses , i wonder what grammers were made by mithridates ? and that makes me wonder more , we that have no businesse but a language , spend all our life and are not perfect in one , and he that had a kingdoms affairs to look upon , had two and tw●nty compleat languages . now if a language cannot be got but by learning word for word without book , then mithridates , who had a kingdomes affairs to look to , must learn two & twentie grammars , word by word without booke ; and to learne a grammer in this manner , will take up five yeares , to be compleat in a language as he was wil be at least five years more , which reckoned , make up two hundred and twentie yeares . now mithridates lived not a quarter of the time . doctor webbe in that learned work quotes above a hundred learned men , who envey bitterly against grammarians , and he undertakes to prove by learned authors , that a language may be learned without a grammer , which needs no proofe at all to men of common sense . how many are there that can speake french and latine that never saw a grammar ? many young gentlemen and gentlewomen have learned to speake french in halfe a yeare , who never knew any latine . doctor webbe names many noblemen who speake latine excellent well at five yeares of age , having nothing but latine spoken to them before . and i have knowne many , who spoke latine and french admirable well , and understood greeke very well in a twelve-moneth . and this is easily done , by joyning doctor webbes way with aschams . i had boyes when i was in london , who had beene but one yeare at most with me , and in these foure points we challenged any schoole in london . first , who understands the greeke and latine grammers best in accents , and dialects , and all things necessary secondly , who understands a greek and latin authour best . thirdly , who can prove a greeke or latine verse best . fourthly , who can make a greeke or latine oration , or a greeke and latine verse best and soonest ; and the highest of my schollars was but fifteene yeares of age , and the second to him but ten . some i had i confesse , could not doe a quarter so much , which was no fault of mine ; for i often told them , if they were carelesse and would not mind , and would not learne without cuffling , pulling , lugging and whipping , they must goe to masters that delight in this way of teaching ; they may be taught in many places very reasonably this way , as for a noble or seven shillings a quarter , at some free-schooles they may have it for nothing . some schoole-masters thinke they pay me home , when they say i make schollers unfit for other schooles ; truly i conf●ss● it , i teach without any correction , and they teach with correction , and in this we differ . we teach to understand the rules first , and they teach to learne without booke first , in this we differ ; our schollers understanding the rules , and often applying them , the rules come without booke , whether they will or no . then we differ in severity . some keepe their schollers so strictly for four or five houres that they allow them not so much as a mouthfull of fresh aire , not so much as to ease nature : i have read , and heard many schollers speake against this severitie . let a boy be tyed three or four hours to that game he likes best , and let him be soundly cuft and whipped when he doth not play his game well , you shall see this boy as weary of his play as his booke , and the reason is , because of great severity . socra●es the wisest man of his time , and many who have writ concerning the instruction of youth , often say , learning must be taught with love : and some schollers at london being thus taught , seriously professe they had rather come to schoole , then goe about any pleasure or delight . remedyes . first , there are three things most necessary in a language , the words , the stile , and the rule ; for the words a boy may easily learne a thousand ▪ words in ten dayes , that is , a hundred words in a day . suppose a man allow an houre for twentie words , in five houres he learneth a hundred words . i have taught some that have learned a hundred words in an houre , but i doe not meane after the silly fustian way of learning in the common schooles , to say them all by rote like a parriot ; but let him have an hundred english words , and a hundred latine words printed or writ , he shall tell you latine for english , and this is the latine i meane ; and he that understandeth a thousand , must needs understand many thousands more , for many derivatives , compounds , de-compounds , are understood by the helpe of the simples , and he that understands thus much will understand most authors he reades . remedy . secondly , for stile take this example ; there is a certaine bird called a dotterell , this bird if you see him thrust out his right wing , thrust you out your right arme , and if he thrust out his left leg , thrust out yours ; and thus ▪ by imitating of him , you will come so neere till you take him in your hands ; and so in an author , where you see him place his adjective , adverb or conjunction , doe you so too , and by this imitation you will catch the strain of your author , and come to a great perfection , if you imitate but six leavs in a translation , which you may doe in six dayes , then you may come neere the straine of your author . remedy . for the rules teach thus , consider there are eight parts of speech , for the foure that are undeclined , i bid my scholler take very little care , because they are not varied nor declined at all ; you find them every where after the same manner . of the other foure , i bid him take care but of two , that is , a nowne and a verb , for a pronoune is much like a noune , know one , know the other ; a participle that takes part of a noune & a verbe , both those known , the participle is known . so here is but two chiefly to be cared for , that is , a noune and a verb , but be sure to understand the definition of every part of speech , not word by word without booke , but the sense of it . i cannot follow this point any further , take some propositions . proposition first , my councell is to take away al the revenus that belong to free-schooles , and other schools , and let it be committed to a treasurer , and every one in any part of the kingdome that makes a scholler fit for the university , hee shall have ten pounds out of the common stock , and the scholler preferred , & if he make him fit to be an apprentice to a chyrurgion or a lawyers clark , he shal have five pounds , by this means none shall have any mony but those that deserve it . prop. second , let any man judge whether they or i teach the best ; was it ever knowne that any graduate in the university , or master of art , physitian , lawyer , ever came to their school-masters to better themselves in the languages , whereas all my gaines and practice many times in the yeare , have been chiefly by these men . prop. third , their schollers before they go to the university come to me a moneth or two to be oyled over , & professe they profited more in that time with me , then they did before in foure yeares . prop. fourth , they will make a man believe that a boy is a poet , and able to make theams and verses ; now these boys can neither speake latine , nor understand an author ; and will any think a man to be a freench poet , when he cannot speake french , or a good orator when he cannot understand it , these verses are onely patched up of phrases ( a meere delusion ) see more of this in my six quoeries to the free-schooles , in and about london , printed three yeares agoe , and not yet answered : at that time had i followed my blow , the free-schools had been absolutely routed , and never able to rally or recruit againe : and i set up a challenge in the exchange , to all the schooles in london or thereabouts seaven to seaven , which stood nine dayes . our schoole stood open to all examination for one whole yeare , and when the best schollers of one of the primest schooles in london contended with ours , there was a gentleman of the innes of court , that delivered in a latin speech , vobis laudem , ●llis palman tribuo ; i give you praise ( saith he ) to the schollers of that great schoole , but i give master granthams schollers the victory . all that i shall say in this great hast is ; i desire that there may be an act of oblivion of the abuses and mistakes of both parties , and that wee may all joyne together , and study reformation of the schooles , that schoole-masters may no longer make merchandize of the precious time of youth , which is of that great height , that it is many times the destruction of soule and body ; and if the sin of scandall shall deserve the weight of a mill-stone ; what shall he deserve that keepes youth many yeares in teaching , and can shew no progresse to the purpose : imployment now cuts me off , but i should be happy in london , before authority to have a dispute with these schoole-masters , and that there may be an account taken of every boy that goes to schoole , what he is when he goes , and how much he hath profited when he comes away . i will undertake in two monethes , to make him that can reade english , to conster an author ▪ in latine and greeke , he shall make greeke and latine verses and orations , and his progresse in hebrew shall be correspondent ; and because men may thinke that a man doeth this for mony , i will desire but two shillings a day whilst i teach , for the publike good , and al the rest shall goe for charitable uses , only i desire that i may make choyce of what kind of charity the mony may be bestowed on . now to that god that hath commanded love and charity amongst us , be all honour , and glory for ever , &c. herculea cecidisse manu tot monsta negamus , quot methodo & calamo iam perierie tuo . the hand of hercules did never kill , such monsters as thy method and great skill . canst thou that art full twenty yeares and more ? tremble and shake to heare thy master roare like a storme frighted sea-man , oh yee fooles , how does all wise men laugh to scorne your schooles ? thou humbly on a horse , hangs down thy head , and a fierce rod thy buttocks over-spred , or horst upon an asse , much like to thee , horse , oxe , and asse injoy more liberty ; at every stroke thy trembling buttocks quake , like two great custards , that are newly bak't , teares trickle from thy buttocks , from thine eye , who can hut laugh to see this booby cry ? younger then thee dare on the cannon goe in spight of fire , and flame confront their foe , and when a bullet flyes in full carreere , they scorne to stirre or starte aside for feare , then rouse brave spirits boyes and you shall see a way to learne , with all facility : the latin's call a schoole , a learned play , and so is mine , 't is alwayes holiday , in twenty dayes i 'le fit you for a gowne , if you 'l but leave this play of hose goe downe . mans life is short , but art is long they say , o happy 's he that goes the nearest way , homer discribes his god , flying with speed , shooting his arrowes till the grecians bleede ; the ●●gels good and bad have wings , the sun the light of lights , how swiftly does he run ; the goddesses came down like shooting starrs ▪ when greece and troy were at their bloody wars , homer does say the horses of the sun , so farre as one can see at one step run , i hate the snaile , the crab , the flow pac't ●●sse , that hums and drums out a foire houre-glasse . the creatures in the law had foure feete , god dam'd because they could not gos ▪ but creepe , and he that creepes and slugs at whipping schoole , the flower of his age , i call a poole . if on pernasses-hill one did but sleepe , or on the muses-well chance to drinke deepe , then would he sing such verses and such rimes , as made him live for everlasting times ; all this condemns your cuffing , whipping schooles , that spend so many yeares to make men fooles . thou that dost strike where christ himself doth kisse let any judge how far thou do'st amisse , thou that dost cuffe those whom he did imbrace , how canst thou answer 't to thy masters face . raptim . to his grace, his majesties high commissioner, and the right honourable estates of parliament. the petition of the principal and masters of the marishal colledge of aberdeen. marischal college and university. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. b ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) to his grace, his majesties high commissioner, and the right honourable estates of parliament. the petition of the principal and masters of the marishal colledge of aberdeen. marischal college and university. sheet ([ ] p.) s.n., [edinburgh : ] caption title. imprint suggested by wing. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng marischal college and university -- finance -- early works to . educational fund raising -- scotland -- early works to . broadsides -- scotland -- th century - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to his grace , his majesties high commissioner , and the right honourable the estates of parliament . the petition of the principal and masters of the marishal colledge of aberdeen . humbly sheweth that where the petitioners having represented to this parliament , that they in consideration that their colledge was exceedingly decayed had adventured to erect and join a new building thereto , without any other fond ; but the charitable assistance of noblemen , gentlemen and others both at home and abroad , and the contribution being expended , and the work uncompleat ; it pleased his majesties high commissioner , and honourable estates of parliament , to allow the petitioners the vacant stipends of such churches whereof the earl marishal and earl of kintore were patrons , but the act was restricted only to endure till this session of parliament ; and seeing few of these churches have vaicked , and the stipend of those that are vacant , being near ; exhausted , by the twenty merks payed , to such as preach at the several parish churches our new building lyes still uncompleat , and it will take a considerable summ to finish the said work , and the royall burrows in consideration thereof , were pleased at their last general convention at aherdeen to bestow upon us a generous assistance , and it being his majestie and royall predecessors , their constant care to provide for universities and colledges , and to allow them supplies for repairing and upholding their fabricks : the petitioners have presumed to make this new address to his grace and honourable estates of parliament , humbly craving , that not only the former act , allowing the petitioners the vacant stipends of the churches of foverain , new deer , saint brides alias dunnottar , fetteresso , old deer , auchredie , langside , peterhead , saint fergus , king edward , and any other whereof the earl marishal and earl of kintore are undoubted patrons , may be allowed and continued for such a competent time , as his grace and estates of parliament shall think sit . but also in consideration of the necessity . that the old fabrick lyes under to be repaired , and the new work to be compleated ; your grace and honourable estates of parliament , would be pleased to allow the petitioners some part of the bishops rents , or some other more certain and sure fond then the casual vacant stipends , for the use and ends asoresaid ; and the rather because the honourable members of the last visitation of colledges , in consideration of the premisses , by their act in august . recommended the petitioners to the lords of thesaury , that they might bestow upon them any fond , that might be most effectual for the uses foresaid . and your petitioners shall ever pray , &c. of education. to master samuel hartlib. milton, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason e _ ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing m thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ]) of education. to master samuel hartlib. milton, john, - . p. for thomas underhill? for thomas johnson?, [london : ] attributed to john milton. caption title. imprint suggested by wing, pforzheimer catalogue and shawcross. annotation on thomason copy: "by mr john milton"; " june ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng hartlib, samuel, d. . education -- philosophy -- early works to . education -- early works to . a r (thomason e _ ). civilwar no of education.: to master samuel hartlib. milton, john c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - angela berkley sampled and proofread - angela berkley text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of education . to master samuel hartlib . master hartlib , i am long since perswaded , that to say , or doe ought worth memory , and imitation , no purpose or respect should sooner move us , then simply the love of god , and of mankinde . neverthelesse to write now the reforming of education , though it be one of the greatest and noblest designes , that can be thought on , and for the want whereof this nation perishes , i had not yet at this time been induc't , but by your earnest entreaties , and serious conjurements ; as having my minde for the present halfe diverted in the persuance of some other assertions , the knowledge and the use of which , cannot but be a great furtherance both to the enlargement of truth , and honest living , with much more peace . nor should the lawes of any private friendship have prevail'd with me to divide thus , or transpose my former thoughts , but that i see those aims , those actions which have won you with me the esteem of a person sent hither by some good providence from a farre country to be the occasion and the incitement of great good to this iland . and , as i hear , you have obtain'd the same repute with men of most approved wisdom , and some of highest authority among us . not to mention the learned correspondence which you hold in forreigne parts , and the extraordinary pains and diligence which you have us'd in this matter both heer , and beyond the seas ; either by the definite will of god so ruling , or the peculiar sway of nature , which also is gods working . neither can i thinke that so reputed , and so valu'd as you are , you would to the forfeit of your own discerning ability , impose upon me an unfit and over ponderous argument , but that the satisfaction which you professe to have receiv'd from those incidentall discourses which we have wander'd into , hath prest & almost constrain'd you into a perswasion , that what you require from me in this point , i neither ought , nor can in conscience deferre beyond this time both of so much need at once , and so much opportunity to trie what god hath determin'd . i will not resist therefore , what ever it is either of divine , or humane obligement that you lay upon me ; but will forthwith set down in writing , as you request me , that voluntary idea , which hath long in silence presented it self to me , of a better education , in extent and comprehension farre more large , and yet of time farre shorter , and of attainment farre more certain , then hath been yet in practice . briefe i shall endeavour to be ; for that which i have to say , assuredly this nation hath extreame need should be done sooner then spok'n . to tell you therefore what i have benefited herein among old renowned authors , i shall spare ; and to search what many modern ianua's and didactics more then ever i shall read , have projected , my inclination leads me not . but if you can accept of these few observations which have flowr'd off , and are as it were the burnishing of many studious and contemplative yeers altogether spent in the search of religious and civil knowledge , and such as pleas'd you so well in the relating , i here give you them to dispose of . the end then of learning is to repair the ruins of our first parents by regaining to know god aright , and out of that knowledge to love him , to imitate him , to be like him , as we may the neerest by possessing our souls of true vertue ▪ which being united to the heavenly grace of faith makes up the highest perfection . but because our understanding cannot in this body found it selfe but on sensible things , not arrive so cleerly to the knowledge of god and things invisible , as by orderly conning over the visible and inferior creature , the same method is necessarily to be follow'd in all discreet teaching . and seeing every nation affords not experience and tradition anough for all kinde of learning , therefore we are chiefly taught the languages of those people who have at any time been most industrious after wisdom ; so that language is but the instrument convaying to us things usefull to be known . and though a linguist should pride himselfe to have all the tongues that babel cleft the world into , yet , if he have not studied the solid things in them as well as the words and lexicons , he were nothing so much to be esteem'd a learned man , as any yeoman or tradesman competently wise in his mother dialect only . hence appear the many mistakes which have made learning generally so unpleasing and so unsuccesfull ; first we do amisse to spend seven or eight yeers meerly in scraping together so much miserable latin , and greek , as might be learnt otherwise easily and delightfully in one yeer . and that which casts our proficiency therein so much behinde , is our time lost partly in too oft idle vacancies given both to schools and universities , partly in a preposterous exaction , forcing the empty wits of children to compose theams , verses , and orations , which are the acts of ripest judgement and the finall work of a head fill'd by long reading , and observing , with elegant maxims , and copious invention . these are not matters to be writing from poor striplings , like blood out of the nose , or the plucking of untimely fruit : besides the all habit which they get of wretched barbarizing against the latin and greek idiom , with their untutor'd anglicisms , odious to be read , yet not to be avoided without a well continu'd and judicious conversing among pure authors digested , which they scarce taste , wheras if after some preparatory grounds of speech by their certain forms got into memory , they were led to the praxis thereof in some chosen short book lesson'd throughly to them , they might then forthwith proceed to l●arn the substance of good things , and arts in due order , which would bring the whole language quickly into their power . this i take to be the most rationall and most profitable way of learning languages , and whereby we may best hope to give account to god of our youth spent herein : and for the usuall method of teaching arts , i deem it to be an old errour of universities not yet well recover'd from the scholastick grosnesse of barbarous ages , that in stead of beginning with arts most easie , and those be such as are most obvious to the sence , they present their young unmatriculated novices at first comming with the most intellective abstractions of logick & metaphysicks : so that they having but newly left those grammatick flats & shallows where they stuck unreasonably to learn a few words with lamentable construction , and new on the sudden transported under another climat to be tost and turmoild with their unb●llasted wits in fadomles and unquiet deeps of controversie , do for the most part grow into hatred and contempt of learning , mockt and deluded all this while with ragged notions and babblements , while they expected worthy and delightfull knowledge ; till poverty or youthfull yeers call them importunately their severall wayes , and hasten them with the sway of friends either to an ambitious and mercenary , or ignorantly zealous divinity ; some assur'd to the trade of law , grounding their purposes not on the prudent , and heavenly contemplation of justice and equity which was never taught them , but on the promising and pleasing thoughts of litigious terms , fat contentions , and flowing sees ; others betake them to state affairs , with souls so unprincipl'd in vertue , and true generous breeding , that flattery , and court shifts and tyrannous aphorismes appear to them the highest points of wisdom ; instilling their barren hearts with a conscientious slavery , if , as , i rather think , it be not fain'd . others lastly of a more delicious and airie spirit , retire themselves knowing no better , to the enjoyments of ease and luxury , living out their daies in feast and jollity , which indeed is the wisest and the safest course of all these , unlesse they were with more integrity undertak'n . and these are the errours , and these are the fruits of mispending our prime youth at the schools and universities as we do , either in learning meere words or such things chiefly , as were better unlearnt . i shall detain you now no longer in the demonstration of what we should not doe , but strait conduct ye to a hill side , where i will point ye out the right path of a vertuous and noble education ; laborious indeed at the first ascent , but else so smooth , so green , so full of goodly prospect , and melodious sounds on every side , that the harp of orpheus was not more charming . i doubt not but ye shall have more adoe to drive our dullest and laziest youth , our stocks and stubbs from the infinite desire of such a happy nurture , then we have now to hale and drag our choisest and hopefullest wits to that asinine feast of sowthistles and brambles which is commonly set before them , as all the food and entertainment of their tenderest and most docible age . i call therefore a compleate and generous education that which fits a man to perform justly , skilfully and magnanimously all the offices both private and publike of peace and war . and how all this may be done between twelve , and one and twenty , lesse time then is now bestow'd in pure trifling at grammar and sophistry , is to be thus order'd . first to finde out a sp●tious house and ground about it fit for an academy , and big enough to lodge a hundred and fifty persons , whereof twenty or thereabout may be attendants , all under the government of one , who shall be thought of desert sufficient , and ability either to doe all , or wisely to direct , and oversee it done . this place should be at once both school and university , not needing a remove to any other house of schollership , except it be some peculiar colledge of law , or physick where they mean to be practitioners ; but as for those generall studies which take up all our time from lilly to the commencing , as they term it , master of art , it should be absolute . after this pattern , as many edifices may be converted to this use , as shall be needfull in every city throughout this land , which would tend much to the encrease of learning and civility every where . this number , lesse or more thus collected , to the convenience of a foot company , or interchangeably two troops of cavalry , should divide their daies work into three parts , as it lies orderly . their studies , their exercise , and their diet . for their studies , first they should begin with the chief and necessary rules of some good grammar , either that now us'd , or any better : and while this is doing , their speech is to be fashion'd to a distinct and cleer pronuntiation , as neer as may be to the italian , especially in the vowels . for we englishmen being farre northerly , doe not open our mouthe● in the cold air , wide enough to grace a southern tongue ; but are observ'd by all other nations to speak exceeding close and inward : so that to smatter latin with an english mouth , is as ill a hearing as law french . next to make them expert in the usefullest points of grammar , and withall to season them , and win them early to the love of vertue and true labour , ere any flattering seducement , or ●●m principle selfe them wandering , some easie and delightfull book of education would be read to them ; whereof the greeks have store as 〈◊〉 , plutarch , and other socratic discourses . but in latin we have none of classic authoritie extant , except the two or three first books of quintilian , and some select peeces else where . but here the main skill and groundwork will be , to temper them such lectures and explanations upon every opportunity , as may lead and draw them in willing obedience , enflam'd with the study of learning , and the admiration of vertue ; stirr'd up with high hopes of living to be brave men , and worthy patriots , dear to god , and famous to all ages . that they may despise and scorn all their childish , and ill taught qualities , to delight in manly , and liberall exercises : which he who hath the art , and proper eloquence to catch them with , what with mild and effectuall perswasions , and what with the intimation of some fear , if need be , but chiefly by his own example , might in a short space gain them to an incredible diligence and courage : infusing into their young brests such an ingenuous and noble ardor , as would not fail to make many of them renowned and matchlesse men . at the same time , some other hour of the day , might be taught them the rules of arithmetick , and soon after the elements of geometry even playing , as the old manner was . after evening repast , till bed time their thoughts will be best taken up in the easie grounds of religion , and the story of scripture . the next step would be to the authors of agriculture , cato , varro , and columella , for the matter is most easie , and if the language be difficult , so much the better , it is not a difficultie above their yeers . and here will be an occasion of inciting and inabling them hereafter to improve the tillage of their country , to recover the bad soil , and to remedy the wast that is made of good : for this was one of hercules praises . ere halfe these authors be read , which will soon be with plying hard , and dayly , they cannot choose but be masters of any ordinary prose . so that it will be then seasonable for them to learn in any modern author , the use of the globes , and all the maps first with the old names ; and then with the new : or they might be then capable to read any compendious method of naturall philosophy . and at the same time might be entring into the greek tongue , after the same manner as was before prescrib'd in the latin ; whereby the difficulties of grammar being soon overcome , all the historicall physiology of aristotle and theophrastus are open before them , and as i may say , under contribution . the like accesse will be to vitruvius , to senecas naturall questions , to mela , celsus , pliny , or solinus . and having thus past the principles of arithmetic , geometry , astronomy , and geography with a generall compact of physicks , they may descend in mathematicks to the instrumentall science of trigonometry , and from thence to fortification , architecture , enginry , or navigation . and in naturall philosophy they may proceed leisurly from the history of meteors , minerals , plants and living creatures as farre as anatomy . then also in course might be read to them out of some not tedious writer the institution of physick ; that they may know the tempers , the humors , the seasons , and how to manage a crudity : which he who can wisely and timely doe , is not onely a great physician to himselfe , and to his friends , but also may at some time or other , save an army by this frugall , and expencelesse meanes only ; and not let the healthy and stout bodies of young men rot away under him for want of this discipline ; which is a great pitty , and no lesse a shame to the commander . to set forward all these proceedings in nature & mathematicks , what hinders , but that they may procure , as oft as shall be needfull , the helpfull experiences of hunters , fowlers , fishermen , shepherds , gardeners , apothecaries ; and in the other sciences , architects engineers , mariners , anatomists ; who doubtlesse would be ready some for reward , and some to favour such a hopefull seminary . and this will give them such a reall tincture of naturall knowledge , as they shall never forget , but dayly augment with delight . then also those poets which are now counted most hard , will be both facil and pleasant , orpheus , hesiod , theocritus , aratus , nicander , oppian , dionysius and in latin lucretius , manilius , and the rurall part of virgil . by this time , yeers and good generall precepts will have furnisht them more distinctly with that act of reason which in ethics is call'd proa●resis : that they may with some judgement contemplat upon morall good and evill . then will be requir'd a speciall reinforcement of constant and sound endoctrinating to set them right and firm , instructing them more amply in the knowledge of vertue and the hatred of vice : while their young and pliant affections are led through all the morall works of plato , xenophon , cicero , plutarch , laertius , and those locrian remnants ; but still to be reduc't in their nightward studies wherewith they close the dayes work , under the determinat sentence of david , or salomon , or the evangels and apostolic scriptures . being perfit in the knowledge of personall duty , they may then begin the study of economies . and either now , or before this , they may have easily learnt at any odde hour the italian tongue . and soon after , but with warinesse , and good antidote , it would be wholsome anough to let them tast some choise comedies greek , latin , or italian : those tragedies also that treate of houshold matters , as trachiniae , alcestis and the like . the next remove must be to the study of politics ; to know the beginning , end , and reasons of politicall societies ; that they may not in a dangerous fit of the common-wealth be such poor , shaken , uncertain reeds , of such a tottering conscience , as many of our great counsellers have lately shewn themselves , but stedfast pillars of the state . after this they are to dive into the grounds of law , and legall justice ; deliver'd first , and with best warrant by moses ; and as farre as humane prudence can be trusted , in those extoll'd remains of grecian law-givers , lycurgus , solon , zaleucus , charondas , and thence to all the romane edicts and tables with their ●ustinian ; and so down to the saxon and common laws of england , and the statutes . sundayes also and every evening may be now understandingly spent in the highest matters of theology , and church history ancient and modern : and ere this time the hebrew tongue at a set hour might have been gain'd , that the scriptures may be now read in their own originall ; whereto it would be no impossibility to adde the chaldey , and the syrian dialect . when all these employments are well conquer'd , then will the choise histories , heroic poems , and attic tragedies of statliest , and most regal argument , with all the famous politicall orations offer themselves ; which if they were not only read ; but some of them got by memory , and solemnly pronounc't with right accent , and grace , as might be taught , would endue them even with the spirit , and vigor of demosthenes or cicere , euripides , or sophocles . and now lastly will be the time to read with them those organic arts which in able men to discourse and write perspicuously , elegantly , and according to the fitted stile of lofty , mean , or lowly . logic therefore so much as is usefull , is to be referr'd to this due place withall her well coucht heads and topics , unt●ll it be time to open her contracted palm into a gracefull and ornate rhetorick taught out of the rule of plato , aristotle , phalereus , cicero , hermogenes , longinus . to which poetry would be made subsequent , or indeed rather precedent , as being lesse suttle and fine , but more simple , sensuous and passionate . i mean not here the prosody of a verse , which they could not but have hit ▪ on before among the rudiments of grammer ; but that sublime art which in aristotles poetics , in horace , and the italian commentaries of castelvetro , tasso , mazzoni , and others , teaches what the laws are of a true epic poem , what of a dramatic , what of a lyric , what decorum is , which is the grand master peece to observe . this would make them soon perceive what despicable creatures our common timers and play writes be , and shew them , what religious , what glorious and magnificent use might be made of poetry both in divine and humane things . from hence and not till now will be the right season of forming them to be able writers and composers in every excellent matter , when they shall be thus fraught with an universall insight into things . or whether they be to speak in parliament or counsell , honour and attention would be waiting on their lips . there would then also appear in pulpits other visages , other gestures , and stuffe otherwise wrought then what we now sit under , oft times to as great a triall of our patience as any other that they preach to us . these are the studies wherein our noble and our gentle youth ought to bestow their time in a disciplinary way from twelve to one and twenty ; unlesse they rely more upon their ancestors dead , then upon themselves living . in which methodicall course it is so suppos'd they must proceed by the steddy pace of learning onward , as at convenient times for memories sake to retire back into the middle ward , and sometimes into the rear of what they have been taught , untill they have confirm'd , and solidly united the whole body of their perfited knowledge , like the last embattelling of a romane legion . now will be worth the seeing what exercises , and what recreations may best agree , and become these studies . their exercise . the course of study hitherto briefly describ'd , is , what i can guesse by reading , likest to those ancient and famous schools of pythagoras , plato , isocrates , aristotle and such others , out of which were bred up such a number of renowned philosophers , orators , historians , poets and princes all over greece , italy , and asia , besides the flourishing studies of cyrene and alexandria . but herein it shall exceed them , and supply a defect as great as that which plato noted in the common-wealth of sparta ; whereas that city train'd up their youth most for warre , and these in their academies and lycaeum , all for the gown , this institution of breeding which i here delineate , shall be equally good both for peace and warre . therefore about an hour and a halfe ere they eat at noon should be allow'd them for exercise and due rest afterwards : but the time for this may be enlarg'd at pleasure , according as their rising in the morning shall be early . the exercise which i commend first , is the exact use of their weapon ; to guard and to strike safely with edge , or point ; this will keep them healthy nimble , strong , and well in breath , is also the likeliest meanes to make them grow large , and tall , and to inspire them with a gallant and fearlesse courage , which being temper'd with seasonable lectures and precepts to them of true fortitude , and patience , will turn into a native and heroick valour , and make them hate the cowardise of doing wrong . they must be also practiz'd in all the locks and gripes of wrastling , wherein english men were wont to excell , as need may often be in fight to tugge , to grapple , and to close . and this perhaps will be anough , wherein to prove and heat their single strength . the interim of ●●swearing themselves regularly , and convenient rest before meat may both with profit and delight be taken up in recreating and composing their travail'd spirits with the solemn and divine harmonies of musick heard , or learnt ; other while the skilfull organist plies his grave and fancied descant , in lofty fugues , or the whole symphony with artfull and unimaginable touches adorn and grace the well studied cords of some choise composer ; some times the lute , or soft organ stop w●●ting on elegant voices either to religious , martiall , or civill ditties ; which if wise men & prophets be not extreamly out , have a great power over dispositions and manners , to smooth and make them gentle from rustick harshnesse and distemper'd passions . the like also would not be unexpedient after meat to assist and cherish nature in her first concoction , and send their mindes backe to study in good tune and satisfaction . where having follow'd it close under vigilant eyes till about two hours before supper , they are by a sudden alarum or watch word , to be call'd out to their military motions , under skie or covert , according to the season , as was the romane wont ; first on foot , then as their age permits , on horse back , to all the art of cavalry ; that having in sport , but with much exactnesse , and dayly muster , serv'd out the rudiments of their souldiership in all the skill of embattailing , marching , encamping , fortifying , beseiging and battering , with all the helps of ancient and modern stratagems , tactiks and warlike maxims , they may as it were out of a long warre come forth renowned and perfect commanders in the service of their country . they would not then , if they were trusted with fair and hopefull armies , suffer them for want of just and wise discipline to shed away from about them like sick feathers , though they be never so oft suppli'd : they would not suffer their empty & unrecrutible colonells of twenty men in a company , to quafle out , or convay into secret hoards , the wages of a delusive list , and a miserable remnant : yet in the mean while to be overmaster'd with a score or two of drunkards , the only souldiery left about them , or else to comply with all rapines and violences . no certainly , if they knew ought of that knowledge that belongs to good men or good governours , they would not suffer these things but to return to our own in●tit●te , besides these constant exercises at home , there is another opportunity of gaining experience to be won from pleasure it selfe abroad ; in those vernal seasons of the yeer , when the air is calm and pleasant , it were an injury and sullennesse against nature not to go out , and see her riches , and partake in her rejoycing with heaven and earth . i should not therefore be a perswader to them of studying much then , after two or three yeer that they have well laid their grounds , but to ride out in companies with prudent and staid guides , to all the quarters of the land : learning and observing all places of strength , all commodities of building and of soil , for towns and tillage , harbours and ports for trade , somtimes taking sea as farre as to our navy , to learn there also what they can in the practical knowledge of sailing and of sea fight . these waves would trie all their peculiar gifts of nature , and if there were any secret excellence among them , would fetch it out , and give it fair opportunities to advance it selfe by , which could not but mightily redound to the good of this nation , and bring into fashion again those old admired vertues and excellencies , with farre more advantage now in this puritie of christian knowledge . nor shall we then need the mounsieurs of paris to take our hopefull youth into thir slight and prodigall custodies and send them over back again transform'd into mimics , apes & kicshoes . but if they desire to see other countries at three or four and twenty yeers of age , not to learn principles , but to enlarge experience , and make wise observation , they will by that time be such as shall deserve the regard and honour of all men where they passe , and the society and friendship of those in all places who are best and most eminent . and perhaps then other nations will be glad to visit us for their breeding , or else to imitate us in their own country . now lastly for their diet there cannot be much to say , save only that it would be best in the same house ; for much time else would be lost abroad , and many ill habits got ; and that it should be plain , healthfull , and moderat i suppose is out of controversie . thus master hartlib , you have a generall view in writing , as your desire was , of that which at severall times i had discourst with you concerning the best and noblest way of education ; not beginning , as some have done from the cradle , which yet might be worth many considerations , if brevity had not been my scope , many other circumstances also i could have mention'd , but this to such as have the worth in them to make triall , for light and direction may be anough . only i believe that this is not a bow for every man to shoot in that counts himselfe a teacher ; but will require sinews almost equall to those which homer gave ulysses , yet i am withall perswaded that it may prove much more easie in the assay , then it now seems at distance , and much more illustrious : howbeit not more difficult then i imagine , and that imagination presents me with nothing but very happy and very possible according to best wishes ; if god have so decreed , and this age have spirit and capacity anough to apprehend . the end . a certificat in order to the collecting and reporting the state of the present english free-schools. university of oxford. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing o estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a certificat in order to the collecting and reporting the state of the present english free-schools. university of oxford. mews, peter, - . bouchier, t. sheet ([ ] p.). s.n., [oxford : ] signed at end: p. bath and wells, vice-chancellor oxon, t. bouchier, reg. prof. of the civll law in oxon, oxon. aug. , . reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng education -- england -- history -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a certificat in order to the collecting and reporting the state of the present english free-schools . there being an intention of giving some account of the free-schools in england ; their founders , masters , exhibitioners , over-seers , and visitors with other memorable circumstances which may occur : and application having been made to us the vice-chancellor , and the regius professor of the civill law in the university of oxon , to testifie our sense of the undertaking whereby the compiler of the work may stand recommended to the registers , officers in the respective dioceses , or any who may assist him in those enquiries . in condescension to this request we readily allow that amongst the publick monuments of christian charity one of the most early and constant cares of the first reformers has been by the erecting these seminaries , together with good arts , and the learned languages to propagate , especially , true religion , by infusing the principles of it , from the established catechisme . a survey therefore of those foundations , to such as have an affection for the prosperity of the church , or advancement of learning , we judge will be no less pleasing in the review , then profitable by the example . and we do hereby own the industry of christopher wase superior bedle of the civill-law in the said university in making this collection and farther give assurance that we will promote his pretence in those particular districts to which our government or interest shall extend . enquiries . from registers . what free-schools in each diocese ? from school-masters for their particular schools . . who founder ? . when founded ? . how endowed ? . what school-master and succession of masters ? if at hand ; otherwise such as are in memory to have been eminent , or authors of any extant work. . what exhibitions and in whether university ? . who governors , patrons & visitors ? . what libraries in them , or in towns adjoining , with what manuscripts ? p. bath and wells vice-chancellor oxon. t. bovchier reg. prof. of the civill law in oxon. oxon , aug. . . of education, especially of young gentlemen in two parts, the second impression with additions. walker, obadiah, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing w estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) of education, especially of young gentlemen in two parts, the second impression with additions. walker, obadiah, - . [ ], [i.e. ], [ ] p. [s.n.], oxon. : . reproduction of original in huntington library. attributed to obadiah walker. cf bm. errata: p. [ ] at end. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng young men -- education -- early works to . education -- england -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of education . especially of young gentlemen . in two parts . the second impression with additions . oxon . at the theater ann. . the preface . it is not the design of this discourse to intrench upon any knowledg already disposed , and appropriated into arts and sciences , as they are at this time delivered ; but only to propose such things to consideration and use , as , lying scattered and in common , are less cultivated and regarded . for this reason 't is in vain to expect accurateness of method or stile ; but the first part is almost wholly writ in manner of essaies , the second of aphorismes : the stiles most free , loose , and unscientifical . the most useful knowledg is that , of a mans self : and this depends upon that more universal consideration of , quid homo potest ; naturally , and artificially : i. e. what abilities are in us originally , by the gift of god ; and what attainable by our own industry . and both these in order to knowledg or action . to advance this discovery , it is hoped that these papers may contribute some hints and steps ; whereby others may proceed to perfect the whole building . which who shall effect , or but considerably promote , shall perform a service as acceptable , as beneficial , to mankind . the perfecting of a young man in sciences and speculative learning is the business of so many books and persons ; that it seems superfluous to engage in that part of instruction . it was therefore thought more useful to furnish some rules and principles of active life ; as being that , whereto gentlemen seem more disposed both by their births , and general inclinations ; and whereto also little assistance could be expected from our ordinary speculations . i have therefore rather chused to gather up disorderly , and bind together , such scattered counsels and notions , as have occurred either in observation , or in some italian writers , not ordinary amongst us . if any person shall hereby be any whit forwarded toward the attaining the great end of his creation ; 't is all that is here aimed at . almighty god give success according to the riches of his goodness . amen . a table of the chapters . in the first part . chap. i. necessary to learning . . capacity . . instruction . . practise . the two last of which are comprehended in education . pag. . chap. ii. of the duty of parents in educating their children . p. . chap. iii. of the educator . p. . chap. iv. of the educated . p. . chap. v. general directions to the educator . p. . chap. vi. of ordering the dispositions and manners of the educated . p. . chap. vii . of frugality , or ordering his mony , and expences . p. . chap. viii . of the preservation of his health . p. . chap. ix . of the divers passions , inclinations , and dispositions of man , and the waies to rectifie and order them . p. . chap. x. of parts or capacities in general , and of their diversity , and how to be ordered and rectified . p. . chap. xi . of invention , memory , and judgment ; and how to help , better , and direct them . p. . chap. xii . breif directions for elocution . p. . chap. xiii . of bettering the judgment . p. . chap. xiv . of travelling into forreign countries . p. . chap. xv. of prudent chusing a calling , or state of life . . part . ii. chap. i. of civility . pag. . chap. ii. of prudence . p. . chap. iii. of prudence in conversation , and discourse . p. . chap. iv. concerning business . p. . chap. v. of servants . p. . chap. vi. of giving , receiving , and promising . p. . chap. vii . of prudence in acquiring emploiment , and preferment . p. . of education . chap. i. necessary to learning . . capacity . . instruction . . practice . the two last of which are comprehended in education . . that a man may attain perfection in any art , science , or virtue , three things are requisite . . a natural ability , power , or capacity . . art , or instruction . . exercise and practise . capacity consists . in fancy or invention . . memory . and . judgment , of which we shall speak at large hereafter . and these in several persons are very different . for granting , what some philosophers say , that they are originally equal in all men , as being the soul it self ; yet in reality , because every soul comes into a body endued with various dispositions ; and the organs , which the soul employeth , and are as necessary to the producing its operations as the soul it self , are not in all equally well-disposed , there ariseth great variety of capacities , and abilities : god almighty distributing these his gifts of nature to every one in what measure himself thinks fittest . . i know there are , who accuse the divine providence , as more niggardly or sparing towards men , then other animals ; which without teaching , know not onely what is sufficient for their subsistence , but some things also , which men learn by long imitation : as , to go , to swim , to express their passions and thoughts . yea and some manual arts , which are in us the effects of education , are in beasts the actions of sense , or instinct . but truely this complaint is without reason . for if we think impotency to be an advantage , and those creatures to be in the best condition who have least to do ; it is true that beasts are happier than men , and vegetables than animals . but if every thing be made for action , and the more able it is to work , the more noble ; if plus posse follows & argues nobilius & perfectius esse ; then is our condition infinitely the better ; as not only having more , but more various , more sublime , and more difficult operations . it is necessary for beasts to be born with haire , feathers , scales , or shels , because they had not the ingeny to make themselves garments ; which , to their very great convenience , they might alter according to the seasons : nor had they the knowledge of creating fire , building houses , and the like . nature furnished them with beaks , claws , and horns , because they could never arrive to find out a stone , to be melted and framed into all sorts of instruments and utensils . their knowledge ariseth no higher then of what is pleasant or painful ; they apprehend not convenient , or inconvenient ; just , or unjust ; happy , or miserable . god , as a master of a family , gives the servants their set salary , and employs them ; but his children he educates and instructs to command and dispose , not their own onely , but even the faculties of all the other : therefore were beasts to live by nature , but man by art. beasts were to be perfect at first that they might be presently employed , man by habits of his own acquiring . for beasts , besides their sustentation in this present life , were to expect no other recompense ; but man by his labour was to merit , and by wel-employing his abilities to inherit a reward , and that eternal . he made indeed no creature , which he endowed not with sufficient abilities for the uses of their creation : and most also with a power to better and advance them by assiduous practice ; but the end of all inferior creatures was comprehended in their actions of life , for the conserving , and propagating that : but man he created capable of a supernatural employment ; of a life to be continued infinitely beyond and above this small moment ; and of operations sublimer then providing for the belly . and therefore he adorned him with faculties accordingly ; an ability to discern betwixt good and bad , virtue and vice ; reflection upon his own actions ; an understanding capable to know and comprehend the whole world ; and more then that also , to be present to all past , and future , as well as present things ; to multiply a small inconsiderable proposition to infinity ; and to know him who exceedeth all knowledg . . nor are these faculties even in infants ( tho imperfect ) altogether obscure . for as soon as they have strength ( with which beasts are born ) they do more then beasts ; they exert greater testimonies of natures bounty , framing in themselves human actions , whereas beasts work only according to their own kind . for even the nobler faculties shew themselves betimes ; fancy in imitation of others ; memory in retaining what is imitated ; and judgment in selecting certain actions , and parts of actions for their imitation , which are the principles and manner of all learning . i deny not , but sometimes there is such an impotency , or defect in the organs ( which also i doubt not most frequently , if not alwaies , to be a disease , and often curable by a discreet physician ) as renders the subjects , according to the degrees of the indisposition , unfit or uncapable of any instruction ; and that all labour bestowed upon them is lost : or at least so unapt are they , as it is not tanti to employ so much industry as is requisite to render them , indifferently , like other men . neither is this exact difference of capacities alwaies ( in childhood especially ) so easily discerned , as it may be with conversation and tryal . let the educator therefore think himself to be but as a midwife , who cannot bring forth a child , where there is none ; but where there is , can assist the birth , though the mother be sickly , and the child infirm . and as it is loss of labour to sow where there is no soil ; and as where the parts are meaner , the greater measure of cultivating by instruction and practice is requisite ; by which even mean parts may be bettered : so where there is a greater measure of parts , less institution and exercise will advance in them a greater harvest , and great industry will raise them to admiration . of these several degrees , it is diligently to be considered , that some have a bare capacity , sufficient to be instructed , moving only as they are drawn ; who , like bottles , render no more then is just put into them . others have a great inclination to knowledg , running , when once set in the way , either to any , or some one science in particular ; and having the grounds and principles given , they are able to raise conclusions , gather corollaries ; and having the foundation laid , build up the rest themselves . others ( though few ) are as automata , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their own masters ; and have a genius , or somewhat extraordinary , to assist them . which who so have , and withal a probity of affection , and willingnes to take pains , they seem set out by god himself richly fraught for his glory , and the good of mankind . it is also to be observed , that , where there is a great indisposition to one study , ( as many times there is , some being by nature more inventive , others more retentive ; some very active , others slow , &c. ) it is seldome worth the labour to strive to introduce the contrary to such inclination . amended and bettered such persons may be , but totally cured they rarely are ; and in their own way they may prosper excellently with less pains . i speak not here of inclination to virtue or vice ; for there is no man so disposed , but he may be virtuous if he please , as shall be shewed hereafter . this of capacities . . but the best capacity , without instruction by precepts and examples , to which are subservient exhortations , admonitions , threatnings , corrections , &c. is ready to spend it self upon low , mean , and many times vicious employments : as the best ground , except tilled and sowed with profitable seed , produceth only ranker weeds . satis norunt prudentes ( saith pasch. in vitâ pybrach ) virtutis & vitiorum semina cum nascendi origine copulata , vi educationis , in alteram partem necessario emicare : adeo ut bonum esse , non à natura datum , sed arte sit quaesitum ; ac proinde bene institui sit efficacius , quam feliciter nasci . his meaning is ; that parts are indifferent of themselves to produce good or evil ; and great parts ( as themistocles was told by his master , fili , tu nihil mediocre eris , sed vel magnum patriae lumen , vel magna pestis ) are fitted for great , whether good or bad , undertakings ; great errors and wickednesses proceeding only from great wits . education and discipline form our manners ; and that only every one knows which he is taught . the faculties of the soul can work of themselves ; but as not except upon an external object ; so neither to the utmost of their power , without imitation ; nor in the best , i. e. the right and true manner , but by instruction . we are born with hands , feet , and tongue ; and have by nature power to write , dance , and speak ; yet none of these can we do , except assisted , sustained , and formed by either those , whom we see so to employ the same members ; or by those by whom we are , as soon as strength permits , taught and moulded into such habits . so all men are born with reason , but have not the use of it at first . and when we begin to serve our selves of it , it is so weakly , that we are easily overcome by sense , which till then hath guided us . and , if at this dangerous conjuncture we be not assisted , 't is much to be feared our reason will be but of small use to us : especially since we find great store of tracks and encouragements in the broad way of pleasure ; and therefore shall be unwilling to leave it for the narrow , rough , and unbeaten routtes of industry and labour . it is true , that persons of very great parts can , out of their own observation , ( for so all sciences at first began ) or when they arrive at years of discretion by the help of books , ( that is , other mens experience ) advance without a teacher to a considerable perfection . as lucullus is said to have come into asia an excellent general , who departed from rome an unexperienced soldier . the same is also storied of the lord deputy montjoy . though , to confess the truth , these instances are not very rare : for ( which seems strangely absurd ) there is no art , to obtain which less diligence is used , then this of soldiership , though of the greatest consequence . but we had lately a person , who without any experience in navigation , by reading and study , at the very first essay of his art , happily and discreetly commanded a ship to the east-indies . some commend only practice : others think reading sufficient ; both to blame : joyned together they do best . reading advanceth more , and sooner then practise alone . a reader is more universal , better for many things ; more accurate and observant in his practise : a practisers knowledge is in a shorter compass , in ordinary cases , and is longer before it come to perfection . reading is other mens experience , which by meditation and practise becomes our own ; but it makes us somewhat too exact , and to expect all things should fall out according to our imaginations ; whereas the world in fancy is much different from that in reality ; not clothed with those particularities , and circumstances , which are either parts of , or inseparable from it . though reading however be good , yet 't is best with those who have already had an instructer ; who can apply his precepts and advices to all accidents , supply defects , answer all doubts , retrench excesses , inculcate what is neglected , call to mind what is forgotten , and set his charge in the straightest and nearest way . . yet both capacity and instruction are effectles without practise and exercise ; which consists ( according to the nature of the thing to be learned ) in meditation , thinking , or contriving ; observing others practises ; and actually trying and working . precepts serve very well for a guide ; but advance not the guided , except himself follow them ; they facilitate the beginning and progress , but the person himself must set to his own endeavour , if ever he intends to attain perfection . never have i seen parts , how great soever , without industry and study to produce any good ; much evil indeed i have known proceed from thence . such persons may prove sometimes plausible discoursers , and of an agreable conversation in ordinary companies for a time , till their stock be spent : but it is industry and exercise , that renders a man knowing and solid ; that makes him not fear to be asked a question in what he professeth . and if industry be necessary to great , much more to mean parts ; which it bettereth and advanceth to perfection and honour . and since to have great natural parts is not in our power , but we must be contented with those which god hath given us ; we must set our rest upon our labour and industry , for correcting our bad , bettering our indifferent , and perfecting our good inclinations . and of this ( the use and profit we make of our talents ) must we give a severe account . nothing changeth nature , but another nature , custome ; not force , not reward , not passion . our thoughts are according to our inclinations , our discours and speeches according to what we have learned , but our actions according to what we have bin accustomed . how often do we see men promise , vow , engage , yea and resolve to change v. g. an ill habit , and yet continue to do as they did before ? how many see we daily who began well , and , as long as they took pains , profited exceedingly ; but when trusting to the goodness of their parts , and that small stock of knowledge laid in before , not improving it further , but giving themselves liberty of mirth and pleasure , have not only not profited , but bankerupted also , and lost their principal ? besides , industry and exercise of themselves render us thinking , vigilant , attentive , provident for all cases , and accidents ; lay up a treasury against all events ; prevent surprizes ; and make us familiar , and ready to all that may happen . but by idleness , and pleasures , the spirit is relaxed , the understanding unbended , the fancy over-grown with rust and rubbish , and the memory perished . . these two last ( instruction , and practise ) are comprehended in education . there is but one way and manner of learning , be the subject what ever it will. in manual arts the master first sheweth his apprentice what he is to do ; next works it himself in his presence , and gives him rules , and then sets him to work . the same is the way of breeding a gentleman , or a scholar . the educator prescribeth his end ; gives him rules and precepts ; presents him examples and patterns ; and then sets him to act according to what was before taught him . and if the educated apply himself seriously to meditate , contrive , observe his copy , and be content to be admonished and corrected when faulty , he will , no doubt , arrive to the intended perfection ; which is to perform his duty with ease , readiness , and delight ; i. e. to advance his art into another nature . for in this art equals nature , that is , as she , works without deliberation , and is indisposed to the contrary ; as a good musicians hand consulteth not what string to touch , but runs to it as readily , as nature doth to the proper muscle , when she would move a finger . only in this they differ , that nature god hath given us , art is of our own acquisition ; nature is perfect at the first moment , art is not obtained without study and industry . and the earlier we begin , the better it is . for should we suffer young-men , as they say of hercules , to chuse virtue or vice , labour or pleasure , when they come to years of discretion ; and in the interim let them spend their youth in the vanities , and follies , that age suggests to them ; is not this that wherein the devil tempted our first parents , presenting them the excellency of the knowledge of good and evil ? whereas it had bin much better to have known good only , and left evil to have been understood by the examples of such , as would not consider . but into what hazzards are these uninstructed persons cast , should it please god to cut them of in their youth ? is it not , as if they said ; let them habituate themselves in vanity , idlenes and folly , that they may afterwards judg better of virtue , i. e. of that whereof they have no experience ? how can they chuse good , since they know not what it is ? and every one must follow and embrace what he knows . shall we let them first vent their malice ? but by practise it increaseth : let them defer their choice till they may make it with discretion ? but without teaching they will never come to discretion . for every habit , especially when according to a natural inclination ( as these are by reason of the remainder of that evil , left in us for our exercise ) hurries them violently , and at length irresistably also . at best ; suppose a child should escape accidentally , i. e. by the care of parents , or his own naturally good disposition , this rock ; yet those , who start late , are so far behind , that when they should be ready for employment , they are learning the principles of it , and are surpriz'd and at a gaze where to begin . the great inclination of youth is to pleasures ; and that , either to idlenes and sleep ; whence proceed inconsideration , carelesnes , hatred of labour and thinking ; or else to eating , drinking , or the other lusts of the flesh . and all these , indulged and accustomed , grow stronger , and at last inextirpable . for they end in habitual sin , darknes of understanding , and extinguishing the light both of gods spirit , and reason . virtutem ( saith pasc. vit . pibr . ) nisi in primaeva germina , dum tenera sint & mollia , instilletur , frustra in adultis requiras . the reason why we see so many old men fools , is because we see so many young men unlearned . those , who are employed in missions for converting nations to christianity , find little fruit in treating with ancient men . it is also necessary to get an habitude of virtue and knowledg in youth , that in that age , when our understanding fails us , wee may do nothing unbeseeming us . but the force of education is seen in nothing more , then that whole nations , from age to age , continue in the very same customes and manners : and to change these , especially to the better , is a difficulty even beyond imagination . those , who are brought up in wars , are active , restles , violent , ungovernable but by force ; brought up in peace , lazy , unexperienced ; in trade , subtil , interessed , covetous ; amongst poor men , mean-spirited ; amongst idle persons , good for nothing . again , were there a city consisting of subjects without education , what a confusion would it be ? without obedience , without breaking their own humors and passions , every one following his own lusts , without regarding any other , without discretion , civility , even without humanity it self . t is good education of youth , that makes virtuous men and obedient subjects ; that fills the court with wise councellers , and the common-wealth with good patriots . even trees , if not cultivated when young , change their nature into wildnes ; and beasts grow fierce and resty if not tamed and broken in youth . nature is bettered , and made useful by education ; and what our industry produceth in us contrary to nature , is stronger , and converts nature into it self . to neglect instructions is to want other mens experience , and to begin again at the very foundation of every art , or science ; which being by little and little advanced , and not yet perfected ; he much hinders himself , that takes not advantage of the height they are already arrived to . and not to exercise parts is to loose them ; and not to use them to the best , is to debase and vilify them . for they , whose spirit suffers them not to be idle , and yet are not instructed to the best advantage , fall upon trifles , turning , watchmaking , hunting , or worse . one i have read of brought to alexander , who by many years practise , had obtained the dexterity of throwing a small seed through a needles eye . the king for a just reward gave him a sack full of those seeds . but math. huniades the warlike king of hungary , was more severe with him , that brought him a wooden coat of male , wherein was not one ring wanting , a work of fifteen years ; for he commanded him to prison for fifteen yeares more , to expiate for so much time and parts spent in so fruitles an employment . chap. ii. of the duty of parents in educating their children . i desire parents would seriously consider , that education of their children is not left to their pleasure , but a duty imposed on them . god , the great father of us all , deposited the children in the fathers charge ; and provided by his laws , and threatnings , they should be reverenced and obeyed by them . they are part of your selves , and what you do for them is indeed for your selves . you expect honour by them at all times , & may sometime also stand in need of their help . 't is what you either have enjoyed from your parents , or lament your loss by their neglect . you have brought forth children into this world of misery and trouble , and will you so leave them ? will you not assist them in passing through it as well as they can ? it is but reasonable they should by a speedy death be taken away from the future evil , if you refuse to fortify them against it . you provide them estates ; to what purpose , if you also procure them not parts to use them ? by that you appear to be their provident parents , but by this you are paralleled to their good angels , in taking care and watching over them . but i will speak no more of this : for though there be some inhuman and irrational parents , that desire their children should be like themselves ; that think their own honour and respect eclipsed if their sons be wiser , or worthier then they ; and are contented their children be wicked , least their own actions be shamed : some also who for covetuousnes , neglect , or ignorance , will not bestow good education upon them ; yet there are so few of this sort , and their error so manifest , that it needs no further discovery . another and not inferior error of parents there is , that out of i know not what tendernes , they are unwilling their children should undergo such hardships and severities as a good education doth require . which is , as if the mother should not suffer her new-born infant to be molested with the pain of swathing , and binding , till it grows better able to endure that torment . many parents are afraid , their childrens spirits , i. e. their obstinacy and pride , should be broken with due correction , and harsher chiding . but the greatest , and most general error of parents is ; that they desire their children to be more plausible , then knowing ; and to have a good mine , rather then a good understanding ; or at least , to have both together : to employ the same time to acquire serious studies , and à-lamodeness ; to study gravity and levity ; gallantry and philosophy together . but ( besides what i said before , if these come in competition , pleasure will certainly carry the cause ; both more time bestowed and greater proficiency shall be made in that , then the other ) it seems to me little less then impossible , that two things so unlike , if not contrary , should be together attended ( one hour of pleasure obliterating more , then three of study will imprint ; ) that two so differently commanding masters should be obeyed . if the soul can apply it self to such dissonant studies , why may not the eye also , at once , aime at two opposite marks ? the gallants chiefest study is to spend his time ; the other 's to save it : the one is for living in pleasure and mirth ; the other , in labour and seriousnes . the one for adorning and trimming himself , to visit , game , play , &c. the other for watchfulnes , industry , devotion . in sum , the one placeth his design to be conformable and acceptable to those , who understand least ; to some such silly women and ladies , from whom if you take vanity , nothing remains : the other strives to approve himself to god , his holy angels , the example of all worthy and wise men of the past and present age . why are rich clothes but to be shown ; shown to them , who best understand them ? they best understand them who mind nothing else , who can judg of every punctilio of the mode , and can read a lecture upon a knot of ruban . besides gallantry is ridiculous , except accompanied with formality of conversation , punctuality in dancing , visiting , courting ; which inevitably engage them in loss of time , folly , and averting the understanding from serious and useful thoughts . and this is as consentaneous to reason , as experience ; for the soul is fortified by introversion upon it self , continual meditation , and reflecting upon its operations , faculties , and the objects therein reserved : whereas all sensual pleasures call forth the forces of the soul to the outward parts and members of the body : whence proceeds that continual combat , so much spoken of both by philosophers and divines , between sense and reason , the body and the soul , wisdome and pleasure . methinks therefore children should be educated to all severity of labour , and virtue ; and to this outward politure , by the bye only ; to make those their study and employment , and to regard these so much as not to be offensive to those they converse withal . pleasure and recreation indeed is so far necessary , as to keep up the strength and alacrity of the bodily forces , without which the soul cannot work ; but i speak not of these at this time , but of that which is esteemed a part of busines , and employment . cyrus and darius , great captains and wise men , ruin'd their families and monarchy , because they educated their children after the median fashion , i. e. amongst their wives and women ; who never suffering them to want any thing , nor to be contradicted , their delicacy made them slothful and languid ; the slavery and flattery of those about them rendred them haughty and imperious : so that they could neither labour wirh cheerfulnes , nor command without arrogancy : that made them contemptible , as effeminate ; this odious , as insolent . i wish the persians were the onely faulty in this matter . whoever would educate a child to folly and ruine , must give him his own will ; not suffer his humor to be contradicted ; be careful that he never come in danger or hardship ; that he be above labour and industry ; and every days experience shews us , that fortuna , quem fovet , fatuum facit . but it is very considerable , contrary to the persians , that many great princes have brought up their children to industry and hardship . egin●artus saith of charles the great , liberos suos it a censuit instituendos , ut tam filii , quem nepotes , primo liberalibus studiis ( quibus & ipse operam dabat ) erudirentur . tum filios , quamprimum aetas patiebatur , more francorum equitare , armis ac venationibus exerceri fecit . filias lanificio assuescere , coloque ac fuso , ne per otium torperent , operam impendere , atque ad omnem honestatem erudiri fecit . augustus wore the clothes spun and made by his wife , daughter , and grand-children , as suet. informs us . monsieur de rhodez thus describes the education of henry the great of france . his grand-father would not permit him to be brought up with that delicatnes , ordinarily used to persons of his quality ; well knowing , that seldome lodgeth other then a mean and feeble spirit in an effeminate and tender body . neither would he allow him rich habilements , and childrens usual trifles : nor to be flattered or treated like a prince . because all these things are causers only of vanity , and rather raise pride in the hearts of infants , then any sentiments of true generosity . but he commanded , he should be habited , and educated like the other children of that country ; that he should be accustomed to run , to leap , to climb the rocks and mountains ; that by such means he might be inured to labour , &c. his ordinary food also was course bread , beef , cheese , and garlick ; and he often went bare-foot , and bare-headed . the same care was taken by whole nations , especially such as were of a military constitution . the lacedemonian and other antient nations customs are to every one known . olaus magnus describes the manner of the education of the nobility of the warlike nation of the goths , l. . c. . they were accustomed to endure beating and wounds , to change of heat into sudden cold , to suffering of fire and frost , to lying upon boards , course and uneasy clothing , strong , but ordinary food , violent and wearisome exercises according to every age ; such as riding , darting , shooting , wearing heavy arms , especially helmets , sheilds , spears , boots and spurs , swimming on horseback , and in armor . i shall not instance in any more for fear of seeming to much to upbraid the present delicacy . . the duty of the parents therefore is first to begin betimes ; for very frequently the blandishments of nurses , and the foolish , vain , or evil conversation of those about them , leave such impressions even upon their infancy , as are difficultly defaced , even when the child arrives to discretion , and maturity . besides , the nurses form the speech , the garbe , and much of the sentiments of the child . the ancient romans ( saith quintilian ) when a child was born , put him not out to an hired nurse , but brought him up in his mothers chamber , under the eye of some grave and virtuous matron , chosen out of the neighbourhood , who was to have him continually in her presence ; coram quâ neque dicere fas erat quod turpe dictu , neque facere quod inhonestum factu videretur : ac non studia modo , sed remissiones etiam , lususque puerorum sanctâ quâdam gravitate ac verecundiâ temperabat , &c. and so considerable was the education of children thought to be , that , as he saith , cornelia the mother of the gracchi , aurelia , the mother of augustus caesar , were governesses to great mens children . . secondly , though a discreet and careful nurse be provided , yet let not the father remit his diligence to wean him betimes ; nor permit tenderness to overcome his judgment , or his present false , the durable and perfect love ; but hinder , as much as is possible , the sowing of evil seeds , and prevent the very first beginnings , and sprowtings of bad actions . there is indeed no man that seeth not the vast difference in childrens inclinations to virtue or vice ; how easy some are advised , how difficultly others restrained , even by correction . there remaining in every one somewhat of that pravity derived to us from our first parents , inclining us as much , if not more , to evil , then to good ; yet some more violently then others : which inclinations , though they render us not guilty ( the sin being washed away by baptisme ) yet our consenting to them is sin , as our resisting them is virtue , and our fighting against and overcoming them , is the great employment of our life . and truely were it not for evil examples and councells , or at least for want of good ones , the victory would not be so difficult , as we commonly suppose , and find it ; nor the difference of inclinations so manifest . for thus much must be acknowledged to the glory of our maker ; first that as every constitution hath a disposition to evil , so that very disposition is contrary to another evil , to which the indifferent would be more obnoxious ; and secondly , inclineth also to the neighbouring good ; every defect , by the wise ordering of providence , being ballanced with another advantage ; as proneness to anger prompts also to activenes , and hardiness to attempt difficulties ; the slow , and phlegmatick , are also perseverant and constant in their resolutions ; that which disposeth to lust , suggests also persuasivenes , plausibility , and cheerfulnes : desire produceth industry , fear breeds quiet and cautiousnes . and by the way , let this be remembred , that it is much easier to bend a natural mis-inclination to its neighbour virtue , then to its opposite : as an angry person is easilier perswaded to activenes , then meeknes ; the tenacious , to frugality , rather then bounty ; obstinacy to constancy , fawningnes to complaisance , and ignorance to obedience . so that any one becomes evil rather then good , is not so much the fault of his constitution , as the perversnes of his will ; following the suggestions of sense rather then the dictates of reason . 't is pleasure in children , that recommends the evil , and warps them from the good : 't is inconsideration and folly more then the difficulty or unnaturalnes of virtue . and if there be any such man , as without delight or interest , pursues bad rather then good , he wanteth either the reason , or desires common to all mankind . nor did wise law-makers institute reward and punishment to constrain men to doe against nature ; but to equiponderate the prejudices of pleasure and interest , i. e. to countenance reason against sensuality . i cannot forbare setting down a notable saying of quintilian cap. ult . natura nos ad optimam mentem genuit , adeoque discere meliora volentibus promtum est ; ut verè intuenti mirum sit illud magis , malos esse tam multos . and seneca , nihil est tam arduum & difficile , quod non humana mens vincat , & in familiaritatem producat assidua meditatio : nullique sunt tam feri & sui juris affectus , ut non disciplinâ domentur . quodcunque sibi imperavit animus , obtinuit . sanabilibus aegrotamus malis , ipsaque nos in rectum genitos natura , si emendari voluerimus , juvat . thus they out of the strength of their reason and experience : perhaps also they had learned so much from socrates , who by his own example , shewed that even the worst disposition was conquerable by reason . and this is to the shame of so many pretended christians . but how would they have glorified god , had they known the advantage given us by grace and his holy spirit , always ready to assist our good endeavours ? though seneca seems to have discerned some glimpse of that also . ep. . sacer intra nos spiritus sedet , malorum bonorumque nostrorum observator & custos . bonus vir sine deo nemo est . an potest aliquis supra fortunam , nisi ab ipso , surgere ? ille dat consilia erecta & magnifica . o pie domine , o salvator bone , saith salvian l. . quantum per te efficiunt studia disciplinae , per quae mutari possunt vitia naturae ! and speaking there of the africans , he saith , adeo exclusa naturae originalis sinceritas , ut aliam quodammodo in his naturam vitia fecerunt . the sum is , though all dispositions be not equally good , yet the worst may , by the industry of the educators , and gods grace , never wanting till refused , be so reformed and bettered , as to be able to do god , his prince , and family , honour and service . and the greatest frowardnes and worst inclinations , we find in children , are conquerable ; and when actually overcome , those very persons may better succeed , then the more facile and complying . only as i said let them be taken betimes : and the rather , because it cannot be known but by experience , how any childs disposition may prove and shew it self . but if instead of rectifying his evil inclination , any one indulge it ; and instead of bridling incourage it ; he makes it his master . whence come those irregular and extravagant desires , and actions , which we see in many persons , of stealing , drinking , inconstancy , and the like . my third advice is , that parents would have their children ( as much as they can ) under their own eye and inspection . by this they shall be preserved from evil companions , imitatation of bad superiors , their councel , discours , and such like ; but more then all , from indiscreet , impertinent , unmanaged servants . for youth not having the judgment to measure it self from its own actions , knows it only by reflection , from others relations ; and thinks it self such really as a fawning servant represents him : and servants who are usually brought up in that low condition , and have their thoughts and speeches suitable , cannot be fit companions to a gentleman . but above all , the example of the father is of greatest force to educate a son. o te beatum adolescentem ( plin. lib. . ep . . ) qui-eum potissimum imitandum habes , cui natura te simillimum esse voluit . the father's actions authorise the same in the child ; nor can the father chastise him for what himself is guilty . great care must the father take therefore least he give any bad example either of intemperate anger with servants , or of using any evil , obscene , or undecent words ; and to be such as he desireth his son should represent him . it concerns him also to overlook even his governor and educator , when he is of age to stand in need of one , both to keep him to his diligence , and create authority to his instruction . cato , though he kept a master expresly for his son in his own house , yet did himself always frequently teach him . so did augustus his grand-children caius and lucius . the great theodosius used frequently to fit by arsenius , whilst he taught his sons arcadius and honorius ; to whom also he commanded such respect to be given by them , that surprizing them once sitting , and arsenius standing , he took from them their robes ; and not till after a long time and much intreaty restored them . and if the father and family be of good example , it seems to me best to educate him at home , and leave him in his first bed , till he have taken some root before he be transplanted . if the child be of a soft , or of an haughty disposition , or the family of evil examples , 't is better to send him abroad betimes . but generally , the best place of education seems to be amongst companions ( as near as may be , his equals ) at some distance from home ; but whether he may repair every night , or very frequently . if this cannot be , then with companions in his fathers house ; for to teach one alone , besides other inconveniences , is extreamly tedious both to master and scholar . for want of these opportunities the next is at a public school ; but then great care is to be had that the family , where he sojourneth , be of good example . and much better would it be for him there to have a pedagogue ( which in those countrys , that abound with clergy , is seldome omitted ) i. e. one somewhat versed in learning ; who may continually attend the child , see to his repetitions , and the performing his tasks & exercises , model his manners , and preserve him from danger , and the like . . parents also , fourthly , ought to guide them , as much as is possible , with kindnes and affection ; endeavoring to convince and perswade them of the excellency of labour , seriousnes , learning , virtue , sufferings , and the like ; and even denying what they think not fit to grant them with sweetnes and love ; and even chastising them with sorrow , and for vices only , in things indifferent giving them liberty . in bodily sicknesses the patient is the first who desireth the cure ; but the distempers of the mind are to be discovered and perswaded to the patient by reason and good admonition . neither must the father destine his child to such an employment as himself thinks fittest to serve his other occasions . though most mens parts are capable of many employments , yet are many less disposed to one then another ; and so much , as it is not worth the time and labour many times ( as is said before ) to endeavour the change of such inclinations . consider therefore both his disposition , and the nature of the calling , i. e. what faculties it chiefly employs : and whether those faculties be most eminent in the subject ; and so fit them together ; and you shall not need to fear their corresponding to your care . however , if after all your endeavours they prove not to your desire ; as many times it happens : murmur not against god , who permits them to miscarry ; either that men may take notice , that all wel-doing is from his grace , not our wisedome ; or that your faith and patience may be tried , and your self purged from all human and secular affections and interests ; or that some faults in your self may be punished in them . chap. iii. of the educator . . the fathers greatest diligence is seen in chusing a good governor , or director of his son. a good educator therefore , whether one be to be chosen , or any one desires to render himself such , being instead of a father to his charge , ought to be ; first , religious , virtuous , and grave , both himself and family ; that he may give good example , and not need to fear that his scholar resemble him . he must therefore be sure to live with greater severity then he exacts of his charge . then also may he hope by his prayers to obtain a blessing upon his endeavours ; and ( performing his duty as in the sight of god ) to give up his accounts cheerfully , and receive his reward from him . . prudent , and discreet , as in all other things , so especially in observing the childs disposition , and to know what it will produce . for many times the medicine is to be applied to the disease , not to the symptome . not too severe , nor too indulgent ; not too austere , least he affright ; nor too familiar least he become contemptible to his charge . for young men understand not much the reason of his demeanor . he must praise without flattery , chide without contumely , and correct without passion ; be cheerful without levity , affable without fawning , grave without morosity , and merry without folly . . patient , humble , and meek , to pass-by , dissemble , and bear with , many impertinencies , dulnesses , forgetfulnesses : to endure many affronts , contempts , passions , and sometimes very evil words . not to despond , though success answer not his industry ; for almighty god gives grace when he pleaseth , nor doth all seed immediatly sprout : however he shall be rewarded not according to the others proficiency , but his own industry and sincerity . . master of his tongue , for that is his great and universal instrument . besides , the speech of the master authoriseth the childs imitation . he must therefore religiously avoid , not only all wicked , profane , and obscene ; but also all undecent , all passionate , all hyperbolical , superfluous , customary , vain , speeches ; knowing that the greatest reverence is due to children . . diligent , making it his busines to assist and better his charge , to observe all his motions and speeches ; for tho all cannot be amended at once , yet no default is to pass unregarded ; least that connivance authorize the committing it , and the frequent committing produce an habit . yet let him not so trust to his own industry , as not by continual prayer , to recommend his employment to the giver of success . . not covetous . especially let him not fancy to himself the making advantage by insinuating into the interest of his charge , for that breeds jealousies at least : nor into his affections , for their gratitude is writ in sand , and their passions change with new objects . besides , after a while he will be look'd upon as impertinent , and exercising ridiculously an obsolete power . if , besides these qualifications , he have experience of forreign parts ; if he understand learning and sciences ; if wel-born , of a good presence , and address , and wear his clothes hansomely , it will admit him into the respect of his charge , and facilitate the performance of his duty . . in all times , great care was taken for providing good educators ; for they said , it was better to prevent vices , then punish them . and in most states the magistrates appointed them ; nor was it lawful amongst many nations for parents to employ any others , or educate their children , but in public . the canons of most churches , since christianity , have charged that election upon the bishops : and that with so much reason and prudence , that the contrary practice hath once , and is even now ready , to endanger the ruin of this government . the ancient persians ( despairing to find all requisite accomplishments in one ) had usually four distinct persons to educate their princes : one supreme , who had the general inspection over both masters and scholar ; another eminent for sanctity and virtue , to teach him religion , honor and justice : a third for learning , to principle him in knowledg and wisdome : and a fourth to perfect him in his carriage , valour , exercise of armes and chivalry . and , tho this be above the capacity and reach of most subjects ; yet by this every one may see what is perfectest , toward which he may advance as his estate will bear . and let them be sure of this , that if they will have the best educators , they must liberally encourage them ; for worthy persons will not labour without considerable rewards , both of means and respect . besides , the gratitude of princes , and great persons to their educators , invites others to fit themselvs , and to undergo that laborious and hazardous employment . alexander the great built up stagyra for aristotles sake , and spared lampsacus for anaximenes's . augustus bestowed great honours upon the person and country of apollodorus ; and forgave the alexandrians , to gratify areus his master in philosophy . trajan dignified his master plutark with the consulship . memorable is the piety of m. aurelius , who made proculus proconsul ; and took junius rusticus with him in all his expeditions , advised with him of all his both publick and private businesses , saluted him before the praefecti-praetorio , designed him to be second time consul , and after his death obtained from the senate publicly to erect a statue to his memory . tantum autem honoris magistris suis detulit , ut imagines eorum aureas in larario haberet , ac sepulchra eorum aditu , hostiis , floribus semper honoraret , saith capitolinus . see the gratitude of gratianus to his educator ausonius in his epistle to him . carolus magnus exceedingly honoured alcuinus ; as did also theodorick cassiodorus , making him his counceller and confident . so did otho iii. gerbertus ; for whose sake , & ut habeat magister quid principi nostro petro à parte sui discipuli offerat , otho gave to the church , to be disposed of by his governour , eight comitatus , or counties , pesaurum , fanum , &c. will. rufus made lanfranc archbishop of canterbury . laur. medices greatly enriched joh. argyropilus , and marsilius ficinus his educators . and truely it seems to me , that one of the greatest advantages of wealth is , that thereby may be procured better education , then those can have , who are not able to requite a worthy person . chap. iv. of the educated . the educator cannot perform his duty , unless he know the aime and scope of his employment , i. e. unless he consider diligently , what a one the educated ought to be framed by him . . first then we suppose , that no man cometh into this world either to be idle , or follow and enjoy only his own pleasure and humour ; but to be serviceable to his maker : who ( acting as a rational agent ) maketh nothing for our , but him , self ; and out of his infinite favour to us , is pleased to honour us so much , as both that some way we may do him service , and thereby also in the highest manner advantage our selves , by advancing his kingdome and interest , i. e. by doing good ( for god is the universal good ) both to our selves and others . there is no exception even of the greatest prince from that general burden laid upon us by god himself : in sudore vultus tui vesceris pane tuo . i. e. every man is to have some laborious employment , either of body or mind , which is to be his calling , and of which he is to render a strict and severe account . solomons princess eats not the bread of idlenes . s. paul laboured . our lords whole life was divided in labores and dolores . the greatest prince is obliged to the greatest observance ; and some have accounted themselves but as the general ministers or stewards of their subjects . the high priest among the jews had , and the grand seignior at this time hath a trade , at which ( as i am informed ) he is to labour every day ; which is for no other intent but to mind him of this general obligation . and good reason this is ; for there cannot be imagined such a difference amongst men , all of the same kind , made all of one mass , having the same entrance into , and exit out of this life ; that some should be born for pleasure only , others for labour ; some for themselves only , others for the sustentation of them in their idlenes . . the greater means and opportunities any one hath of glorifying god , the greater duty and obligation lieth upon him . the reason is plain ; it is god that bestows all good things ; who being no respecter of persons , gives to every man to profit others . and the more he ( as the husband-man ) sows , the more he expects to reap ; more from him that had five talents , then from him that had but two . . whatever a man enjoys , enabling him to glorify god , and to do good to himself , or others , is a talent . as strength , health , parts , &c. also whatever gives him greater authority , as riches , and honors , or reputation ; the two foundations of nobility ; which rendring them eminent and conspicuous above other men , sets them also , at least , as lights and examples to be followed by their inferiors . . persons of quality , therefore , besides the obligation of private persons , have others also particular and peculiar to their condition . first , as rich men , they are to make all the advantage they can for bettering themselves and others by their riches . they are gods stewards ( after they have taken what is necessary or convenient to themselves , and families , the better to perform such duties ) not for luxury , delicious fare , or fatting themselves , as beast are for the day of slaughter ; nor for accumulating wealth , the rust whereof will corrode their consciences as fire would their flesh : nor for furnishing their vain pleasures , or extravagant desires . but for providing for the poor , ( the immediate and particular care and charge of almighty god ) many of whom he hath left in worse condition then the beasts and fowls ; were they not preferred to these treasurers ; but for public and magnificent works , which exceed the ability of meaner persons . besides , that charity and generosity are ingenious to invent many waies of assisting others . secondly , as masters of numerous families , they are to provide for their several relations , wife , children , servants , neighbors . and not only temporal , but also , spiritual supplies . every family being a little church , and every master of a family a magistrate within his own walls to govern , advise , direct , reward and punish those under his charge . thirdly , as members of a noble stock , they are to advise , assist and benefit also their brethren and kindred , to whom they have a more particular relation then to the rest of mankind . they are also to correspond unto , and in themselves ( as in a burning-glass ) concenter the characters of their worthy predecessors ; and communicate them as well as their wealth down also with advantage to their descendants . and let them remember that it is not less praise-worthy to deserve to be a prince , then to be one . . as the most considerable members of a common-wealth , they are engaged in more peculiar duties toward the prince , and his subordinate magistrate ; to know and obey the laws , and assist toward the observation of them by others . beside this , to fit themselves for such employments as they may probably be call'd unto . whether to be courtiers , and domestick servants to the prince . magistrates in peace , commanders in war. councellers of , or officers under the prince . employed in forreign parts , as agents , ambassadors , &c. or in the church , as clergy-men , secular or religious , active or contemplative . nec sic quisque debet esse otiosus , ut in eodem otio utilitatem non cogitet proximi ; nec sic actuosus , ut contemplationem non requirat dei. aug. de c. d. . these , and such like , are the callings and employments of gentlemen ; who , as you see , ought not to overvalue or think themselves better , because of their wealth or honour ; but to have greater obligations . and as they may justly expect greater rewards , because of greater temptations , so are they to fear greater punishments , because of greater opportunities of doing good , and because every fault is more conspicuous and dangerous in them then in inferiors . but besides they must not forget themselves also to be private persons : but let their public busines be what it will ; they will , and must have some time to themselves also to bestow on their particular inclinations . whereof , first , that is best spent , which is employed upon almighty god. and by the way , let them take notice , . that they ought not to undertake any employment , which will not allow them every day a competent time for their devotions . . next , that is best employed which is set upon ingenious studies ; especially such as are beneficial and advantagious to the public ; or such as poorer persons are not able to support . such are the history of his own or other countreys , search of antiquity , natural history , and experiments ; medicine ; forreign laws ; mathematicks , astronomical observations ; mechanicks , and the like ; it being a noble study to observe , how god governs natural , as well as free agents . thus is salomon praised for his knowledg in plants ; moses for being versed in all the learning of the egyptians ; daniel was chief of the magicians ; abraham a great astronomer ; david and job eminent philosophers , avicen , averroes , and almansor were all princes . radulfus the emperor gave his mind to jewelling ; gratianus to making of arms. but heed must be taken least those be made the principal , which should only be accessories and divertisements . . now to all these the educators care cannot extend , nor is it expected it should . but this he ought to do : first , to lay in his charge the foundation of religion and virtue . . to improve his natural parts as much as he shall be able . . to ground him so far in such general knowledges , as may be serviceable or useful unto him , till he be able in some measure to proceed in them by his own industry , and by them be also fitted for the other . . and lastly to assist him in such particular arts or faculties as he seems most fit for , inclined unto , or likely to follow . but these not all at once , but as his judgment and parts are prepared to receive them : that being not superficially or slightly painted or tincted , but thorowly furnish'd to all good employments , he may have both ability and delight to pursue by himself the same routte ; and in his private studies build up that knowledg and wisedome , whose foundation was laid by his teachers . which is the end of the educators pains , and will perhaps take up more of the young-mans age , then is usually allowed by parents to that purpose . and perhaps it will not be amiss here to advertise , that governors be not too soon cast off . augustus caesar kept posidonius his instructor with him till his old age ; and when he then desired of the emperor to be dismissed into his own countrey , where he might dye in quiet out of the tracas and noise of the world ; cesar desired before his departure , to receive some good rules from him for better governing himself ; the philosopher answered , that when he perceived himself angry , he should , before he undertook any business , repeat over the alphabet ; augustus considering his prescription , replyed , that he perceived he had still need of him , and perhaps as much as when he was first under his care ; so refused to dismiss him , but gave him an appartment in the palace , better , and nearer to himself , increased his revenues , and kept him with him as long as he lived . chap. v. general directions to the educator . . the educator having thus his end proposed , and his matter ( the educated ) delivered into his hands , let him consider how to work this matter to that end . and first he should endeavour thorowly to understand what parts and capacity , as also what dispositions and inclinations , his charge hath ; i. e. how apt to , or averse from this end . next , how to frame and order these dispositions ; which to correct , which restrain , which encourage . for many times an unskilful gardiner spends much vain labour to gather out the roots of summer-weeds , which would perish in the digging . . much doth it concern the educator to carry himself discreetly . for young men observe diligently , and censure severely ( when amongst their camerades ) and their governors in the first place . his first case must be to steer evenly between mildness and severity . yet making use of more or less of each , according to the disposition of his charge , and the present occasion . it requires great judgment to join sweetnes and efficaciousnes in his commands : not to advance into harshnes and morosity on the one side ; nor degenerate into softnes and laschenes on the other . harshnes is discovered in these and the like particulars . in enjoyning things in themselves too difficult , unfesible , unsuportable , or too hard for that person : or commanding obscurely , or equivocally , as if he were seeking an occasion to chide ; or enjoyning them too imperiously , and not shewing the reason of his commands : in not directing him how to do them : in unseasonable urging , and exacting them either in regard of the time , or the ability , or disposition of his charge : in pressing all things great and small with the same vigour and importancy , or because it is his command : in rejecting all reasons to the contrary , as excuses ; and not hearing his charge speak for himself : in shewing himself jealous and suspicious , or to have an ill opinion of his charge , or giving occasion to suspect him morose , unsatisfiable ; or that all his actions and speeches , tho dubious , are interpreted in the worst sense : in exaggerating all mistakes and errours into sins and crimes : in denying all , or most of his desires , tho the things be reasonable , or unprejudiciable : in unseasonble , nimious , opprobrious chiding , and such like . . remissnes on the contrary shews it self in these things . if he take notice only of great and scandalous , not smaller or secreter faults . if what is well enjoyned , either because of the educated's unwillingnes , or others intercessions , be not as it ought , exacted ; but either omitted , or changed into an easier . if he judg faults , because ordinarily committed , or his charge is inclined to them , lesser then indeed they are . if he think them incorrigible , and so go not about to rectify them . if indeed he resent them as faults , but chideth or correcteth not so much , as is sufficient to amendment . if , when he hath shewed him his faults , and that he is displeased with them , he leave the amendment to the young man. if , to please others , as the parents , kindred , companions of his charge , he yeild to a greater indulgence then he ought , or if out of timidity and fear of offending his charge , he neglect his duty . . now to avoid both these rocks , either of which is fatal ; let the governor be resolute to obtain his end , but sweet and mild in prescribing and exacting the means . to be sure not to let any vice pass unreprehended , and according to the nature or danger of it , to be more or less eager ; but for things indifferent , indecencies , fancies , little humors ( which are neither vicious , nor scandalous ) to bear with them till their turn come to be weeded out . endeavour to beget in your charge a perswasion , that you reprehend or correct , not out of your own interest , pleasure , or passion ; but out of a true , internal , sincere affection ; which , if you really bear such towards him , will not be difficult . and if you can thus far advance , you may go a step farther ; i. e. breed in him an affection toward you ( for love begets love ) and then the great difficulty of your work is past : in this also the parents must assist . this must be increased by shewing your self at all times concerned in his interests ; openly taking part in , and justifying his quarrels , tho privately you reprehend him severely , ( for thus he sees you are careful of his reputation ; ) by your diligent care and attendance on him when sick ; and many other occasions will be suggested of honestly insinuating into his affections . but take heed you flatter him not , nor praise him too much , yea tho he deserve very well ; for many times immoderate praise makes him proud and insolent ; many times also lasch and negligent , thinking he hath got applause enough , and needs no more endeavour ; but , as if he hath already hit the mark , unbends and throws away his bow . indeed the moderate suffering of praise , is as great a tryal of wisedome and prudence , as the cupel is of silver . . strive also to enamour him of what you would teach him . for to him that doth willingly what he must of necessity , the proficiency is certain . to be a good and virtuous man , consists almost solely in the will : quid tibi opus est ut sis bonus ? velle . sen. ep . . he that desires to be so , wants little of being so . and this is done by recommending your commands & instructions with the reason of them ; for when the judgment is convinced , the will surrenders of her self . i cannot deny but this is contrary to the practise of too many of our great schools , where children learn only , because it is minus malum ; tho painful and troublesome , yet not so much altogether as perpetual chastisement . many have doubted whether children of person of quality should at all be beaten , pretending it is slavish , and if in another age , injurious ; that he , who will not reform with chiding , will be also obstinate against beating . tho there is no justifying those masters , who think every thing lawful against that unresisting age , who being overburdened with numbers , make cruelty pass for diligence , and supply their want of care with plenty of the rod : as if they , who are committed to their charge , are abandoned to their passion ; or as if reason were not to be used to those who are not yet masters of it : yet corporal chastisement is necessary , even for great mens children also , especially for such stubborn dispositions , as care not for shame , but are afraid of pain . but not this till last of all . for the educator is to try all means before he comes to that : exhorting , examples , employments , praise and shame , promising , threatning , rewards alwaies before punishments . divers laudable crafts also , and deceits are to be practised ; as to commend him sometimes more then he deserves , or for what he hath not done , but you feign to believe he hath done it . to let him know that you pass-by many failings in compassion to his age ; to seem not to believe the evil related of him , but to nourish a better opinion : to put his faults upon another , and exaggerate them in his presence ; to declare the punishment deserved or inflicted ; to watch over him so as to hinder the acting of his evil intention , without taking notice of it . it was also the custome to punish the young prince's favorite for the prince . if these suffice not , try smart chiding ; wherein take heed of unbeseeming words , which a noble nature many times resents long after , but all are apt to imitate towards others . beware also of too importunate , or unseasonable reprehensions ; as either when the offender is in passion , or in public , or your self in passion ; tho it be not amiss sometimes to seem so . neither be alwayes chiding , for that breeds insensibility and carelesnes , and authorizeth his fault by your own . nescio quomodo hoc ipsum , quod concupiscitur , jucundius fit cum vetatur , & contumax est animus ( maxime puerorum ) & in contrarium atque arduum nitens . indiscreet reprehension is many times recommendation of the vice . let corporal punishments be the last refuge , and when the rest , tryed , are found insufficient ; for what is done willingly is best done , horses and beasts are subdued by the rod , but man hath a free-will , which ( if possible ) is to be gained by reason . what we do for fear of punishment we really detest ; and , were we left to our selves , we would not do it . yet by accustoming to do it , though for fear , the bugbear that caused our hatred is driven away , and by little and little we acquire an habit of , and by degrees a love to , it . . take all faults , vices especially , at the beginning , by preventing as much as you can all occasions and opportunities of ill-doing ; as let him not frequent suspected places , not be abroad , tho with a friend , nor be late from his lodging , and the like . for tho he do at such time nothing blame-worthy , yet that irregularity indulged will breed inconveniencies first , and faultines afterwards . plato having chid a young man for a slight fault , and he replying 't was no great matter , answered , but the custome of it is . tho he cannot amend all at once , yet he must not settle in any one . many times also we see a word cast in by chance , or in merriment , to have greater force then a formal admonition . quintilian , if any of his young scholars commited a fault , especially too bold and venturous , would tell him , that for the present he disliked it not , but for the future he would not endure it : so he both indulged their wit , and corrected theit errours aegre enim reprehendas quae sinis consuescere . especially beware of all obscene discourse , and those equivocal phrases , which the wicked invent to express their lust ( ingeniously as they think ) most plausibly , i. e. dangerously . as likewise of all filthy songs , and of libels , wherein either the magistrate , or other person is taxed . forbear also ( chiefly if the child be naturally timorous ) all discourse of witches , spirits , fayries , and the like ; which intimidate the spirit , and fill the head with vain and frightful imaginations . also all fond romances , whether of giants or love. those seem to have taken their original about the time of the holy-war , when all europe was upon the gog of fighting , to which they thought those fond stories were very conducing ; but these from later times , when courtship and lust were in greater account then arms and valour . but whatever they be , being but castles in the aire , it matters not whether they are built for palaces or prisons ; thay have both a bad effect : for they impress upon children , and ( which is almost the same ) upon women , and weak silly men also , false notions . they are to the mind what a feaver is to the body , filling the soul with preternatural , irregular conceits , and hindering the true understanding and reall notion of things as they are in the world , which true histories set forth . they represent actions by a false glass , as in the idle imaginations of silly and loose people . if wandring and insignificant fancies in the brain , ( romances in the thought ) be so troublesome to all well-minded people ; to have such in writing , is certainly much worse . what a madness is it to increase these by suggesting more non-sense ? by printing our follies , and publishing our resveries ? they shew us lust instead of love , false honour and valour instead of true ; the world in imagination for that in reality , agreeable dotages , pleasant means to render men fools . the most dangerous of all romances , are those , which are dressed up with all the artifice of good words , habits , action , &c. on purpose to withdraw the soul from seriousnes and virtue , to vanity and filthines : comedies , i mean , which who with delight frequenteth , returns with the passions and humours there represented , shall i say ? or recommended . the design of them is sensual delight and pleasure ( to say no worse ) which a good serious man looks upon as his greatest enemy : nemo ad voluptatem venit sine affectu ; nemo affectum sine casibus suis patitur . vbi voluptas ibi studium , per quod sc. voluptas sapit . tert. de spect. upon the same reason i would disswade all conversation with fools , jesters , buffoons , and all such as accustome to , and study to procure , laughter . a dangerous and pestilent sort of pleasure , that renders the mind's indulging it , like to his that causeth it , light , foolish , vain , and contrary to that seriousnes and thinkingnes requisite to prudence and gallantry of spirit . when this passion is over , reflect upon what caused it , and the manner of it , and you shall scarce find any action wherof you will be more really ashamed ; as of that which nature hath not suffer'd to be acted without uncomely motions of the mouth and countenance . e impossible ( saith danti p. . ) che sia pace o verit à nella republica , se colui che governa e amico de buffonerie , & bugie . and as it is in a common-wealth , so in a family , and in all conversation . . let him do every thing for a good end , & the best way . first , direct his intentions aright , and by that means his actions become virtues ; and ( which is more ) there will be insensibly implanted the very essence of religion . to carry himself decently , tell him , not that the people will think better of him , that he shall be more accepted in conversation ; but tell him that he ought to carry himself as the noblest and worthiest of gods creatures . to study and be diligent ; not that thereby he may arrive to honors here , and be acceptable to great persons , but to do god his creator the more service , and the like . to do his actions the best way , will breed a laudable ambition in him to excell in that which is good . and since in every age the same faculties are employ'd , only the objects changed , and the actions of those faculties not many ; it must need be , that our whole life is but reacting the same thing frequently over upon divers subjects and occasions . as the fool personates the same humour , tho in divers comedies ; and tho sometimes lance , jodelet , or scaramuccio , yet 't is all but the same buffoon . in infancy little quarrels with their brethren , peevishnes , wilfulnes , &c. are afterwards angers , hatreds , envies , prides , jealousies ; and a sensiblenes in youth for a gig or a suggar-plum , is the same afterwards for honour or interest . and he is not the only wise man who discourseth of , or acteth , great and high matters , but he who speaks or doth , whatever it be , great or small , pertinently , and according to the nature of the subject . therefore let your charge , even in his youth , frequently reflect upon his own and others actions , and censure them freely , that himself may be engaged to know to do better when the like occasion recurs . 't is generosity not to admire every thing he hears or sees ( which some miscall civility ) but to use his judgment ; to discommend as well as praise ; nor to acquiesce in every answer , but to seek for solid reason , and , according to his capacity , satisfaction . let him also in in his sports be prompt , diligent , active , subtil , free , not dishonest ; and where there is any engagement for victory , earnest , contriving , watching advantages , yet not quarrelsome ; endeavouring to overcome , yet patient if vanquished : and these qualities will be also afterward put on in more serious matters ; for if hunting be a praeludium to war , childrens sports are so to all other actions of their life . . it is also necessary that the educator have the disposing of the servants ; or at least that the child have none but virtuous and discreet persons to serve and wait upon him , especially in his chamber : whose discourse at his rising and going to bed have great influence upon him many times , either to confirme or deface such notions , as have bin infused into him the day before . great care also must be had of recommending him to good companions , and rather those that are somewhat above him in years , of a good reputation , and such as you will be content he may imitate . if you come into a strange place , you may discover evill company ; if they be extraordinarily officious without any reason ; if they applaud whatever the young man saith , or doth ; if they offer their service and assistance to all purposes ; if they advise against the governor , or to liberty , libertinisme , or idlenes ; if they railly , droll , and speak evil of others , especially of virtuous men , or such as the young man is recommended to ; if they endeavour to draw him to unknown , obscure , or suspected places , or bring him into much company . beware of such men , and get your charge out of their hands as soon as you can . . i have often thought it a great shame to see beasts , as horses and dogs , taught with so much care and industry , their natural vices corrected , and their disposition reformed , by almost certain rules fitted , out of observation , to every humour and imperfection : yet many men to return not only not bettered , but much deteriorated from their governors ; till i considered , that besides the ignorance , negligence , and insufficiency of the educators , or their undertaking to bring up too many , and all by the same way , there was also required on the part of the educated , the generous concurrence of his own free desire and endeavour to do well . that some also have such natural imperfections and perverse dispositions , as if not taken at the first moment , as it were , the primo-prime acts , and preserved with infinite care and industry from temptation , are difficultly reformed and straightned . nero was not rectified by seneca and burrhus , tho it is probable , had he been a private person , and so long under their care till he had got an habit , and imbibed those instructions they gave , he might have proved a virtuous person . but the tree returned to its native crookednes before it had time to grow straight . cicero's son to the stupidity of his nature , added drunkennes and good fellowship ; and no wonder if from athens and cratippus , he returned as he went to them . m. aurelius provided . of the most approved masters of the whole empire ( the learned julius pollux being one ) to educate his son commodus ; and within a while cashiered five of them , because he had observed some levities in their carriage . yet could not the other nine rectify the froward and barbarous humour , perhaps suck'd from , and encouraged afterward , by his mother , at the time of his conception in love with a gladiator . caracalla was nursed by a christian ( tert. ad scapulam ) whose education had such force upon him , that for a long time he behaved himself so , as he gained the love of all men , hujus puoritia blanda , ingeniosa , &c. saith spartianus . but afterward the natural humors which were not sufficiently by that short time of good education purged out , sermented again , and corrupted the whole mass . in such cases therefore , i advise the educator to be contented to do his endeavour , and not easily despond ; but if no betterment , to have patience ; and without all passion , and with due respect to the person ( careful not to fix any scandal or permanent infamy upon the family ) send him away . he may be fit for somewhat else ; as the spanish proverb saith , that which will not make a pot , may make a cover : or others may be more fitting for him , or more fortunate then your self . and so , as physicians remove their incurable patients far off into the countrey , free your self from him , that you may not be shamed by him , nor your self see his shame . chap. vi. of the ordering the disposition and manners of the educated . this i begin withal , because it is the chiefest and foundation of all the rest . for if you can plant in him a virtuous disposition , the rest is easy , and follows as natural corollaries from thence . and this is sustained upon two general bases , conscience , and honor. therefore , . let the educator in the very first place endeavour to plant in his charge a true sense of religion . i mean not that , which consists in disputing for a party , or in discourse only ; but that in the heart and affections . that he may seriously remember and acknowledg his creator betimes ; and accustome himself to bear that yoke , which in time will grow easy , and at length pleasant : and that he may not be ashamed to own god almighty for his master in this adulterous and atheistical generation . our lord said , that the good seed , being sown in the ground of an honest and tractable disposition , cannot but bring forth in youth the blade , then the eare , and at last arrive at maturity . regard not any wicked proverb , or censures of early piety . but if religion once take root in the spirit of a child ; . the principal is saved , should it please god to call him betimes out of the world. . neither can he in his whole life miscarry . for this is founding him upon the rock , which withstands all floods and tempests ; i. e. it is a principle , universal , perfect , unfailable ; upon which whoever builds , shall live uniformly , contentedly , and happily , both here and hereafter : a principle which will bear him up in all estates , accidents , and actions ; a principle , he never need change , or forget . his sufferings by it will be pleasant , his life blameles , his actions prudent , his words discreet , his thoughts virtuous and regular , and in all things shall he live according to the perfection human nature is capable of . religion prescribes a certain end , the glory of god , or doing as much good as he can to himself and others ; which is an high and noble aime , and direction ; and hinders all lownes of spirit , disorder and confusion in actions , and inconstancy in resolutions . for if any object be proposed , he considers not so much what is lawfull or expedient , as what is best to be done . from want of such a scope or mark it comes , that most men shoot under , employ their minds in little by-businesses , unworthy their dignity , and not honorable if effected . indeed our understandings are foolish , and desires irregular ; and to rectify them we have fathers and governors , whose wisedome we make our guide ; yet is not theirs comparable to that of our lord set forth in the holy scriptures . frequently therefore inculcate the greatness of god , the creator and governor of all , and every particular , in this world ; the shortnes of our life , and certainty of judgment ; the great reward for the good , and severe punishment for the bad . explain to him the mysteries of the lords prayer , the creed , commandments , his obligation in baptism , and the doctrine of the sacraments in due time . accustom him often to meditate , and set before him the manner of the life , which our great lord , the only son of god , lived here on earth ; and the great sufferings and mortifications he voluntarily chose and underwent ; that so he may not prefer in his thoughts any way before it . frame also for him prayers conformable to his age and condition , which may contain a summary of his duty . and take care that he say them every morning and evening upon his knees , not in bed ; and as he advanceth , change them , lest they become a meer form . let him also every night , at his going to bed , recollect historically what he hath done , and said that day ; and for what he hath done amiss to be sorry , and for what well done give thanks . let him also frequently ( suppose twice a day ) read some part of the scripture , and the historical and sapiential books rather then the other , which are more difficultly understood . in the morning let him , as much as he can , order his actions and emploiments for the whole day ; foreseeing what temtations that day are likely to come upon him , and how he may best prepare against them . . let him also be made to know his own dignity , the sublime ends to which he was created , and the noble actions which are in his power . ad magna , imò ad maxima , nati sumus , not as beasts groveling on the earth , obedient to their appetit , and labouring only for their belly . major sum , & ad majora genitus , quam ut mancipium sim mei corporis . sen. man hath a design higher then nature , to be like to almighty god and his holy angels ; to overcome himself , master his passions , and rule over others , not by fear and violence , but by reason , justice , and choice . the arts and sciences he invents , the laws and government he establisheth , the cities and fleets he buildeth , argue him to be of a most noble extraction ; and that a good man is worthy to be reverenced of his own self ; in as much as he will do nothing misbeseeming so noble and eminent a nature . and especially let him be fortified , and well prepared to entertain sufferings ; which is the great trial and cupel of gallant spirits , and without which he can never become perfect , i. e. his faculties can never be advanced to the height of their power . for in some sort suffering is the one half of our life , as doing is the other . sufferings in body , sicknesses , pains , want of conveniencies in diet , lodging , liberty , wearines , &c. in good name , obloquies , defamations , revilings , affronts , too much reputation , expectation , and the like . in his mind , ignorances of what he desires , or is fitting for him to know , discontents for loss , or miscarriage of relations , and friends , breaches of friendship , treacheries , ingratitudes , failings of his designs , insulting of enemies , &c. in external things , losses , poverty , with infinite more . i shall not name spiritual afflictions , because seldom incident to this age . now for these and the like , let him be instructed how to render himself as little , as is possible , obnoxious to them , by not setting his mind upon what is not in his power ; by good considerations proper to every sort , such as are furnished in many books , particularly in petrarch . but especially let him be practised and inured to suffer and bear so many as his age well permits , with courage and patience . however , he may arrive to the discretion not to be disturb'd for trifles , for the loss of a horse , a dog , or a picture , or somewhat of smaller value . and if he can bear a small burthen in youth , doubt not but he will be able to carry greater still as he grows in age . . endeavour to sow in him the seeds of true honor , to be afraid of shame for misbehaviours , and to value the good opinion of virtuous and worthy persons . the desire of honor is of so great force in all our actions , that the false and conterfeit of it is the great incentive and encouragment to all wickednes ; that those men , who neglect and despise religion , yet pretend altogether for honor ; that the horridest and most dangerous designs never want persons to act them , if they can be perswaded to be honorable ; that the pretended diminution of it is thought not sufficiently revenged with the loss of life ; that for it so many battels are fought , so many friendships broken , so many laws , even of religion despised , and conscience and justice trampled on . but these are from a misapprehension and mistaking that to be honorable , which indeed is not so . but i would my educated should esteem reputation only from wise and virtuous persons , which is the attestation of them , that know best , to his actions , and a public recommendation to emploiment . by this means he shall list himself under that ensign , and be ranged with that party , whereof our lord himself is the captain ; and he will take pleasure in virtue and piety , when he sees his actions and waies conformed to the sentiment of the world of all gallant persons , both past and present . nor shall he need to hunt after applause and fame ; that will follow him fast enough , with those that are either indifferently , or well inclined . but he must expect obloquy from the contrary party ; and many evil words , and much raillery will be spent upon him ; in vain , if he have the courage to despise them . being a gentleman , then let him consider that he is above the tongues of evil men : that he is engaged to nobler and sublimer designs and actions then other persons ; he must steer by higher stars , and aim at somewhat more heroical . other men labour for a fortune , and are a long time before they can arrive at that height to which he is born , and wherein the virtues of his fore fathers have placed him : he is already , because of his wealth , secured from necessity and want of what may be convenient or useful for his studies ; from necessity , too often the mother of low and abject thoughts , with which a poor man first combats before he can conquer any advantage of emploiment . besides , by his family he is already placed upon the theater , where all his actions shall be observed and praised , even more then they deserve ; all mens eyes are upon him expecting somewhat extraordinary from him ; and so he needs not some eminent action to introduce him into the good opinion of the world. let him therefore aim at somewhat above , not only ordinary persons , but his own condition also ; least he fall equal to those below him ; for he cannot in practise reach the height his imagination designs . let him say continually with himself , for what came i into the world ? why hath god gived me such riches , such parents , such respect amongst men , but to do more good ? surely i have received five talents , a greater increase and return is expected from me . magnam fortunam magnus animus decet . . this greatnes of spirit consists principally in these virtues , ( omitting most of those , which erasmus in his enchiridion militis christiani , recommends very effectually , but are common to all christians as well as to a cavalier ) i will only recite such as are more noble , heroical , and honorable ; and leave the pressing of them to the industry of the educator . his title of gentleman suggests to him the virtue of humility , courtesy , and affability ; easy of access , and passing by neglects and offences , especially from inferiors . pardoning also injuries , as being superior to them ; and not provocable to injure another . generosum apud animum cito moritur iracundia . he despiseth no man for his fortune or misery ; and is not afraid to own those who are unjustly oppressed ; for such , ordinarily , are men of parts , and if of virtue and integrity , they commonly rise again . he is not proud , no not when commended , nor doth any thing render him insolent or haughty above other persons . nor doth he strive to make himself known to be a gentleman by huffing , swelling , strutting , or domineering over inferiors ; nor by disobedience , and restines towards superiors ; much less by hectoring and quarelling . so neither by his clothes and peruque : nor stands he upon his family , name , wealth , honor of his kindred or ancestors ; but strives to equal himself with those that began their reputation , in civility , industry , gentlenes and discretion . by obedience to laws , submission to governors ; not content to do barely what is enjoined , or to make law the adequate rule of his actions , he forbears more then the law forbids , and doth more then it commands : he storns to take advantage of his quality to exemt him from such duties , exercises , and rules , as meaner persons are obliged unto . he doth nothing for fear of punishment ; nor leaves he a good action because of the danger , obloquy , or the like . courage is the proper virtue of great spirits . wherefore he defieth all little crafts and subtilties in negotiations , and thinks to master his designs by reason , and magnanimity , rather then finesse and devices . he is also , as much as is possible , equal and alike ; in his conversation , calme , peaceable ; and the same in private as in public . he bears also adversity cheerfully : when deservedly chid or corrected , is patient ; is open , and free , not dissembling or hiding himself behind little nets , or fig-leaves . invalidum omne naturâ querulum est . he scorns to tell a lie . tasso said , that other vices were like clip'd or light , but lying like counterfeit and false mony , which an honest man ought not to pay , tho himself received it . nor is he afraid to confess his faults , because he committeth them unwillingly ; nor ashamed to discover his ignorance , for he hath a desire to learn. he is also laborious , abstinent , and willingly undertakes difficult and painful emploiments : he had rather be in a camp then in a bed-chamber , and is afraid of nothing more the the dead sea of sloth and pleasure . difficulties , he knows , bake and concoct the mind , lazines effeminates and loosneth it . he is ready to do good to all ; give rather then receive ; is bountiful , values not great favours done by himself , so much as small ones received . is not ungrateful to others ; but himself desires no recompense , and is content , tho unworthily used . bona facere & mala pati regium est . he thinks it much below him to hate any one . in sum , he is bold without rashnes ; affable without flattery ; prudent without cunning ; secret without dissimulation ; devout without hypocrisy . he is constant , not opiniatre ; liberal , not prodigal ; gentle , not soft ; open , not foolish ; frugal , not covetous . he fears nothing , he despiseth nothing , he admires nothing . . to beget in him these and all other virtues , set before him good examples ; if of his own family , ancestors , and kindred 't is the better : as also are those of his own countrey , condition , time , age , acquaintance , and present , rather then ancient and absent . no prince ( except of a very base alloy , as nero and commodus ) if he hear of a good musician or comedian , desire to be like him ; but if he knows of the noble acts of his equal , he wisheth his own were such . acquaint him also with the stories of good and virtuous , rather then great-fam'd men , for this many times fills his head with vain and fruitles imaginations . and here i cannot but recommend to all persons the reading of lives , of modern rather then ancient persons : which are not the worse ( if drawn truly ) because somewhat hansomer then the original . as monsieur peiresk , and monsieur de renty , alessandro luzzaga , &c coglione , giacome medices , marquis of pescara , pibrac , giac. foscarini , &c. sir tho. more , proposed to himself jo. picus mirandula , whose life and some of his works he translated into english. carolus calvus caused a manual to be made for his instruction in his daily duty , out of the lives of famous persons ; and that excellent book of m. aurelius , seems to be no other , then such memorials as he collected for the governing himself and empire . examples also of evil men , if discreetly represented , are as useful ( if not more ) then others ; for wise men learn more by fools , then fools by wise men . the thorns also which are dug out of his own ground by admonition or correction , must serve to make a fence for the future : and he must be manured with the weeds pluck'd up in his own garden . all the faults , both of himself , and other men , being useful to preserve him from the like . . let him also know the great advantage of innocency above repentance . he that keeps himself from great sins , is as one that hath a prosperous voiage ; he that repents as he that saves himself upon a plank . consider what the good father said to the frugal son ; all that i have is thine . and what s. john of those who continue virgins , i. e. innocent ; that they have a new and peculiar song , that they , as immediate attendants , follow the lamb whither soever he goeth . and that they are the first fruits most holy unto god and our lord. how happy is he that never goes out of his way ! with a reasonable constant pace he must needs advance much further then other persons . especially fortify him against the three great ruins of youth , luxury , debauchery , and gaming ; and all other faults , which tho in themselves lesser , yet his peculiar inclination may render them as dangerous as the other . but if his garment cannot be kept alwaies clean ; yet have a care it may be with all possible speed washed ; and let all endeavour be used to preserve him from habitual and customary sins ; for rather then permit these , you ought to render him up to his parents , who perhaps may find a cure you know not . dionysius ( 't is better to use a forreign example for that , which is too common amongst us ) having in his youth indulged himself the liberty of debauchery , and finding too late the inconvenience , and endeavouring to oblige himself to the strict rules of temperance ; was answerd , tho perhaps untruly , that he could not safely do it ; if he relinquished his drinking he would fall into a consumtion ; so in his own defence he was forced to continue in his sottishnes . so true is that of our lord , he that committeth sin is the servant of sin ; and especially in this sin of drunkennes , whilst that extraneous supernatural fire quenching the true , native , genuine heat of the body , requireth still to be nourished by its equal or stronger . . the great spring and origine of lust is idlenes ; and if drinking increase the fire , lust takes away the fewel , both shorten the life . ply him therefore with continual labour and study , that the temter may find no bait to cover his poison . this is the remedy against that fire , which consumeth so many noble persons , families and nations ; an enemy not to be contended withal , but avoided . after you have detained from him all romances , lascivious books , pictures and discourses , and yet prevail not ; bodily labour interchanged with study must be prescribed : and if this remedy not , change places , and suggest new objects continually . a worthy prince of late times , being , by a servant of his , temted to this sin , shewing him all things prepared for the purpose ; the prince opened the door of the room , and commanded the officious ruffian to give him place and secrecy ; which he had no sooner done , but the prince shut the door upon him , and forbad him ever to come again into his presence . and truly this temtation is the exact , and almost adequate , trial of a brave and heroical spirit . he that is not carried away with every beauty , nor too much with any one ; that is deaf to pleasure & those enticements which so few can avoid , hath a noble soul and well grounded virtue . but if neither sense of honor , which this sin wounds more then any other , ( shame alwaies accompanying those unlawful , as blushing doth the lawful actions ) nor sense of the grievousnes of the sin , nor the expensivenes , nor spoiling his parts , nor danger to his person , nor the fear of diseases , and shortnes of life , nor conscience of his duty and virtue , nor emploiment , nor any other remedy will serve ; 't is best to marry him . this sort of love , said tasso , is a vice , wherein the same coin is not current between buyer and seller : the one pays honor , conscience , virtue as well as money , the other but love at the very best . but betwixt man and wife there is money for money , love for love , and all other things equal . but i look not upon marriage as a remedy only for fornication , except in such young men , who before the time , are impetuously carried on to those desires ; it is much more honorable , but seldom falls under the educators cognisance ; and if it do , he is rather to advise who is unfit , then who is fit for a wife . . the inconveniencies of gaming , are , . acquaintance with low , base , unworthy company . . learning also from them sordid and unmanly arts , as sharking , cheating , lying , equivocating , which is by such counted overwitting their camerade . . loss of time and money . . great engagement of the passions , which is the most effectual and speedy means to obliterate any good thought , and introduce the superiority of the bestial part . . learning , or at lest patiently enduring those abominable swearings , cursings , blasphemings , &c. . danger from other mens passions . how many have bin murthered , more duelled , upon play-quarrels ? monsieur faret observes , that only three sorts of persons follow the trade of gaming . . covetuous , who for love of money care not what means they employ to obtain it , and find none easier and cheaper then this which requires no stock , no tools , no learning , and is readily taken up by any one that hath but little wit , and less conscience . . lazy and effeminate , who not knowing how to spend their time better , can devise no divertisement so proper as this lasch exercise . . desperate , who being by fortune , or their own wickednes , reduced to that extremity , that they live to day , as if they were to die to morrow , think they may obtain that subsistence by cheating or hazard , which they cannot hope reasonably for by their industry ; and not having any virtue , ability , or lawful emploiment to supply their debauchery , they betake themselves to prey upon the weaknesses and ignorance of better men then themselves . here then it is to be supposed , that no gentleman desires to advance his fortune by the detriment of an other , and that to avoid coveteousnes ( the author of those horrid mischiefs in gaming ) he ought to forbear gaming , as the trade and emploiment of necessitous , idle , dissolute persons : the cheats whereof are so infinite , that it is impossible a virtuous or ingenious person should learn or avoid them ; and that it is a science which will neither credit its professor , nor quit the charge of the learning . yet if not as a trade , but with due caution practised , plays may be learned ; such especially as are menaged by skill , and not fortune only , to acquaint him with numbring , and to quicken his fancy and memory . besides , musick , discourse , and such other divertisements will not hold out long conversation with the same persons . but then let him not play for more money then the loss of it will be insensible to him ; and if his play can bear its own charge , seek not to gain by it . and let him ( as much as is possible ) practise to be unconcern'd in the winning or loosing ; to play calmly without passion . to which if he can arrive , he hath been serious in his play to very good purpose . let him also be veracious , and abominate a lie , or cheat , even in his play . and lastly , if a by-stander , let him beware of discovering the faults , either unskilfulnes , or deceit of the gamesters ; else both parties will hate him . chap. vii . of frugality , or ordering his money and expences . . wealth i. e. money being the great instrument , whereby all things are performed in civil societies ; and therefore being equal to all other external commodities of our life ; whereby also well laid out friends are gained in the court of heaven ; it is necessary the educated be taught the use and value of it betimes . it is reported of sr thomas more 's father , that to the intent his son might prove a good husband , and employ his time and intention wholly upon learning , he would never permit him to have any money , but when he wanted any thing to ask for it . quod adeo stricte observavit , ut nec ad reficiendos attritos calceos , nisi à patre peteret , pecuniam haberet . and this severity sir thomas more afterwards mightily commended ; for by that means ( saith he ) i could not furnish any vice or pleasure , i could not loose my time in gaming , nor knew i what unthristines or luxury were , nor could i employ my self in any thing but my studies . sir thomas more was indeed one of a rare and extraordinary spirit , so observant of his father , that the history saith he never offended him , nor was ever offended with any thing his father said or did to him : and when himself was lord chancellor of england , before he ascended his own tribunal in westminster-hall , he went to the kings-bench-court ( where his father was judge ) to ask him blessing upon his knees : and i beleive had his father indulged him the command of all his estate , he would have done no otherwise then as without it . so that whether is better to keep all money from a youth , or let him have some small proportion ( for any great part he must by no means be possess'd of ) is a question not to be decided by this example . i knew two persons of quality , great friends , who brought up their sons together , and were of divers opinions and practises in this point . if we may judge by the event , he , who had the power of money , proved the better husband . but neither do i think this to be any more then one single example ; more , i am confident , have miscarried on the other side . methinks the best general rule ( because several dispositions are to be handled several waies , which must be left to the discretion of an ex-experienced educator ) is ; that he be allowed so much a month to be spent according to his own fancy , yet over-looked , not scrictly watched ( except where there is reason to suspect some ill menagement ) by the governor . who is also to restrain him from debauchery , gaming , and all notorious acts of prodigality : and on the contrary to provoke him to compassionate the necessitous , be liberal to such as have any way served him ( nothing being so unbecoming a gentleman as ingratitude ) and such like . but by no means let him have all his allowance in his own power , for that is to put the bridle out of his mouth , the means whereby the governor must coerce him . . let him , ( at first with the direction of his governor ) do as much of his own business ( i mean buying , trucking , giving , receiving , paying , chusing , clothes , books , &c. ) as he is capable : for hereby his mind is inured to a great piece of wisdom , [ soli sapienti notum est , quanti res quaeque taxanda sit . sen. ep . . ] to esteem , compare one thing with another ; to judge and value , not only things necessary for the present , but all others also . for the grounds and principles of judgment and discretion are the same , tho the subjects , whereupon they are exercised , are divers . nor let him fear the silly opinion of such persons , as think cheapning or chusing a derogation to their honor , or buying for the just value a cheating of the seller . i have seen the greatest king in christendom refuse to buy what he conceived too dear , and to change the shop where he thought himself not well used . persons also of very good quality in italy are not asham'd to go to a shop , chuse , and bargain , v. g. for their clothes , and make the taylor also cut them out of the whole piece before them . whereas an ordinary gentleman amongst us thinks himself abused , if not cousened . as if it were noblenes to expose and suffer themselves to be overreached , derided , and fooled by an impudent pedlar , or flattering host. who , tho in our nation they arrive , by the impudent folly of those , who know no nobler way of generosity then to be fooled by the meanest and unworthiest of all people , to buy the estates of such prodigals , as degrade themselves first into a familiarity , then into an equality , at last into an inferiority , with them : yet in other countreys , where men have and make use of the parts god hath given them , they are kept in that degree and rank which befits their profession . . let him alwaies buy with ready money ; which will both keep him in mediocrity of expences , within his bounds , teach him the value of money , and acquire him very great reputation both with tradesmen and others . he buyeth cheaper and better commodities , and is not imposed upon with false bills and accounts . by this means also he may learn to live under his revenue ; which whosoever doth not , can never keep himself out of debt . it is therefore dangerous to have to do with them that keep books , which are authentick records , tho governed many times by careles or dishonest boys ; except himself also keep another , and as diligently look to his accounts ; and that frequently to , ( old reckonings never turning to the profit of the debtor ) : and if after the manner of merchants , under the notion of creditor and debtor , 't is the easier and better . but if he keep his accounts severely , not only they with whom he deals , but his servants also , will be more careful what reckonings they bring him . . young men out of emulation have a great vanity of desiring whatever they see their equals enjoy , and this proves many times a dangerous and expensive folly : being accompanied most-what with a speedy loathing , or neglect of what they unreasonably long'd for . omnis flultitia laborat fastidio sui . a young man need not be altogether cured of this distemper : if it can be regulated , excellent use may be made of it for his instruction in many knowledges , and gaining him much experience . but to moderate the exorbitancy , the best way is to make him an example to others ; by putting him upon some particular curiosity by himself , which may with reputation be opposed to those many vanities of his camerades . and such a one also as need not perish with the using , as globes , maps , pictures , medals , curiosities of art and nature , &c. . neither let the educator be too morose or solicitous to keep him from all vanity in clothes or expences , lest he be discouraged . for few being willing to learn out of the school of experience , and she being a good mistress , if not the sole one , it is very fitting to make her a partner in our instruction . only the educator ( that is , reason ) must be the chief master , and let his charge take out only such lessons under her , as his guide shall think fit : that is , such as may convince the younker of the vanity of those and the like desires . scriptum est enim ( saith rog. bacon very wisely ) qui non errat non invenit , qui non corrumpit non emendat , qui non tristatur non laetatur . chap. viii . of the preservation of his health . because it is very tedious , chargeable , and sometimes dangerous to repair for every small distemper to a physician , it is very fitting the governor should know to preserve his charge in health . for without that he is uncapable to undergo any emploiment ; neither can he study , nor follow his exercises , when sick ; but is troublesom to others , and unprofitable to himself . . in youth excess in eating and drinking is very frequent , necessary therefore it is to moderate his appetite . for if the stomack be stretched beyond its true extent , it will require to be filled , but never well digest what it receives . besides it is much better to prevent diseases by temperance , sobriety , chastity , and exercise ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) then cure them by physick . qui enim se medicis dederit , seipsum sibi eripit . summa medicinarum ad sanitatem corporis & animae abstinentia est . he that lives abstemiously or but temperately , needs not study the wholesomnes of this meat , nor the pleasantnes of that sawce , the moments and punctilios of air , heat , cold , exercise , lodging , diet ; nor is critical in cookery and vintnership ; but takes thankfully what god gives him . especially let all young men forbear wines and strong drinks , as well as spiced and hot meats ; for they introduce a preternatural heat into the body , and at least hinder and obstruct , if not at length extinguish the natural . . but if overtaken by excess ( as it is difficult alwaies to stand upon guard ) the best remedy is vomiting , or fasting it out ; neither go to bed upon a full stomack , except by reason of drinking , it be necessary to remove him from company ; that the world may not be witnes of his brutality ; and that himself may be hindred from all extravagancies , and be ashamed of it the next day . let physick be alwaies the last remedy , that nature may not trust to it . . if through melancholy , timorousnes , or womanish education ( for i see very few women well educate men ; nor men women ) your charge have imaginations that he is alwaies sick ; ( if he only pretend so that he may avoid study and labour , 't is another case ) do not at first seem to discourage him , but rather bring him off his humor by painful and harsh physick ; which is the cure also of those melancholic persons , whose sicknes , tho they are frequently indisposed , yet is not dangerous either for life or labour . . much of health consists in exercises and recreations , which must be regulated according to the country , season , &c. but generally rather violent then lasch ; such , i mean , as may cause the body to transpire plentifully ; and exhale those black and fuliginous vapors , which are wont to oppress young men ; that nature be not hindred in her circulation . neither be afraid , tho he be weary and tired : for wearines is no disease , nor doth simple heat without putrefaction cause a feaver . besides brisk exercise will render him strong , active , mettlesome ; whereas idlenes contracts a stagnation of humors , numnes of the joints , and dulnes in the brain . yet violent exercises , as running , leaping , wrestling , are not so fit for thin , choleric , and weak bodies : rendring such old and gowty before their time , as they did constans the emperor . . dancing is a moderate exercise ; so much whereof is to be learn'd as may give a good and graceful motion of the body . no nation civil or barbarous , ancient or modern ( except our late contradictive spirits ) that express not their joy and mirth by it , which makes it seem a sprout of the law of nature . but the use , which is now frequently made of it , especially since it is become a difficult study , and many years , besides infinite practise , required to a reasonable perfection in it , i cannot but utterly condemn : subscribing to the severe , but true , censure of that most excellent modern historian monsieur de rhodez . there is nothing ( saith he ) which doth more dissipate the powers of the spirit , nor more enervate the forces of the soul , then the ravishing harmony , the continual agitation of the body , and the charms of ladies conversation . the great triumph of sensuality is such meetings , where the eare is fed with musick , the eyes with beauties , the smell with perfums , the tast with banquets ; whither none are invited or come , but to please or be pleased . could their thoughts be then seen , in what a hurry and tumult should we perceive them ? what desires , what fears , what impatience , what lust , what jealousy , what envying , what despisings ! &c. card. borromeus in his book against balls and dances saith : that he , when a young man at the university , and his companions , with great importunity prevailed with one of their professors , a grave and prudent person , to go along with them to a ball : who having observed the actions and circumstances thereof , told them with great astonishment , that it was an invention of the devil to destroy souls , by corrupting the very being and essence of christian virtues . when a servant lighteth a torch , we give him strict charge not to carry it amongst flax , straw , or the like . why do not parents forbid their children to frequent those places , where is more danger of kindling another manner of flame ? to have the imagination swelled with the presence of beauties in their trim , and under a full sail , when the blood is chased , and the mind set upon pleasure ; is not drinking cold water , but strong poison to one overheated . . it will not be amiss here to add , that divers bodily diseases , infirmities , and undecencies may by the educators care be regulated , and either wholly , or in good part , amended . for few there be , who have all the members of their body equally sound and well-disposed ; the worst is corrected by bringing spirits to that part with labour and exercise : as shooting in a long bow , for the breast and arms . bowling for the reins , stone , gravel , &c. walking for the stomack . riding for the head : and the great drusus having weak and small thighs and legs strengthened them by riding , especially after dinner : as did also his late majesty . squinting and a dull sight , are amended by shooting . crookednes by swinging and hanging upon that arm . stammering by deliberate and slow speaking , and observing what words run most currently . so both mr mede and mr oughtred helped themselves . divers misaffections in the eyes , by spectacles . bashfulnes and blushing , by frequent speaking in company , &c. chap. ix . of the divers passions , inclinations , and dispositions of man , and the ways to rectify and order them . . but that the educator may clearly see his work , and have it , as it were , wholly in his view ; i will dig a little deeper ; anatomize and lay open the soul with its operations . perhaps not so accurately and punctually , yet as plainly , and for practice as usefully , as i can ; regarding not the curiosity or philosophy , but the necessity and utility of the knowledge . for he that knows quid homo potest , will quickly perceive what his charges abilities are , and what his defects ; and consequently what the remedies . . in the soul then are two sorts of powers , cognoscitive for knowledge . motive for action . knowledge ( omitting apprehension as not falling under our consideration ) consists in invention , memory , and judgment , of which in their places . action is in the will ( of which we shall not speak ) or affections . and these are either concupiscible or irascible , and both these are passions or inclinations . passions are the natural motions of the soul towards objects agreeable or disagreeable . or the motions , or effects , which objects pleasing or displeasing immediately cause in the soul. i. e. what the soul suffers from its objects immediately without deliberation . tho some call passions only the more irregular and ungoverned actions of the soul. inclinations are the frequenter , and customary working according to those passions . and , if meerly according to natural suggestions , they are properly called inclinations : but if they proceed to excess , and be not bridled and regulated , they become vices . but if regulated by reason or gods spirit , they are properly virtues . if by the probity of nature , without much deliberation , our inclinations work laudably , i. e. as they do when habitually regulated by reason , then are those natural inclinations called natural virtues , or good nature . . by the way take this caution , that you trust not to these natural virtues , as if they were , or could be , sufficient to make a man habitually and throughly virtuous : or , as if he , that acteth according to them , were really and sufficiently virtuous . what seneca saith of valour , is true of all the rest . paucissimos fortes natura procreavit , bona institutione plures reddidit industria . and this our holy religion expresseth more plainly , when it distinguisheth between grace and nature ; for if natural dispositions be not sufficiently virtuous morally , neither are moral virtues sufficient for obtaining heavenly and spiritual graces . dispositions indeed they are to virtue , but must themselves also be ordered and directed by prudence : else they will run into many mistakes ; love , where there is more reareason to hate , and cajole , where they should chastise : they will also neglect many actions of virtue , and run into many of vice . nor is it a sufficient excuse for any evil-dispositioned , v. g. an angry person , to say , that he is so naturally , for we are to live by reason and grace , not by nature ; nor is it well said of a thief , i am so naturally , for to what purpose have you reason ? . passions . inclinations proper to , or arising from , them . . love. sweetness , kindness ; contrary to insensibleness of good . . hatred . maliciousness , evil-naturedness . . desire . heat or eagerness ; contrary to coldness or indifferency . . aversation . frowardness , peevishness . . hope . courage , boldness ; contrary to faintheartedness , cowardliness . . fear . timidity , softness , ( contrary to hardiness , ) indifferency , lazines , quietness , love of ease , dulnes . . confidence . credulity ; contrary to distrust . . despair . impatience ; contrary to patience , longanimity . . joy. cheerfulnes ; contrary to sadness . . sorrow . melancholy , saturninenes ; contrary to mirth , jovialness . . acknowledgment . gratitude , generosity ; contrary to ingratitude . . wrath or choler . roughness , harshness , morosity , contrary to meekness . anger . promptness , briskness , rashness , revenge . pride . haughtiness , swelling . . shame , modesty , bashfulness . . impudence . hastiness , impertinency . . repentance . flexibility ; contrary to obstinateness . . pitty . tenderness , mercifulness ; contrary to hardheartedness , cruelty . . envy . malice . . emulation . activeness . . indignation . vehemency . . reverence . humility . . contempt . surliness , disdain , scorn , insolence . . love of women . amorousness , uxoriousness . . jealousy . suspiciousness , doubtfulness , suspense , misinterpretation . it is to be noted , that many times a man worketh contrary to his natural inclinations ; because the inclinations follow the cognoscence of the soul : and it happens frequently , that a violent and strong apprehension may be formed on a suddain , contrary to what is usual . as the sound of drums , trumpets , shouts , examples , &c. may put such apprehensions into a coward , as may make him valiant ; and on the contrary weariness , darkness , rumors , sombre and dismal accidents , &c. may intimidate a valiant man. wherefore it is great rashness to judge of any mans inclination by any particular action : or to think that every man must work , as he is inclined . again ; passions having their force , because reason and the commanding part of the soul doth not restrain and bridle them ; it seems that inclinations are best discerned when they are most at liberty : as childrens at their play , when they think not of dissembling , or restraining them . and . that they , who command not one passion , are also obedient to others ; and that he who is one way passionate , is likely to be so in all , or any . and . that the educator , seeing the inclination of his charge , may moderate , change , and govern it as it shall be convenient ; and that by changing objects , and apprehensions ; but chiefly by shewing him the good or bad of that , or the contrary , that is , by rationally persuading him to submit it to reason . . these inclinations are but as the elements and principles of our dispositions and humors : which are made up of many of these ( man as all other creatures being de-de-compositum ) and these in several degrees and predominancies ; and these also mingled and tempered with the differences of knowledge or apprehension . and by the way , upon these grounds , i perswade my self , it would not be difficult to enumerate all , or the greatest part of our actions , and the causes and order of them ; which is a piece of knowledge the most conducing to the well menaging of our selves that can be ; for the variety of passions , inclinations , and dispositions is the cause of all human business and affairs in the whole world. from the mingling of inclinations , and apprehensions , arise those infinite sorts and varieties of ( as the french and spaniards call them ) wits ; we term them dispositions . the chiefest i have observed , i will here set down , for an essay and sampler , to direct those who have more leisure to add to them according to their experience . and it would be a good work to characterize them so vively , that men ( at least such as are extravagant ) may see themselves as in a glass ; and discovering their imperfections , amend and alter them . in general some dispositions are bad , others good . bad are such as these . . such as want wit , dead , stupid , senseless , heavy , dull , forgetful , sottish , not able to apply themselves to any thing , yet are crafty , and deceitful ; these are miserable . . idle , sensual , slothful , gluttons , without memory or care , cat-witted , dissolute , foolish , impertinent , obstinate , untractable . . weak , base , low , fearful , irresolute , soft , troubled , mazed , confused , emty , open , bashful , sheepish , sneaking , low-spirited , yet many times crafty and malicious ; these easily become a prey to low and mean companions . . vain , giddy , harebrain'd , bird-witted , inconstant , such as employ their thoughts in things of no value ( as domitian in catching flies ) skipping from place to place , neglectful , haters of thinking , inconsiderate , heeding nothing after it is out of their hands . fantastical , restless , light-headed , crack-brain'd , carried away with every new object , never considering what is best , unconstant , impatient , changeable ; that work without affection or delight , doing what they must to make an end , rather then to do it well . . curious , scornful , mockers , jeerers , taunters , abusive , reproachful , tatlers , charlatans , who upon all occasions are ready to publish all they know to the prejudice of another ; delightful in making debates and mischief , enemies of god and charity , breeders of all petit factions , news-brokers . . buffoons , ridiculous , flatterers , apes , rimers , players , wits , airy , light , foolish . . proud , pretenders , pedantick , vain-glorious , formal . . contentious , litigious , quarrelsom , blustering , cowardly , hectors , froward , perverse , disloyal , treacherous , envious . . ambitious , arrogant , fierce , rash , impudent , violent . . crafty , sly , double , malicious , cheats , versuti , and who can change their shape , mine , and discours , according to their advantage . . covetuous , sordid . . of angry persons some are sour , harsh , ill to please , sturdy , sullen , intractable , unadvisable ( a disposition mixed up of pride and melancholy ) peevish , fixing upon the worst , morose ( a delicate sort of wasps ) who are offended if every thing be not done the best way , i. e. as they would have it . some mens anger vapoureth away in words , clamor , scolding , reviling , railing , threatning . others say little , but lay up revenge against an opportunity ; this is incident to superiors , who conceive it below them to quarrel , and who think themselves despised , if every thing is not conformed to their will. others neither chide nor revenge , but turn their wrath upon themselves , as melancholic men do . i pitty these , for they have already the reward of their peaceable wrath : who have a pleasure in their torment , and a kind of satisfaction in their most agreeable discontent . but it were better for them to chide even without reason , then store up this sooty humor , which corrodes body and soul. some are quickly angry , and quickly pacified , hasty . some are quickly angry , and difficultly pacified . some difficultly angry , and difficultly pacified . some difficultly angry , and easily pacified . the disposition of god himself . . pragmatical , prating , impertinent , giving judgment in every business without a fee , without asking , in every mans company unwelcome . . mad , wild , furious , brutish , untamed , terrible , pertinacious , cruel , impious , divelish , cross , precipitious , despiteful , revengeful , tyrannical . . ill-natured , solipsi , valuing themselves only , their own judgment and interest , deceitful . . melancholick , jealous , suspitious , discontented , interpreting every thing in the worst sense ; and every displeasure to be contemt , affront ; and all men to be against , and enemies to , him . . extravagant , heteroclites , alchymistical or blessed-stone-men , astrologues , diviners , passionate lovers , romantick . good dispositions also are of several sorts . . subtil , sharp , piercing , ready , vigilant , attentive to business , sagacious . . argute , acute , quick in giving answers and reparties , resolving doubts and speculative questions , inventive . . facetious , merry , cheerful , gay , jovial , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . wise , prudent , judicious , that examine things to the bottom , able to discern and judge of things alike , sage , grave , practical , experienced , that know opportunity . . free , noble , generous , bountiful , meek , peaceable , quiet , moderate , magnificent . . bold , resolute , free in reprehending others , and speaking their own minds , back'd with reason , hardy in difficult enterprises , brave , warlike , valiant , sensible of honour . . stable , magnanimous , constant , patient in adversities , and businesses . . industrious , thinking , ingenious , universal . . religious and devout . there is also great mixture and composition of these , sometimes contraries seeming equally eminent in the same person . procopius saith of justinian , juxta malignus erat & deceptu facilis , cujus ingenium pravum & fatuum dixeris . dissimulabat ipse fraudibus omnium expositus . temperamentum insolitum , cum ex contrariis constet . inconstans amicis , inimicis inexorabilis ; avarus , contentiosus , novarum rerum cupidus ; ad scelera facile , ad optima nullis suasionibus moveri poterat . yet is not this temper so unusual as procopius supposeth . for most men mistake a vice for a seemingly like , but really-contrary , virtue . as pride for greatness of spirit ; hectorisme for valour ; cunning for wisedome ; which are really contraries . and indeed concerning young men , and all others ( as women , persons ill-educated , &c. ) who follow their present apprehensions and impetus , without much considering their actions , or rectifying their inclinations by reason , it is oftentimes hard to discern whether they be virtuous , or vitious ; which is not so concerning those who are habituated : for then all virtues go together , as well as all vices . and those constellations are easily discovered by their own light . but natural virtues are often accompanied with such natural vices as are habitually contrary . as meekness is often joined with faithfulness , and then it proceeds from want of spirit and apprehension . whereas habitual or acquisite meekness hath perhaps an inclination to sloth , but hath mortified and bridled it . and every virtue appeareth and sheweth it self , when necessity or fitting occasion requires it . so gravity in a child , and those who being old are yet children in understanding , is accompanied with dulness , formality , pride , and censoriousness : because it proceeds from want of mettle , not from choice ; and seeks to justify and shrow'd that defect by finding fault with others . whereas true and laudable gravity is opposed only to levity and folly . so natural civility and courtesy is joined with effeminacy ; severity with implacability , and the like . . climats also , and divers other accidents , produce various inclinations ; not that any country produceth only one inclination , but only more of one then another . so all of one age are not alike inclined , tho most of them are ; and more in youth then age , because the manners are then least artificial . i will set down therefore , and because most to our purpose , inclinations of youth : that the educator may in some measure be able to judge , which are imperfections of the age , and therefore likely to fall off when his charge arrives to maturity . only this caution ought to be observ'd ; that he humor or encourage not his charge in any of them , for that is to perswade him to be a child alwaies . and ly that , if he be in any of them exorbitant , the fault then seems to be of the person , not of the age ; which happens very frequently : and therefore requires more care , and a more early and efficacious remedy in the edication . young men then , being guided by sense , nature and passion , not reason , experience or discretion , are inconstant and unsetled . for the sense being easily tired with the enjoiment of its object , and the soul ( being made for somthing better ) not finding satisfaction in things sensible , they conceive à fastidiousness of the present , and a desire to change : and this is necessary for their condition , that they may not obstinately and fixedly resist ( as old men commonly do ) the introducing of such habits as are necessary to the perfecting their faculties , and making them happy . for tho their passions be eager , and sensuality predominant , yet their resistance is strongest at the beginning , afterwards they with patience are brought off ; their natural inconstancy suggesting advantages to the director . for their present thoughts being vented , they are at long-running , as a fish when wearied , brought tamely to your hand : therefore also you may hope well of most of them , but be confident of none . hence also it cometh that with less reluctance they embrace such knowledges as do not thwart their pleasures , and senses , but of morality and prudence they are less capable ; and that in sickness when sensuality fails , they are easiliest wrought upon . therefore also are they open , and free , easily discovering their thoughts and inclinations . eager , also , hasty , unadvised , sudainly resolving and as violently pursuing what they resolve for a little time . quicquid volunt valde volunt . stomacful also , as not tamed by adversity or necessity . they are also taken with shows , gallantry in cloathing , &c. desirous of what they see , and weary of what they possess : ambitious to do what they cannot , or should not , but neglectful of what they ought and can . therefore gladly would they be learned , but not study ; be excellent , but not take pains : consequently expensive , easily seduced , negligent , careless , fearless , forgetful , improvident and credulous : desirous of honor , and making a shew of excelling in beauty , clothes , &c. of getting the victory at play and gaming , yet valuing honour more then gain ; wanting experience they are angry , fierce , enemies of thinking and consideration , and therefore rather affecting bodily exercises , at which they labour and sweat without measure . full of hope also , catching at appearances , gay , merry , laughers , modest , bashful ( because ignorant ) pittiful , loving their companions and and follies more then riches ; the want whereof they value not , because they know not their value ; therefore not looking beyond the present , nor avoiding ill consequences . imitative also ; for the soul , being a blank paper , and naturally desiring to be furnished , greedily imbibes what it sees before it ; and this is that faculty , with which god indued them on purpose that they may learn , and advance in knowledge and wisedom . children speak nothing but what they hear , and do nothing but what they see : hence they are generally addicted to designing , acting , &c. such then being the conditions of young persons ; those who have the contrary are to be feared and well look'd after ; especially the sly , reserved , close , who are also commonly cunning and malicious , for this reservedness proceeds either from pride , conceit of their own abilities , and unwillingness to be taught ; or from evil designs ; for who strives to conceal what he cares not who knows ? or from jealousy , that other persons counsel them not for the best . these do usually guide themselves by words that seem to them accidentally spoken , whereby they are easily ensnared and ruined . for no man being able to bear the burden of his own thoughts , and these having no friend or confident , they have no other course to steer . they will with all patience hear your advice and reprehension , when they are resolved nothing shall work upon or alter their purposes . sometimes they will take notice of so much as serves to their own designs , and misinterpret and detort what you say , even contrary to your intention . these persons are commonly seized by flatterers , mistresses , or at best fall into low and mean courses . it is difficult to cure this malady , yet ere they know their strength , threats and punishment do them good : or accidental recommendation of such to their conversation , who may humor them by counterfeiting the same inclinations , and complying with them , till by little and little they can shew them the great advantage of freedom and openness . it hath bin also the observation of learned men , that the sad , melancholick and querulous hardly advance to any great proficiency . praecipuè vitentur tristes , & omnia deplorantes , quibus nulla non causa in querelas placet sen. neque illum tristem semperque demissum sperare possum crectae circa studia mentis fore . quint. querulousnes often proceeds from some inward debility of body , as sharp humors , mal-conformation of some part , or the like . impudence is commonly a forerunner of debauchery , violence , contemt of laws ; also of heedlesness , forgetfulness , slowness to learning and wisedom . confidence is the medium betwixt it and bashfulness . 't is observed in the life of emanuel philibert duke of savoy , that when a child , he had the confidence to speak to any person , as he did to charles v. that great emperor ; but if what he said was not approved , he pressed it not , nor was offended when denied ; which seems indeed to be the true notion of modesty and confidence , to express his mind freely , yet entirely submitting himself to the judgment of his superiors . bashfulnes on the contrary is an evil weed , but sign of a fruitful and good indoles . care must be had , that in weeding it we extirpate not modesty . a bashful man is not his own master , nor useth his own judgment , but is over-awed by others boldness : and the more impudent have more power over him . 't is also an evil guardian of youth , betraying it , contrary to its own desire and inclination , to the worst men , who hurry it to evil actions and places . how many have lost their estates , honors and lives , because they were ashamed to distrust ? a man invites you to drink , to game , to rob , to be bound for him : cast of that foolish modesty , deny him . an impudent flatterer comes to eat upon you , he begs an horse , a ring , a garment , give to the deserver , not the beggar . some are so bashful , as not to send for a good physician , or chuse a good lawyer or governor , because they are acquainted with a worse . begin betimes to break this fault in small matters , exert your liberty and judgment in denying to drink , to accept a recommendation , to lend money , to admire every one you hear praised . and be constant , not overcome with importunity , another sort of impudence . . there are two dispositions most incident to young persons of quality , because they most resemble greatness of spirit , tho in truth as much opposite to it as a dropsy to health : of which i shall speak somewhat more copiously , these are anger and pride . . an angry inclination in children discovers it self , either by pettishness , peevishness , hastiness , &c. or by surliness and sullenness . tho all in youth of mettle are promt and seem to be angry naturally , yet doth that shew it self in briskness and cheerfulness , this in frowardness and incorrigibility . if this evil weed grow up with them in age , and they be not broken of it betimes ; it makes them follow their own impetus , despise counsel of friends , and authority of superiors ; eripi sibi suum judicium , etsi pravum , non sinunt ; they defend and hug their error , and had rather continue in it , then change , or repent by others advice . also because they are inconsiderate and furious , they pursue their purposes good or bad with great force and concernment ; and therefore take not the aptest and most rational means to obtain them . ( for reason judgeth what is fit and just , anger useth that as fit which it judgeth to be such ; which makes many good hunters , for we are not angry with beasts , few good soldiers . ) hence it comes that angry men are unwary , easily deceived ; not open and plain , but exposed to them , who are willing to take advantage . apt also to judge evil , and hate other men upon slight occasions ; therefore are they not fit for friendship : also uneven , and unequal in their conversation ; many times also inexorable , unsociable , and tyrannical : and their discourses runs much upon oaths and curses . many are the causes of angriness ; sometimes a choleric humor , from their nativity , or adventitious , so we see families very subject to it ; but most commonly it proceeds from weakness of judgment . and generally the more impotent , the subjecter to it : as children , women , aged , sickly , in adversity , or such as are other-waies also passionate . so we are more testy and angry when weary , when watched , or any other trouble upon us , as a thorn in a finger breeds a feaver in the whole body . some are angry out of choice , thinking it a piece of grandezza , and that it makes them feared and respected . others by an evil custome , being by their parents or educators indulged their own wills ; who at first not suffering others to contradict them , at length neither dare they themselves . because this passion admits no counsel as other passions do , but is , as when a man sets his own house on fire , all full of tumult and confusion , that no orders can be heard or obeyed ; it is difficultly cured . in age it is remedied either by afflictions and crosses , which providence bestows upon such persons as he loves , or by prudent considerations ; such as these . because it springs commonly from small matters , a word , a jest , a taunt , a neglect ; endeavour to pass by , pardon , and get quit of the occasions ; examine no faults too curiously ; chaw not nor reflect upon them ; argue not , nor consider what other men will think or say , for that blows and kindles the flame . neither desire great , much , difficult , or rare things ; nor desire vehemently ; be as indifferent to all things as is possible ; and make use of common things , rather then appropriate them to your self ; that i and mine are great sticklers for anger . when you are in a fit , reflect upon your self and your inner constitution , see how the whole frame is disordered ( it is a passion even in the external as deformed as dangerous ) and either conquer it ( which after you have done sometimes , the victory to a vigilant person is much easier ) or at least defer what your passion promts you to do ; for whatever is done in anger , may also be done with judgment . for discretion saith not , do not punish a faulty servant , but do it prudently . some endeavor to suppress and quench it by violence , but then it is apt to ferment either into melancholy , or malice , and envy . the education also of choleric persons is not less difficult , except they be menaged when very young ; for then their humor may be broken by force and punishment ; but when they begin to understand their strength , fair means must be used , for fear of breaking also their spirit ; and while we cure the angry man , we make him soft and lazy . for this passion , and spirit , are many times so twisted together , that it is difficult to distinguish the actions of one from those of the other ; and consequently to pluck up one without destroying the other . it is in vain to admonish or reprehend when the passion is violent , for at best 't is but as burning feathers under the nose of one in a fit of the falling sickness , which may perhaps raise him up , but cannot cure him . but when he is sober , furnish him with good remedies and considerations against a time of necessity ; as men do when they fear a siege , and expect no relief from abroad . or check it with another passion , as with shame , or fear , or joy . indeed cheerfulness and moderate pleasure clear up the spirits : and tho sadness and anger differ , yet are they much alike in their causes , and the same medicines are good for both . . pride is many times grafted upon anger : and is so like to it , that it is not easy to discern which operations proceed from which cause . it is grounded in an error of the understanding , i. e. a vain and false opinion of his own excellency above others , and above the truth . in youth it discovers it self by contemt of others , ingratitude , injuriousness ; accepting all honor , respect , and officiousness as due and deserved , but paying none : therefore conversing more willingly with inferiors , and domineering over them also ; neither is a proud man familiar or friendly to any but flatterers , to whom he easily becomes a prey . his care is not to do well , but to seem so ; and therefore he is ashamed to confess a fault , error , ignorance , or inferiority ; to learn or be taught ; to be chid or corrected . instead of amendment he is sullen and dogged . he is seldome free from envy , and therefore impatiently hears the praises of another , especially his equal ; but he swells , looks big , struts , vapors , and boasts to shew what he thinks himself to be : he is displeased , hateth , and revengeth if not treated according to his merit . comparing himself with others 't is to his own advantage ; looking only upon their errors , and aggrandizing them into faults and vices : but upon his own virtues , which are all heroical . especially prying into the actions of superiors , whom he imagines to usurp upon him , who deserves and can menage all things , better then they . therefore if in power , he becomes imperious , tyrannical , opiniastre , impatient , if every thing correspond not to his desires : but if he fall into misery , as commonly such do ( being more exposed to it by reason of their high valuing of themselves ) he is low , vile , cowardly , and dejected . his great badge is singularity , and his discours runs much upon i , we , mine , &c. this being a fault of the mind , and not radicated in the temper of the body , is reduced to equanimity by mortification of his own conceits and fancies : either by punishments , by reason and good counsel , or conversing much with strangers ; or by the method taken by god almighty to humble him by others resisting , , despising , and crossing him . i have not observed that any physiognomical signs are infallible : not , tho many of them concur in the same indication ; and tho many famous authors and proverbs in all languages seem to authenticate them . for indeed the temperature of the body seems no otherwise to be the cause of the actions of the soul or person , then as the temper of the axe is the cause of cutting ; to which many other things as figure , weight , motion , &c. are required as well as it ; and yet all together are but the instrument of the man , who by greater strength , dexterity , &c. can work better with another sort of a worse tool , and can make one advantage remedy another disadvantage . we see also that study and experience give more force to the soul , then any disposition whatsoever of the body ; even as temperance , labour , &c. make the body more obedient : all which are great testimonies of the souls spirituality . 't is commonly set down by authors , that tall and strong men are of small understanding and courage : that it is a sign of wit , to have a curiouc tast , and delicate stomack ( which indeed proceeds sometimes from the weakness of that faculty by too much intentive study ) and many such like : which it is in vain to repeat ; since it is not difficult to shew that some of contrary dispositions have the same signs : and of contrary signs , v. g. to ingenuity , are yet ingenious . seneca saith of claranus ep . . inique se gessit natura , & talem animum malè collocavit : aut fortasse voluit ho● ipsum ostendere , posse ingenium fortissimum ac beatissinium suh qualibet cute latere . et videtur in exemplum editus , non deformitate corporis foedari animam . the like is verified of the president pedro gasca , that recovered to the king of spain , peru almost wholly revolted : and of many more in our memory . yet thus much i willingly grant , that the passions discover themselves almost inevitably by the countenance ; because they , being sudain and violent mutations in the soul , cause the like also in the spirits ; which shew themselves through the skin : or in the motions also of the exterior members . but it is not so with the inclinations and dispositions , which are by our own industry and habituations turned now into natural : and impress no such violent or extraordinary motions in any part , either of spirits , or body . . more trust is to be had to such other signs , as seem to be the flowers , which preceed and pretend some smell of the fruit it self . these then promise virtue ; modesty , obedience , advisableness , compassionateness , loving virtue in others , and consorting with such , cheerfulness , aptness to friendship , impatience till reconciled to any he offended , mildness , humility . those who are apt to shed tears , are of a softer and lovinger disposition , as those who cry and shed no tears , prove commonly stubborn . signs of nobleness and generosity are , to confess a fault rather then tell a ly , or frame a cobweb excuse ; to be ashamed to be overcome in any laudable study or exercise ; not to be angry when justly reproved , or corrected , ( moneri posse , ac velle , summa virtus est ; ) to do more for honor then reward ; not to be easily discouraged or despond , but to be more sprightly ; to desire difficult emploiments ; to pass by small offences ; not to deride others defects ; to be more ready to excuse then aggravate faults of his companions ; lastly , to be grateful , especially to his masters , teachers , and servants . signs of a capacity for sciences , are , attention to what he goes about ; demanding the reasons of things . [ by the way , asking questions very much discovers the ingeny of a child : for to ask many is a sign of curiosity and wit ; to ask vain and impertinent ones , or the same over again , or not to stay for an answer , of folly and inconsiderateness ; material and pertinent ones , of judgment and discretion . ] why is the great question of knowledge ; not to be satisfied with a slight answer ; sagacity , and much thinking ; not talkative , but reflecting wardly , meditating with , and entertaining himself . primum argumentum compositae mentis , posse consistere , & secum morari . good imitation of what he sees . if he have so much confidence of his parts , as to hope with industry to conquer every thing , but without labour to do nothing well ; if he have a strong faithful memory for things , tho not for words ; if a rational , methodical , and regular understanding . as democritus seeing protagoras , when a youth , to bind up a fagot orderly , and to the best advantage , conceived him fit to be a scholar . and cimabue rationally conceived great hopes of giotto bondone , when being a poor boy and keeping his fathers sheep he saw him designing one of them upon a brick . afterwards he became the restorer of that whole art , and the famousest man of his age . a child that delights in tormenting , and vexing either beasts or men ( as the daughter of caligula , that let her nails grow to scratch her companions and play-fellows ) is of an evil , perfidious , and bestial nature . delighting in gallantry commonly portends lowness and weakness of spirit , as have those women , who have nothing but their outside to entitle them to humanity . but slovenliness , if it proceed from negligence , i. e. if he be careless in other things , especially of concernment , is a very ill sign : ad morem discincti vivere nattae . but if from particular neglect of delicateness , as too low and mean , 't is a good sign , cave tibi à male cincto puero . a sign of timorousness and effeminacy is to indulge divers fancies , and to pretend to see imaginations and spectra ( things which valiant men are seldom troubled withal ) as also to pretend antipathy to divers sorts of meats ; &c. and timorousness is the prologue to craft and dissimulation . unseasonable gravity many times indicates slowness to sciences , negligence , and weak memory . quickness of wit is in danger to usher in pride , contemt , abuse of others , and neglect of study . acuteness and sagacity is often accompanied with anger and precipitiousness . such also , if students , are apt to fall into needless curiosities , factions and heresies . for they search not to the bottom ; but having principles think to work out the rest by the dexterity of their wit. vain-gloriousness is alwaies subject to flatterers . distinguish between softness and meekness : the more soft the less understanding , the more meek , the greater generosity and nobleness of spirit : a soft man hath no anger or gall , a meek man bridles and masters it . huffing and swaggering ( like bottled drink ) commonly shews want of spirit , for it is but froth that makes that noise , and presently such become vapid , and distastful . . we must take heed of thinking any of these imperfections or faults incurable , because according to a natural inclination : or if a child be not exactly such a one as we would have him , that he must be treated as the brachmans did their children , whose indoles they disliked , abandon them in the woods to the wild beasts ; or as the inhabitants of madagascar , who expose all their children born upon a friday . turpiter desperatur quicquid fieri potest , saith quintilian . illud desperandum est posse nos casu bonam mentem influere : laborandum est : & ut verum dicam , ne labor quidem magnus est ; si modo animum formare incipimus , antequam durescat pravitas ejus . sed nec indurata despero . nihil est , quod non expugnet pertinax opera , & intenta ac diligens cura . sen. ep . . let the industrious and skilful educator make many trials and divers experiments , as physicians do , before they give a determinate prognostic . now , of cures some are general . as . to make them know their infirmity , and that it is an infirmity ; and . that they be willing to be cured . for it is not as in corporeal diseases , when the body is necessitated , by connexion of causes , to undergo and suffer the malady incumbent . but here the soul is in its own power , subject to it self only and its own will , and that directed by the understanding . wherefore the first step to a cure , is to convince by reason that they do ill , i. e. to acknowledge their disease : the desire to have it cured follows naturally . so that it is in the power of reason to rule absolutely over the affections and dispositions of the soul. but because reason sometimes is misled , or obstinately mistaken , almighty god hath given us his holy religion , and his spirit , to govern reason also , and render every thought obedient to faith. so that in religion lies the universal and never failing remedy of all the evils of the soul. but many times particular and topical ones are also to be applied . a child , when he begins to go , refuseth immediately to be assisted ; so when the will begins to follow its own choice , it then also begins to scorn a guide ; the appetite of liberty being stronger then that of security . great industry therefore and discretion is requisite to turn it the best way ; endeavouring , as physicians , to introduce the contrary of what is amiss , and supply what is defective ; to coerce and discountenance the bold and impertinent ; to encourage the soft and modest : severe to the merry , cheerful to the melancholic . waken the taciturn with questions , and silence the loquacious with baffling fallacies . bridle the too forward and eager , and spur up the lazy and slothful . . some there are , who are lazy and unindustrious to study , yet very active and sprightly in bodily exercises ; these many times are fitter for other emploiments then learning . others are to all purposes slow and sawntring , and these are to be cured with bodily labor . first make them play , run , leap , &c. afterwards bring them to study . for there seems to be a moisture clogging their spirit , which must be first shaken of ; for if they be indulged they will become more sleepy , even till chang'd into dormice . then never let them want work , yet not much at a time , but be careful that what you command them be sedulously performed . there are also who are pettish , peevish , hard to please , and are alwaies lean , maigre , and consumtive : which proceeds from a sharp , thin humor , easily exasperated , and to such a degree as may be very prejudicial . it is best therefore to deal with those gently and smoothly ( the default being more in the body then the mind ) and not put them upon crabbed , intricate , vexatious , or intentive studies ; nor be too rigorous in exacting an account of them . it would be worth labor to try whether such medicines , as dulcify the blood , would not profit them . like to these are they , who seem rough , harsh , regardless of civility , and not easily mingling conversation . these , ( if not such in extremity ) when mellowed by experience , prove better then the complaisant and amicable . keep this sour disposition to study , virtue , and knowledge ; and tho he grumble and repine , be content so as he doth his work ; and he is in less danger of temtation , becomes more solidly virtuous , and lasts much the longer . as the wine , which pleaseth in the cuve , must be drunk in the must . they are also fitter for friendship then the compliant ; for these are equal to all , and the greatest interest can be gain'd in them is but civility ; the other chuse their company , and fix upon the best . this sourness proceeds ordinarily from a brisker , and fiercer spirit , not willing to go in the ordinary routte , nor follow the track of those he undervalues ; but loves the generous tast of liberty . whereas the soft wax , that melts with every ones fingers , keeps no impression . but if this harshness be extream , and increase with age ; consider whether it grow from pride , and then the root is to be digged up ; or from natural inclination ; and then let him frequent facetious and merry company , let him converse with strangers , with whom he must stand upon his guard . womens acquaintance also , if discreet persons , is not ill for this disease . with the froward and perverse begin to use severity betimes , and master him before he know his own strength . let him not be humored or gain by his sturdiness ; but let him know by experience , that his tricks are not only undecent , but vain also and uneffectual . imitate god almighty , who to the meek sheweth himself gentle , but to the perverse , froward : that he may humble the high looks and thoughts of the proud . for indeed this sullen humor , which against all reason will be guided only by its own opinions , and will brook no contradiction , is the effect of the greatest pride ; and is too frequently found in persons of quality , when cockered by parents , or flattered by servants . when they are children rough usage is good for them , but afterwards it irritates them the more . then if sober reasoning open not their eyes , they must be ( as wild trees ) often transplanted and removed into strange company . for where unacquainted they dare not shew their humor ; especially before such as will not brook their impertinencies , but answer them with laughter , scorn , or somewhat more severe . indeed generally all bad dispositions are reclaimed by conversation , and the example of other persons , especially such as are eminent in the virtue you would produce . afflictions also have a wonderful force , which are discreetly to be menaged by the educator , for then the humors are ripe for purgation . chap. x. of parts or capacities in general ; and of their diversity ; and how to be ordered and rectified . hitherto we have spoken of dispositions in order to the regulation of life and manners . in the next place we must treat of what concerns knowledge and science . and in order to this we must resume ; that there are three faculties ( of which we shall speak by and by more copiously ) naturally implanted in us , wit , judgment , and memory . concerning which that you may the better understand my intention , i will set down the most common and usual differences of capacities . and first take notice , that the goodness of wit is seen in , first quick apprehending what is proposed : and ly ready , pertinent , and copious invention . a memory then is counted excellent , when it quickly embraceth , and long retaineth , what is committed to it . and that judgment is commended , which subtilly compareth , and accurately discerns between things that are like . next , that wits some are ordinary , others extraordinary . extraordinary , such are : . imaginative persons , who . either have their fancy so volatil and skipping from one thing to another , that they cannot fix long upon any one subject . sometimes this proceeds from levity and impatience of the labor of thinking ( non est enim minor lassitudo animi quam corporis , sed occultior ; ) sometimes from melancholy . and such a degree there is of this , as is incurable but only by medicine , that is frenzy and madness . or ly who have great and ready variety of fancies or suggestions , but little of judgment . even as cisterns , whereinto the water continually flows , are never clear . these catch at , and sit down with , their fullest apprehensions , without weighing or considering the contrary ; and are called phantastical . the best way to cure both these , is to fix them , by setting them to mathematicks , geometry especially , where they are not suffered to tast a second dish , till they have perfectly digested the former ; and by employing their memory . disputations also in public are very profitable . . precocious persons , whom the proverb hath branded to be of small duration . perhaps because these sine tempers are usually less strong and durable , their spirits either exhaling and spending , or fixing and thickning . so that like corn upon stony ground , they spring up upon a suddain , shew all they can do , are in admiration for their forwardnes ; but wanting root , they bring forth yellow , and emty eares before the harvest , and so vanish . thus hermogenes the orator was heard with admiration at . years old , at . with laughter . yet by the good leave of the proverb , i have not seen many of precocious parts , except by their own or educators fault , miscarry . for many times it happens that those persons , seeing their advantage in the race above their companions , slacken their speed , betaking themselves to pleasure and idlenes ; or as they say of rablais , who not finding his good parts and serious studies encouraged according to his expectation , abandoned himself to buffoonery . these pregnant wits , being much courted for their plausible conversation , endanger their ruin from those , who pretend to woe their friendship . it would be better for them to consider , that they are not matched only with those who started at the same time with them , but with those also who had advantage ; and that he is to be crowned , not who doth as well as others , but as well as he can . but because of the prejudice most men have against precociousnes , it will not be amiss to shew some late examples of those who begun betimes , have proved admirable , and lasted a long while . the great card. bellarmine , whilst at school , interpreted publicly cicero's oration pro milone ; at . began to preach , and openly read the grounds of divinity , card. du perron read over the almagest of ptolemy in . days before he was . years old . torquato tasso spoke plain at . months old ; at . years went to school ; at seven he understood latin and greek , and made verses ; before . he finished his cours of rhetoric , poetry , logic , and ethics ; at . he received his degrees in philosophy , laws , and divinity ; and then printed his rinaldo . and tho of prodigious natural parts , yet the writer of his life observes , that he writ ( his poëms especially ) by the force of indefatigable study , rather then vivacity of wit , or fruitfulnes of invention ; which rendered them admirable , for he began there where others would have ended . augustus caesar at . years old , contrary to the advice of his friends , put himself upon the menagement of affairs , claimed , and entred upon , the inheritance and succession to his great uncle julius . so did cosmo ( the great cosmo ) medici , at . years old , contrary also to the counsel of his kindred , take upon him the government of the republic of florence , after the murder of his cousin duke alexander . by the bye also 't is observed , that to both of these the first day of augustus was fortunate , to the one for the battel at actium , to the other for the two victories over the two strozzi , father and son. vesalius began when a child to cut up mice and rats ; mich. angelo to draw figures : galen to compose medicines . jo. picus earl of mirandula out-went his teachers , nor could they propose any thing to him , which he did not immediately apprehend ; and the . conclusions , which he proposed to defend against all opposers about . years of age , shew what he was , and he never retired till his death . jos. scaliger saith of himself , that all the time he lived with his father in his youth , he every day declamed , and before . years old made his tragedy oedipus . besides many other particulars which he reciteth in the life of his father . to vid. fab. pibrac then not . years old , the great alciati in his public lectures acknowledged the solution of many great difficulties in the civil law. grotius at . years old made verses , and performed his public exercises in philosophy ; before . he put forth his comment upon martianus capella . at . he pleaded causes . at . he put forth his comment upon aratus . lipsius writ his books variarum lectionum at . years old . ingenium habuit docile , & omnium capax praeter musices : memoria non sine praeceptorum miraculo etiam in puero , quae in senectute non defecit . cent. . ep . . sr phi. sidney ( saith sr fou. grevill ) tho i knew from a child , yet i never knew other then a man ; with such staiednes of mind , lovely and familiar gravity , as carried grace and reverence above greater years . and what his parts were , appears by that strange affection born him by lanquet , and william prince of orange , who kept correspondence with him when but a youth . calvin printed his institutions before . years old . alph. tostatus learned all the liberal sciences without being taught ; and writ in the . years he lived as much as most men can in that time well read : yet was he also counsellor to the king , referendary major of spain , and professor of philosophy , divinity , and law in the university of salamanca . i could bring also very many more of our own nation , and my own knowledg ( besides mr oughtred and mr cowley ) to testify against that proverb : but i think very few examples ( vopiscus saith none ) can be given of such , as being dull and heavy in their youth , arrived to any great perfection in their age . neminem ( says he in probo ) unquam pervenisse ad virtutum summam jam maturum , nisi qui puer seminario virtutum generosiore concretus aliquid inclitum designasset . mai non si raccoglie buon frutto nell ' autumno , sel ' albero non ispunta buone foglie nella prima vera . danti . indubitatum est , eos , qui in ullà re unquam excelluerunt , mature puerilibus annis ad eam rem accessisse . p. com. p. . totum in hoc consistit , primum in beneficio dei , proximè in educatione . ibid. let no man therefore slacken his endeavor towards these early fruits , nor let the young man himself despond , but rather ( which is a great truth ) say , that god almighty hath thus furnished him to be an ornament to his creation , and an assistance to mankind . let the educator also be more careful of him , and not leave him to himself , for there will come cold frosts and hails , loathings and tediousnes of labor , which , if not well defended , will hazard his dropping off . the subtil and delicate edge , if encountring too great difficulties , is in danger to turn ; in such cases therefore let them not be tired out , but assisted to expedite themselves with ease and delight . propose to them high and noble studies , but give them your hand ; keep them continually running , but not at their full speed , lest they grow weary , and loath , and abandon them . and indeed it is a much greater difficulty and master-piece , to direct and conduct great parts , then mean ones . parts are indifferent to good or bad , and great parts to great good or great evil ; and all great evil as well as great good proceeds from them . and which way soever they go , they are not easily diverted , their abilities supplying them still with sufficient defence for themselves . maxima ingenia , saith seneca , miror & timeo , mediocria probo ; as he is in less danger who walks on a plain , then he who dances on a rop● . minutius , in the preface to his paradoxes , tells us of one creighton , a scottishman , who at . years old ( when he was killed by order of the duke of mantua ) understood twelve languages , had read over all the poets , and fathers , disputed de omni scibili , and answered ex tempore in verse : ingenium , saith scaliger , prodigiosum , & admiratione magis quam amore , dignum , ei judicium defuit . principes solent illa ingenia amare magis , quam bene doctos . such persons , if not well regulated ( which as i said is difficult ) become many times proud and conceited , angry and precipitious , scornful and presumtuous , many times also light and freakish . and truly mean and indifferent , or even low wits , have more pleasure and satisfaction then these high-flyers . for trusting to their parts they neglect study and exercise , and so are easily surprised and discovered , when either not fully apprehending the question and the consequences of an opinion , or themselves not well disposed for discourse . . there is another sort who have not so great parts , but have a volubility of language , are able upon a suddain to speak de omni ente & non ente , and of them too , pro & con . this passeth amongst women and ordinary people for eloquence and great parts , but amongst discreet and serious persons , for impertinence . and the rather , because these men chuse to talk commonly of things they understand not , or are most improper and unknown to the company ; and of them also , without order , or method ; and have , when at a non plus , certain common places to retire to ; lest they should fall into that terrible disgrace of having no more to say . . some persons ( tho very few ) have a strong indoles or inclination to , and abilities for , some particular science ; strong , i say ; for a slight fancy to one more then another is not straightways ( as they call it ) a genius to such a thing : for most men are not altogether indifferent to all sorts of learning , ( tho card. du perron could never observe that he was more affected to , or more apt for , one science then another ) and yet may arrive to a great perfection in that , whereto they are least disposed . but if his genius lead him so strongly to any one science , that he be unapt to others , it is by all means to be humored . ne tentes ( saith quintil. ) quod effici non potest ; nec ab eo , quod quis optime facit , in aliud , cui minus est idoneus , eum transferas . it is reported of ch. clavius , that being found by the jesuits , under whose education he was , very unapt for learning , and ready to be sent back to his parents , to be some other way emploied , before they would quite abandon him , one of them resolved to try him in mathematics ; wherein in a short time he profited to admiration , and grew very famous and eminent in those studies . or if his genius be accompanied with a noble and generous wit , let great endeavor be used to teach him other sciences ; and if that , he is inclined to , be not the noblest , to take him off from it also . omnino iniquum est nobiliora ingenia dehonestari studiis minoribus . yet many times it is difficult to bring such off their inclination ; as in monsieur pascal ; out of the preface to whose last book i will transcribe some passages very memorable both concerning the precociousnes of his wit , and strong inclination to mathematics . monsieur pascal was observed in his childhood to have had an admirable understanding to pierce into the profundity and depth of things ; and to discern solid reason from superficial words . in so much that when they offered him words only , his understanding was restles and unsetled , until he had discovered reason . at . years old , at table , having struck an earthen dish , and observed it to make a sound , which ceased as soon as touched with his hand , he was very earnest to know the cause thereof ; and from that began to demand many other questions concerning sounds , in so much that he made then a small , but very ingenious , treatise concerning sounds . this his strange inclination to ratiocination , made his father fear , that if he should give him any insight into geometry and mathematics , he would be so much taken with them , that he would neglect all other studies , especially languages . he therefore resolved to hinder him , to lock up all books of those sciences , and not so much as to speak of them in his presence . but all this cautiousnes served only to excite his curiosity ; so that he often intreated his father to teach him mathematics , or at least to tell him what they were . his father to satisfy him somewhat , in general said , they were sciences which taught how to make figures equal or proportional one to another , and withal forbad him to speak to him , or think any more , of them . a command impossible for such a wit. for upon this hint he began to revolve them continually in his mind , especially at his times of recreation . once especially being in a large hall ( where he used to divertise himself ) he began to make figures with a coal on the pavement , as a circle , a triangle of equal sides , or of equal angles , and the like , and this he did easily . afterwards he began to search out and make propositions . but all books and instruction being by his fathers diligence concealed from him , he was forced to give names and definitions after his own invention . a circle he called a round , a line a bar , &c. after this he framed also to himself axiomes , and upon them demonstrations after his own manner , till he arrived to the . prop. e. l. . his father surprizing him in this posture , was mightily astonished when he heard him discourse , and as it were analize his propositions . and hereupon , by the advice of friends , he put into his hands euclides elements , which he read and comprehended at . years old , with as great pleasure and facility , as other children do romances : he read and understood it all by himself without any master ; and advanced so much in that knowledg , that a while after at paris he entred into the conferences of learned men , held once a week concerning mathematical questions . thither he brought his own inventions , examined others propositions , &c. and yet was all this knowledg only the product of his leasure hours . at . years old he composed a treatise of conics , which monsieur descartes would not believe but to have bin the work of his father , endeavoring to procure reputation to his son. at . years old he invented that instrument of arithmetic , which is in print ; and at . having seen the experiments of torricelli , he also added to them a great number of his own . this example of monsieur pascal is very extraordinary , as was that of pet. damianus to piety ; who being a boy and almost starved and naked , by the churlish and unnatural usage of his brother , yet having found a piece of mony , not regarding his own necessities , he bestowed it upon a priest to pray for his fathers soul. most men are fit for many sciences , and that inclination , which they have to one more then another , is ordinarily from their ability to perform one more then another : as memory is for some ; wit for others ; courage and bodily strength for others , &c. or from their own imitation , or others recommendation , by word or example , to one thing more then another ; or from some external and accidental effect they have seen or known of any one , or some such like . but tho all men have not , or scarce any have , all faculties excellent in an equal degree ; it will be the teachers care and educateds endeavor to better that , wherein they are most defective ; but so all waies , that you conduct them by that way they will go . too much strained-wits , as forced grounds , badly correspond to our hopes . unusquisque suum noscat , saith tully , ad quas res aptissimi erimus , in iis potissimum elaborabimus . seneca saith , that virgil was as unfortunate in prose , as cicero in verse . but i am rather perswaded that both the one and the other proceeded from want of practise . for tasso was eminent in both : and ovid was an acute and eloquent declamator as well as a fluent poët . and sen. l. . cont. . stories of him , that being importuned by his friends for liberty to expunge three verses out of his writings , he yeilded upon condition he might except three , and named those they would have blotted out . . besides what i have already mentioned , there are in teaching sciences , two great rules to be observed . . begin not to teach a new science till your scholar understand all that is necessary to it ; as not rhetoric till he know grammar , and the latin tongue , for so he will learn both more , and cheerfuller . whereas the mind cannot to purpose intend many things at once . tho such studies as have correspondence and affinity may well be conjoined ; for the comparing illustrates both , and variety takes off the tediousnes . see quint. l. . c. . be not too hasty with your scholar ; advance him not too fast ; lay the foundation sure and stable . for he that eats faster then he digests , breeds crudities , and work for the physician to purge away . besides he that understands , goes on cheerfully and securely . which i take to be the reason , why men of age make greater progress in learning , then children . jul. scaliger began not to learn greek till . years old , and then mastered it in a very few months , as he did french and gascon in three . pet. damianus learn'd not to read till mans estate , yet proved one of the eminentest scholars of his time . balaus entred so late upon the law , that they told him he intended to be an advocate in the other world. . teach not too much at once , but take your lesson in pieces , let him spell before he read ; invent in english before in latin , confusedly before in order ; then chuse the best , put it in order , turn it into latin , and then file and polish it . it is reported of virgil , that he first composed his matter in prose , then turn'd it into verse , afterwards reformed those verses to fewer ; and last of all revised and amended them . to these rules i must add , that he be taught things necessary or useful . such are , . languages . the bulla aurea , tit . . commands all the sons of electors to be brought up from . years old , in the italian and slavonian languages , and to perfect that study before . that is prescribed to the german nobility ; but for ours it seems requisite , that they learn the latin tongue , so much as to understand an author readily , to write and speak it competently ; and if they go abroad , the more readily they speak it , the better . other of the learned languages are ornaments , but not so necessary as the modern : and of these , theirs , with whom we have most converse , are the most useful . . it is requisite that he learn to speak perspicuously , decently , and persuasively , which is rhetoric . to understand the difference of stiles epistolary , historical , and for orations in all the three kinds . also to compose and pronounce them hansomly , at least in his own language . it is better also , if he understand and practise ( tho not much , except he have a considerable dexterity in it ) poetry ; without which no man can be perfect orator , but his fancy as well as expressions will be low and mean. poetry warms the imagination , makes it active , and promt to soar to the top of parnassus ; it emboldens to the use of a lofty metaphor , or confident catachresis . besides accustoming the stile to measure gives insight , judgment , and readines also in oratorical number . it teacheth also to chuse good words , to consider , weigh , and pierce better into what we read , to take notice of the most delicate artifice , and discern sparks of diamonds . so that it is observed , that when poetry is despised , other sciences also are in the wane . one great piece of poetry , and perhaps the most familiar and proper , is the dramatic , in which could they be of good subjects , well garbled , and discreetly handled , it would not misbecome our young gentleman to have his part . . musick i think not worth a gentlemans labor , requiring much industry and time to learn , and little to loose , it . it is used chiefly to please others , who may receive the same gusto from a mercenary ( to the perfection of many of whom few gentlemen arrive ) at a very easy rate . i should rather advise singing , especially if you fear him subject to a consumtion ; which , besides that it strengthens the lungs , modulates the voice , gives a great grace to elocution , and needs no instrument to remove or tune . . to discourse pertinently and rationally is also necessary . this is logic ; which tho taught in every colledg , and every one learneth , yet do very few attain perfection in it . error is so well disguised , verity is also sometimes so deep , and our cord so shallow , that it requireth very much experience , to be able readily to discover the truth , and dissolve a sophism . these knowledges already mentioned are but foundations , upon which all sciences are built , but themselves appear not in the edifice . for they are nothing but regulating and perfecting the actions of our natural faculties ; not informing them with any new or extrinsecal accedent ; they are disposing and preparing the table , that good resemblances may be drawn upon it . they are necessary that a man may make the best advantage of his natural parts in apprehending of other arts and knowledges . some indeed have bin of opinion , that a gentleman needs no more , but what nature hath given him . licinius , and a great general in our own times , were so illiterate , that they could scarce write their own names . lewis xi . desired his son might understand no more latin then , qui nescit dissimulare , nescit regnare . and what harm had it bin , if he had permitted his son ( charles viii . ) to have learned somewhat of latin ? he could at the worst but have done as he did , that is commit his busines to others , and not be able to discern good counsel from evil , and interessed . but it seems that prince had but one trick in king-craft , and that a very mean one ; more latin might have taught him others , and not to have needed that , so base and unworthy of a prince . as it did those great monarcks , who were practised in them , julius , augustus , and the rest of that family ; ( whereof nero , to his dishonor , was the first that stood in need of borrowed eloquence , seneca making his speeches for him ; ) trajan , hadrian , m. aurelius , and that miracle of princes , severus alexander . hannibal writ the lives of two famous generals : and alexander slept with homer under his pillow . i will not muster up any more examples ; they are infinite . learning , i. e. sciences are not necessary to every man ; nor all to any man ; yet are they useful to all , tho not to all equally . but that is best , which is most beneficial and proper for every ones condition of life . learning and study makes a young man thinking , attentive , industrious , confident , and wary ; an old man cheerful , and resolved . 't is an ornament in prosperity , a refuge in adversity ; an entertainment at home , a companion abroad : it cheers in solitude and prison ; it moderates in the height of fortune , and upon the throne . in these parts of the world we seem to run after sciences , and think them to be all things ; whereas the great and universal busines of our life , especially active , is wisdom , prudence , noblenes , and liberty of spirit . sciences are necessary to mans life , and professors of them are requisite to instruct such , whom it concerns to know and exercise them ; in other persons wisdom is the chiefest , and what can be spared from acquiring that , let it be bestowed upon science . by the way , take notice , that these are not both the same , that to be learned is not to be wise ; nor are sciences to be placed in the upper room , notwithstanding the honor and wealth to be acquired by them . they are particular means for the obtaining particular ends ; and dispose a man very much for wisdom also : but the great universal art is , tu regere imperio populos , &c. to excel others in virtue , prudence , and those abilities which render him more useful in the general concernments of mankind . besides sciences are easily learned being taught by routte and course ; but wisdom requires greater advertency , and more accurate observation ; which all are not able to learn , and very few to teach . but , if a young man be industrious and of good parts , there is time enough for both sciences and wisdom . those are more properly the emploiments of youth , this of maturer age . he may obtain those before he be well capable of this , i mean a sufficient perfection in them ; not so much as is required for a professor , but so much , as is necessary or requisite for a gentleman . nor will the acquisition of them hinder his progress in this , but much further , and advance , it . both because of the well-disposing of the faculty , and of the affinity between both knowledges . amongst sciences therefore i recommend to him , . the practise of discoursing , or the seeking after truth by evidence , which is mathematics , geometry especially . i mean not a superficial taking upon trust the propositions , or the practical part only , or instruments ; these spoil , make not , mathematicians , but the high road of demonstration . this is the first part of the building that appears above ground ; it is practising them in the greatest instances of invention that we know ; it fixeth the fancy , it accustometh to thinking , and enquiring after truth in all discourses . analytica is the gage of a mans parts , and algebra the pinnacle of argumentation . only let it be remembred , that i advise it here as a piece of education , not a profession . i would not have a gentleman give up himself to it ; for it makes him less fit for active life , and common conversation ; except he well consider that he cannot find his demonstration in all matters ; except he can be content with such evidence as the subject affords ; and not despise a proof , because he can say somewhat against it : and except he can apply his mind and intention to things as they are in the world ; and not rack them to the accurate model of his exactly regulated imagination . . natural philosophy , but especially ethics , and politics , should also not be neglected . which will dispose him , when he comes to greater maturity , to comprehend the laws , especially of his own , and neighboring nations , and their government . of which i shall speak hereafter . . yet one thing we lack . albertus magnus desired of god . years before his death , that he might forget all that he had learned in those studies , that he might intirely give himself up to devotion . the example also of monsieur pascal is very eminent . tho he was able , as any man could be , to pierce into the secrets of nature , and actually did see very far into them ; yet more then ten years before his death , he so well understood the vanity and nothingnes of all those kinds of knowledg , and conceived such a distast against them ; that he could hardly endure men of parts should seriously discourse of , or busy themselves , in them : from that time he alwaies professed , that nothing besides religion was an object worthy an ingenious mans study ; that it was a proof of the lownes , whereto we were thrown by the fall , that a man should seriously fasten upon the search of such things , as contribute little or nothing to his happines . wherefore his usual saying was , that all those sciences produced no consolation in the times of affliction ; but that the knowledg of christianity was a comfort both in adversity , and defect of all other knowledg . he believed therefore , tho there were some advantage or customary obligation to study things of nature , and to be able to conceive and discourse rationally concerning them ; yet it was absolutely necessary not to prize them above their just value . and that if it were better to know and undervalue , then be ignorant of , them ; yet it were better to be ignorant of , then know and overvalue , them . the gentle spirit of petrarch also long before his death quitted his helicon and muses for mount olivet and divinity . card. du perron kept not so much as any book of humanity ( tho formerly a great poet and orator ) either poetry , oratory , or history in his library . jo. picus mirandula extreamly repented his love verses ; so did bembus , ronsard , marc-ant. muretus , laur. gacubaro , and cavalier marini . and naugerius tho formerly a famous poet , yet afterwards so much detested all licentious compositions , particularly martial ; that every year he bought up a considerable number of such books , and upon his birth-day solemnly burnt them . nonnus in penance for his dionysiaca paraphras'd the gospel of st. john. pet. veliardus not being able to abolish the custome of reading the poets , &c. omnes poetas , scriptoresque profanos evangelicos faciebat . omnia ad exaedificandam in timore domini juventutem accommodabat , ut unde non pauci perniciem periculumque suis discipulis ferunt , inde illi in salutem & morum disciplinam compararet . orlan . in vita p. fabri . these , you will say , did well to begin to disengage themselves of their riding posture , when they came in sight of their home : but that it will be difficult to perswade young men coming into the world to follow these examples . this i grant , yet some time should be given to him that gives us all , even in youth ; and the more the better ; and as before i advised to the practise of religion in the very beginning , so , as they grow towards maturity , i would perswade them to the study of divinity , even that decried study of school-divinity . which the great earl of strafford , and many other very wise persons and states-men have themselves studied , and to others recommended . theologia scholastica principi viro necessaria ; nam , dum quaestiones suas discutiunt , omnes subtilitates , effugia , suspiciones , omnes denique ingenii machinas & vires produnt , &c. the writers of this do more exactly canvas , and search out , their subject then any others whatsoever . which partly might be the reason why monsieur pascal fell into such an utter dislike and loathing of his physical and mathematical studies in comparison of divinity . for tho he afterwards made that discourse of the roulet or cycloid , yet all therein was found out by chance , and almost without study ; and besides he intended it for another purpose far differing from mathematics . but if ever this study was necessary , it is now much more certainly , when some are ready by the study of nature to immerse god in the matter ; and with those impieties of democritus and epicurus to confound him with nature : and others for want of this ballast in these unsettled times , are driven upon rocks and sands by the ignorance of some , and craft of others , that lye in wait to deceive the better-minded , but less-learned then themselves . . and the best place and manner of learning these , and all other arts and sciences , or what belongeth to them , i take to be in the universities . and so hath bin the general opinion from the very beginning of learning . these were the schools of the prophets in gods church ; and such were athens , alexandria , and many other places , among them that followed their own reason . for these were the great markets for learning ; here resided the best learned , and greatest frequency of them ; here was emulation and mutual information in studies ; here were opportunities of discoursing , studying , and continual advance ; here were books , privacy , and all other necessaries for that purpose . and still to this day in all christendom is this observed ; every nation , whether kingdom , or common-wealth , makes the establishing and well regulating their universities , one of the principal parts of their care . for from hence they draw able subjects for all professions and emploiments ; here they institute , both in learning and manners , the whole youth of the nation , and the hopes and honor of the growing age . and therefore do the supreme magistrates , by such great rewards , and immunities , encourage and procure the best professors and teachers in every art and faculty . and such rewards are needful to entice persons of great parts ( as such must be ) , to such indefatigable and uncessant labor and study , and to quit all the means of advancing themselves in the common-wealth to serve the public . in these places you may find skilful men in all knowledges you desire : some give their mind and time to languages , others to sciences ; either to have a right and large knowledg , or comprehension of things , whether the effects of nature or manner of her operations , or of the sublimer and abstruser general propositions concerning the higher and noble entities , and such as are not obliged to the laws of nature : others to be able to express their knowledg and notions , whether popularly by orations and speeches , wherein they are frequently exercised , or convincingly to learned men , by their continual disputations , to which they are educated . i mean not that arguing and discoursing , which a student useth with his own self to find out truth , but that which comprehendeth both , and the assistance also of others , public and open argumentation pro & con . this is it which brings a question to a point , and discovers the very center and knot of the difficulty . this warms and activates the spirit in the search of truth , excites notions , and by replying and frequent beating upon it , cleanseth it from the ashes , and makes it shine and flame out the clearer . besides it puts them upon a continual stretch of their wits to defend their cause , it makes them quick in replies , intentive upon their subject : where the opponent useth all means to drive his adversary from his hold ; and the answerer defends himself sometimes with the force of truth ; sometimes with the subtility of his wit ; and sometimes also he escapes in a mist of words , and the doubles of a distinction ; whilst he seeks all holes and recesses to shelter his persecuted opinion and reputation . this properly belongeth to the disputations , which are exercises of young students , who are by these velitations and in this palaestra , brought up to a more serious search of truth . and in them i think it not a fault to dispute for victory , and to endeavor to save their reputation ; not that their questions and subjects are concerning things of small moment , and little reality : yea i have known some governors that have absolutely forbidden such questions , where the truth was of concernment ; on purpose that the youth might have the liberty of exerting their parts to the uttermost , and that their might be no stint to their emulation . but indeed in natural philosophy ( wherein the greatest liberty is given ) what is there that is not disputable ? and even they , who most pretend to experiments , will find it difficult to produce one new , or confute an old , universal proposition ; and when they shall discover one , they will find it disputed both with contrary reasons and experiments . so true is that of salomon , eccles. . tradidit mundum disputationi eorum , ut non inveniat homo opus quod operatus est deus ab initio usque ad finem . and of siracides , ecclus. . non est minuere neque ad●icere , nec invenire magnalia dei. cum consummaverit homo tunc incipiet , & cum quieverit aporiabitur . there may be further discoveries , as perhaps was the circulation of the blood , and some others ; and with all thankfulnes we acknowledg , and embrace their labors that endeavor such advancement , but to lay new principles , especially since the received are incorporated into all common speech , and our languages are formed according to them ; and consequently all mens notions set according to them , which will not be altered and extirpated by small fancies , is a busines of an higher difficulty . besides that aristotle himself , whom all universities , christian , have followed about . years ( longer then any other of his maligners have continued theirs ) but the grecians and arabians much longer time , was not a novice in natural history ; witnes those most learned works in that subject . yet did he write his philosophy conformable , not contradictory , to his knowledg in particulars ; and therefore it must needs be very difficult to overthrow that which is so well grounded , which was the product of so much experience ; and by none but those who are better versed in that learning then himself . neither is his philosophy more notional then all sciences , which are delivered in a synthetical , i. e. a doctrinal method , and begin with universal propositions . i acknowledg indeed one point of education , wherein i wish our universities more defective then they are , i. e. that which the ladies call breeding and accomplishment ; a fault incident to all these schools of learning , even to athens it self ; for plutarch tells us , that long before his time some persons wondred , why those , that went fine gentlemen to athens , and very knowing , after a year or two's stay there began to know nothing ; and the longer they staied the greater clowns they proved . a negligence incident to those , who have their minds more emploied then their bodies ; and who converse not with the gallantry of the age . . that you may judge the better of universities , i will set down the manner of instructing in forreign universities , or also our own in former times ; without reflecting upon , or judging our present practise . anciently in oxford and paris , ( the two only general studies for a long time on this side the alps ) i suppose in the others too , their reading was dictating , and their learning writing those dictates of their master . card. d' estouteville about . reformed this tedious and unprofitable way of teaching , and brought in ( as it should seem ) the manner now generally used ; which is , first an account of the former lectures ; then to read and write about half an hour ; then to explicate that about an equal time . experience since hath added an hour more for the scholars conferring one with another in circles , in presence of their reader , and disputing upon questions given them the reading before . the hour that remains , the master begins another lecture , explains it to them , and gives them questions for their next disputations . yet the jesuits in portugal , to ease their scholars also of much of the labor of writing dictates , have printed a course of philosophy , which they explain , confer , and dispute upon . and this seems the best way : but whether introducible amongst us ; or if it be , whether better then tutors reading privately in their chambers , especially if tutors be diligent , it is not fitting for me to determine . . the true method of studying to render any one a learned man , i conceive not to be , to trust to his memory ; aliud enim est meminisse aliud scire : meminisse est rem commissam memoriae custodire ; at scire est & sua quaeque facere , nec ab alio exemplari pendere . and these differ as much as digesting our meat , and reserving it in a cupboard . wherefore neither is it to be able to quote many authors , nor tell their opinions , nor to repeat their pretty sentences or profound subtilties : as neither to read many books , nor to say them by heart , is to be a scholar : but to digest what is read , and to be able to know where a difficulty lies , and how to solve it , i. e. to make it your own , and to be able to satisfy your self and others in that which you conceive to be truth . first of all then , propose to your self a subject ; never read at adventure the book newly come out , or in fashion , whatever subject it handles , for that is commonly lost labor : but read alwaies with design : then shall you know where you are , how far you have gone , what is behind both of that science , or of the whole encyclopaedia . having fixt upon your subject , take an author , a modern one , and the learneder the better : and consider first the latitude and method of your science ; and then begin with his first question ; upon which first use your own thoughts ; or at least yours together with his , i. e. let your imagination loose , both before and when you read ; discourse , doubt , argue upon and against ; and draw consequences from your author ; who is many times but a ladder to your own inquisitivenes . when you have found a difficulty , which neither your own thoughts , nor his writing , do resolve , make use of other authors of the same subject ; for what one wants another supplies ; your difficulty perhaps your author foresaw not , another did . and by the citations of modern authors you will easily be directed where to look for satisfaction . when that question and the difficulties and solutions are fixed in your mind by sufficient meditation , go to another , and so forward . chap. xi . of invention , memory , and judgment ; and how to help , better , and direct them . it is not my purpose to intermeddle with any particular art or science in this discourse ; but only with such things , as do not properly fall under , or belong to , any of them , yet are generally required to them all . and first i must reassume , what before i only mentioned , that there are three faculties to be cultivated , wit , memory , and judgment . . wit , the actions whereof are fancy , or invention , is in ordinary acception , nothing else but a quicker apprehension of such notions , as do not usually enter into other mens imaginations . it consists ( saith thesauro ) in . perspicacity , which is the consideration of all , even the minutest , circumstances : and . versability , or speedy comparing them together ; it conjoins , divides , deduceth , augmenteth , diminisheth , and in sum puts one thing instead of another , with like dexterity , as a jugler doth his balls . it differs very much from judgment ; that is more perspicacious , this more profound ; that more quick , this more stable ; that chiefly considers appearances , this reality ; that produceth admiration and popular applause , this profit and real advantage . ingenious men are commonly impatient of thinking , and therefore take appearances for reality ; and their fancy still suggesting new conceits , suffers them not to weigh or compare reasons : wherefore they are commonly unfit for busines ; their ability consisting in sudain apprehensions , and quick expressions ; whereas 't is only study , and thinking , that hatcheth and produceth all noble designs and actions . and if ingenious men do come to consider seriously , or to deliberate , they are able to say so much for either side , that they have no resolution ; they dispute well , but conclude nothing . consequently they are irresolute , inconstant , and unfortunate : and their wit failing before they arrive at old age , and not being furnished in their memory and judgment , they become flat and contemtible . but if wit be joined with power , it is very dangerous to the public . sapientia sine eloquentia parum prodest civitatibus ; eloquentia sine sapientia nimium plerunque obest , prodest nunquam . saith cie . l. . de invent. i think i may truly add , that all mischiefs in common-wealths proceed from these wits ; for wise men will not disturb government , and fools cannot . whereas the judicious man is fitted for any emploiment , considers what dangers and evils may happen , and avoids them ; consequently is prosperous , brings about his designs , advanceth himself and family . and the longer he lives , the more doth his talent increase . in sum , the one is best in a tavern or coffy-house , the other at a councel-table : the one is a facetious companion , the other a faithful friend ; the one a good droll , the other a good patriot ; the one makes us merry , the other wise . wit , say some , proceeds from active spirits , or a greater degree of heat in the brain ; the excess whereof produceth madnes ; and so difficult it is to determine what degree serves for one , and what for the other , that the proverb assigns them the same confines . and indeed the conceits of mad-men are nothing else but high and extravagant metaphors : as that of one who fancied himself a fire-brand , and desired every one he met to blow him . another thought himself a mustard-seed . another took himself for a glass-alembick with a long nose , the droppings whereof he called rose-water . others were cocks , urinals , &c. a lesser degree of madnes was that they called enthusiasm ( many times from some vapor or water out of the earth ) which was imagined to come from the gods , and which created the most ingenious poets . who all , pretending to that afflatus , continually call'd upon the muses , nymphs , and presidents of those inspiriting places , in the beginning of their poems . and they , who are denied by nature this faculty , and will not take the pains by study and exercise to prepare and fit themselves , are wont to increase their heat or frenzy by wine ( which causeth a temporary madnes ; ) or by some high passion , which hath the same effect as drunkennes . magna pars eloquentiae est dolor , said seneca , when he heard a dull orator declame most eloquently that day his son died . so polus the actor , that he might more vively represent the grief of a father upon the body of his deceased son , brought in an urn the ashes of his own son newly dead . this for one passion . so for anger , si natura negat , facit indignatio , versum . archilochus and hipponax two very bad poets , yet for spite and rabbia , to be revenged of two persons that injured them , invented those doggrel sorts of verses , iambics and scazons , whose force they so well applied , that their adversaries made away themselves . and for love , let the smith of antwerp be witnes ; who , being refused by his sweet-heart because of his dirty profession , changed his hammers and anvil for pencils and tables , and arrrived to be the famousest painter of his time . but to let these pass ; wit is the mother of facetiousnes , conceits , jests , raillery , satyricalnes , ( which is almost synonymum to wit , ) drollery , quick reparties , quaint metaphors , and the like , in conversation . of projects , new inventions , mechanical instruments , &c. and in learning is the great nurse of poetry , oratory , musick , painting , acting , and the like . . judgment is the deliberate weighing and comparing of one subject , one appearance , one reason , with another ; thereby to discern and chuse true from false , good from bad , and more true and good from lesser . which who so doth , is a wise man , beloved of god , and reverenced of all good men . its parts consist . in circumspection , or consideration , of all circumstances , advantages , accidents , &c. . in sagacity , or collecting much from little hints ; which requires both a great vivacity , serenity , and subtilty of spirit ; all these together make up solertia . . in caution or weighing all things for , and against , the subject . and . providence , or provision of futures , what may , and what may not , most probably fall out ; which is the height of human wisdom . a judicious man is stable , solid , serious , looks after truth , real advantage , and happines ; is fit to govern and obey : is not rash or inconstant ; believes not easily ; nor easily disbelieves , but as his reason guides him . his discourse is not so plausible as solid ; useth reasons more then metaphors ; speaks to purpose , and knows when to hold his peace . he is what every one strives , but few arrive , to be . this faculty is proper for all sciences that depend upon rational discourse , and much thinking , as divinity and the profound mysteries thereof ; natural philosophy , and moral ; practical medicine , law , judicature , and government in peace and war. . memory is the calling to mind or recollecting of what hath bin before known and apprehended . they that excel in it are accounted many times greater clerks then wise men ; are able to cite many books , and authors , and their editions ; can tell their opinions ; and enterlace their discourse with ends of gold and silver . yet , if not menaged by judgment , their opinion or learning is of little force or esteem amongst knowing men ; who yet can gather many useful things out of their confusion . this faculty is necessary for lawyers , whose learning lies in quotations , and records ; and who number , rather then weigh , their authorities . 't is also proper for learning languages , criticismes , philology , antiquities ; for putting out , commenting upon , and making indexes to , authors . it is a natural faculty , and conspicuous even in children , who by it learn till they arrive to some considerable degree of understanding . . it is commonly imagined , that a great memory seldom accompanieth a great wit , or a good judgment ; and that these three are incompatible one with another ; that they have divers habitations in , and a divers temperature of , the brain . whereas i think the contrary is generally , but not alwaies , true . and thence is gathered an effectual argument , that they are all menaged by one great agent , the soul or spirit ; which is above temperature , place , and matter . that one man proves not excellent in all or many sciences , proceeds not from the inhability of one or other faculty of the soul ; but either from the long time required to one study ; from want of industry , every one being most ready to make use of , and cultivate , that , wherein they have some natural advantage , and to neglect the other ; or from the two great attachment men have to what they first master , so that all following studies are cast into the mold of the first ; or lastly from a mistake , for that memory is not so conspicuous , except where wit and judgment are wanting . yet in these later times what persons have we seen eminent in all three faculties ? erasmus , when a youth , had all terence and horace by heart ; jos. scaliger in . daies got by heart all homer ( the ilias containing verses , and the odysses about the same number ) and in . months all the other greek poets . monsieur peiresk , when a youth at school , could repeat all ovids metamorphosis , and justins history without book . card. bellarmin , saith gallutius , had such a memory , ut quicquid legeret scriberetve statim ac subito reciperet , quicquid recepisset , fidelissimè constantissimèque retineret . p. paolo sarpi's great memory , as well as wit and judgment , even from a child , read in his life . what a man monsieur pascal was in divers sciences , his other works ; what in divinity , the provincials letters , demonstrate . i will omit julius scaliger , joh. picus , paulus scalichius , adr. turnebus , casaubon . card. perron in four daies got by heart all ecclesiastes in hebrew , and besides his other vast abilities , was also an excellent poet. mr oughtred in his old age had ovid and virgil fresh in his memory . fr. suarez had s. austins works so by heart , that he could repeat , not only the sense , but for the most part his very words ; and if he was asked of any thing in his own works ( . volums in fol. ) he could tell the place and very page where he treated of it . but this himself called not memory , but reminiscence ; for it was indeed as much judgment as memory : for he was so well versed in that learning , and so perfectly master of it ( having read the whole course of school-divinity , as i remember , . times over ) that if he were asked of any point , or conclusion , he would discourse of it just in the same manner , and order , as he had writ it in his books . i could produce many more instances . but in reason , the goodnes of the judgment must depend upon invention and memory ; that being the faculty which gives sentence according to the reports of the other two . yet few there are in whom these faculties are , as i may say , mingled ana . it is best therefore that all be cultivated and advanced as high as they are capable to be : and what is most defective is most to be helped . and children having memory by nature , invention not till youth , nor judgment till maturity , their memory is first to be menaged : only with this caution , that they be made to understand what they learn , and the reason of it , as soon as they shall be capable . . of the bettering of judgment we shall speak in another place ; but for memory , because we remember better those things , . which we learn from our childhood ; . which we are more attentive to ; . which we exercise our selves most in ; . which we orderly apprehend ; . which we can call to mind from the beginning ; . which we conceive to be somewhat like ; . and which is pleasing to us ; and because childhood and youth have their memory ( tho not so excellent as men , yet ) more useful then their understanding ; therefore what ever they learn , let it be got by heart ; that they may repose and store up in their memory what their understanding afterwards may make use of : let them also frequently render it , and after several interstitiums ; which will be a great help to their memory , to the perfecting of which nothing conduceth so much as practise . yet there is also an artificial help to memory , which is variously and obscurely delivered by many authors ; the shortest and easiest is this . make use of a sufficient number of places best known to you ; as of towns in the way to london , the streets of london , or the signs in one street , such in fine as are well known to you . keep their order perfectly in mind , which first , which second , &c. and when any word is given you to remember , place it in the first town , street , or sign ; joining them together with some fancy , tho never so extravagant , the calling to mind your known place will draw along with it the fancy , and that the word joined to it . and these you may repeat afterwards either in the same order as they were delivered , or backwards , or as you please . this serves very well for words , and indifferently for verses after much practise ; but it requires a long time by this art to remember sentences . a succedaneum to memory is writing ; and students are wont to serve themselves of common-place-books , excellent helps to ordinary memories . the best way that i know of ordering them , is ; to write down confusedly what in reading you think observable . [ young students commonly take notice of remarkable histories , fables , apologues , ( such as are not in esop ) adagies , if not in erasmus , or manutius . hieroglyphics , emblems , symbols ; ( which are all but simile's drest after divers fashions ) histories of heathen gods , laws and customes of nations . wise and useful sentences . elegant figures , reasons and causes , descriptions and the like . ] leaving in your book a considerable margin ; marking every observation upon the page as well as the pages themselves with , , . &c. afterwards at your leasure set down in the margin the page of your index , where the head is , to which such sentence relates : and so enter into the index under such a head the page of your note-book , wherein such sentence is stored . these note-books , if many , are to be distinguished by a , b , c , &c. your index must be well furnished with heads ; yet not too much multiplied , least they cause confusion . your own experience will continually be supplying what is defective . . invention is bettered by practise , by reading , by imitation , and by common-places . for practise , let him have a teacher , who himself hath some considerable dexterity and practise in it , who may guide his charge by fit and easy rules and exercises , and not thrust him upon fishing in books at first ; and may take his subject after him , and shew him what more might have bin said , and what he hath said , bettered . neither let the young man torture his mind at all ; but set down what is suggested by his memory or fancy concerning his subject , be it considerable or no. the soul will by little and little heat , and wind it self , unto higher conceptions ; and in transcribing , he may reject what is too obvious . let him be taught first to fill up a sentence with epithetes , oblique cases of the instrument , manner , cause , and all circumstances and relations : which is easily known by the rection of the parts of his sentence . practise him in most easy oppositions of not and but ; in most easy descriptions of things most familiar to him , to enure him to the observation and taking notice of what he sees : in enumeration of parts and species , as the old is better . in histories or fables ; giving him somewhat to make out the rest , as ultima omnium spes evolavit è dolio ; in most easy and familiar similes , as of a shepheard and magistrate , pismire and industrious person ; sufficient variety of these is collected by erasmus . under simile's are comprehended also metaphors , allegories , fables , parables , symbols and the like . and it were a good exercise amongst a circle of scholars , to propose a symbol ( the easiest first ) and every one to answer in his turn ; v. g. let every one give his symbol of fortitude , and a motto or word for it such as , a pillar , which sustaineth the greatest weight laid upright upon it , the motto rectum stabile ; a palm tree that grows up against a pressure , tu ne cede malis , sed contra audentior ito ; to a die , homo quadratus ; an oaken-bough struck with lightning , impavidum ferient : a rock , an anvil , an helmet , &c. fables are taken ( as symbols from things natural ) from things animate , as an eagle , cock , &c. clothing them with speech and action ; such betwixt men , are parables . so there are mixtures of all these , as , easter said to the griggs , tarde venerunt . there are also compound subjects , which they call emblems , of which alciat , sambucus , and many others have made volums . such are also impresa's of great men , a vast number whereof are collected by typotius and others . another way of practise is , to apply all such things as he seeth , or as occur in his ordinary busines or conversation , to somewhat of morality , policy , &c. as seeing an ivy thrust down the wall upon which it grew , one said , that was the perfect emblem of a flatterer ; an onion having its germe covered with so many scales , representeth a man that conceals his intention under many pretences , and the like . for reading ; verse him well in inventive authors : such are generally all paradoxists , satyrists , such as write one against another , declamators , controvertists , and generally orators and poets , as cicero , quintilian , seneca ; i name him last , because , tho his matter be very good , yet he husbands it well , and spreads it thin . among the latin poets , lucan , juvenal , claudian , epigrammatists , &c. let him also use his own invention before he reads upon his subject ; and in reading set down what his own fancy suggests upon , or besides , the author ; and let him alwaies read . cassiodorus reports of tully , that he refused to plead when it was expected , because he had not read upon his subject . for imitation ; let him imitate those he readeth ( as is taught in rhetoric ) by translating , paraphrasing , epitomizing , and composing upon his own subject somewhat like the other . give him the same subject with an author unknown to him ; and then compare his conceits , fancies , reasons , metaphors , &c. with the authors . let him also vary discourses , as an history into a dialogue , or epistle ; which take their arguments from all occasions ; as antenor to priamus , to send back helena . agan emnon to menelaus to quit her . so to vary comedies and dialogues into epistles and discourses , as mitio to demeas to spare his son , and the like . . for common-places and helping the invention by them , many have written very copiously ; others think it altogether unuseful . for that experience testifies ; that those , who have passed the course of their studies , and never understood or practised this art , have yet had very good inventions ; that those who use their fancies , do not at all serve themselves of these common-places , nor beg at every door for arguments and metaphors ; that the matter suggested by these places is only general , or an heap of universal notions , which is rather a disadvantage then an help . thus l' art de penser . but on the contrary , it must be acknowledged , that all the ancients , aristotle , cicero , &c. made great account of this ; that tho some have great parts , that they can without art perform the effects of art , yet all fields have not a river or a spring in them , but some require the diligence of a bucket ; that those ( whom they called sophistae ) who governed in their daies , made profession , out of these places , to teach to discourse upon any subject pro & con , and to say all that could be spoken concerning it : that many of late daies have attained to plausibility in discourse meerly by lullies art , which is but a few of those common-places ; and those too the most general and indistinct : that all conceptions are drawn out of these places ; and if reason naturally as it were , and of her self runs to them , it cannot but be very useful ( for art is a more certain guide then nature ) to make her see her own power , to discover to her self her great treasure , and to direct her , whither to go for what she wants . for if the soul be a great palace furnished with all necessaries ; is it not a considerable assistance to the general dispenser , to shew him where every thing is disposed and deposited in its proper place ? the sole reason , why these are not more taught in the schools , is , because they are included in , and learned together with , logic and philosophy ; and tho the use of the topics in logic be quite different from this here intended ( which seems to be the mistake of that author ) yet being the things are the same , it is left to the diligence and versability of the understanding , to apply them according to all their uses . the uses of topics in logic and rhetoric , are to discover the value and force of a proposition in order to find out the truth , and to produce assent in our selves or others , either by conviction or perswasion ; but here they serve to procure a right notion and apprehension of things , by considering all that belongs to them : as also to communicate the same right notions to others ; and by questions to draw forth as many notions as the subject will afford . it is true also , that these places are general ; for being the common springs of wit and invention , they cannot be otherwise ; invention being the well applying of general predicates to particular subjects . thus much also i confess , that these topics are not so profitable to them , who already understand sciences , as to those who are ignorant , and concerning the usefulnes of them to such , matteo pellegrini ( of whose fon● del ' ingegno i have made much use in this chapter ) telleth us ; that the gentleman , for whom he composed that book , by the use of it , arrived to such a perfection , as to be able in a short time to write , without defacing one word , many pages concerning any the meanest subject proposed to him ; to the great admiration of as many as knew him . it is also to be noted , that some subjects are barren , which notwithstanding will serve very well for beginners ; such are universal , plain , ordinary themes and propositions , which are to be fertilized by divers artifices ; chiefly by clothing them with some rare or unaccustomed circumstances ; such as have a shew of novelty or unexpectednes , for nothing else is grateful . as to congratulate for a degree , marriage , &c. are barren , except there be somewhat particular of age , severer examination , extraordinary merit , &c. it is also to be noted , that , tho some persons have such happy inventions , that they can presently compare notions , and as it were descant ex tempore upon a subject ; yet will they sometimes be at a loss ; and then these topics will be useful unto them , tho perhaps not so much as to ordinary wits ; who must read , and observe much , that they may store up a magazin of conceptions ; and practise much also , that they may readily and easily by their questions pump out what is to serve their occasions . for every proposition is the answer to some question , and we think we understand perfectly , when we are able to answer any question concerning our subject . all subjects also are either of single words , or propositions . invention concerning single words consists chiefly in substituting other single words for it , whether for expressions only , or to raise more matter for propositions . in short , the height of the invention , a single word is capable of , is an high metaphor , catachresis , or hyperbole . i will give you an example of a single theme , and how the fancy descants upon , and menageth it through all the predicaments , out of imman . thesauro , to save my self the labor . his subject is a bee , dead , in amber , which he makes a compound subject , and takes first the several parts , bee , and amber . substantia . apis . animans , fera , avicula , corpusculum vivax , insectum . electrum . gemma inanimis , heliadum sororum lacrima , arborum sudor , humor concretus , viscus , gelu . quantitas . ap. pusilla , brevis , levis , monstrosa . el. gutta , stilla , rara merx , informe corpus , formas se in omnes vertens . qualitas . ap. flava , auricolor ( for first she was iron-colored , till jove changed that for golden , because she was his nurse ) sonora , ingeniosa , prudens , sedula , casta , vilis , metuenda , sonitu minax . el. flavum , mellicolor , illustre , perspicuum , clarum , pretiosum , nobile , à fluido aridum , tenax , gelidum , fragile , sterile . relatio . ap. fimo-genita , mellis genitrix , nobilissima insectorum , jovis nutricula , fera socialis , reip. amans , fucorum hostis , regi fida , colonis chara ; harpyiae , amazoni , pegaso similis ; aristaei inventum . el. ex populo genitum ; matronis carum ; speculo , auro , vitro , simile . actio & passio . ap. hortos populatur ; dulces è floribus succos delibat ; furunculos insectatur ; nocuis nocet ; telum jaculatur ; venena fundit ; nectareos molitur favos ; facibus ceras ministrat ; aliis mellificat ; domos architectatur ; remp. gerit ; regibus paret ; pro rege militat ; fumo necatur . el. magneticâ virtute paleas rapit ; animalcula illaqueat ; labra mordet ; oculos allicit ; phaetontem extinctum deflet ; artificum torno expolitur , elaboratur . locus & situs . ap. hyblaea , cecropia , odoris innata floribus , hortorum cultrix , ceratae urbis inquilina ; domi nidificat ; dulces nidos fovet . el. in eridani ripa , ad phaethontis sepulcrum stillat ; monilibus & armillis inseritur ; thesauris atque scriniolis servatur . motus . ap. per fiorea rura volitat , vagatur ; semper fugax , quasi aliger equus , & eques ; dum volitat , pugnat , el. trunco haeret & profluit ; lentum , segne . quando . ap. brevis aevi ; in castris hyemat ; vere novo se prodit ; in aurorâ roscidum nectar legit . el. aeternum , immortale ; vere liquatur ; densatur bruma . habere . ap. pennigera , alata , loricata , armata ; tubam & hastam gerit ; ipsa telum & pharetra . el. aurium appendix ; virginum gestamen ; monilium decus & luxus ; inter opes numeratur . so joining several of these together , you may call a bee ingeniosum insectum ; hyblaea hospes ; ales cecropia ; nobilissima simi filia ; aurea jovis altrix ; florum praedo , hirudo ; florae satelles ; cerearum aedium architecta ; nectaris propinatrix ; mellis opifex ; pusilla hortorum harpyia ; volans venefica ; loricata avicula ; alata amazon ; volatilis tuba ; viva telorum pharetra ; surunculorum terriculum , &c. and amber , pretiosum gelu ; luctuosa eridani gemma ; jucunda heliadum lacrima & monile ; phaethontis funus ; lapideum mel ; aridus liquor ; concretus fluor ; aurum fragile ; gemmeus arborum sudor ; gelidus ignis ; viscosa lux ; avicularum illex & pedica ; flavus palearum magnes ; gemma rapax , mordax ; fulva eridani supellex ; lubricae opes , tenaces divitiae ; populea spolia ; lapis non lapis ; armillarum pupilla ; lacrimosum matronarum delicium , nobile aurium pondus . then he joins both together , not considering that the bee is dead . substantia . nova metamorphosis ! olim flebilis niobe in saxum , nunc apis flebilem in gemmam migrat : mirae deliciae ! apis inter gemmas numeratur : lapis animatur , animal lapidescit : medusam vidit apicula ; imo eadem medusa est & lapis : novas natura docet insitiones , in arbore gemmas , in gemmis apes : prodigiosa fecunditas , lapis aviculam parturit , &c. quantitas . myrmecidis anaglyptis adnumerandum opus ; apis in guttâ . unica haec apis rempub . perosa sibi vivit ; sola suum implet aviarium , & pusillâ se in aulâ jactat , &c. qualitas . fulva apis fulvâ lucet in gemmâ ; electrum dixeris in electro . cerne ut gemmeo radiet fulgore ignobile insectum ; dices etiam apicula est sidus . alget apis in flamma ; ardet in glacie : quid enim electrum nisi flammeum gelu ? vilissima rerum apis electro pretium astruit ; nescias utrum utri plus conferat , electrum api , an apis electro . haec pretiosior est captiva quam libera , eo carior quo clarior . hem voluptuarius puellarum terror apis in gemma ; de alieno superbit apis , luce fulgens non suâ . relatio . jovis altrix praemium alterum tulit , olim aurea , nunc gemmea ; imaginem cernis quam nemo expressit , sine caelo caelatam ; nimis ipsa sui amatrix apicula perpetuo se miratur in speculo . actio . arbor apim , apis oculos rapit ; ex istâ gemma pateram confice , nectar apicula propinabit . cerne ut arcto complexu hyblaeam volucrem gemma soveat ; dices electrum esse adamantem . ad phaethontis sepulerum dolens apicula lacrimis obruitur . aucupio delectantur heliades , viscus est lacrima . incauta apis in lacrimis invenit insidias . in furto deprehensa gemmeis compedibus tenetur apicula . non impune arbores pupugit ut flores . florum praedo fit arborum praeda . avarae volucri viscus est gemma . electrum vidit apis , mel opinata in illecebris laqueum reperit . dolosas experta gemmas , viscata munera , &c. locus & situs . gemmeâ in thecâ latet venenum . in gemmâ latitat fera : & opes timentur . apum regina regiam invenit qualem nec semiramis . auream domum sibi condidit nero , apis gemmeam . sumtuosa haec apis in gemmâ nidificat . in speculo excubias ducit . gemmam custodit apis quâ custoditur . apim coluere aegyptii , apem avari . infidae infida latebra latentem prodit . ubi asylum sperabat carcerem invenit , &c. tempus . strenua bellatrix apis in gemma hyemat , aestivat in glacie . brevis aevi avicula lacrimis aeternatur . nuper avis , nunc lapis . motus . vernis fessa laboribus apis vacationem obtinuit in gemmâ . castrorum desertrix in ostro cubat . a lento velox tenetur . in liquido haeret , in sicco nat at . nimis alte volitans icario lapsu naufragium fecit . effugere si potest , nollet , illustrem sortita carcerem . rara avis volucri gemma , &c. habitus . novum indumenti genus , vestita est apis & nuda pellucet . jam matronales inter luxus feram numeres , &c. if you add to these another circumstance , the bee dead in amber , you discover a new field of matter . substantia . venesica hic jacet cui gemma venenum suit . titulo non eget hic tumulus , latentem cernis . lethalis hic succus , quam necuit , servat ; dubites , apisne mortua sit an electrum vivat ; exanimatum corpus suum animavit sepulorum . hoc cadaver , uti hectoreum , pretio redimitur , &c. quantitas . pusillum hoc sepulorum mausoleo insultat . ingens miraculum apis mortua . unica jam non est phoenix , alteram ostendit eridanus . qualitas . obscura olim avicula , dum extinguitur , lucet . hoc cadavere nihil pulerius , nihil hâc umbrâ clarius ; flysium habet in gemma . luxus est sic perire . pretiosum hoc funus invidiam morti detraxit . relatio . gemmeum apiculae typum cernis in protypo . sese ipsa finxit & fixit . narcissi fatum experta est apis in speculo mersa . hanc puellae vivam oderunt , mortuam colunt . actio & passio . exigua haec artifex majori ingenio cadaveri cavit quam corpori ; ceream sibi domum molita , sepulcrum gemmeum . nec lacrimis eget nec face ; in lacrimis conditur , in tumulo lucet . crudelis nympharum pietas ! innocuam apim dum lugent , necant : hanc amore an odio peremerint , nescias , complexu praefocarunt . mortuae heliades hostem occiderunt . mirum , auceps in gemmâ latuit . locus & situs . huic cadaveri sepulorum non debes sed serinium . nobili leto laeta volucris fimo-genita in gemmâ moritur . sarcophagi pulcritudine capta mortem solicitavit . hunc tumulum violabit nemo ; pretium vetat . rapax volucris rapaci conditur gemma ; florum harpyia sic condi debuit . motus . fugacem licet aviculam lenta mors tenuit . casses abdiderat inter gemmas . diu pennis velificata carybdim reperit in gemma . novum inalum ! in lapide mergi . tempus . quod immortalis sit apis nil superis debet , sed morti . aeternitatem phario regi astruit myrrha , api electrum , utrique lacrima . lethali hoc succino mors apem perdidit , apis mortem . habere . gemmeum cadaver cerne ; tales proserpina gemmas gestitat . inops victavit apes , dives moritur . thus much for single words ; it follows concerning propositions or sentences : these consist of subject , copula , and predicate . the subject in invention is either kept , and other copula's and predicates applyed to it ; or changed to raise more matter ; and then is substituted in its place either , . synonymum : as for little , take epitome , compendium , pigmeus , homuncio , punctum , atomus , &c. or some other of those expressions , found out in the places for single words . . genus ; as for treachery , take deceit . . species ; as for treachery , take treason against the prince , or countrey , as tarpeias ; against enemies , as sinon ; or against friends , as bocchus's betraying jugurth to sylla . . the cognata ; as for treachery take feigned friendship . . or its simile's ; as of a fisher baiting his hook ; a coy-duck intising those of its own kind into the danger . for beginning ; root , fountain , spring , ( as of a watch ) seed . . opposites ; as fidelity . the copula , for so we will at present call those verbs auxiliary , by some of which all questions are made , and by which the predicatos , whether verb or noun , are joined to the subject . these are , am , was , with their divers cases and persons , have , had ; do , did : make , made : suffer : shall , should : will , would : may , might : can , could : owe , ought : useth or is wont . these again vary questions by the tenses or times ; present , past , or future : and both these a long or short while : such are these questions , is it ? was it ? hath it bin alwaies ? lately , or a long time agoe ? will it be ? would it be ? may it be ? might it be ? &c. ought it or behoveth it to be ? useth it , or is it wont to be ? again all these are either affirmative or negative . is it not ? was it not ? hath it not bin ? they are also varied with if , as , if it be , if it were or were not what would follow ? if alexander , had fought with the romans ? if the sun go out of the zodiack ? for predicates , ordinarily authors do prescribe no other common-places for invention then the predicaments ; which indeed do supply answers to very many questions , but not to all . i have therefore rather chosen to follow matteo pellegrini , who reduceth all predicates that can be applied to a subject ( as near as his observation could reach ) to twelve heads , or ( as he calls them ) fountains and springs of invention ; which are these . . the relation or commerce between the object and human faculties . . constituents or parts . . the causes , principles , or efficients . . the end. . the action . . passion . . quality . . quantity . . time. . place . . the subjects . . the correspondents . of which i shall speak in order , shewing what sub-heads every place containeth , and how matter may be drawn out of them by questions . yet i shall not set down all that is to be said , for that were both impossible and unnecessary ; but sufficient to make the use of them , and of all not set down , understood and practicable . the manner to use them is this ; set down the common place with its particular heads upon a several table or page ; till by frequent perusing and practising they become ready and familiar to you . then , by the auxiliary verbs put in form of a question , find out such notions contained in each place as are agreeable and fitting to your subject : change also the subject ( as often as you have need ) by some of the former waies , and apply the questions after the same manner to them also . . common-place . the relation of the object to the faculties of man , is as divers as the faculties are ; . sense external , internal . . understanding . . expression . . affection . concerning sense ( your subject being the object of some of them ) are these and infinite other questions , v. g. a battel . have i ever seen it ? at least painted ? or described ? might i have seen it ? where ? how long agoe ? how often ? had i seen it , what would it have wrought in me ? i would i had seen it , for , how can i imagine it ? what notion have i of it ? hath my friend , or stranger , or acquaintance seen it ? had he seen it , or not seen it , what would have followed ? hath he dream'd of it ? if a battel be so terrible when heard , much more when seen ; yet more when present in it . could virtue be seen how would it allure all the world ! 't is pitty a lye cannot be seen , that all men might beware of it . again , the passion of the sense affords such questions as these . the comet , did it deceive , weaken , blind , astonish , confound , please , comfort , cheer , the sense ? semper ego auditor tantum ? nunquamne reponam , vexatus toties rauci theseide codri ? &c. . concerning understanding , or the internal faculty of knowing . the actions whereof are thinking , imagination , apprehension , comprehension , perfected when we have a compleat notion , or idea of our object ; this by many men ( an original of many errors ) is confounded with assent . assent or beleif that the object is so , or not so ; hereto belong also doubting , opinion , beleiving or crediting another , science or perfect knowledg , deceit , error , prevision or foresight , remembrance , there being nothing that falls not out to be the object of the understanding , &c. concerning these , we frame commonly these with infinite other questions . v. g. columbus's finding out the new world. how came it into his thought ? did any think of it before ? what imagination or conception was formed of it ? why were not such , as before him had that imagination , excited to undertake it ? did the ancients think it impossible ? did they doubt , whether it were not all sea ? did they beleive their predecessors that denied the antipodes ? how did columbus first assent to it ? what arguments , what authorities moved him ? if he had not thought upon it , would any other ? a thing so probable did it find many abetters ? &c. how did it move , work upon columbus , when he first gave his full consent ? what resolutions did he take upon it ? &c. . expression , or that faculty which discovers our minds to others , comprehendeth words , languages , spoken or written ; our own or forreign ; ancient or modern ; copious or barren ; elegant or rude ; pleasant or harsh ; perspicuous or obscure ; ambiguous , equivocal , synonymous , proper , natural , figurative . again , verse or prose ; narration , interpretation , question : instructing , disputing , determining , affirming , denying , proposing , answering , confuting , amplifying , exhorting , praying , commanding , advising , congratulating , condoling , &c. all these again are true or false ; likely or unlikely ; doubtful or certain . to this head are referred also all expressions not by words ; as by painting , graving , symbols , emblems , characters , cyphers , hieroglyfics , impresas ; as also signs with the hand , eye , or other motion of the body ; either natural , or by consent of general custome , or particular correspondence . as also all natural expressions of passions , as sighing , laughing , &c. v. g. being to speak of america and its inhabitants ; i ask what is the name of the country ? what language it is ? who imposed it ? whence derived or took he it ? what is its true signification ? what the reason of imposing it ? what synonymas to it ? is it equivocal ? who hath writ of it ? in what language ? how much ? &c. again , is there any map of it ? what doth it resemble ? is it painted any where ? &c. . affection hath these sub-heads , whence questions may be suggested . delight and trouble ; pain and pleasure ; love and hatred ; desire or aversion ; hope or fear ; gratitude or ingratitude ; anger , admiration , veneration , contemt , indignation , compassion , complacency , and in short all other motions , or passions of the soul. in reference whereto i demand , if v. g. a visit of a friend hath ever , and when , and how often , delighted me ? whether it be a thing desirable , joyful , &c. to me ? or if to any other , and to whom ? &c. if he should come , how would my passions be affected ? what content ? &c. ii. second common place of constituents containeth three heads . . of essential degrees of genus's , species , &c. . of particulars of its species ; and . of parts constitutive . the first hath subheads all essential predicates . beginning first with ens , enquiring if your subject ( v. g. an unicorn ) be , or if there be such a thing . so descending , if it be a substance , or accident . if a substance , whether corporeal , or incorporeal . if an accident , whether quantity , quality , motion ( action and passion ) relation , time , or place ; running through the species of your genus till you come to your subject it self . these subdivisions of every genus are to be found in the predicaments . for example , an eagle . is there such a thing ? a substance or accident ? is it a substance created ? corporeal ? compounded ? living ? mortal ? animal ? irrational ? volative ? wild ? that flies single , not in flocks ? with a hooked-beak ? living by prey ? &c. so concerning the first predicate , many questions offer themselves . as , war is a thing , no great matter if it were not in the world. were it not that we see it acted every day , we should esteem it a fabulous chimera ; such as cerberus , and the furies . were it not , from how many calamities should we be free ? oh that there were never known the names of quarrels , dissentions , hatreds , fightings ! but that love , charity , and peace reigned every where . what sort of entity is war ? pursuing it through all its differences ; it is an action , not peaceable or profitable , but troublesome and offensive : offensive upon deliberation , not by nature , as cold is contrary to heat : for interest of state , to distinguish it from robbery or private quarrels . menaged with open violence , not secret plots , with armed multitudes , against an enemy that defends himself with a competent army , &c. the second suggesteth to us considerations , if the subject be one or many , simple or various ; and of how many sorts , v. g. how many sorts of eagles ? of war ? by sea , by land , offensive , defensive ; just , unjust ; horse , or footfights ; fair or barbarous . so for particulars , the war of the turks against the venetians , english against hollanders , french against spaniards . the third of constituent parts , whether essential , integral ; and these homogeneal or heterogeneal . adjuncts , as hairs are parts of beasts , leaves of trees , and these either excrementitious , or else perfective and for ornament ; as pillars are parts of noble buildings , theaters , fountains , piazza's , &c. of great cities . or parts of order , as beginning , middle , end : superior , inferior ; internal , external , &c. the soul , hath it parts ? may it have ? why hath it or hath it not ? if it had or had not , what sort of parts ? how many , &c. iii. the third common-place is of causes , efficients or principles , to which are reduced , occasions , instruments , means , or any concurrents , assistants , or accessories to produce the effect . these again are remote , near , or immediate ; universal , particular : primary principal , or secundary and less principal : total , partial , separate , conjoined : internal , external : necessary , contingent , fortuitous , intended : weak , strong : which may , or may not , be hindred : easy , hard : possible , impossible : prepared , unprepared : dispositions , &c. again , all these are either of the thing it self , or the thing being such as it is , clothed with accidents and circumstances . in human actions also are other heads , as the person , our selves , or some other , friend , neighbour , stranger , enemy ; which work either by chance , by reason , by passion , and these love , hatred , &c. by force , necessity , or violence ; by custome , by error or mistake , by opportunity , &c. as war : by whom or between whom made ? who the occasion ? what moved to it ? what was the true cause ? what the pretence ? whence began it ? with what armes and forces was it menaged ? what instruments or furniture ? what conveniences ? how many artillery ? how many horse ? how many foot ? how many shot ? what stock of mony ? what strength ? what experience ? what counsel ? who the general ? what a one for skill , courage , fortune ? what under-officers of all sorts ? how qualified ? was he constrained to fight ? did he undertake the charge voluntarily ? out of duty ? ambition ? doth he menage it by intelligence ? treachery ? or force ? iv. the fourth common-place is of the end and means , or of good ; for the end of every agent and every action is good either real or seeming ; near or far off ; private or public . of ends there are several degrees or subordinations . the ultimate or supreme end . the chiefest is the glory of god the creator : next , the perfection of the universe . and these are universal of all things . next follow more particular or mediate ends , the conservation of the species ; the conservation of the individuum : its delight or pleasure ; excellency ; and convenience ; honestum , or duty ; profit to the agent , his friends , neighbors , the public , his country , &c. all natural agents , though they work for an end , yet intend it not , but are directed to it . only man , being a rational creature , knows and aimes at an end . and the end of the man is one ; of his art , another : as the statuary makes a statue to get mony , &c. but of his art is to resemble the archetype . of mens intentions or aims , some are principal , others accessory ; some ordinary , others accidental . pompey married caesars daughter ; not for the love of progeny , nor for her beauty , or dowry ; but for his own ambition , an accidental end to marriage . some direct , others perverse ; as a father recounts to his son the worthy actions of his ancestors , to provoke him to the like ; which he perverts to pride , libertinism , dis-subjection to laws and magistrates , and insolence towards his inferiors . and this happens sometimes out of error and mistake ; as when an orator diverts his art to get applause ; sometimes also out of malice and wickednes , as when a general desires victory to satisfy his private revenge . when a man goes to church to look upon an hansom woman , &c. again of ends , some are ultimate and principal , others secundary , instrumental , or means to obtain the other . as a prince gives out mony , to form an army , to fight an enemy , to overcome him , to take away his dominion , to seize it for himself . this is the ultimate end , the other are means . of these also some are proper and convenient for the end ; as if he , that designs to be a soldier , learns to menage an horse , to understand and use arms , to endure hunger , cold , wearines , wounds , watching , &c. others are improper , as to quarrel , to swagger , to be drunk , fight , kill and slay , every one he meets . to be an orator , the proper means are to study reasoning and argumentation ; to imitate cicero , demosthenes , &c. to observe the best way of disposing his matter , clothing it with good words , phrases , figures , &c. the contrary and improper way , or rather impediment , is to scrape together a parcel of well-sounding words , a few snaps of wit , &c. again , some ends are obtained , others hindred ; as a man desires health and strength , sed grandes patinae , tucetaque crassa annuere his superos vetuere . a father desires his son to be virtuous and prudent , and provides him masters , books , &c. but the young man abandons himself to ill company , &c. hindred by our own folly , opposition of friends , enemies . &c. or fortuitous accidents . questions concerning the end are such as these . wherefore ? why so ? to what end , purpose , intention ? for whose sake ? for what good doth , worketh , maketh , he this ? what shall he reap by it ? hath he obtained his end ? hopeth he , shall he obtain it ; what means taketh he to obtain it ? are they rational , prudent , proper ? who can , hath , will , hinder him ? or it ? v. the . common-place is of actions . whereof some are immanent , when the agent is also the patient , commonly expressed by verbs neuters in latin. such are , to grow , to fail , to move , to rest , to want , to hast , to declame , to study , &c. to think , understand , &c. others are transient , when the agent and patient are divers , aad are expressed by verbs transitives , as striking , heating , &c. again , some actions concern being ; as v. g. pride , what doth , can , shall , will , &c. it produce ? [ note that all the auxiliary verbs have their greatest use and force in this classe ] generate , perfect , preserve , consume , destroy ? conversation begetteth similitude in manners , mutual confidence , uniting interests , conserves friendship , and is apt to procure advancement , &c. debauchery consumes the estate , destroies health , &c. others concern qualities , and indeed all actions proceeds from the virtues or faculties of their agents ; whether natural or acquisite ; and actions are as various , and copious , as qualities are . as a wise man gives good counsel , and doth his actions wisely . a young man doth , can , may , is wont to do foolishly . strong wine , doth , is apt to inebriate . in action , the place , time , and quantity often afford matter considerable . he can speak more boldly in an ale-house , then at court. the sun warmeth and enlightneth ( because bigger ) more then venus ; more also when nearer . how doth it move , act ? by it self , by another ? by nature , force , chance ; as the efficient , end , pretence , &c. circularly ? directly ? how in youth ? how in age ? how at first ? how afterwards ? slowly or hastily ? constantly or by intermissions ? equally or unequally ? mediately or immediately ? to action are reduced also consequents or effects , which answer to the question , what doth it , or he , work ? and of these some are made , some are done ; some endure no longer then the action it self ; as , the room is no longer light then it is enlightened . if the auditors mind him not , all is done , as soon as the preacher hath spoke his sermon . others remain after the action is ended ; as health remains , tho the medicine have ended ; science remains , when the study is finished . science gets honor , honor emploiment , emploiment riches . a prince what doth he ? what ought he , &c. to do ? to administer justice . what will that do , or is it apt to produce ? to maintain plenty , security , peace . what are the effects of these , naturally , usually , alwaies , continually ? the peoples love , and readines to spend their lives and estates for him . hence no danger of insurrections , rebellions , &c. he will live in great honor , and reverence with his neighbors , &c. the golden apple , thrown by discord amongst the gods at a feast , what consequents had it , might it have ? &c. delight of the guests : emulation and desire of the three goddesses : chusing of paris to be judge : mercuries descent to carry him the message : his undertaking it : his beholding the three goddesses , &c. so the immediate effect of the sun is heat , thence the warming of the earth , raising vapors , thence clouds , rain . again , from heat , seasons of the year , generation of all plants , metals , &c. vi. the sixth common-place is of passion , or receiving an action . but especially suffering , which is chiefly of evil . to this belongs being made , being done ; was the world , could it be , could it be made , from eternity ? the rebuilding of the city , is it , may it , could it be done , finished , perfected , destroied , consumed and changed into better , worse ? why do some men grow as fat as ehud , none as big as goliah ? qualities . the moon , because receiving her light from the sun , is subject to eclipses , changes , full , &c. priamus , because old , lived to be spoiled of his kingdom , to see his sons slain , his city destroied , &c. the ethiopian is burnt with heat , the laplander frozen with cold . in sum , what ever heads belong to action , may be also easily applied to passion . what doth the object work upon us ? our senses ? &c. what do all simples and medicines ; air , and all things ( called by physicians ) preternatural ? all things edible ? &c. work upon us in order to health and sicknes ? what do all arts work ? what all virtues , vices , estates , ages , sexes , &c. work ? well ? ill ? or indifferently ? vii . the th common-place is of qualities , which hath these heads . . good and evil in themselves , good is perfect , worthy , noble , excellent , happy , &c. evil the contrary . in respect of others , necessary , helpful , superfluous , profitable , agreeable , hurtful , &c. as lucifer was created a most noble and excellent spirit ; but afterwards became unfortunate , wicked , dangerous , malicious , in endeavoring to diminish the glory of god , and devising mischief to man. full of hatred against heaven , and deceit against earth , &c. by which means he is become the vilest , and most detestable of all creatures . . qualities occult , which are known only by their actions . what is the power , faculty , &c. of the loadstone ? to draw iron , to make it move towards the north , &c. who could beleive the power of circe , to change men into hogs ? . qualities sensible , such are beauty , uglines ; figures of all sorts ; light , darknes ; colours of all sorts , natural , artificial ; white , black , &c. for hearing , sounds of all sorts , shrill , loud , skreeking , whistling , din , noise , &c. so for smells of all sorts , and tasts : also tangible qualities , as heat , cold ; dry , moist : heavy , light ; hard , soft ; liquid , solid , thin , thick , subtil , gross , clear , &c. and all these natural , or adventitious . as lucretia was beautiful naturally , &c. . qualities of the mind , faculties , or powers natural , or accidents , as in the understanding , perspicacity , sagacity ; memory , tenacious , treacherous : invention , ready , slow : the affections also and passions : virtues and vice belong to this head . . adjuncts ; as naked , clothed , armed , adorned , trimmed ; not men only , but houses , cities , sepulchres , fountains , and the like . . situation ; as cloth is tenter'd , folded , &c. a pillar upright , leaning , fallen , hanged up , &c. a living creature standeth , sitteth , lieth , kneeleth , &c. . relations ; as lord , subject , judg , advocate , accused , magistrate , master , servant , scholar , teacher : maried , unmaried ; rich , poor , &c. noble , ignoble ; glorious , in disgrace , &c. viii . the th common-place is quantity ; this is easily and vulgarly known with its species . to it therefore belong number , one , many , few , &c. v. g. how many suns are there ? is it never seen double , or triple ? why can there be no more ? if there were more , what would follow ? is it divisible or indivisible ? extended ? how far ? how many parts hath it ? how great is it ? how large , long , high , thick ? greater then the earth ? how often ? how is it to be measured ? how long hath it lasted ? is it diminished or increased ? hath it any weight ? ix . the th common-place of time , hath these heads , alwaies , sometimes , v. g. what is the duration of the creator ? he hath alwaies bin . is it possible he should be not eternal ? if he were not eternal , what would follow ? why is he eternal ? can any thing be eternal besides him ? duration is varied into past , present , and future . prudence considereth things past , that it may govern the present ; and maketh conjectures from both , that it may well menage the future . the past is considered by memory ; the present is in acting ; in the future are concerned our hopes , fears , providence , cautiousnes , &c. . divers measures , of time ; as ages , years , months , daies , hours , moments , and parts of time as morning , evening ; spring , summer ; infancy , childhood , &c. the beginning , middle , ending of the duration of any thing . . occasion , as favorable , opportune , accustomed , purposed , &c. with their contraries . x. the th common-place is where , or place . to which belong . . the several parts of the universe ; as air , earth , fire , water , heavens , firmament , &c. north , south , &c. zones , climates , &c. land , sea , islands , &c. countries , asia , africk , &c. india mittit ebur , molles sua thura sabaei . where shall we find deceit ? in shops and markets , in narrow souls . where subtilty ? in the genoueses . where industry ? in holland . . place is either proper , common ; due belonging to another . a scholar in a market is a fish on dry land . place also is natural , violent , accidental ; where it ought , is wont ; it may safely , well , be . our country , dwelling , &c. . differences of place ; before , behind ; on the right , left &c. hand ; above , under ; over against , towards , &c. neer to , far off ; in , by , at , &c. where stood carthage ? italiam contra , tyberinaque ostia . where is water to be had ? in the fountain , river , sea , well , &c. . qualities of place , cold , hot ; fruitful , barren ; clean , dirty ; champaigne , mountainous ; tilled , untilled , sandy , chalky , &c. desert , inhabited . . civil places , as an house , town , village , villa , shop , market-place , street , theater , church , hall. public or private . sacred or profane , solitary , inhabited , our own , anothers . where may a man plant , build , &c. upon his own . where do flatterers frequent ? the court. . the power or property of place . vervecum in patriâ , crassoque sub aere natus . xi . the th common-place is the subject to which any thing belongeth , or wherein any thing is . there is nothing that may not be the subject of another . the cause may be of its propriety . virtuous actions to whom are they proper ? in whom to be found ? in prudent persons . what things are hot ? those exposed to the sun , are neer to the fire , are in motion . who are cunning ? they who have much experience . the effects and signs . who are noble ? they who do nothing basely , or craftily . who are true princes ? they who govern for the good of their people . who are subject to anger ? they who have a sharp nose , curled hair , red face , &c. substances are most properly the subject of other things . as god is the fountain of goodnes , the angels receive it immediately from him . men and other creatures are good each in his kind . so for all other things . what things are , may be , use to be , ought to be , accounted long ? [ actions and passions ] a journy from england to china . the works of tostatus abulensis . delay of what is earnestly desired . [ time ] the lives of men before the flood . [ piace ] the way from paris to constantinople . what things are weak and feeble . [ quantity ] things small and little . [ quality ] sick persons , women , pale persons , fearful , tired , &c. [ action ] children , old men. [ place ] the asiatics , &c. xii . the last common-place is correspondents , which hath many under it , as . before and after ; first , second , third , &c. last : beginning , middle , ending . more or less . whether is before , saturn or the sun ? in dignity and perfection the sun is before : in place descending saturn is before . in time they are equal . . the same and divers or different . virgil was the author of the georgies , who of the aeneids ? the same . how doth his poems differ from homers , theocritus , hesiod , tasso ? &c. . equal and unequal : double , triple , &c. half , and generally all proportions . . like , unlike ; contrary , opposite ; and these varied with more and less . alexander and jul. caesar were like in boldnes , unlike in stature ; of contrary dispositions . whether was more prudent ? less fortunate ? was plato a better philosopher , or dionysius a worse tyrant ? the astrologues prediction of caesars death , brings to mind the like of the earl of pembrok . . union or conjunction in the same action ; as when two act one upon another . mutually , as two enemies , or emulators seeking to undermine one another . or when both act upon a third , as two rivals toward the same mistress . or both suffer from a third , as two servants under the same master . or one act and the other receive or suffer , as the master and scholar , judge and accused . . together , near , far of : antecedent , concomitant , subsequent , either in place , dignity or time . christmas brings to mind good cheer , mirth , jollity . a feast suggests meats , cooks , fish , foul , flesh , sawces , dishes , chargers , wines , cups , plates , &c. the spring brings in summer , autumn , winter . caesar makes me think of brutus , cassius , pompey , &c. chap. xii . brief directions for elocution . i beg the readers pardon , if , contrary to my own design , i here subjoin to the discourse of invention , a few lines in order to regulate our speaking and writing , what we have invented . and the rather , because amongst the very many books of rhetoric , i have not seen any , that declares the differences and reasons of stiles and figures so exactly as eman. thesauro . out of him therefore , for the greatest part , i have drawn this short scheme and prospect ; whereby any , even meanly practised , capacities , may be able to discern and judg of what is well , and orator-like written or spoken ; and consequently himself also to imitate the eloquentest authors , there are then divers manners of speaking and writing . . concisely , in few short abrupt sentences , as men ordinarily speak in common conversation , without any art , or order . as dic mihi damaeta , cujum pecus ? an melibaei ? non , verum aegonis . nuper mihi tradidit aegon . such is very frequent in the comedians . vos isthaec intro anferte : abite . sosia adesdum . paucis te volo . dixi , audivistis , tenetis , judicate . . somewhat artificially but imperfectly ; . without any observation of numbers , correspondence , measure , &c. when a period hath no certain bounds , but goes on till the matter be ended , keeping the mind of the auditor still in suspense , till all is said which is to say ; which when it will be , the auditor cannot divine , because he cannot foresee where the speakers design will determine . such are the beginnings of most of s. pauls epistles . such is that beginning of cicero's oration pro caelio . si quis judices forte adsit , ignarus legum , &c. till you come to quibus otiosis , ne in communi quidem otio , liceat esse . so in that pro milone beginning at occidi , occidi non sp. maelium &c. unto non modò vestibulo privaret , sed omni aditu & lumine . so in catone majore . plus apud me antiquorum authoritas valet , &c. unto per visum ex africano audisse dicebat . such is that dithirambique scene in senecas oedipus which begins , effusam redimite comam nutante corimbo mollia nisaeis armati brachia thyrsis . &c. such that of virgil in his silenus . namque canebat uti magnum per inane coacta , &c. and aeneid . . principio caelum ac terras , camposque liquentes , &c. such is most of the historians manner of writing . this fashion of speech the greeks called oratio pendens , ar. rhet. l. . c. . such when an athenian ambassador used at sparta , the senate replied , the first part of your oration is gone out of our minds , and the second never entred in . . afterwards thrasimacus , or whoever he was , that first observed the pleasingnes in lyrics to proceed from their pauses and measures , began to practse the same in prose ; and to mince those great and unlick'd masses into shorter and rounder periods . of these , that , which consists of one entire sense only , and is not divided into members , ( such as are most of senecas ) is called by aristotle periodus supina : and by reason of the omission of the transitions , and the frequent repetition of the same matter in several words , is by most orators rejected . wherefore others , out of more diligent observation of what was pleasing , changed those round and incoherent periods into many more concise members : carving them , as it were , into divers clauses and parcels ; which were also made correspondent and commensurate one to another . so that they became neither intire , nor yet maimed ; not metrical , yet not without meeter ; not in feet , yet not altogether loose ; without verse , not without rythme ; verse compared with other prose , prose compared to verses . this came not in fashion amongst the romans till the latter end of tullies time ; which made his first orations not to be so eloquent as his latter ; and himself to complain that he was going out of the world when he began to understand rhetoric . and of some orators in his time he saith ; in iis erat admirabilis cursus orationis , ornata sententiarum concinnitas non erat . i. e. they had a wonderful fluency in their stile , choice words , and round full periods , but they wanted the neat distribution of them into parts and members . the first is like an head of excellent hair , but hanging down , and flagging ; this other like the same hair disposed and made up into rings and curles . examples of these are infinite in plinies panegyric . . this harmony or correspondence of the clauses of a period consists in three things , . equality of the members . . contraposition of the words . . similitude of terminations . . equality is , when the divers clauses of a period consist of equal number of words , or of syllables , or times , ( two short syllables being equal to one long ) which is altogether as graceful . as speremus quae volumus ; quod acciderit feramus . cic. alterum optare crudelitatis est , alterum servare clementiae . superbia in fronte ; ira in oculis ; pallor in corpore ; in ore impudentia . plin. si quid obtigerit , aequo animo paratoque moriar ; neque enim potest accidere turpis mors forti viro ; neque immatura consulari ; neque misera sapienti . cic. . contraposition , antithesis , is a conversion or retorsion of the same words in divers clauses of the same period . for the same words are severally ( and often contrarily ) joined , to make as it were a seeming contradiction , or paradox at least . as saepius accidit ut imprudentes felixiter , prudentes infeliciter agant . inselix dido nulli bene nupta marito ; hoc pereunte fugis , hoc fugiente peris . stultus prudentibus , prudens stultis , visus . sometimes also words of a contrary signification are joyned together elegantly in one periodus supina . as , inclinata resurgo . carpit & carpitur una . qui spectavit vulnera vulnus habet . sparta ibi muros habet ubi non habet . sometimes words signifying contrary things are placed in divers clauses of the same period . as , aut vivos amplifica , aut mortuos derelinque . alba ligustra cadunt , vaccinia nigra leguntur . sometimes they are placed in manner of a dilemma . morere , si casta es , viro ; si incesta , amori . jupiter aut falsus pater est , aut crimine verus . . similitude of terminations , whether . . by iteration of the same words in several clauses . . of the same cases and persons of nouns and verbs , though not the same words , yet of the same or like sound . of the spartans at thermopylae . trecenti sumus , sed viri , sed armati , sed lacones , sed ad thermopylas ; nunquam vidi plures trecentos . of the same , nos sine deliciis educamur , sine muris vivimus , sine vita vincimus . this correspondence is sometimes in one word , sometimes in , , ; and sometimes , but rarely . indignus cui vel improbi bene vel probi malè dicant . dum laurum acquisivit regiam , palmam amisit popularem . vel in negotio sine periculo , vel in otio cum dignitate esse possint . aeque nocent & qui nolentibus vitam officiosè impertiunt , & qui volentibus mortem malitiosè negant . an tu me per hos in patriam revocare potuisti , ego te per eosdem in patria retinere non potero ? . besides these , there are two other sorts of figures , or ornaments of speech . the first are such as move the affections , and perswade as well as delight , and therefore may well be called pathetical . the second are such as consist in ingenious expressions in the words themselves . pathetical are those figures , which serve to express some passion , or other operation of the mind ; as the imagination , understanding , &c. whether they concern apprehension , appetite , anger , or any other affection whatsoever . such are , . cognitio , to this belong these and the like expressions . agnosco , audio , intelligo , scio , experior , video , &c. agnosco , agnosco ; victum est chaos . sen. nunc scio quid sit amor . virg. nescio quo pacto fieri dicam . cic. . demonstration , to which belong en , ecce , adspice , audite , &c. en quo discordia cives perduxit miseros ! en queis , &c. virg. intuemini huic erutos oculos , illi confractos pedes ; quid exhorrescitis ? sic iste miseretur . . narratio , to which belong , dicam , enarro , &c. favete linguis ; carmina non prius audita musarum sacerdos virginibus puerisque canto . hor. — nunc quâ ratione quod instat confieri possit , paucis adverte , docebo . hospes , disce novum mortis genus . . affirmatio , est labor , non nego ; pericula magna , fateor ; multae insidiae sunt bonis , verissime dictum . cic. affirmo tibi , caie mari , non sic restitisset . qum . negatio . nego esse quicquam à testibus dictum , quod &c. jole meis captiva germanos dabit ? non . . ironia . ni fallor , feminas ferrum decet . . aposiopesis . novimus & qui te . . praeteritio . non dico te à sociis pecunias accepisse ; non sum in eo occupatus , quod civitates , regna , domos omnium depeculatus es ; surta , rapinas omnes tuas omitto . . juramentum . per has lacrymas dextramque tuam te . virg. testatio . vos , dii patrii , penates , testor , integro me animo ac libero p. sullae causam defendere . . animadversio , epitasis . a reflecting upon what was said before , or animadverting upon some circumstance of what preceded . obrepsisti ad honores commendatione fumosarum imaginum ; upon which he animadverts , quarum nihil habebas simile praeter colorem . cic. in pis. tu intrare illum senatum poteris , o tulli , in quo pompeium non sis visurus ? tu illam togam induere , quae armis cessit ? sen. in suas . regina quondam ancilla nunc quidem tua . . parenthesis . . correctio . antronium in campo vidimus , & quid dico ? vidisse nos ? ego vidi . . repetitio . commotus non es , cum tibi mater pedes amplexaretur ; non es commotus . . admiratio . novum monstrum ! integer alitur , debiles alunt . sen. . exclamatio . . extenuatio . levia memoravi nimis ; haec virgo feci . leve est quod actum est . . commemoratio . o mysis , mysis , etiam nunc scripta illa dicta mihi sunt in animo . . praesagitio . nescio quid animus grande praesagit malum . . dubitatio . dubito an moriendo vicerit , an vincendo sit mortuus . . inquisitio & interrogatio . nunc quaero abs te , quare patrem suum roscius occiderit : quaero quando occiderit . cic. . responsio . quaeris , quo jaceas post obitum loco ? quo non nata jacent . . interpretatio . si intelligis , cicero , non dicit roga ut vivas ; sed roga ut servias . when anthony offered him his life if he would ask it . . occupatio , or preventing an objection . . fictio . fingite vobis , antiquam illam urbem videre , lucem orbis terrarum , &c. . imaginatio . jam mihi cernuntur trepidis delubra moveri sedibus . virg. . expressio , ectypôsis . putares cadaver ambulare . quacunque iter faceret , ejusmodi fuit , ut non legatus populi romani , sed ut quaedam calamitas pervadere videretur . cic. verr. . prosopopoeia . tecum patria sic agit . cic. cat. . apostrophe , when we speak to one that hears not . o fons blandusiae splendidior vitro , dulci digne mero . hor. . ratiocinatio , when one discourseth with himself . cur pallas non nupta ? virum non invenit ullum . . conclusiuncula , when the foregoing matter is reflected upon and concluded with somewhat unexpected . as cicero , having declared how the herbetesi were by verres condemned to pay a great sum of mony to two of his mistresses , concludes . itaque civitas una sociorum atque amicorum ; duabus deterrimis mulierculis vectigalis fuit . epiphomena . sic dii spreti exardescunt . sic humana consilia castigantur , ubi se coelestibus praeferunt . val. max. compendium . illis parentis nullus aut aequi est amor , avidis cruoris , imperii , armorum , doli : diris scelestis , breviter ut dicam , meis . oedip. . perplexitas . quid agimus ? animum distrahit geminus timor ; hinc gnatus , illinc conjugis cari cinis . pars utra vincit ? . approbatio . sic , sic agendum est . bene est . abunde est . hic placet poenae modus . . imperium . egredere ex urbe catilina , — egredere , purga regna ; lethales tecum aufer herbas : libera cives metu . medea . admonitio . vos pro mea summa diligentiâ moneo ; pro authoritate consulari hortor ; pro magnitudine periculi obtestor . cic. obsequium . tuus , o regina , quid optes explorare labor , mihi jussa capessere fas est . so for the passions . blanditiae . animula dulcis , suavis animula . salutatio & apprecatio . bene valeas , quisquis es . sit tibi terra levis . dii te ament qui haec legis . veneratio . delubra & aras coelitum , & patrios lares supplex adoro . abominatio . heu stirpem invisam ! & fatis contraria nostris . irrisio . ah , ah , ah , lepidus amator silicernius . execratio . dii te perdant , fugitive . cic. optatio . fecisset utinam deus immortalis . maximè vellem , judices . invocatio . hymen , ô hymenaee veni . votum . voveo tibi victimam , fortuna redux . obsecratio . per has aniles ecce te supplex comas , atque ubera ista penè materna , obsecro . commendatio . si te in germani fratris dilexi loco : sive haec te solum fecit maximi , seu tibi morigera fuit in rebus omnibus : te isti virum do , amicum , tutorem , patrem . bona nostra haec tibi committo , ac tuae mando fidei . concessio . do quod vis ; & me victusque volensque remitto . gratiarum actio . non erimus regno indecores , nec vestra seretur fama levis , tantive abolescet gratia facti . virg. recusatio . non me delectant ignoti domino servorum greges : nec sonantia laxi ruris ergastula : nolo dives esse : patrem gratis amo . exultatio . jo. triumphe ! tu moraris aureos currus , & intactas boves . jo triumphe ! nec jugurthino parem . horat. jactantia . et nos aliquod nomenque decusque gessimus . gratulatio . laetare , gaude gnata ; quam vellet tuos cassandra thalamos . plausus . at mihi plaudo ipse domi , simulac nummos contemplor in arcâ . horat. ejulatio . hei mihi ! nequēo quin fleam . expostulatio . improperium . ingrate cessas orbis ? excidimus tibi ? poenitentia . potens jam cecidit ira : poenitet ; facti pudet . sen. spes . spero equidem mediis , si quid pia numina possunt , haesurum scopulis . desperatio . actum est , conclamatum est . occidimus . aures pepulit hymenaeus meas . timor , horror . sudor per artus frigidus totos cadit : omen tremisco misera feralis dei. sen. pavet unimus , horret : magna pernicies adest . verecundia . heu me ! per urbem ( nam pudet tanti mali ) fabula quanta fui . audacia . impudentia . resistam : inermes offeram armatis manus . dabit ira vires . ingentem confidentiam ! num cogitat quid dicat ? num facti piget ? excandescentia , minae . accingere ira ; teque in exilium feras furore toto . vae tibi causidice . diris agam vos ; dira detestatio nullâ expiatur victimâ . nemesis . indignatio . isthic nunc metuenda jace : non te optima mater condet humo , patrioque oner abit membra sepulcro : alitibus liquere feris ; aut gurgite mersum undaseret . virg. miseratio . compescere quidem verba , & audacem manu poteram domare ; sed meus captis quoque scit parcere ensis . confessio . me amare hanc fateor ; si id peccare est , fateor id quoque . tibi , pater , me dedo ; quid vis oneris impone , impera . deprecatio . miseremini familiae , judices ; miseremini fortissimi patris ; miseremini filii . cic. . other figures there are , which consist in the words ; as metaphors of divers sorts , whether the genus for the species , species for the genus , part for the whole , or the like . as hypotyposis , or applying of words of life and sense to things inanimate . as hyperboles , laconisms , oppositions , such as campi liquentes , liquidi chrystalli ; or deceptio , when a sentence ends unexpectedly . spero tibi eventuram hoc anno maximam messem mali . her mouth , oh heavenly ! wide . tuâ nitet in fronte sulgor aureus ; argentum in cirris ; smaragdus in oculis ; sapphirus in labiis ; chrysolithus in genis ; collum in resti . metaphors are of divers sorts , i. e. are taken from divers common places . . from likenes homo quadratus . . from the attribute regnat gladius . . equivocation jus verrinum . . hypotyposis pontem indignatus araxes . . hyperbole instar montis equum . . laconismus carpathii leporem . . opposition mens amens : . deception vale apud orcum . more particulars may be found in authors ; thus much is sufficient for this place , where this discourse intruded it self , besides my intention . chap. xiii . of bettering the judgment . . the judgment is that faculty whereby we discern , i. e. judge of , true and false ; good and bad ; better and less good . naturally some ( i. e. sedate considering persons ) are better disposed to it then others ; but none at ain any considerable perfection in it any other way , then by experience . experience ( i say ) of others communicated by books or instruction , and of themselves by their own observation . the habit , which perfects this faculty , ( as that which regulates the will and affections is virtue ) is wisdome or prudence . that great power , whereby we live in happiness and content ; whereby we excell all other creatures , and most men also ; being by it out of the reach of their deceit and craft , and not imposed upon , or derided , by them ; whereby our reason and better part is regulated ; and whereby we ought to govern both our selves and others . this if it be applied to particular subjects hath severall names ; as if to govern cities or common-wealths , 't is political prudence ; if armies and war , military ; if a family , oeconomical , &c. with none of which i intermeddle , but only with that , which concerns every particular person in the conduct of his life : and here only in general ; reserving to the second part such particular rules , as either my own or others experience , that i have read , have suggested . in this place therefore i shall only advise ( as wall as i can ) how the faculty is to be cultivated for the implanting that great perfection . . and first take notice ; that the exercising this faculty is the employing of all the rest . for it is in vain to give judgement without examining the reasons ( devised by invention ) for both parties ; and the like cases in former times suggested by memory . for the chief employment of the judgment being concerning the future , either the choice of an end , or of apt means to an end ; no man can promise to himself any success in his election without engaging all the powers he hath . as there must be . . [ supposing the end to be already resolved upon and alwaies before his eyes ] a proposal or finding out severall v. g. mediums to an end . which is called counsel . . a comparing these together , that he may be able to chuse the best and properest , and honestest for his purpose , ( for if he use dishonest means , tho proper , 't is craft and subtilty , as to chuse improper is folly and want of wisdom . ) this is the immediate action of judgment ; and which consists of many parts . as . circumspection of all circumstances of time , place , and all other opportunities ; . caution for prevention of hinderances , considering all dangers , and difficulties , he is likely to encounter ; and either providing to decline and avoid , or arming himself to resist , or suffer them . . solertia or good and rational conjecturing of what is likely to succeed . ly a firm resolution , and competent secrecy . and lastly a constant and due execution of what is well resolved . now because this knowledge is very difficult , and at the best but a conjecture , it is necessary to consider what hath succeeded heretofore upon such premises , for that is most likely to happen again : but this cannot be done without the assistance either of books or experienc'd persons , who have seen and known the like cases and successes : and this cannot be without much observation and taking notice of things in the time of their actual flourishing ; and storing up such rules and histories in the memory for future application . by the way it will not be amiss to take notice , that as there is no new thing under the sun , so neither any new action ; but the same are represented over again under varying circumstances ; so that he , who intends to be a wise man , must endeavour to distinguish the action ( as physicians do in judging diseases ) from the circumstances ; that he may be able to give a good judgment and prognostic ; and afterwards to frame a general rule , which may stand him in stead at other times and occasions . . opposite to wisedom is folly , that base , abject , low , poor , sordid , condition ; which renders a man wearisome to himself , and contemtible to others ; exposed to every ones deceit and craft ; a slave to his own passions and others flatteries ; and a stock whereupon to graft any vice , shame , or misery . this is made up of two ingredients , ignorance and error . to avoid which , as also to rectify the understanding , and abtain a true notion of things as they exist in the world , and relate to us , it is necessary that we . . endeavour to be set at liberty from the dominion . . of vices . . of passions . . to use much attention , consideration , and weighing things themselves . . that a man may be virtuous it is not sufficient that he now and then do virtuous actions ; nor that he do them frequently out of good nature , interest , mode , passion , or the like : but that he work discreetly , constantly , habitually , and for a good end , and by deliberation and choice ; which two last conditions necessarily presuppose prudence . so that as no virtue without prudence , neither is it without them . for it hath bin the observation of all knowing and discreet persons , and thay have delivered it for a certain rule , as hath also the holy spirit , and wisdom of god himself ; that virtuous courses onely , together with gods grace obtained by much prayer and intercession , are capable to make a man wise , i. e. to direct his actions in such manner as he shall not need to repent of them . and that therefore such actions are called good : and others evill , because of the evil consequents ; that they bring such as perform them to sorrow , repentance and misery . hereupon are grounded those rules in the holy scripture , that the fear of the lord is the beginning of wisdom , that the beginning of wisdom is to avoid folly , and wickedness . that it is sport to a fool to do wickedly , and the like : religion being the chiefest and supremest of all virtues . an evil man seeks occasions to gratify his humor ; and at best thinks to stop at the confines betwixt passion and vice ; but a wise man avoids the occasions of vice , which he looks upon as a disease of the soul , contrary to the natural and due constitution of it , and subverting its true tone and disposition . and that every vice in particular is contrary to prudence , appears ; because covetousnes instead of wisdome introduceth craft , subtilty , deceitfulnes , which are called the wisdom of the world. pride breeds confidence of a mans self , and despising others advise and counsel ; and lust ( the third fountain of all vices ) is the mother of negligence , precipitious inconsiderateness , inconstancy , and at length of that blindness of understanding , which renders them uncapable of discerning , such things especially as concern their souls , but even such also as are advantageous to their temporal welfare ; and of chusing better from worse ; fit and convenient from improper and aliene . . passions , tho not so immediately concurring to the ruine of the judgment as vice , yet indirectly and by consequent destroy it also . for being ( as i said before ) undeliberate motions towards objects pleasing or displeasing , and therefore in the sensitive soul ; the objects passing through that to the understanding , carry with them that tincture or forme they there receive by those actions ; not now as pleasing or painful , but as good or bad ( for so the passions represent them . ) and if the intellect do not speedily reflect upon the deceit ; and separate and cleanse the natural from the passionate , wherewith it is stained , it becomes partaker of , and ingaged in , the error . and so not only looseth the true notion and knowledge of the object , but apprehends it also under a wrong and false idea ; mistaking v. g. the pleasure or good for the object . and whatever it receives or considers , whilest in that disposition , is conceived under the same mistake . so that all passions more or less , according to the degree of their strength , render the understanding partial and unindifferent , and consequently erroneous , and unfit to judge in any thing of moment . hence it is , that a man in passion , tho the alteration be only in himself , yet imagines the world without him to be changed . what was before esteemed ; when now look'd upon through this false light , appears contemtible ; and the contemned becomes admirable . the beloved or desired is without faults , is excellent and easy ; the hated is all faulty , unworthy , and impossible . yet is this no great matter compared to the passions , when they are in their height and vigor . do we not see how for the satisfying of a lust , and enjoying a revenge , a man breaks through all laws , all obligations natural and civil ? how he regards not what injury or affront he offers even to magistrates and parents ? how he despiseth all inconveniences and evill consequences , his own or other mens reasons may forewarn him ? but i will not meddle with these extravagants , utterly unfit to be carved into mercuries , and will consider those which work more mildely ; and seduce , not trample upon , the judgement . such are , . self-loue , or self-estimation , an overvaluing of a mans own parts , opinions , or actions . an error in some sort necessary to the well-being of man ; for should every one know exactly the measure of his own ability , the greatest part of the world would be miserable . every man , therefore , makes himself the standard for all others , esteeming every ones abilities and actions , as they are equal or conformable to his own : and this seems to be a natural suggestion ; but if it be too much indulged , so that either for pride of his own parts , knowledge , &c. or for interest and covetousness ; or for honor and reputation ; or for custom and education ; or any other by-respect , a man warp his judgment , he lies under a lasting and universall prejudice . for this is the beginning of opiniatrety ; and when despising the advice and judgment of others , he follows only his own counsel , is it not just that he should be permitted to fall into the consequences of his own opinion ? he that bends , and plies his reason to his passion , why should he not enjoy the product of his indiscretion ? why should he that sows folly , reap the fruit of counsel and advisement ? but to instance in the foresaid particulars . . he that is conceited of his own worth , eo ipso despiseth others , and therefore will not read or take pains to informe himself what other men say or know , but when he fixeth in himself this proposition , that other men are more ignorant then he ; then whatever comes in his fancy , seems to be an addition to knowledg ; and must either be reserved as a mystery , or vented as the depth of science , and oracle of wit ; though many times it is but either a great error , or at best , a vulgar truth , and the most extravagant and grotesque conceits , as being most of all his own , he esteems and values the most . such a man frames to himself notions and opinions , which all the world is to submit to , and these alone are to be taught and propagated ; and all opposers are opiniastres , and ignorant , if not malicious , contradicters of the truth , and envious of the glory of him that discovers it . hence comes the spirit of contradiction , that let the adverse opiner say what he will , his reasons will not be heard ; for indeed our learned man stands upon his guard against truth ; and so at last , instead of fair arguing , turns to chicanery and pedantery . . how much interest and secular respects wrest the judgement , is manifest to any one that observes ; that the thriving opinions , and such as are countenanced by them that can reward , never fail of abettors . but i can easilier pardon these then those who for love of gain oppose the magistrate and government ; who knowing the humor of the ordinary people to be against obedience , and subjection , make use of it to disturb the peace , that they may fish the better . they gain proselites that they may grow rich ; they gather churches that they may collect wealth ; and heap up disciples , that they may multiply collections . thus they deceive unlearned and unstable souls , of their temporal , as well as their spiritual , goods : and care not what craft and deceitfulnes they use that they may fill their puries ; their arts are infinite , and seen of every one but those who are deceived by them . . vain-glory , or desire of seeming more knowing then other persons , is as strong a passion , ever since our first parents were carried away by it , as any that molests our souls . this goes masked many times under a vizor of seeking reformation , advancing knowledg , and the like ; when it is in reality seeking applause , insinuating into a party , and vaunting our own selves . the beginnings of this delusion are many times very subtil , and difficultly discerned , except by those who are very jealous of themselves . hence comes an itch to invent or publish new opinions and fancies ; to quarrel for a new interpretation , and even go to law for the primogeniture of a notion . from hence also , if sharpned a little by coveteousnes , comes all seditions , disobedience to magistrates , heresies , schismes , and rebellions . is it not strange to see an ignorant person , without comprehending , or so much as tasting , the principles of arts and knowledg , to judg for himself , and scorn to be guided ; especially in things of consequence , where most caution is to be used ? he that will not refuse to be taught to be a shoe-maker , scorns to be instructed in divinity ; and he will submit to a master of a trade , that will not bow to a doctor . if a man well furnish'd with this spiritual pride , happens to be informed in some particular knowledg above the rest of his condition ; he immediately thinks himself inferior only to angels ; instruction he despiseth ; all ignorance , yea and sometimes science too , he defieth ; and pretends to nothing but inspiration , and , the consequent of that , infallibility ; then hath the devil perfected his work in him , he is advanced as far in error as is possible , and becomes a seducer and an impostor . . of all opiniatrety , that which proceeds from custome , and education , is the least absurd ; yet a fault it is also , and more difficultly conquerable then the rest . for the errors become in a manner connatural ; and tho a disease , yet have so tincted the understanding , that it apprehends nothing but through them . and therefore the more any one knows in his error , the more difficultly is it eradicated ; yet time , and labor will do much ; one custome not being to be expelled but by another . from this force of education it comes , that heresies and dissessions are for so many generations continued ; that whole orders , and sometimes nations espouse one opinion ; and that contrary to another as wise and learned as it self . . timorousnes , basenes , or slothfulnes , is another origine of errors , quite contrary to those produc'd by self-love ; when a man seems to have no opinion of his own , but to assume the colour and tincture of those with whom he converseth . the opiniatre takes for false what any other person affirms , the complaisant for true . this is indeed the most peaceable way , and the best to make a fortune , but corrupts the judgment more then the other . for such a man either despiseth truth as a thing of no value , not worth laboring for ; or his own soul , as if god had not given him reason , but had brought him into the world , and not endued him with sufficient ability to guide himself in it . such men usually admire other mens persons , and take things upon the credit either of a greater number against a less ( which in difficult matters is very dangerous ) or sometimes of a less against a greater . or of persons not versed in what is desired to be known , as of a learned man in things of piety or secular prudence ; of a pious man in matters of learning and the like : yet this is better then to take a mans judgment , because of some external and accidental advantages ; as to think a man learned , or in the truth , because a friend or acquaintance . or , i am of his opinion , because i gain , or hope to get , by him . or , he is rich , for which men hold him wise . he hath so many legions , therefore he hath reason . or , he is in great office , he is above us , therefore wiser then us ; he is of our order , therefore we must sustain him . from this admiration of persons it comes , that he is thought a good preacher that sweats and labors in the pulpit ; or he a good advocate that bawls at the bar ; or he a wise man that talks gravely . we also think him a wicked person or our enemy that is acquainted with such , as if all that converse together joined in the same interest ; him proud and insolent , that neglects a due civility ; him ignorant , that is slow and silent ; and him to have taken good counsel , that hath success . hence also it proceeds that most men admire what is in fashion and vogue even in religion it self , and learning , as well as in clothes and phrases . that men are taken with shews and splendor , and vain appearances ; and are unwilling to go out of the track ; but relinquish reason , and many times virtue it self , because they want company . but that which most imposeth upon persons of learning and prudence , is ; if they see a man say much truth , and well , they are apt to take the rest of his discourse upon that credit . the strong carries off the weak ; and the understanding once conquered , is not willing to try her strength a second time against the victor . . i will mention no more of the passions ; but in short reduce all the causes of errors to . heads of misjudging . the first is too hasty assenting , the second too slow . for the first , . there being no proposition , for which somewhat may not be said ; many men ( whether out of passion , interest , want of ability or leisure , lazines , or whatever other cause ) rest with the first appearance , and by little and little take root , and fix in error . alas how few can judg of probabilities ! of them that can , how few will take pains to weigh and consider ? how many are concern'd that error should be truth ? and who are so easily deceived , as they that think themselves wisest ? hence it comes , that so many men abandon themselves to sensuality , covetousnes , and other vices , without remorse , or discovering the fallacy , for they assume to themselves certain reasons built upon slight foundations , which they are concern'd should be true , and therefore they will not examine them : but because they have some ( tho but very small ) shew of reason , they serve them , first for discourse with others , and then to fool themselves . as generally for all vice they urge . the example of other men , the most , many also in prosperity , and many esteemed good , that yet are vicious some way . that it is not so bad , or dangerous , as is pretended . that many sin , yet but few punished . and the like . for pleasure , such as these , that natural desires are vainly implanted in us , if not lawful . that it is for poor and impotent persons not to bestow upon themselves what they desire ; to bridle appetites and lusts is an argument of lownes of spirit , or want of power ; and that by this , great persons are distinguished from mean ones and inferiors . that if pleasures had not been fitting , nature had not joined them to those actions , which are mostly hers ; and that therefore beasts are alwaies regulated by them . that no men , whatever they pretend , but use them . that studying , or emploiment , is only that pleasures , and rest , may be enjoied in old age with more gusto . that thinking is a dull formality ; and desiring a laborious life , by him who can live at ease , is a busy folly . so for covetuousnes . that a good patriot endeavors to encrease the stock and wealth of the nation , which prodigals wast and consume . that it is a great fault to spend and abuse those things , which may be put to good use . that nothing breeds respect but wealth ; that alone is equal to all things ; the ransom of a mans life ; the last appeal , and resort of all calamitous persons . that it is but storing up what is necessary , &c. the like pretences , and fig-leaves may be found for all other irregular and vitious desires . to which if a man by education , interest , passion , or any other way , be biass'd and prepossess'd ; and his indifferency removed ; he will easily take up these plausibilities ; and by them make his reason and truth truckle under his lusts and desires . qui vult decipi , decipiatur . but this fallacy of hasty judging reaches further , even the learned and philosophers are guilty of drawing universal conclusions out of insufficient inductions . the instances are infinite , but not fit for this place . but see in common conversation what argumentations are frequent amongst us . some professing religion , live not accordingly , therefore all religion is hypocrisy . some grave men are only formal , therefore all gravity is formality . some things are uncertain , therefore there is no truth at all , &c. . the last error in judgment i shall note , is contrary to the former , i. e. too long deferring assent . when a man hath considered a question , and finds on either side arguments ; many times he will not put himself to the trouble , or for want of judgment he is not able , to consider ; which is more probable , which easilier answered , &c. but sits down with suspense of assent ; thinks , that of two so equal in probability , either part , or neither , may be safely taken ; and is contented with scepticism . in justification of this folly some have made a profession , and instituted a sect ; defending that there is no proposition so probable , but its contradictory is as probable : and that no man can be certain of any thing , against which any reason may be objected . so that wee are not to beleive our selves awake , because we , somtimes , dream that we walke , think , eat , &c. a doctrine more then brutish ; for the beasts feed , and sleep , guided by their senses , notwithstanding the manifold errors , and deceits of them , without any scruple of doubting . against human nature also , and injurious to our good creator ; blaming him for giving us no more certainty then is needful or useful ; and not such a one as by curious persons may be imagined . t is also against their own practise ; for what sceptic ever refused to eat or sleep , pretending that the necessity of those actions was not grounded upon a principle of absolute certainty , or the like ; which notwithstanding , they willingly suggest to others ? upon the testimony of senses and reasoning upon the objects supplied from the senses , all the moments of our lives and fortunes depend ; peace and war , government and obedience , and the rest . he would be very ridiculous , that being convinced of robbery before a magistrate , should plead that the senses of the witnesses might erre ; that they might be at that time asleep ; and dream they were robbed ; that it is dangerous to take away a mans life without absolute certainty . in short , not to assent to sufficient evidence , i. e. to so much as all men are wont to assent unto , and upon which they set their lives and fortunes , seems to be a disclaiming of humane nature , and a silly affectation to be what man never was , is , nor can be . . i will instance in no more errors , but proceed to the remedies ; of which some concern the educator , others the educated . for the first . . i would not have the instructor to be offended , if his charge take not every thing upon his authority ; obest plerumque iis , qui discere velint , authoritas docentis . but encourage him to ask questions , and move doubts ; accustom him to give his opinion and reasons in doubtful cases ; especially such as fall out at that time , and upon the place . for want of such , let him censure the ancients ; let him accuse the murderers of caesar ; jeer cato for killing himself , &c. quicken also and waken his spirit , by giving him liberty to contradict you , when he finds reason for it ; and when he doth not , do you shew him what arguments are against your self . encourage in him all thinking and exercise of the mind ; and let him judge and censure freely what he reads or hears ; sparing persons alwaies for charity sake ; and discourage him not for every error he commits . take not all the talk to your self ; nor make to him long harangues , expecting a youth should go along with you , and understand and believe all you say . but discourse with him much after socrates's manner ; which teacheth him to know things even before he learn them , i. e. by considering and comparing them with things obvious and familiar , to wind up to the knowledge of things unknown and obscure . this will enlarge and exalt his spirit to an universal contemplation of the natures of things as they really are ; and make him to admire nothing ; to be surpriz'd with nothing ; and not condemn every thing that is not cast in his own mold , or framed after his own mode and taste . thus he will not be offended with small matters ; nor be amaz'd to see contrary humors , opinions , or fashions , nor be like a man brought up in a bottle , see all things through one hole . it is also observable , that the more any one knows , the less is he ingaged in opiniatrety ; but this i only mention . . he that seeks truth , and to perfect his judgement , must endeavour to render himself indifferent , free , and disengaged , that he may be ready to pass his sentence secundum allegata & probata : which is chiefly by delivering himself from the power and dominion of all passions whatsoever . which is done by regulating the imagination ( for there is their beginning ) i. e. by subjecting it to reason and the understanding ; that it may not without consultation follow the suggestions of sense , and unruly motions of the appetite . and this is not difficult if the particular occasion can be foreseen ; but because that happens not frequently , it is requisite to set a continual guard over our weakest place , where we are most obnoxious to the enemy ; and to have a continuall magazine of such sober and , moderate considerations , as advice , reading , and experience will furnish . but if notwithstanding you cannot prevent these apprehensions , which indeed is difficult ; i mean for a man to stand so continually upon centry , his arms ready and fixed , and in his hands ; then at the time of the assault , retire ; let the motion spend it self in vaine , and suffer it not to fix upon the object . but at the worst , play an aftergame . if anger v. g. have prevailed against you , force your self to beg pardon ; and let shame and ( especially voluntary ) punishment , & penance , bring wrath to reason . so against insolence contradict your own , tho lawfull , desires another time , and do contrary to what you most affect . in sum , observe your own inclinations ( for accidental passions are not so dangerous ) and watch over them diligently ; which is also better and easilier performed , if you can procure a faithful monitor to assist and advise you . next set not your affections to much upon any thing whatsoever , even not upon the public , or works of charity which are not necessary ; pursue nothing with eagerness and engagement . and think not , when you have conquered three or foure times , that the war is ended . passions are much the weaker by being overcome ; but take heed they rally not . qui sani esse volunt , ita vivere debent , ut perpetuo curentur . good counsel . is not to be taken as physic , but as nourishment , continually received , ruminated , and digested . and lastly , when you are foiled , put some penance upon your self , and resolve upon greater diligence for the future . and using these means , doubt not , by gods blessing , but to arrive in time to a sedate tranquillity of mind and a clear understanding of the truth , a condition not more advantageous to the possessor , then grateful to , and admired by , them with whom you converse . . the last means i propose of acquiring a good judgement , is consideration , weighing , or thinking much upon the probabilities of both sides ; and that not onely at the present , when the mind is engaged and concern'd in , and for the business ; but at leisure , suppose at night , when you recollect what you have done all the day ; for then the mind is free to review , and revise her own actions . he that useth this , will find in himself other thoughts and conceptions then he can possibly imagine , and he will see the same difference as is betwixt looking into muddy , and clear , water . hence it will follow that much busines is a great impediment to him that desires to perfect his judgment ; nemo occupatus bonam mentem invenit . sen. an experienc'd person is capable of engaging himself in many emploiments , but a beginner must not ; nor in any one busines that taketh up his whole time : for by that means indeed he may be well skilled in that one thing ; but he cannot arrive at the largenes and comprehensivenes required to true wisdom . again , whatsoever conduceth to heighten , and , as i may say , to spiritualize , the soul , is also advantageous to wisdom . and this nothing doth so much ( of the several parts of learning and sciences i have spoken before ) as devotion or contemplation ; which is a borrowing of light immediately from the sun ; and a lifting and raising up the soul to god ; who of his infinite goodnes hath made the reward of his service in some sort the effect of it also . now the first consideration a wise man fixeth upon , is the great end of his creation ; what it is , and wherein it consists : the next is of the most proper means to that end : afterwards he weighs the difficulties and hinderances , he is likely to rencounter in his obtaining that end . after which he weighs all particular occurrences , how they conduce to , or at least agree , with that end , and those means so chosen . but for these , i refer you to such authors as have spoken expressly concerning them . chap. xiv . of travelling into forreign countries . . the advantages of travel are , . to learn the languages , laws , customes , and understand the government , and interest , of other nations . . to produce confident and comely behavior , to perfect conversation and discours . . to satisfy their minds with the actual beholding such rarities , wonders , and curiosities , as are heard or read of . it brings us out of the company of our relations , acquaintances , and familiars ; making us stand upon our guard , which renders the mind more diligent , vigorous , brisk , and spiritful . it shews us , by consideration of so many various humors , and manners , to look into and form our own ; and by tasting perpetually the varieties of nature , to be able to judg of what is good and better . and it is most useful for those , who by living at home , and domineering amongst servants , &c. have got an habit of surlines , pride , insolence , or other resty and slovenly custom . as also for those , who are entangled with unfitting companions , friends , loves , servants . for those , who are seized upon with the vices of their own country , such with us are drinking , rusticity , sowrnes in conversation , lazines , &c. and then , every one must be sent into the place most proper to reform him ; as drunkennes is not much used in france ; less in italy and spain . debauchery with women not so frequent in germany , flanders , &c. gaming is common every where , but less in italy . quarrelling dangerous in italy , and spain . prodigality is often helped by setting a certain allowance , in a place where he cannot be trusted , where he is necessitated to live within his compass ; or in prison ; or shamefully run away without paying his host . it is also profitable for all persons learned , inquisitive , and curious : who , by the conversation of learned men , and use of books unusual with us , and libraries , may very much augment their knowledg , as well as their experience . . i would not advise any young man to go abroad without an assistant or governor , a scholar : one able to instruct him in such ingenious arts , as are fitting for him to know ; to chuse his companions ( else a young man left to himself , not having to employ his time , must of necessity fall to debauchery , and evil company , who are alwaies ready to seize upon young straies ; ) to assist him in sicknes , or any other necessity ; to advertise him of his failures ; to exact the performance of his studies , exercises , and emploiments ; to husband his allowance ; to keep him company , and furnish him good discourse , and good example . . whoever would have his son molded upon the form of such a nation , must send him thither young ; that his tongue may be plied to their language , and his whole carriage imbibe , by imitation , their manner and fshion , before tincted with any other . but if that design be not regarded ( as i conceive it not very convenient for any one to quit his own country customs , [ customs , i say , not vices ] ) then it is better to travel when they arrive at some judgment , to discern better from worse ; when able to furnish discourse , and by that means enter gratefully into conversation . whereas being sent young , and having no knowledg or experience , they cannot advantage themselves abroad , but are there in a kind of amazednes ; variety of objects , which they neither understand , nor value , confounding , rather then edifying , them . and truly i conceive the cheif reason , why travellers have so little ( especially good ) conversation of the natives , to be , because of the jealousy they have of young travellers ; that nothing is to be advanced by their conversation worthy the trouble of their bad language , impertinent discourse , silly questions ( for such those demands seem to be , which concern things to them familiar and obvious ) and frequent visits . methinks therefore , it were better every one to be educated at home , to the subjection and obedience of his own country laws , and customs ; ( except the laws and government be subverted , as they lately were ; and except there be some such nation in the world , as admire all laws and customs but their own . ) etcocles would not give hostages to antipater of the youth , but of grown men. and the persians , when wanting a king , they sent for some of the royall family , then hostages at rome , were afterwards displeased at , and cut them off , as not agreeing with the manners and customs of their country . besides 't is better they should stay , till by instruction and study they have arrived to a capacity of employing their time profitably and delightfully by themselves ; without being ( as too many are ) forced to seek divertisement with others : then leave their country at that age , when they should be habituated and molded into the laws of it . and this is the reason , why not knowing their native duty , and living as strangers , licentiously , and not according to the best examples abroad ; they bring home instead of solid virtue , formalities , fashions , grimaces , and at best a volubility of talking non-sense , &c. yet some , perhaps , think them then well educated ; and that forreign vanity is preferable to home-discretion . this is also the reason why they are forced , for passing their time , to apply themselves to such conversation as they can find ; and good company being very rare and shy , but bad alwaies ready , and offering themselves , 't is no wonder if they run into extravagant expences , as well as evilnes of manners . or if they escape these , then the fencing , dancing , and language-master catch them , from whom picking up some scraps and shreds of discourse , at home they vent them for laces and rubans . or at best of all , they sow but gape-seed , which , if well husbanded , yeilds them a goodly crop of wonders in their own country . . exercises commonly learn'd in travel are dancing , fencing , riding , to which some add vaulting , and anciently swimming , ( for which reason suetonius takes notice of it as a strange thing , that c. caligula , so good at other exercises , could not swim : he observes that augustus instructed himself his grand-children to write and swim ; swimming also was publicly taught at athens ) music , and designing . and these , i conceive , might as well , if not better , be learned in our own country ; were it not either for the sloth or opiniatrety of our nation . the use of dancing and fencing is sufficiently , if not too much , known ; riding renders him master of the noblest and usefullest of all beasts ; vaulting makes the body active , but else is not of so great use as wrestling were , if in fashion ; or swimming ; which is both more healthful , and many times proves to be of great consequence and necessity . music i advise not ; since to acquire any considerable perfection in it , takes up too much time ; and to understand little of it , is neither graceful , satisfactory , nor durable . to thrum a guitar to or italian ballad tunes , may be agreeable for once , but often practised is ridiculous . besides i do not remember to have seen any gentleman , tho very diligent and curious abroad , to qualify himself with that skill , but when he came to any maturity , he wholly rejected it . designing i advise to , but only as a parergon , not an emploiment . and the small mathematics strangers learn in france serve to little , besides getting mony to the teacher . rules in travelling . . be very careful with what company you associate upon the way in pension , lodgings , &c. but make no such familiarity ( except you have of a long time tried the person ) as not to leave your self liberty to come off when you please . neither be ready to make or accept assignations of meetings , at taverns , &c. especially be not the first motioner . much time is lost , ill acquaintance got , mony spent , and many mishaps come by it . besides they beget and draw in one another , the most idle alwaies contriving to twist in another meeting . . suspect all extraordinary and groundless civility of foreigners , as a design upon your purse ; and what mony you lend upon the way to strangers , count it given , not lent . nor ever declare what mony or jewels you have ( of which notwithstanding you ought to have a reserve , not to be touched but upon extraordinary occasions : ) but alwaies make your self poorer then you are . . make even with your host for pension , and all other demands , at the end of every month , and take his hand to an acquittance ; for by that means you hinder all after-reckonings ; and they are wont , at your leaving them , to pick some quarrel , or seek some pretence upon you to get more of your mony . and so upon a journy , when you are not at an ordinary , reckon with your host after supper . and where you never mean to return , extend your liberality at your first coming , or occasionally as you have need of them , and defer it not till your departure . . injuries from strangers , especially in their own country , are easily , safely , and discreetly , put up ; but never safely revenged , where they have more friends , and power , then your self . especially beware of intrigues with women : infinite quarrels and tragedies have begun there . . for health , without which you can do nothing . when you begin ( especially a long journy ) for three or four of the first daies , or meals at least , abate a third of your ordinary eating , the like do also at your arrival to rest , tilll your body be somewhat accustomed to the alteration . in travelling , especially in hot weather , drink as little as you can ; especially by the way , for that increaseth your thirst , heateth , and disposeth you to a feaver . mix water with wine , but water alone to one subject to thirst , makes him more thirsty . . if you find your self indisposed , of feaverish , throw in a glister , miss a meal or two , cover your self well in bed , that your body may transpire or sweat , or else let blood . but if it seems by your wearines , unquietnes , disturbed sleep , high pulse , pain , &c. that it tends to a real sicknes , call the physician betimes . . have with you a little venice-treacle , or some such antidote ; that if you eat any bad meat or drink , go to bed presently after supper , or find any thing heavy on your stomack , or be tired with a long , wet , or tedious journy , by taking a little of it , you may restore your self . lucatellos balsom also ( if well made ) serves against ulcers , wounds , aches , galls , bruises by falls , and like accidents . . if your occasions require you to voiage in hot weather , be very careful to preserve your head from the heat of the sun ; be very abstemious in your diet , and take the best care you can , your body be open . accidental heat also is best expelled by transpiration . . drink not before you eat , for that quencheth appetite ; nor at any time without eating , especially no mornings drinks , and beware of raw fruit , the most pleasant and newly gathered commonly is worst ; corrected much by eating bread with it . . temperance , chastity , and moderate exercise are the great advancers of health and long life . de resto in every country observe the rules of health , practised by the discreetest inhabitants . chap. xv. of prudent chusing a calling , or state of life . upon the discreet choice of our calling , or state of life , depends our whole content and felicity : for if we chuse that which is agreable to our inclinations and abilities , both of body and mind , we work cheerfully , our life is pleasant , and we are constant to our purposes . but if , capable of better , we chuse a worse and lower , we espouse a continual vexation : if we aime at what is above our capacity , we despond and despaire . players fit their parts to their persons ; and let us exercise our selves in what we are most fit for . and if necessity force us against our inclinations , let us use diligence to comply with it as hansomely as is possible : and at least avoid vice , rather then pursue things which are not given us . . in all our actions , the principal guide we have is the end ; as in travelling the place whither we are to go directs the way . and since we have , by the law and condition of our creation , one principle ( reason ) in us , which doth , or may and ought uniformely to produce all our operations , we may also have them all directed to the same scope and intention . we are indeed composed of body and soul ; and the body is guided by sense ; but the soul ( the better part ) doth , or ought to govern the body , and it self be governed by reason illustrated in christians by gods holy spirit . . they who aime at nothing but satisfying their sense , are such as either , . never look before them , but live in diem , without care or prudence , passing their time in mirth and jollity , without design or consideration , except to contrive that to morrow may be as this day ; or to escape some present pressure and difficulty which interrupts their delights . or . do indeed advise and propose an end , but such a one as is either not obtainable ; or if obtained , not satisfactory , universal , or durable . such are pleasures , riches , and honours . any , or all , of which to be made the principal and ultimate end of our actions , is great folly and madnes . for neither will they avail us in sicknes and the calamitous parts of our life ; whereto also they often engage us ; and , in the prosperous , they are not in our power to command them when we please ; nor keep them when we have them ; nor do they satisfy us , if we keep them . they grow tedious and burdensom , subject us to cares , sorrows , envy , and dangers : and there is somewhat better , which is not liable to these exceptions . . beasts do not deliberate , but work out of instinct of nature ; all of one kind the same way ; ( wherein they may be somewhat perfected , but not changed ) without any general end or intention of their living or acting ; tho they have some little particular ends of some of their actions . but deliberation is a considerate weighing of all reasons pro & con , such an end , and the means to obtain it . i. e. how a man shall employ those powers and faculties , which god hath given him , either by nature or his own acquisition , to that purpose , for which god hath given them . for there is one certain end , which all men may , and ought to propose as most agreeable and proper for their nature and condition . . this intention , which will sustain a man in all estates and conditions , which will have an influence upon his whole life and actions , which is a rock , whereon he may safely build in all conditions and accidents , is : to do as much good as he can , both to himself , and others . which the holy scripture calls glorifying god ( a phrase demonstrating the reason why this is the universall end of our nature ) because that god created us all ; and gave us our being and all that we have ; and this not for our own sakes , for no rational and intelligent workman doth so , but for his own sake : who is glorified when his works answer his intention . he being also the universal good of all creatures , what ever good we do , is a corresponding to , and as it were an assisting , him ; a propagation of his interest , and consequently a fulfilling of that end for which he made us . . this is performed severall waies , as . by serving him in his own house , being members of his family , i. e. officers in his church , or ecclesiastical persons , whether active or contemplative . . by serving him in the common-wealth , in actions of charity : and that , either as magistrates , or private persons . in both which good is to be done by example , advice , counsel , commanding , governing , rewarding , punishing , liberality , assistance of the weak and poor against oppression , &c. in all which the magistrate hath greater opportunity and obligation to do good , then private persons . many of these good actions also cannot be performed without wealth and reputation ; and riches , if with due moderation and justice , to this purpose desired and employed , are very good . for , these being the measure of all things in the commerce and conversation of mankinde , t is impossible for him that deals amongst men , to be without them , and for him who is in an active life , and to do good , to be without a considerable proportion of them . and his reputation ( i do not say popularity , but the good opinion of wise and virtuous persons ) every one is bound to preserve , and to provide thimgs honest in the sight of men also . so much pleasure also is to be allowed as is necessary to keep up the body in health and cheerful vigor ; which the wise creator also hath appointed , in that he hath joyned pleasure to natural actions . . in chusing a calling therefore ( the fitnes whereof is only in order to our glorifying god , i. e. our own salvation ) consider . the advantages or disadvantages to our end , or its contrary . . the temtations we are likely to undergo and meet with . . what strength , assistance , or hopes we have to overcome them . but because it is not possible to judg of these but by experience , which the deliberant is supposed not to have , but in some lesser measure ; it is therefore necessary for him , to ask advice first of god , then of wise , upright , and experienced persons . and . those who have an excellent faculty , or genius , to one thing above others , seem to be by god called to that . . those , who are by their parents , or own choice , educated in one thing particularly , and find it agreeable to them , may safely acquiesce , and be persuaded , that calling is from god ; as may also those , who have as it were an hereditary calling , being born to riches , and honors , may safely acquiesce in it , i say , provided they can overcome those temtations of offending god , which do usually accompany it . as all callings have some , and some very many more , and greater than others . . those , who upon any rational grounds embrace such a calling , wherein they are perswaded they can serve god , and live charitably , and do good to their neighbors , may safely conclude that they are called by the ordinary providence of god ; who is also the giver of reason to assist and govern us in those things , which fall under its cognisance . . some , also , god almighty calleth extraordinarily by his prophets , ministers , or internal inspirations , exciting to somewhat extraordinary , either in spiritual , or secular emploiments . concerning whom we can give no rules . . many men are not capable to chuse for themselves , being of weak judgments , unexperienced , biassed with some vice or irregularity : these are to submit to the counsel of their friends ; and the most disinteressed , and nearest a kin , are the likeliest to give best counsel . . it is in vain for him to ask advice that is not indifferent to all , or most of them ; at least so much as to be without prejudice , or to refuse any proposed , and not to love or hate any so much , but to be ready to change his passions upon the information of better judgments . unindifferent are those who are preingaged . as for married persons , it is in vain to consult about single life . for then , they can only deliberate how to glorify god in a married estate . and if an estate be ill chosen , but irremediably , accuse not god almighty for the ill choice , but seek to amend it by more virtuous and pious living . . going to chuse , therefore , place your self as much as is possible in equilibrio ; and resolve to chuse the best as near as your own discretion ( the assistance of gods spirit implored ) and the advice of friends , shall suggest unto you , the best , i say not simply , but the best for you ; considering your parts , inclinations , bodily health , and strength , exterior advantages , and the like . and . consider that , tho no man is obliged under guilt of sin to undertake the absolutely best calling or estate ; and that god almighty hath not so made man for eternals , that he hath no care for temporals ; yet in prudence , and if he have a design of attaining christian perfection , he ought to make choice of that which he conceives the better . . that as every man is to give an account of the calling wherein he is , and not of another : so a man is rewarded that lives and doth better in a less perfect state , then he that doth less well in a more perfect ; yet a more perfect state is to be preferr'd , which affords more advantages of doing well , or better . . that tho there is no lawful estate , wherein heroical virtues may not be exercised ; yet these are much more easily and frequently practised in some then others . . that since contraries are so mingled in all our affairs ; that nothing is so good , that it hath not some inconveniences joined with it ; nor any so probable as that somewhat may not be said to the contrary ; you are not to defer your resolution , till all difficulties be cleared , and you be able to answer all things to the contrary ; but it sufficeth to embrace that which is most probable . . that , if your election be thus made , i. e. with indifferency , unpassionatenes , and sincerity , seek not to change , but settle your self quietly in it : and make account that whatever you chuse , you will sometime or other repent of it , i. e. when you find the unexpected inconveniences and hardships of your own , and the seeming ease and conveniences of another . the sincerity of your choice needs not be doubted of , if you chuse purely for the love of god ; if you would have advised your friend to the same course of life ; and if you would be content , when god shall call you , to be found so doing . . an old man in vitis p. p. being demanded of one , what he should do , answered ; our works are not all of the same sort . abraham was hospitable , god was with him . david was humble , god was with him , &c. therefore , what you find your soul inclined unto , so as it be according to godlines , that do . it is true that one calling hath more opportunities of glorifying god , and of glorifying him more , i. e. with nobler and sublimer actions . all men are not alike capable of those heights ; and by him , who after due consideration , probably conjectures that he shall do very well in an active , and but meanly in a contemplative , life , here the active doubtless is to be preferred . . if you have made choice of an estate less advantageous , which you may change , be sure to advise well before you do so ; for many times wearines & inconstancy advise a quitting of that , wherein it is really better for you to continue . . tho there be no state , but may be more or less dangerous , or convenient for one then another ; as where god gives greater strength and plentifuller grace there is less danger from temtations ; yet those states seem to be in themselves best , which are not subject to so many temtations ; which have the fewer avocaments from religion ; which have more incentives to , and occasions for , piety ; more good examples , more leisure for devotion , more severity towards our selves , more , and more heroical acts of virtues , which approach nearest to the life of our lord , and which shew most gratitude towards almighty god. . tho god supplieth grace sufficient to every one for his estate , and he that fails of his duty doth it by his own default ; yet he , who casts himself into temtations , cannot promise himself to be assisted by god. s. paul adviseth younger women i. e. such as will put themselves in frequent dangers or temtations of not living continently , rather to marry . temtations are from company , health , bodily strength , wealth , bad inclinations , as to ambition , covetousnes , opiniatrety , desire of liberty ; opportunity of time , place , &c. . from the consideration of which , and such like , these rules may be taken notice of , a good natur'd facil man is not fit for such an emploiment , wherein he must necessarily converse frequently with evil persons . a melancholic person is not fit to undertake a profession of much study or solitarines . a timorous spirit is not fit for magistracy . a covetous person is not to be a merchant , or banquier . a man of bodily strength and choler will not be a good officer in war. the sleepy and drowsy are best employed in a calling , wherein is much bodily activeness . a rash man not to be entrusted with a great affair , especially in war. . let no man easily perswade himself ; that , what ever his calling be , his thoughts will be different from the rest of mankind , that is in that calling ; for all men are alike ; have the same principles of thinking and acting , and the same way of deducing from , and acting by , them . particularly let no man think ; that magistracy will change him , to the better especially : look at his actions and conversation in his private life ; such will he be also in his authority . and therefore let him not upon such confidences hastily take upon him a calling , in which he sees in general great inconveniencies or dangers , to the preserving of his virtue , or innocence . . if you be consulted concerning a person , either very inconstant , passionate , or vitions , give not your advice ; it is in vain : for such will do only what shall please themselves . never advise any one to a calling , which is much against his will , or inclination . of education . part ii. chap. i. of civility . in this second part , are thrown together a miscellany of observations concerning several , the most usual occurrences in active life . such as enter not into any art or science , but are the result of experience in the conversation and affairs of this world. i begin with civility , as being the first to be learned and practised ; and tho many rules of it seem plain and obvious , such as are fit to be insinuated into the practise of children ; yet are they not to be neglected , but to be neal'd into youth , that they may not through defect of them , miscarry in their age , as many great persons have done , who trusting to their justice and severe virtue , have bin ruin'd for neglect of compliance and civility . for tho serpents are greater poysons and presenter death , yet more men are destroied by their irregularity in eating and drinking . and small wounds , if many , are mortal . to be couragious , bountiful , and just are indeed much greater and nobler then to be of an agreeable conversation : yet is this as useful , for it is in continual practise , the other rarely and upon occasion : besides other virtues have need of somewhat to maintain and exercise them . justice will have power , liberality , wealth , &c. but this is set up with no other stock then a few pleasant looks , good words , and not-evil actions . all men are in some sort disparata ; and even these , who are under the relations of superiority and inferioty , yet , those obligations being satisfied , as to all other matters , account themselves as equals . and tho laws punish not the resty and froward , yet are they chastised by the loss of that good-will and freindlines which good-behaviour gains ; most men having greater aversenes to the incompliant then the vitious . wherefore it is necessary for every one , that would bring his purposes to effect , ( which cannot be done without making use of other mens abilities ; and the greater the design , the more instruments are needful ; and those instruments also not inanimate or necessitable , but spontaneous and free ) to master the wills and powers of those he makes use of ; to make them , i say , to work cheerfully and readily for him ; which is by civility to let or insinuate himself into their good liking , and voluntary assistance . for he who cares not to live void of offence towards others , renders himself offensive and odious unto others ; consequently they comply not with him ; they act for him , if at all , by force either of reward or punishment , and therefore no more , nor otherwise , then they are constrained . thus , for want of civil address , many men of parts and virtue become useless in their generation ; but others by their surly and uncompliant humor , grow distastful in conversation , fall into contemt , whence follow affronts and quarrels . some also are forc'd upon low and mean company , and thereby bring a dishonor , not upon their persons only , but their family and parents ( who are look'd upon , as not willing or able to give them decent education ) and their country also , if they happen amongst strangers , who are ready to censure hardly of that nation , whose gentry are so little civiliz'd . . again , where there is much company , as in cities , &c. there is also great variety of humors and dispositions ; and a greater care of wary conversation ; as also where are persons of greater and more piercing spirits , or curiouser observers , as in courts , or amongst forreigners , who take particular notice of many things which continual practise makes us pass over . he who thinks to live contentedly or peaceably in these places without mortifying his own humor , and deposing his natural inclinations , is of a shallow capacity , or an evil nature . i. e. he is either of a savage , fierce , insolent disposition ; or of a stupid slothfulnes . both of them fitter company for beasts then men , and for deserts then cities . . wherefore , as justice bridleth our coveteousnes , and constancy our natural timorousnes , so doth civility our haughtines and presumtion : and as a good christian , for the glory of god , mortifies all his own passions and humors , and puts on those , which are for his purpose , and according to his intention : such i mean , as religion and reason suggest : and as a good courtier , for his interest complies with every one ; alwaies gay , cheerful and complaisant , without any humor of his own , only borrowing that of the company . so in like maner , every civil person doth the same , so far at least as to avoid all offending those with whom he converseth . . for civility consists in these things , . in not expressing by actions , or speeches any injury , disesteem , offence , or undervaluing of any other . . in being ready to do all good offices and ordinary kindness for another . and ly in receiving no injuries or offences from others . i. e. in not resenting every word or action , which may ( perhaps rationally ) be interpreted to be disesteem or undervaluing . indeed our reputation , which is onely pretended in this case , ( were it really in danger ) yet is not of such consequence many times , as peace and quietness ; but we are ordinarily unjust and partial judges of our own concerns , never looking upon our selves but with love and value . but however our patience is certainly a rewardable virtue ( but whether the correction of a misdoer will reuscire well , is a difficult question ) and is that so much recommended by our lord , of forgiving trespasers against us . . civility is not , therefore , punctuality of behaviour : i mean that which consists in certain modish and particular ceremonies and fashions , in clothes , gesture , mine , speech , or the like ; is not using such discourses , words , phrases , studies , opinions , games , &c. as are in fashion in the court ; with gallants , ladies , &c. this is a constrain'd formality , not civility ; a complying with the times , not with persons ; and varieth with the age or season , frequently according to the fancy of mechanic persons , in their several professions : whereas the rules of civility , founded upon prudence and charity , are to perpetuity unchangeable . i speak not here of such ceremonies as are by duty required towards our superiors , either in gesture , speech , or other address . those are not in our disposing to omit or alter ; custom our great master hath imposed them , and that rationally , for the ease of the magistrate , and to make his commands current , and we ought to obey without dispute or pleading . nor of such as are used generally in conversation , whereof also i advise every one to be rather liberal and give some of his own , then retrench any of what is due . but of such as by particular persons ( who either would seem modish and perfectly civil , or would hide their poverty of understanding and discretion under the vail and varnish of mode ) studied and affected . whereby themselves think to insinuate into the favor of those with whom they converse ; but those imagine themselves esteemed as weak and easy , that are to be moved with such trifles ; and ( as some women ) are thought to be taken with rubans and fancies more then real decency . . compliments also are another thing , serve to a contrary end , and proceed from a different cause . civility from sincerity and virtue ; these from duplicity , and deceit . that makes friends , these unmake and hinder them ; that distinguisheth one man from another , these involve all in an equal adulation . they consist in praising immoderately , and pretending greater love and friendship then either is deserved by , or intended to , him , to whom they are offered . he that useth them , beleiveth not himself , nor would have his auditor believe his expressions ; but i know not what greatness of affection : he is alwaies offering and promising , never performing ; asking pardon where there is no offence or necessity , but when it is commanded by god and reason , he will dye rather then demand it . these are imaginary services ; notional , impertinent , humiliations ; a solemn non-sense ; an abusing of language , and putting together many good words to signify nothing . the use of this traiterous discourse ( if any be ) is to hide a mans-self ( as juglers and mountebanks ) in a cloud of good words , that the auditor may not discover more of him then himself pleaseth . or as trades-men keep you still in talk , lest you should too narrowly examine the wares they would put upon you . officious lies they are , licensed by custom , and like the unproportionable garments , are faults of the age . neither is flattery ; encouragement to , or accompanying , in vice , or error ; consenting to any thing prejudicial to a third person ; a permitting to offend , or actually sinning , or the like ; any part of civility . for this consists not but with severe justice , real charity , and solid discretion . . and therefore it , as all other virtues , requires an early initiation , and continual practise to arrive at a perfect habit of it . it concerns also parents and educators to see that the educated converse as much as may be , with his equals or superiors ; not with servants or mean persons , lest he put on their manners , and playing rex amongst them , he become apt to undervalue all others , and so become insolent . it behoves them also to give him no evil example by themselves , or others ; but propose such precedents , as they desire the young man should copy . in france , fathers are wont to carry their children , when youths , with them to visit persons of quality , to shew them how such demean themselves , and to procure them a convenient boldnes . mothers also in italy teach their little children pieces of dialogues or plaies by heart ; which they render and recite in their presence , and are taught by them graceful address in saluting , speaking , &c. they also send their children frequently in errands , and visits to their kindred or neighbors ; teaching them what to say , what titles to give , what answers to make to the demands most likely to be asked , somewhat also to furnish discourse , &c. . the young man himself also , ought , as he grows in age , to observe the actions of others , especially of his equals , and of such as are most reputed for civility ; and to note what becomes or misbecomes them . also , what is practised by most , by persons of higher quality and by persons of maturity and judgement . he must also watch over himself severely , and once a day , at least , call himself to acount of his speeches and actions . and also procure some friend to observe , advise , and admonish him of what is well , what ill , what might be better , done , or omitted . lastly observe such rules as these that follow , some of which are framed for youth , others for such as are growing up , or arrived to some discretion . . do nothing which may justly scandalize virtuous persons ; chiefly by any neglect of religion , as by undecent behavior in gods house , as seeking your ease , abandoning your self to laziness and lolling , gazing about you , frequent changing postures , covering your face or head . regulate therefore your self by the example of the best and most devout in the place you live . use not commonly or unnecessarily the name of god , or of the devil ; not passages of holy scripture ; not mocking or profaning holy persons , things or actions : not only because these things are sinful , but undecent also ; and practised only by persons of ill behavior , or mean condition . . do nothing that may offend anothers sense or imagination . to strike or pinch a man , is a clowns salutation . no carion , or excrement , is to be shewed to your companion , for you know not how squeamish he is . approach not your mouth so near in discoursing , as to offend or bedew any one with your breath , for all mens breaths are offensive . be not nasty in your clothes , or about your body , in much sweating ( except in time of war or action ) belching , biting , or cutting your nails , rubbing your teeth , picking your nose , or ears , handling any parts of your body which are not usually uncovered , nor those more then needs . sing not to your self , nor drum with your feet or fingers in company , as melancholic men do . grind not , nor gnash your teeth , nor scrape or make any sound to offend or interrupt others , not so much as lowd speaking , except where necessity . spit , sneez , cough , &c. from the company , and not loud , for decencies sake . . let your look be pleasant , composed , modest , confident . frowning is apprehended to be a sign of a cruel disposition , as is noted of caracalla . when you discourse with any person , gaze not upon him , as if you were taking his picture . nor fix your eyes constantly on any one object ; for that betokens impudency , or at best , amazedness , or contemplation , as staring doth folly . wandring and inconstant looks express madness , or unsetled thoughts ; winking ( if not a natural infirmity ) is the action of light-headed persons , as winking with one eye ( like shooters ) is of maliciousness and evil nature . a sharp and fierce look , is as one that is angry . to bite your lip is used in threatening ; to thrust out the tongue , is scurrilous . to sink the head into the shoulders , is laziness ; the head erect and backward , is interpreted pride and arrogance , as letting it fall on either side , hypocrisy . to go with folded arms , is sloth or melancholy ; and in this , it is a natural suggestion to keep the breast warm , and defend it from hypochondriac pain ; to set them a kembow is arrogance , and to hang them down , folly and lazines : to keep your hands in your pockets , or covered with your cloak , is a neglect of the company . a slow pace is proper to delicate and effeminate persons , an hasty one to mad men ; strutting is affectation , wadling is for the slothful and lazy , and in measure to dancers . speak not through the nose , nor with any affected or unhansom gesture , wrying the mouth , swelling the cheeks , lisping , &c. if you have not a pleasing pronunciation , recompense it with good matter ; and when speaking , cough not , nor use any interruption , for so do lyers when they invent what to say . a little laughter is permitted , moderate smiling commended . . there is a certain mine and motion of the body , and its parts , both in acting and speaking , which is very graceful and pleasing . greg. nazianz. foretold what a one julian ( afterwards called the apostate ) would prove , when he saw his hasty , discomposed , and unseemly gestures . s. ambrose discarded a clerk , because of an undecent motion of his head , which he said went like a flail . on the contrary cn. pompeius , saith tully , ad omnia summa natus habebat in voce splendorem , & in motu summam dignitatem . this consists ; . in the proportion and harmony betwixt every mans person and condition ; as for a young man to be active and sprightly , not mimical and restless : a grave man slow and deliberate , not dull and sluggish . . in confidence , opposed to sheepish bashfulnes ; when one knows not how to look , speak , or move , sor fear of doing amiss ; but alwaies blusheth , and is not able to support an harsh word , a chiding , an angry look , without being altered . . in avoiding all affectation and singularity ; for whatever is according to nature is best , and what contrary to it , alwaies distastful , and betraies vanity and indiscretion , that knows not to imitate the best . nothing is graceful but what is our own . and therefore every one strives to work easily and freely , and with a seeming negligence , for such seems to proceed either from nature , or an habit . but constrainedness undervalueth an action ; as doth also seeming to do all with design and study . yet , affected negligence is worst of all . . in eating , at meals , the company is offended , if you eat with hands dirty , or unwashed after you have made water , or done any offensive action . if you hover over the plate or table , as an hawk over her prey ; if you handle others meat , be delicate , or take the best , or most , or formost , to your self . as the indian , that seeing at the other end a dish that pleased him , leaped upon the table to fetch it . if you feed with both hands for fear of loosing time , or keep your knife alwaies in your hand , or with the point upward : if you dip your fingers , or any thing you have tasted , in the sawce , or make a noise in eating ; cut or put into your mouth great morsels , or lick your fingers , or not wipe your mouth or spoon after eating . it is against health to swallow your meat unchewed , or greedily , or much , or much variety , or delicacies : and against civility to eat after others , to throw your bones or offal upon the floor , to gnaw your bones , to handle dogs , &c. at the table , to observe what and how others eat , to dispraise or praise immoderately the meat , or smell to it ; for if you suspect it let it alone , lest you offend others . present not to others what your self have tasted . drink not , nor talk with your mouth full , or unwiped , or glass full ; nor put the cup too far into your mouth as children do ; nor drink greedily , or so long that you are forced ( as horses ) to breath in your draught ; nor blow into any ones cup , or upon his victuals , tosts , &c. talk not at table any ungrateful or impertinent discourse , nor be angry with your servants , nor do any thing which may interrupt the cheerfulnes of the company . it is questioned whether it be civil to talk much at meals , because that hindreth the intention of the table , and it is not easy to avoid all offensivenes , especially in discouse about divinity ; the frequentest table-talk in england . in england , strangers tax us for drinking before we eat , against health ; drinking many in the same cup ; and many times the snuffs left by the former ; for eating much , much flesh , sitting long at meals ; not using forks but fingers , and the like . . in visitings is much more ceremony and civility observed in some places then others . the italians , and of them the romans , and neapolitans are most punctual . the greatest cause hereof is the avoiding of misinterpretations , and quarrelling . this hath begotten an art of ceremoniousnes , so full of subtilties and punctilios , that it is an emploiment to learn them . and therefore , tho in this country of great freedom and little jealousy , where persons of quality are neither so apt to give , or take , offence , they are unnecessary , or also unfitting ; yet it may be fitting to know how to entertain a stranger ; or how we are entertained by him , or by any other that expecteth or practiseth this accuratenes of ceremony . i have therefore set down the cheifest of their rules , for the most part out of the book called il maestro di camera , which is on purpose to instruct in those observances . women are not usually visited in the morning ; nor ambassadors , or persons of business , on the hour or day of their dispatch or emploiment . nor persons in the beginning of deep mourning ; and if visited , it is not expected they should use the accustomed ceremonies . nor sick persons till they can sit up in their beds , and put on their upper garments . women also have alwaies the upper hand , even in their own houses ; and are intreated not to stir out of the chamber of entertainment . it is better to give too much honor to any person then too little ; therefore better to carry himself as inferior to his equals , and equal to such as are not much inferiors . inferiors also , if of parts , are to be better treated , for parts are equal to honors or wealth . the more familiarly , the more honorably are inferiors , or equals treated , ( but superiors the less ) as to your table , to your bed-chamber , or closet , to your self in bed , dressing , or retired . neerest the wall in england and france ( i suppose because the cleanest ) is the honorabler place ; in italy the right hand , if two ; the middle place , if three , walk together ; because easiliest heard of both . to make signs to one to be covered , is superiority ; so is to turn the back first at parting , to accompany the departed but a little way ; whereas your equall you wait upon to the utmost door or gate , the superior to his coach or horse . the visiter ends the visit , but not in the midst of a discourse ; nor is he to stay so long as the visited seems glad to receive him ; but if he see his company much desired , he may come the oftner . visits of congratulation and condoleance the sooner the better . the uppermost place of a table ought not to turn its back upon the greatest part of the room , nor to the door where the meat comes in ; it should also have the window before , or at least on one side of , it . in making visits few things are observed ; but in receiving visits many : as , entertaining a superior or equal , he ought to be so clothed as to go abroad ; and drawing near to hasten his pace as if he would have gone further to receive him ; to meet a superior also at the bottom of the stairs , to accompany him to his coach. it being a general rule to accompany the departer one degree further then where you receive him . equals ( tho best received as you desire to be received by them ) are commonly received at the top of the stairs ; and the gentlemen meet them at the bottom . it is alwaies observed that the visiteds gentlemen attend one degree at least further then the patron . inferiors are received according to their qualities , some in the anti-camera , some three , some two , or one chamber off , or at the chamberdoor , or half the chamber of entertainment . only it is better to use too much , then to little , courtesy . with strangers , extraordinary civility and freedom may be used ; because they come but seldom , stay not long , and have no emulation with persons of your own country . an eminent person not knowing how to entertain a stranger , feigned indisposition , and received him in bed . if two send messages to have audience of compliment at the same time ; to the latter the patron commonly answers , that a b. is lord of himself and time , but that at the same time he expects such a one . if any one come to visit , whilst his superior is entertaining , ordinarily he is conducted to another room , where he is entertained by the gentlemen ; or if of lower rank , he staies in the anti-camera . if an equal come to visit , whilst an equall is in the room , the patron asks leave of the present , and leaving a gentleman or two to keep him company goes to receive the new comer . to persons of quality , audience is given with the portiere ( or hanging that covereth the door on the outside ) down ; public audience with it open ; yet if then a person of quality come , it is also let down . likewise at their entrance and departure the whole door must be opened ( all their doors being made double : ) it being an action of great superiority to give but half a door . seats also ought to be set ready before the visitants enter ; and chairs with arms are more honourable then those with backs only : and these then stools . the visitants or principal seat is to be set in such manner as it may look full upon the door of entrance , and the greatest part of the room ; the patrons with the back towards the door . if many visitants equal , their seats are to be set one besides another , or ordered along the wall which hath the foresaid conditions . if two , their seats are to be set so as to have the door on their shoulders , and that on the right hand of the door is the better place . the m. de c. may deliver a message of compliment of a meaner person then the visitant : but he must be more careful if a message of business , except from an equal , or that it require hast . but all messages from the prince or superior are instantly admitted , and no message must be whispered to the patron in company with equals , but spoken aloud . if there be many visitants , and one depart before the rest , the patron leaveth the rest and accompanieth the departer . and if whilst he is conducting an equal , another equal enters ; he entertains the new comer a while with the departer ; then recommending him to some of his gentlemen to conduct him to the place of entertainment , he accompanieth the departer , and then hasts to the other . when visitants are ready to depart , the patron maketh a noise with his foot or chair , that the attendant may understand to lift up the portiere ; but he ought not to command him , or to do any thing which may shew superiority in his own house . but if there be need of any thing , to ask leave of the visitant to call for it . but visited by inferiors , he may call or do what he pleaseth . if the visitants stay till it be dark , the m. di c. causeth to be lighted and set up in the footmens station , a torch of white wax ; and in the other chambers , each two candles of white wax ; and in the entertaining room two or more , as shall be necessary , which are to be brought in by the gentlemen ; also two or more in the anti-camera must stand ready to be lighted , to be born by the gentlemen before the visitant when he departeth ; who yet are not to turn their backs absolutely upon him . at the hall door must be ready torches to be carried in like manner before him by the footmen , or pages if there be any ; four at least for an equal , six for a superior , &c. a man meeting his equal , or not much inferior , makes his coach stop ; the worthiest stops last , and departs first . a man in coach meeting his equal on foot , lights out of his coach , and when they part he walks on foot a while after ; and then remounts . for an inferior , he alights not , except he have business with him . a governor of a place , through which his equal is to pass , sends to invite him before he enter his jurisdiction ; and if his invitation is accepted , he sends to meet him . or . miles , some of his gentlemen in coach ; and so others as he draweth nearer ; when near , the governor goes to receive him in person ; or if he please to honor him , under pretence of taking the air , he may go abroad that way he comes , and so receive him as he pleaseth . . do nothing in a company where you design to shew civility , that resembles superiority , nor usurp upon their rights , nor do any thing whereby any of them may think you do not love , prize , or respect them . as do not your own busines , command or chide your servants ; assume not all the talke to , or of , your self , family , wife , &c. nor tell your dreams , when perhaps your best actions when waking are not worth the reciting ; censure not nor contradict the rest ; but cede to the major part . desire not the highest place , nor be troublesom with impertinent debasing your self by refusing to go first , &c. throwing the arms like a fencer , and spending time in being intreated to do what you desire . some are dainty and nice , that take exceptions if not saluted , &c. in due order , mode , &c. hence they become jealous , think themselves affronted , &c. those mens conversation is a slavery ; to be with them is to be in little-ease , and a man had as good handle venice-glasses . let them , i beseech you , enjoy themselves by themselves , their conversation is a rope of sand , and no cement of love and kindnes can ty you to them . . the beginning and end of conversation with every one , is salutation : nor must you break company , tho with intention to return speedily , except you first ask their leave . the inferior salutes first out of duty ; and so doth the visiter . modesty is more graceful then boldnes , boldnes then bashfulnes , bashfulnes then impudence . country people know not how to look , but think they do best when most extravagant . endeavor not to partake of other mens secrets , i. e. either letters , books , papers , discourses , &c. if any thing be given to another to read , take it not out of his hand , nor be hasty to see any curiosity the first ; nor be curious to know what any one is doing or studying , or with whom . whisper not with any in company , for the rest suppose you talk of them ; but if you have any private busines , take him aside after you have asked leave , and when none is discoursing : and when you discourse privately , eye no man of the company . when you walk to and again , turn your face towards your superior ; and if you meet a superior in a narrow way , stop , and press to make him more room , for it is an action of respect . beware of sullennes , melancholic , furious , silence ; as if you observed and censured what every one spoke or did . tho silence in a studious person may be tolerated . and if all the company laugh , do not you act the grave , nor be like a pump to yeild only what is forced from you . yet to be complaisant is not to eccho to what every one saith , or do whatever any other would have you ; to make up a number , and be a cypher in conversation . to comply with all is worse then with none , as much as contemt is below hatred . pride , insolence , statelines , imperiousnes , angrines , are not signs or qualifications of a gentleman , but the scandals of conversation , and proceed from a spirit of presumtion and want of breeding , which conceives it self to be above , better , wiser , then others ; and that he alone ought to be the rule , to which others ought to conform : that all others are wandring stars , himself only in the ecliptic . the greatest magnetismes in the world are civility , conforming himself to the innocent humors , and infirmities , sometimes , of others ; readines to do courtesies for all , speaking well of all behind their backs . and ly affability , which is not only to be used in common and unconcerning speech , but upon all occasions . a man may deny a request , chide , reprehend , command , &c. affably , with good words ; nor is there any thing so harsh which may not be inoffensively represented . consider , that the meanest person is able to do you both good and harm . esteem the faults you commit against others to be great ; those of others against you to be small . answer no man till he hath spoken , for those who are impatient to hear , are rash to censure : nor turn your back upon , nor correct , the speaker : depart not before he hath done , prevent him not by helping him out with what he seems to have forgot . tell not what comes into your fancy in the midst of anothers discourse , nor seem to know what he would say ; if you think fitting to interpose , do it not without asking leave ; else you hinder the discourse to be understood , and make what is said to be misinterpreted ; whence many unnecessary arguings , and confused tattles before the matter can be cleared . say not , i knew this before , but accept what is said as new , and in good part . be not magisterial in your dictates ; nor contend pertinaciously in ordinary discourse for your opinion , nor for a truth of small consequence . declare your reasons ; if they be not accepted , let them alone ; assure your self that you are not obliged to convert the whole world. it is also an uncivil importunity to clash with every thing we dislike , or to confute every thing we think is false : to formalize upon all the foolery and non-sense we hear . let us not contrast with the whole world , as if we were , universal reformers . in a controversy say not all you can , but what is necessary . also if what you report is not beleived , do not swear it , nor use any imprecations upon your self , nor lay wagers , nor take your self engaged to defend it , or that he , who beleives you not , affronts you . so neither repeat the same things frequently over ; if the company harken not to you , let them chuse ; suppose it your own fault , who speak not what deserves their attention . if they understand you not , blame your self who either speak not clearly , or accommodate not your self to your auditory . after a man hath told a story in your presence , ask not , what 's the matter ; for that shews that you contemned the speaker , and minded not what was spoken ; besides you make him your inferior , to tell a tale as often as you are pleased to ask it . he that speaketh much , cannot speak all well . but indeed it is the dwarf-tree that bears the first fruit , and the emtiest that makes the most sound . besides it is an injury to the rest of the company , who expect to be heard , every one in his turn . yet better to speak much then nothing at all , except it be apprehended to be discretion . if you live in a place where the language is spoken in an evil dialect , do not affect to speak either purely , or badly , but as the best of that dialect speak . and avoid all big and hard words ; remember how the lyon crushed the frog , whom he saw so contemtible , after he had made so great a noise . all obscenity , whether in matter or words , proceeds from , and creates , evil manners ; and renders a gentleman contemtible . but amongst clowns he is most accepted , i. e. is the greatest clown , that useth it most . the pains we take to be pleasing ought to be spent only upon things honorable and of good fame . the reason why some words are immodest , others signifying the same thing , not , is : because these represent the displeasing object at a distance , through another light , and covered with another notion ; so that the offensivenes is not that which at first appears to the imagination ; ( so toads and vipers cause not that effect in us when seen a far off . ) it appears sometimes under a metaphor , or some other translatitious expression ; which is a corrective to the harshnes and unpleasingnes of the other . the same cautions prescribed in speaking , or greater , are to be observed in writing ; the neglect of their pens hath ruined very many ; and particularly the great master of civility , the author of galateo . for going to present to the pope a petition , by mistake he delivered a copy of licentious verses writ by himself : whereby he lost the popes favor , his own reputation , and all hopes of further advancement . chap. ii. of prudence . . the prudence here spoken of , is not that wisdom of the philosophers ; which , that we may live happily , would never have us experience sorrow , or trouble ; would reduce us to speculation , abstinence from emploiment , and a life abstracted from common conversation . that teacheth to menage action , public affairs and negotiation with others ; this shews how to escape inconveniences , and sufferings , by withdrawing from busines , and living with , and to , our selves only ; which that teacheth to avoid by discreetly governing , and regulating our actions . the philosopher perswades us to chuse the perfectest , i. e. the most quiet , innocent , retired , manner of life ; this prudence to live most perfectly , i. e. with the least inconvenience , or evil consequents , which may disturb our happines , in a common or active life . the one adviseth temperance by abstaining from all banquets , feasts , &c. this shews how to be abstemious , tho you come to them . the one tells us that the way to avoid danger , v. g. is never to go to sea ; this , since we are embarked , would have us govern our selves , and steer our course in the best manner . whether of these is better , i now dispute not ; but supposing a man to have already made choice of an active calling , then prudence is of great force ; to foresee all consequents , and avoid the bad ; to act effectually , and the shortest way ; to chuse the best means ; to menage crosses and hardships ; and to be content with what success god shall give . . signs of a wise man are these ; he rather hears then talks ; beleives not easily : judgeth seldom , and then not without great examination ; deliberates as long as his matter permits , and when resolved , is constant , and changeth not without solid reason ; therefore having deliberated , fears not to repent . he speaketh well of all ; defendeth the fame of the absent ; courteous , not flattering ; readier to give then ask or receive ; smiles rather then laughs ; is moderately grave ; honoreth his superiors ; attributeth the glory of good actions to his companions , rather then himself ; observes his friends , but doth no unworthy action for their sake ; is ready to assist and pleasure all , even the unknown ; yet without offending others ; considereth both events , that whatever happens , he may be like himself , neither exalted nor dejected ; avoids anxiety , melancholy , and morosenes ; what he doth , tho necessitated , yet doth it not as unwillingly , but makes a virtue of necessity ; is even in his carriage , true in his words , the same in shew and reality , and beleives so of others when he hath no reason to the contrary ; he admires none , derides none , envies none , and despiseth none , not the most miserable : he delights in the conversation of wise and virtuous persons ; profereth not his counsel , especially when he understands not well ; is content with his condition : nor doth any thing through contention , emulation , or revenge , but strives to render good alwaies even for evil . he laboureth to know so much , as to be able to depend upon his own judgment , tho he do it not . abi tu & fac suniliter . . a fool talks much , and little to purpose ; is angry without cause ; trusts any one ; is restless and still changing place , troubleth himself with what doth not concern him ; the more fool he is the more he understands other mens busines , his own the less , and therefore is alwaies ready to reprehend and advise , seldom to obey ; he discerns not when flattered ; but sensible enough to fancy himself abus'd . he desires without choice and discretion , and therefore is quickly weary of what he enjoies ; he resolves without advice , and therefore suddainly changeth , and that without reason . he is apt to refuse what he cannot avoid , desire what he cannot obtain , and repent what he cannot amend ; he laments the past , is exalted with the present , and negligent of the future . the first degree of folly is to think himself wise , the second to proclaim it ; and therefore he hath an answer ready to every question , and is never better by either counsel or affliction . as amongst wise men he is wisest that thinks he knows least , so amongst fools he is the greatest that thinks he knows most . . prudence depends upon experience ; without which no man , of ever so great capacity , can any more arrive to be a wise man , then a fruit to maturity , without time . and experience is either of other men , which we see , read , or hear , or of our own affairs . this is the harsher mistress ; and happy is he that can learn of the other , and arrive to perfection , tho in his old age . hence it is , that most men understand that only wherein they are most practised ; as many know what is to be done , but neither how to go about it themselves , nor to direct others ; such have much study , little experience . many can advise well , but themselves cannot act . many can menage a busines if not opposed ; and many better if opposed : as many are not able to beat or chaffer , tho they know the prices ; and many ignorant of the prices , yet bargain cunningly . for the rules of busines are the same , tho the subjects are divers ; conversing much makes a man bold and confident ; and engaging in busines fits for more busines ; and therefore it is no wonder that many citizens ( merchants especially ) prove wise-men , ( and in the late wars also excellent soldiers ) because much practised to treating , and negotiation . the like is also of lawyers . but many of both these professions , thereby accustomed to value small gains , contract such a narrownes of spirit , and tincture of interest , that it scarce ever leaves them . nor do i perceive lawyers fitter for state emploiment then merchants ; they having both particular trades , and differing , as to public government , no otherwise then an east india , or an hamborough , merchant , in reference to traffick . for tho the professing of law may seem to intitle to somewhat more knowledge in governing ( of which laws are the rule ) yet in effect it doth not ; because their practise and study is about just and unjust ; about meum and tuum ; the petit iuterests and controversies of particular persons ; not the government of a prince over his people ; or his negotiations with his neighbors ; which depend upon different principles , seldom considered by those who deale between private persons . besides that the tying of princes to the formalities of courts , tediousness of processes ; and casting the laws of government into the mold of the laws of private interest , must needs be great impediments unto it . . this prudence , you see is quite different from cunning , the advantage of fools , and wicked men , who mistake them for the same . for the prudent mans aime is to secure himself , and interest , ( the wisedom of the serpent recommended to us by our saviour ; ) to be in such a condition in all estates , as to be able justly , honourably , and openly , to make use of all opportunities , and occasions for his own advantage , toward the obtaining of the great end of his creation . cunning measures justice by escaping punishment , right by law , and wisedom by success , reputation by wealth or power , and the satisfaction of others by his own interest . a prudent man deals so sincerely , that he fears not the examination of his actions or purposes ; and is not afraid to have witnesses , if it were possible , of his thoughts . the crafty builds his house under ground , celat , tacet , dissimulat , insidiatur , praeripit hostium consilia , and in order to his own advantage he looks upon all other men as enemies . and to these purposes , he useth many artifices ; as taking advantage of the person , if in necessity , intangled in vice , fear of punishment , or discovery ; if in danger , humor , passion , any weakness or ignorance : he also watcheth the time , if in mirth , drinking , sorrow ; if inadvertent , if easy ; he makes use also of his authority , reputation , and superiority , to impose upon inferiors . he pretends great kindness and affection in general expressions ; or particular ambiguous ones ; or such as he will not be obliged by ; for he purposeth nothing ; nor hath he , or ever intends to have , any friend . but his great engine is a smooth tongue , and a competent stock of wit. . persons passionate , fanciful , intemperate , are wont to apprehend things strongly ; and so apprehended to beleive , and affirm to others , and act accordingly thenselves : and if such men be of reputation or power , they often do much harm . very wise men also are oftentimes too resolute , and obstinate in their opinions ; for being used to thinking , they apprehend much of their object , i. e. in a short time they overlook the reasons , circumstances , probabilities , collect consequences , &c. which actions familiarize the object to the faculty , and this renders the reasons of the contrary side , less probable . even as our conversation with a man breeds some degree of kindness and friendship to him , tho the man himself be not worth our acquaintance . wherefore every prudent man ought to be jealous and fearful of himself , lest he run away too hastily with a likelyhood instead of truth ; and abound too much in his own sense . . all estates are equall , i. e. men may be happy in every state . for security is equal to splendor ; health to pleasure , &c. every state also hath its enemies , for deus posuit duo & duo , unum contra unum . a rich man because rich ; the poor man hath as poor neighbours , or rich ones that gape after that small which he enjoyeth : beware therefore how you offend any man , for the offended joins against you ; and be sure you hate no man , tho you think him an evill or unjust person . nor envy any one above you ; you have enemies enough by your own state , make no more ; but rather , procure as many friends as you can to uphold and strengthen you . every man hath also an enemy within himself ; he that is not choleric is covetous , is facil , i mean by nature , for if he hath subdued these natural desires , 't is otherwise . nor can a choleric man say ; i am to be pardoned ; 't is natural to me ; such a one is not so . for that such a one hath also his infirmity , his inclination , which perhaps is harder to conquer then yours . besides what is according to nature , is seldome perceived by us ; a choleric man perceives not when he is angry , at least thinks it no great fault . therefore it is necessary to have an adviser . . all men , therefore are evil judges of themselves , and think they do well many times when they sin , and commit small errors when they are guilty of crimes . it is also in our life , as in arts and sciences ; the greater differences are easily discerned , but of the smaller moments onely the wise and skilful in the art can judge . many vices also , tho contrary , yet are like to virtues , the confines of both are the same ; and the exact limits and boundaries difficultly fixed ; as of pride and greatness of spirit ; religion and superstition ; quickness and rashness ; cheerfulness and mirth ; so of ambition and sufficiency ; government and tyranny ; liberty and licentiousness ; subjection and servitude ; covetousness and frugality ; and so of the rest . and yet prudence chiefly consists in this very exactness of judgement ; to discern the one from the other ; and give to every cause his proper actions and effects . it is therefore necessary for every one , that desires to be a wise man , to observe his own actions , and the original of them , his thoughts and intentions , with great care and circumspection ; else he shall never arrive in any tolerable manner to the knowledge of what he doth well or ill . and lest all this diligence should be insufficient , as the partiality to himself will certainly render it ; it is very requisite for him to chuse a friend , or monitor , who may with all freedom advertise him of his failings , and advise him remedies . such a one , i mean , as is a discreet and virtuous person ; but especially , one that thrusts not himself upon the acquaintance of great persons ; nor upon emploiments scandalous for opportunities of injustice ; that bridleth his tongue , and wit ; that can converse with himself , and attends upon his own affaires whatever they be . insinuare your self into a confidence with him ; and desire him to observe your conversation , and seriously and friendly admonish you of what he thinks amiss ; and let not his modesty rest till he condescend to you : for do not imagine that you live one day without faults or that those faults are undiscovered . most men see that in another , which they do not in themselves . and he is happy , who in the whole space of his life can attain to a reasonable freedom from sins ; and that with the help of old age also , that great dompter and mortifier of our lusts and passions . if he inform you , whether true or false , take it not patiently , but thankfully ; for the advantage is the same ( which is , to break the inordinate affection you bear towards your self , ) and be sure to amend : thus you both get a friend , and perfect your self in wisedom and virtue . when you consider , that you must give account of your actions to your vigilant reprover ; that other men see the same imperfections in you as he doth ; and that 't is impossible for a great man to enjoy the advantage of friendship , except he first disrobe himself of those qualities , which render him subject to flattery , i. e. except he first cease to flatter himself . a good confessor in religion will supply much of such a monitors work ; tho the one doth it judicially , the other only in familiar conversation . and how much more worthy is such a one of entertainment , then those , who come to your table to make sawces , eat your meat , censure their neighbors , flatter , and deride , you ? . if a friend tell you of a fault , imagine alwaies ( which is most true ) that he telleth you not the whole : for he desires your amendment , but is loath to offend you . and nunquam sine querelâ aegra tanguntur . . there is little or no difference betwixt not deliberating and deliberating in passion ; except that this is the worse , as engaging more , and more irrevocably in error . for he that being out of the way , is resolved to go on , straies the further . . the fore-game , a wiseman plaies , is to foresee and avoid ; but the aftergame is to carry himself with courage and indifferency . and therefore cato falling into a calamity , not by his own fault , should not have rid himself of it by a greater wickednes ; but by his constancy and generosity have shewed to the world , what a wise man should do in such a case . . all mens apprehensions naturally are alike : what one sees red , another sees not green ; and aloes is not better to one , and sweet to another ; and their first thoughts upon them are the same . and that one man is more learned , is not because he knows otherwise then another ; but it is because he knows more consequences , and more propositions by his greater industry and experience . the conceptions according to truth are alike and the same , but false are infinite ; wherefore if you find one man single in his judgment , be wary of him ; he either knows more then all others , or there is some ill principle in him . . no evil man but hath irregular passions ; which passions are offensive to evil persons , more then to good ; ( for good men are humble , complaisant , &c. ) therefore one evil man agrees not with , nor loves to deal with , another . . much of the trouble of this world proceeds from certain irregular humors and desires , which many men indiscreetly espouse ; and because they are innocent , they think them also prudent and rational . if other men endeavor to repress them as inconvenient , &c. 't is ill taken , and with trouble , and disquiet ; being these are not unlike to such as have antipathy to certain meats that exposeth them to needless passions , and impertinent affliction . . wisedom is made to rule , and yet magistrates generally are readier to make use of their power then wisdom ; of their will then reason . because it is easier , shorter , and complies more with the humor of mankind . yet the subjects prefer , and often expect , the other . . a great general where ever he travelled , went continually considering the situation of the country ; and casting with himself , what was to be done , if leading an army he should be assaulted there by an enemy . by which means he was alwaies provided against surprises . the same care doth every wise man take by pondering all the cases of danger and difficulty which may or are likely to occur in his emploiment . . every man hath a tender place ; which when touched by the hand of god , afflicts him , and he complains . and those , who are most engaged in the world , have more tendernesses , as riches , family , reputation , bodily infirmities , &c. wherefore a wise man provides before hand a stock of patience ; and fortifies the dangers by good considerations , and by taking off his affections and passions from them . . the things of this world seem greater at distance ; the things of the other world greater near hand . because those are fully known ; and comprehended alwaies with passions of love , fear , &c. for they enter in by the senses ; which , being natural , and not free , agents , work ad ultimum virium , and entertain their object as much as they can . besides , the objects are themselves clothed with many circumstances , pomps , and shews ; which make them seem great and taking : and without these they would be naked , and nothing . but spiritual things move only the soul and spirit ; which receives not without arguing and disputing , i. e. without something of truth , and rejecting appearances . wherefore a wise man is wary of the things of this world , and admits them not confidently . . creaturae dei in odium factae sunt , & in tentationem animae hominum , & in muscipulam pedibus insipientium . for that which is the occasion to wise and virtuous men of obtaining and doing good , is by their ignorance turned by fools to their disadvantage . indeed all things , even wise counsel , are by fools made either instruments or testimonies of their folly . chap. iii. of conversation and discourse . . conversation casual with many , voluntary with few , of busines to be denied to none . have many acquaintance , one friend , and no enemy . some keep company to spend their time , and saunter away their age ; such care not much with whom they converse ; nor is their company either grateful , or beneficial . others for pleasure and divertisement , to laugh and make themselves merry , and so pass their time . others for interest ; and that either honestly , or deceitfully , as by gaming , debauching , hectoring , overreaching , flattering , &c. . great care is to be taken in all conversation , for we must do as the ancients feigned of their lamiae , that within dores wore their eyes in their girdles but going abroad put them in their heads ; but still greater care is requisite in choice of such companions , with whom a man is to converse much , or a long time , or to trust with busines of consequence . as the italians say ; measure it a hundred times , before you cut it once ; at first standing upon your guard , till you discover their inclinations . and first , avoid , as much as you can , the company of all vitious persons whatsoever ; for no vice is alone , and all are infectious . of swearers , prophane , and blasphemers ; lest almighty god lay to your charge the neglect of his interest , and honor , in your presence uncontrolledly affronted ; whilst you are ready to resent and vindicate every small offence done to your self . of hectors , and those brutish persons ; who either for gain , or satisfaction of their bestial arrogance , care not whom they debauch or affront . insolent children of hell , ruiners of so many persons and families . of scoffers ; who put their own faults in the back end of the wallet , but discover all they know of others . with such no peace is durable . of a person scandalous either for profession , or manners ; for you run his hazzard , and espouse his disreputation . never expect any assistance or consolation in your necessities from drinking companions . . avoid also consorting with those who are much superior , or much inserior , to you : inferior , not only in degree and external quality , but especially in parts . tanti eris aliis , quanti tibi fueris . your own thoughts and designs will be such as your companions are ; and low fortunes breed many times degenerous purposes . he that makes himself an asse , 't is fitting others should ride him . and it is a very mean ambition to be the best of his company . with open , upright , plain dispositions as also with the cheerful and facetious , there is no difficulty in conversation ; except where they meddle too boldly with other mens lives ; but theirs is satyre , not calumny . with resty , froward , ill natur'd humors , who are hard to please , and think it grandezza to be harsh and parsimonious of good words , and supercilious towards their equals , few converse who intend not to gain by them . from all good natur'd persons , women , and drink , keep your secrets . and with such as are wholly bent upon their own interest , discours not upon what concerns their interest . . they who pretend to cunning observe , and make much of a rule , which i think it is not amiss to know , to beware of , and fortify against , but not to practise , it ; which is , to observe every mans imperfection , ( for few there are but have such a one ) and accordingly to apply themselves . as for example . with such as are swelled with conceit of their nobility or wealth , if they have busines , they give them respect enough ; if they have not , yet they pay them with their own coin ; no matter if they deceive themselves with the opinion that they are honored according to their merit or desire . . all humorous persons are weak , and conscious to themselves , that they stray out of the plain way of the reason of mankind ; for it is discretion and judgment that corrects out irregular fancies , and ( where virtue or vice intervene not ) conforms us to the common customs . wherefore he , that will take the pains to comply with , and seem to justify , their folly , rules them . . such as having imposed upon themselves certain laws of ceremonies , &c. would also oblige others to the same ; ( which proceeds many times from melancholy and not pride ) their weakness is manifest . . with morose persons , they deal freely , openly , and familiarly ; that they may think they see through their designs , and so they are stricken in the right vein . . those who are curious to pry into other mens matters , are commonly malicious ; no friendship with them , as neither with a proud , nor any angry , person . . with such as are in disgrace with superiors ; they converse not much , and are wary how they offer them help , &c. for they fasten as men drowning upon any shew of assistance . . with such as are in grace with the prince , they keep good correspondence , and seek their favor ; and tho mean persons , yet they despise them not , for they are chosen by his judgment . but they do as they , who in a dark night follow him that hath a torch , tho a rogue , or a beggar . . give no man just cause of offence ; nor resent too vively injuries towards your self . but if after your care to avoid quarrelling , you happen upon such brutes , as either to try your mettal , or out of a bestial love of injuriousnes , ( for such hectors this age hath brought forth in greater plenty , then any other i ever read of ) the best way is to resent it briskly ; and threaten seriously , at least ; if you do not chastize , the insolency , that makes injuring a profession . chuse therefore the conversation rather of ancient men , for their testimony is of greater force ; of such persons as are famed for virtue and wisdom ; ( for something is alwaies to be learned by them ) and such there are many , but they offer not themselves , but expect to be sought out , and admit not every application without choice . so much for conversation , it follows of discourse . men are commonly judged by their discourse , and therefore it is necessary for a wise man to regulate that , almost in the first place . discourse is either concerning . . raillery and mirth . . other mens lives and actions . . occasional , as history , news , &c. . erudition and edification ; or . business and interest of self or friends . . those , who take pleasure in exposing others to contemt and derision , either by imitating their actions , or imperfections , or by jeering and mocking them , avoid , as you would the heels of an horse , that kicks every one he can reach : if you cannot , take the part of the abused ; blame the action , spare the person ; or if the person be known , excuse the action ; if neither can be done , praise the person for some other good action or quality ; so have you an antidote against the poyson . indeed there is no greater enemy to peace and charity then the railleur . for , as ordinarily it is the sooty oven that mocks the black chimney ; so one jeer seldome goes forth , but it returns with its equal ; and they together beget a quarrel . besides , to abuse inferiors argues a mean and contemtible spirit ; superiors , is dangerous ; and a word often provokes them more then an action . to abuse a friend is to lose him ; a stranger , to lose your self in his and the worlds esteem . those mocks are most resented which touch a mans reputation , chiefly that of wit or discretion ; for of that even fools are chary ; and every one rather confesseth his forgetfulness , then ignorance . next those which are for particular actions , rather then in general , for they seem to have more of truth , these of wit ; which are of some secret imperfection ; which are of that wherein a man prides himself . since francis i. time ( who giving charles v. the lie , and challenging him to a duel , was refused ) the lye hath been counted a great affront ; and many exaggerations are made of that abuse . but had not that king ( perhaps in justification of his own rashness ) said , that he was not a gentleman that would take the lye ; i do not beleive that would have deserved a severer chastisement then other imputations ; i speak in conversation , for laws take no more notice of that then others . yet it seems , to condemn all raillery is to tether the wits ; and therefore if preserved in a mediocrity , it might be allowed . for it makes men stand better upon their guard , when they know that they are likely to hear again of their actions ; besides it inureth them to bear harsh words , and bridle their passions . but to railly hansomely is very difficult , for good jests are to bite like lambs , not like dogs , tickle , not wound . and therefore 't is requisite to have a third person of discretion , to stroak over the severer nips , and throw dust upon them , when being heated they begin to sting one another . also with small miscarriages and misfortunes , and such as happen without the parties fault , &c. you may be the bolder ; and with such as bring no shame with them , and such wherein many are concerned . the jeerer also must be content to tast of his own broth ; and the expert in this trade are wont to do ; as he , who having in his youth taken great liberty to railly upon married persons , in his declining age took a wife , where any one might have had her for his mony ; and the first entertainment of his friends was the discourse of his own marriage , to prevent all that could be said . in sum , jeers are only then good , when ex tempore ; when they seem to proceed from wit , not anger or malice ; when they are intended for mirth and pastime not calumny ; when you are pleasant with his error or mistake , not his shame ; and seldom please at second hand . but because these intentions are difficultly known ; because many persons are very captious and hasty ; and because at best it argues not a solid , and universal wit , but a peculiar dexterity and promtitude , which is frequently accompanied with want of good invention as well as judgment ; a discreet person will not much engage himself in it , nor render himself a fool to make others laugh ; but after he hath tried or times and finds not himself fit for it , let him never endeavor it more . . a kin to the railleurs are the drolls , who turn all to ridiculousnes . their censure see in sen. ep . . marcellinum nondum despero ; etiamnum servari potest , sed si cito porrigatur illi manus . est quidem periculum ne porrigentem trahat . magna in illo ingenii vis , sed tendentis in pravum . faciet ; quod solet ; advocabit illas facetias , quae risum evocare lugentibus possunt , & in se primum , deinde in nos jocabitur , &c. christians have greater arguments against this drollery ; that it grieves gods holy spirit , and is contrary to that seriousnes and consideration requisite to religion . that there is nothing so sacred or prudent , which by the petulancy of wit may not be made ridiculous , consequently contemtible , fit to be neglected and abolished . virgil we have seen publicly , and even the holy writings we heard to have been , travesty , by those who spare neither their souls nor reputation , to prove themselves buffoons ; and shew their abilities and ingenuity in folly . and this indeed is the great engine charged against heaven , the only and trusty weapon wherewith dirty potsheards ( disciples of julian the apostate , porphirius , epicurus , and the rest of that brutish heard ) bark and grin against a deity . when all true reason , and sober consideration as well as the other creatures justify their maker , yea when even the dogs revenged him upon lucian the great professor of scurrility and scoffing as well as epicurism and irreligion . but besides this disposition proceeds from a laschety and levity unbefitting any person of quality and emploiment ; and increaseth the same inclinations both in the droller and the auditors . for as a wit used to versifying is ready to put all its thoughts into rime ; or a mathematician is presently reducing all his fancies to somewhat in those sciences ; every one casting his thoughts into that mold whereunto they are accustomed : so do drolls reject all serious notions , and accept and fix upon the light and emty . and therefore we see that when such persons aim at any thing grave and serious , it misbecometh them , as done out of order and season . thus doth mirth pleasingly by little and little steal away the judgment , rendring it vain , studious of , and delighting in , that which wise men avoid , laughter . and these men , whilst they think to fool others , become themselves really , what others are in their imagination . . in discourse concerning other persons ( familiar amongst women ) back-biting , and calumny is most frequent : because all men had rather hear evil of another then good . perhaps thinking thereby to justify their own faultiness ; at best indulging their self-love , which is grounded upon a too high estimation of themselves , and too low of others . this evil speaking is very frequently used by many , who pretend to extraordinary godliness ; whose bitings are also more dangerous , and venemous with those persons , who mistake their formality for seriousnes , and their gravity , for reality , in religion . but even in ordinary conversation men are wont also to defame their neighbours open-fac'd , without any ceremony , design , or remorse . from both these sorts of people , especially the former , turn away , as much as you can ; but be sure to be none of them ; nor partake with them in their calumniations . consider what you say of others , others say of you . before you calumniate , think , am not i the same ? or as bad ? take heed of doing that , which may hurt , but cannot do good ; for 't is madness to make enemies without cause ; and it is better to suppress , then vent and satisfy , a piece of wit or a foolish passion . the great rule is , nothing but truth before the face , and nothing but good behind the back . beware also of censuring nations , conditions , or states of men , as well as particular persons ; for there is no nation or condition , wherein are not many good ; and none so good , wherein are not many bad . 't is also a great honor and wisdom to pass by the back-bitings of others against your self . charles the th of france demanded of one , much emploied by him , and on whom he had bestowed many favors , what thing in the world could alienate his mind from , and bring him in dislike with , his prince ? the gentleman answer'd , an affront . this person seems to have bin very sensible indeed , but whether his discretion had merited the favor of his prince i much doubt . certainly the behavior of antigonus was much more generous ; who , when one told him , that such a one affronted him , answered ; it may be so , but i will not be affronted . augustus advised tiberius not to be offended with peoples speaking ill of them ; it sufficeth , saith he , that we can secure our selves from their doing us harm . when one said , he was a tyrant ; he answered , were i so , he durst not have said it . to one calling him dwarf , well , said he , then i will get higher shoes . p. bernard , when one bid him get out like a dirty priest , replied , you are mistaken , i came in a coach. and truly since all these evil tongues are conquered by silence , one would think the victory easy ; did not experience shew us , that the great remedy against bursting is giving vent . there is no reason that the effect , which may proceed from divers causes , should be attributed to one . v. g. an action of seeming disrespect may either come from an intention to affront , from negligence , from having some other busines in his thoughts , &c. interpret not therefore such actions as affronts ; and the rather , because it is our duty to take every thing by the best handle . . the most innocent , grateful , and universal discourse , is telling stories ; and modern rather then ancient . some are so well stocked with this trade as to be able to answer any question , or parallel any case by a story ; which is ( if well done ) a very great perfection of eloquence and judgment . and in telling stories avoid too often said he , and said i , hear you me , mark me , &c. be perfect also , that you need not recant , stammer , or repeat things said before ; be not tedious in impertinent circumstances , nor make your own glory the chiefest concern . tell no lye in your discourse ; especially not gasconades , and improbable rhodomontades , wherein some , out of weaknes and lowness of spirit and parts , take as much pleasure as others in drinking when not thirsty , and think they then overwit the company . be not hyperbolical and extravagant , especially in praising and dispraising ; for the wit takes away the credit ; whereas the end of speech was first to make us understood , then beleived . and if you be convinced of an error , for truths sake acknowledg it , and change your opinion ; for this ingenuity is greater , because rarer . and remember , that one chance falling out , as the astrologues prognosticate , gets them reputation ; and their thousand lyes are not taken notice of ; but to a wise man one lye doth more disgrace , then thousand truths can recover . when news comes from an uncertain author , tho probable and expected , yet suspend your beleif ; because men easily report what they desire or expect ; but rather give heed to certain extravagant and unexpected relations , as unlikelier to be invented . and when you tell news , engage not for the truth of it . . in your discourse rational or of erudition , skip not from one subject to another ; as do fanatics , and other ignorant sciolists , who are never at ease till they have vented all they think themselves to know above other men . neither maintain an argument with ignorant , nor contradictive persons ; nor think that you are bound to convert or instruct the whole world ; least of all with vain drolls , who make your seriousnes their sport . be content to satisfy with reason , not ( especially your own ) authority ( a refuge many fly unto when worsted , if they know there is no examining books ) such as are capable and disposed . in reasoning , the most excellent way , wherein the best able is certain to carry the cause , and which will bring the controversy to a speedy determination , is by asking questions , and proceeding still upon the adversaries concessions ▪ which he cannot without shame retract ; ( by syllogisms is more pedantic . ) this is plato's manner of discoursing . pedantry is a vice in all professions , it self no profession . for a school-master is not therefore a pedant ; but he only who importunately , impertinently , and with great formality , shews his learning in scraps of latin and greek ; or troubles himself with knowledg of little use or value ; or values himself above his deserts , because of something he knows ( as he conceives ) more then ordinary ; or despiseth others not skilled in his impertinencies ; or censures all authors and persons confidently without reason . and whoever doth thus , be he divine , lawyer , statesman , doctor , or professor , he is a pedant . do not in ordinary company treat of matters too subtil and curious , nor too vile and mean ; nor of things unseasonable , as of religion in mixed , or young company , or at table ; but in all discourse have an intention to better your self and others . which that you may do , contrive , ( as much as you can ) before hand of what to discourse ; and lay your scene , which afterwards you may menage as you please . a man may judiciously discourse , when either he knows the subject very well ; or when desirous to learn ( a submission and ingenuity very grateful in company ) or when necessitated to discourse , and then he must do it discreetly and doubtingly , unless he very well know his auditory . cautious also must he be who discourseth of that he understands amongst persons of that profession ; an affectation that more scholars then wisemen are guilty of ; i mean to discourse with every man in his own faculty ; except it be by asking questions , and seeming to learn. you may freely and safely discourse of matters of philosophy , mathematics , travels , government of forreign countries , histories of times past or present of other places , husbandry , and the like , which subjects concern no mans reputation , and therefore none much care what part you take . discourse , tho amongst learned men , laies no grounds of science , but supposeth them , and therefore study is necessary ; without which who so adventures amongst scholars , is like a lady , that hath excellent medicines , but neither knows whereof they are made , nor how to apply them effectually . have a care also that your income exceed your expences , i. e. that you hear and read more then you speak : for he that spends out of the stock of wit and memory is quickly bankerupted ; but knowledg and learning continually improve by discourse . cunning discoursers to avoid baffling are wont at first to lay down a proposition easily defensible , to which they may retreat in case of necessity ; but defend the other out works also as long as they can . mens wits and apprehensions are infinitely various ; nor is there any opinion so extravagant , which hath not some followers and maintainers , who fit their hypotheses to it . wherefore do not censure any thing on a suddain as ridiculous , for tho it please not you , it may another , as wise . every man makes himself the measure of all others for truth and falshood , wisdom and folly . learning and ignorance , and the like . and who is able to denudate himself of this false opinion , or prejudice at least to truth ? but from hence it proceeds that we esteem him knowing that knows more or as much , and him ignorant , that knows less , then our selves . him also virtuous that is according to our sentiment and degree . also that all men are more ready to blame anothers errors , then praise his virtues . and that a man knowing what another doth not , and being ignorant of what another knows , yet knows not his own ignorance ; but consequently values himself and despiseth the other . to man alone ( not beasts nor angels ) hath nature given a nauseousnes of the present . the best things in the world if not accompanied with variety , become distastful . and nothing sooner then discourse : which is so much carefullier to be menaged , as the eare is sooner cloy'd then the eie . prudent eies are kept open by reason , ordinary persons by wit. old men commonly discourse of grave and edifying subjects , divinity , government , history , &c. young men rather of pleasant ; hunting , fashions , travels , wonders , &c. every man chuseth to discourse of that he best understands and loves . chap. iv. concerning business . a doctor being intreated by his nephew to give some rules for guiding and securing himself in negotiation , and contracts ; after long study told him , he could give him but one ; which was , alwaies to have to do with virtuous persons . but for many reasons this rule , tho a perfect one , is hard to be practised ; and therefore i beseech you be content with such imperfect ones , as my reading or experience can furnish . if any one tell you , that it is to no purpose to think long upon any matter ; that they are only wise men who can dispatch business ex tempore ; that consulting is but a dull formality ; and that a man sees as far into a thing at first , as by much consideration ; say boldly that man is a fool : the more you think , the more and clearer you shall understand . therefore men of most leisure do business the best ; and those who have much business must have much pardon . therefore men used to business do it better ; because they have thought of it before , either in the same , or a like , case . a prudent man doth no business rashly , i. e. without reason and advice ; and he adviseth also as long as he can ; and that first with his own thoughts : which being not sufficient , he takes in also the assistance of other mens counsel ; and heareth others , tho he follow perhaps his own . most men advise for their own interest , and therefore happy is he who hath a friend . to order your thoughts well in deliberation , endeavor to put your business into an history , considering what is to be done or said first , what afterwards . for the hindrance of prudent resolutions is the confusion and disorder of thoughts ; which by this method is cleared : by it also you shall quickly discover where the difficulty is , and know when you have done . it is also very convenient to write down your reasons pro & con in deliberation ; for the mind by this means , is freed both from the confusion , and burden of those arguments . give not your advice or opinion before asked ; for that is to upbraid the others ignorance : nor attribute ill success to the neglect of your councel ; nor be angry if your advice be not followed . neither accustom your self to find fault with others actions , except vitious ; for you are not bound to weed other mens gardens . be not too eager in counselling others ; for the evil success ( which happens frequently to good advice ) will be laid to your charge , and seldom shall you be thanked for the good . it happeneth frequently to men that are wise by experience , and not learning , that they cannot give a reason of their opinion and advise , tho it be really the best : ( as a meer mechanicall workman knows there is a fault in the work , ( tho he cannot tell punctually what it is . ) despise not such mens opinions for their want of discourse , in deliberations where there is reason on both sides and that a man hath resolved one way , he commonly thinks that he hath chosen the worse , because then he onely considers the reasons of the contrary part ; which represented by themselves ( the other after resolution being no more considered ) seem greater and of more consequence then they are . there is one great perfection in doing business , which is , that tho you set your mind and thoughts upon business , yet do not engage your affections , at least deeply , in it . for thus shall you both have your understanding clear at all times ; and not be disturbed if you miscarry ; which you must make account will often happen unto you . besides precipitiousness , impatience , or not staying to take the opportunity , and time your business , is frequently the ruine of many noble designs ; and all passion whatsoever deteriorates your negotiation ; if your reason will not bring you to this indifferency , experience will. a l'adventure tout vient à point à qui peut attendre . in treating about business you understand , you have an advantage to propose first ; in what you understand not , 't is best to receive propositions . and if you have a doubtful cause , an inconstant adversary , or find him disposed to comply with your desire , defer not to dispatch . in business ( except buying and selling ) you shall find very few persons speak to the purpose ; therefore let every man talk his fill : rather then interrupt , provoke him to speak ; for he will blurt out many things to your advantage : some out of ignorance and inexperience ; others on purpose standing on circumstances and things of small consequence . women commonly ( as weakest ) are most extravagant ; and at an end , or the midst , of their story must drop a tear ; for being themselves compassionate , they think others are so too ; and that is their interest . the difficulty of dispatch is not from the business it self , wherein a man may easily see what is necessary , or fittest to be done : but it is in perswading your interest ; in communicating so much and no more then concerns you ; using such reasons only , as are proper for your matter ; in applying them to every ones understanding , inclination , and at a fit time ; and in taking off the opposition of adversaries . for there is no interest that hath not its contrary , and sometimes also so forcible a one , as is to be conquered onely with mony ; which is a sword that cuts even a gordian knot . all things concernning the menagery of affaires are reduced to these heads . . the ground or occasion . . the end to be brought about . . the reasons whereupon the affair is grounded . . the difficulties likely to be encountred . the answers which may be made to the reasons . . and the replies to them . . the advantage of the affaire to the other party . . examples of like cases . but alwaies be sure to remove the principal obstacle . some men are apt to beleive what they hope for , or desire ; others are never secure , till they see and enjoy . and this doubtless is the better ; because it encreaseth diligence , good success , and less affliction . wherefore of future things , imagine and provide for the worst ; tho of actions dubious of other persons you conceive the best . fear is a necessary passion , and hath a great share in all our affairs . the great and general defect being negligence , laschety , and love of ease ; fear discuseth these . he that is in continual apprehension of evil watcheth to avoid , prepareth to rencounter , and is cautious not to give admittance to , danger ; but endeavors to secure his condition , and remove further from evil . in things of the other world men are more apt to hope , because they have not so clear an apprehension , nor so firm a beleif , or not so frequent consideration concerning them ; but in matters of this world more apt to fear ; for all mens hopes frequently fail , their fears seldom . besides the loss of what we enjoy goes nearer and is more sensible to us , then the future good may advantage ; wherefore in treating with most men you know the best topic. and seldom is it seen but that fear also gets the better of love , and therefore good magistrates trust not only to love , but will in some degree be feared also . secrecy and reservednes is of infinite use ; for , besides that such are not easily prevented and interrupted , men are still commenting and in suspense about every motion of theirs ; which gets great reputation . besides suddain things do more amaze , and confound , then things foreseen or expected . but you need not put your self to the trouble of secrecy , where you fear no opposition . many time ; also your secrecy is to be concealed ; nor is an inquirer into the business you would hide rudely to be denied ( for that many times breeds jealousies , &c. ) but by prudent and courteous dissimulation to be fenced withal , and his thoughts dextrously avoided rather then forcibly returned upon him . he that is a good practitioner in this trade becomes often-times master of his thoughts that came to sist him . beware of trusting to your fortune ; for most men are fortunate for a time , and in some things only : nor is he fortunate , who hath a good occasion offered to him , for it is prudence to take hold of , and use , it ; but he that hath it presented twice . think not such as these to be good consequences . he is a good man , therefore doth nothing ill : he is a bad man , therefore doth nothing well . he is a wise man , therefore doth nothing foolishly , &c. consider this well and stand upon your guard . for every one hath errors , from whence sometimes greater , other times lesser , mischeifs arise : happy are they , whose errors happen to be in small matters , and which come betimes , and are remediable . he that doubts not , knows either all things , or nothing . and he that imagines never to commit an error , his next pretence must be to divinity . the things of this world never stand in one stay , but are alwaies moving their own way ; and if we perceive not their alteration , it is because our age is shorter then theirs . this observation is of importance to many purposes , v. g. virtue and vice , wisdom and folly , are but good and bad , prosperous and adverse , in the seed . when we read in histories the great changes of government , we much wonder at them , and are apt to pitty the sufferers . but providence hath so ordered , that great alterations ordinarily happen by little and little ; so that both reason and nature either accomodate to them , or have time to escape , and provide other waies . he that entreth into danger without considering it , is a beast ; he only is valiant , who knowing the danger , embraceth it cheerfully , whether out of necessity or honor . yea , tho he knows and supposeth that all dangers have not their effects ; but that some are prevented by industry , some by courage and prudence , and some fortune and the course of things ( gods providence ) casts of . dealing with merchants and men of busines and virtue cut of ceremonies ; and declare the busines at length rather then too-short ; for this is apt to raise mistakes ; besides a man is not alwaies in disposition or ability to fathom the depth of an affair with a short cord . when you have extorted from a person what he obstinately denied , you need not doubt , but at the same time also to obtain another he would not willingly grant . for when a man is forced , as it were , to let go his hold of what he most firmly grasped , he unbends his hand , and abandons whatever it contained . commota semel & excussa mens [ à stabilitate suâ ] ei servit à quo impellitur . thus the parliament proposed to the king , together with the bill of attainder of the earl of strafford ( which he was formerly resolved not to grant ) a bill for perpetuating the parliament , which , tho of far greater consequence , he scrupled not . deser , as long as you can , the doing of a thing against your mind , rather then give a positive denial ; for accidents many times divert the design , and deliver you from that strait , wherein a refusal may deeplier engage you . never dispatch an evil and difficult busines so absolutely , but that ( if possible ) you leave place to undertake and introduce it again . time and opportunity alter many things , and make that pass smoothly which formerly would have bin refused , had not your dexterity left open the door for a new treaty . all men naturally avoid persons inquisitive into other mens affairs ; for such commonly are lavish of their intelligence , and thereby breed quarrels and spread animosities : besides that themselves are apt to envy and malign others , that being the concern which breeds their inquisitivenes . the reason , why things conform not to the general desire and expectation of the world , is , because they who give beginning and ending to busines are but few , and many are those who desire and expect . he is often to blame , who neglects a present good for fear of a future evil , except it be nigh at hand , and in a manner certain . so is he who strives to avoid all difficulties ; for more things affright , then hurt , us . and there are many changes in this world. di cosa nasce cosa . and in judgments of the future we see wise men frequently mistaken . poor , meanpeople , and wranglers , &c. conclude not any treaty , nor offer all they mean to give , till they be forced , i. e. till they see the treaty ready to break up ; and they think that they get a considerable advantage by such restines , and importunity ; as indeed they do , if they deal with ingenuous persons . so petty tradesmen love to call their customers back . since grateful and virtuous persons are so rare , value the service of such as are joined with you in the same interest or danger ; and you may more reasonably expect to be assisted by him , that hopes to get by you , then by him , who hath already received favors from you . and remember that a crown in your purse doth you more honor then ten spent . when in consultations there are contrariety of opinions , seldom is the best chosen ; and the more persons argue , the further they are from agreeing ; the love of their own opinion insinuating it self by little and little with their reason . wherefore , sometimes the most importunate prevails , sometimes he that finds out a medium ; not that this expedient is alwaies the best ; but that persons in heat of dispute , cannot easily pass over , or fully consent , to a contrary . thrust not your self to be moderator or umpire in controversies , till required ; and then 't is better to exaggerate the mischeifs of disagreement , then benefits of concord ; for fear is stronger then love . many are wont alwaies to take the adversaries part . but it is a very hard thing to reconcile men at first , their passions being high , and animosities great . but after they are reasonably wearied with law , or other inconveniences , 't is not difficult to find out a medium , which may save both their honors ; which is that both commonly desire . a worthy gentleman being to reconcile two persons , first made them swear both to stand to his determination ; and ly that neither of them should reveal upon what terms they were reconciled . every man is more apt to love , cherish , and trust in him , on whom he hath already bestowed most courtesies ; esteeming him as his creature ; [ this is the cause of the great love of parents toward their children : ] and he , that loveth , and doth favors , obligeth , and submitteth himself to the receiver ; so that for fear of losing what he hath already bestowed , he must bestow more . wherefore if you seek the favor of a great person , accept courtesies from him , and not from others . he that would perswade great men , let him first begin with the weakest ; by probable arguments , good words , and humble carriage he shall obtain their friendship ; and by their authority ( tho but fools ) draw in the wiser . mean wits alwaies distrust subtil arguments , and logical heads : and great men , for the most part , are of an inartificial understanding , and therefore by seemingly naked truth , and plainness , are brought to your opinion . in great councils and meetings there are alwaies some leading men , whom if you gain , your business is done . amongst multitudes , one adversary can do more harm , then many friends can do good . there are some who are children even in mature age ; and of them a man must not say , they are . years old , therefore they will do as men of . years old . but concerning those and all such heteroclites , look at their present customs , and menagery of their private affairs . for if you see an aged man vehement , suddain in his resolutions , following the impetus of his passions ; hold that man for a child ; not moved with reason , unconstant ; to day resolving without consideration , and in the same manner reversing it to morrow . nothing is well done , or said , in passion ; tho there may be just cause of being passionate ; but less or more all passion according to the degree of it hinders reason and deliberation . but beware instead of passion you fall not into slyness and cunning : for these two , passion and cunning , do many times shoulder out one another ; and generally people without passion are look'd upon as sly and crafty : which of the two is worse , there being more of the voluntary in it . it is good therefore sometimes to seem passionate , if you be not so . in all treating with other persons try first what may be done by fair means , good words , hopes of gratitude , &c. before you come to power or passion . and let power either of your self or the law be the last . when you consult with a friend about any business , be not hasty to receive a present answer ; but give him time to consider ; for the common and first conceptions of all men are much what the same : at least his extempore is not equal to your premeditated . physicians and lawyers answer out of their trade , and , as they pretend , by certain rules and cases very like , if not the same , with yours ; but it seldom falls out , that the same case in dispatch of business falls out twice ; or if it do , yet it is clothed with such various and differing circumstances ( according to which a wise man frames his opinion ) that it is very difficult to give judgement . the manner is when you propose a thing which you are afraid ; will hardly be accepted , or granted ; propose it by parcels ; that one piece be digested , before the other be swallowed . it is better to be near to , and serve , a prodigal , then a thrifty and parsimonious , prince ; tho for the publick this is more advantagious . for the prodigal is forced to use divers oppressions , &c. and more suffer by his profuseness then are benefited by it ; and they commonly are most benefited by it , who least deserve it . it seems that princes are more free , and masters of their own will , then other men ; but it is contrary in such as govern prudently : for they are necessitated to act with infinite cautiousness and consideration ; frequently to court even mean persons ; and swallow many a bitter pill at their hands . wherefore pardon your prince if he do not all things exactly , according to the precise rule of wisedom . he , that having bin the means to advance another to high degree , thinks to govern him , cancels his own courtesy . if you find that any one hath spoken ill of you to your patron , take no notice of it ; nor be eager to vindicate your self ; but continue your emploiment without complaining ; and your innocency will both appear , and prevail at last . great enterprises are not to be relinquished , because we cannot reconcile all difficulties ; for were all things easy , they were not great ; and could all objections , i. e. difficulties be solved , little were left to your courage or discretion . some things gods providence , and the course of things render easy ; and others are difficult only , because we see not through them at present . the more you come into favor , the less admit cabals and juntos , to avoid suspition . nor converse much with the ordinary servants ; for so they will respect you the more . yet , lest you be hated , be courteous in your salutes , discourses , offers of service , but especially in giving them reasons in your discourse : for then they think you do not despise them . but if they hate you for any good service done to your patron , sell it him dear ; that he may be obliged to protect you . no patron really loves a servant wiser then himself , let him pretend what he pleaseth ; and therefore if you be a person of understanding , covet not to be too near him , as of his bed-chamber , &c. for patrons are not pleased that such persons should pry too nearly into their actions and inclinations . wise men , when they have auy way come in competition with their prince , have alwaies ceded . yet it is better to be feared and hated , then despised . wherefore chuse rather to be a severe searcher into , and censurer of , actions ; then to be undervalued for taking no notice of them . if spies abound in a court , discourse in generals ; and give them no cause to think themselves discovered by you . neutrality makes the slowest , but surest , progress : for the neuter is connived at through the others mutuall envying . a weak patron is easily gained , but no considerable advantage of honor , or profit , can be got by him ; a wise master is jealous , easily lost , and then never recovered . if your master have any near kindred , keep fair with all , for they will certainly prevail ; and stick to the best beloved . if you light upon a master that is inquisitive after your words and actions , know , that he intends to keep you under . pray to god not to light upon a cunning master ; for either you shall be ruin'd by him ; or at best tired with standing upon your guard . in this case make shew not to perceive his subtilty , but to admire his ingenuity . sic ars deluditur arte . if your patron , by discourse , or actions , endeavors to conceal any of his vices ; be sure he holds that dear , is deeply engaged in it , and would enjoy it without a rival . to avoid envy , affect not expence and ostentation ; but mind reality . for be sure that way , accounted so honourable , leads streight to destruction . chap. v. of servants . since slavery was banished christendom , a servant is no other , then one hired to such emploiment ; and under such terms , as if well observed , the difference is not great between the condition of the master and the servant . for none can compel another to serve him against his will ; nor can i contract with him for his service , but at the same time he will bargain with me for his salary . i take him under my roof , i make provision for his sustenance , i defend him from his enemies ; as well as from hunger , cold , and diseases . and what doth he for this ? he serveth me ? no , he serveth himself . the same labor , he would undergo in his own house to maintain himself , and perhaps with great anxiety , he doth in mine with pleasure . so that now service is nothing but a compact betwixt the rich and the poor , for their mutual advantage . and to demand or imagine , that a servant should quit his own interest , profit and advantage , to procure his masters , is a folly no considering man will be guilty of . therefore let the master command according to reason and sweetness ; not so imperiously , or with such opprobrious language as may justly discontent or chase away a servant . if he obey with cheerfulness , and affection , he may at length perhaps make his masters interest his own . if you pay him not his wages , he will pay himself . in controversies , let the master sometimes cede to his servant , to keep his mettal in breath ; and not too severe , if the faults be small , or committed for want of judgment , or through a little itch of liberty . let the master be sometimes blind , and the servant deaf . but faults of malice , or impiety are not to be pardoned . the first such fault is the servants ; the second divided between master and servant ; the third , wholly the masters . correct him not before strangers , but if correction amend him not , rid your hands of him ; both for his sake , your own , and the scandal of others . rich men are inclined to pride , and contemt of others ; for having wealth , which commands all things in the great market of this world , they are apt to become insolent , petulant , impatient of disobedience , denial , reproof , or advice . and because ostentation of happiness is one part of it ; therefore are rich men vain glorious , desirous to be observed , and to live splendidly . and men newly enriched , and without their own industry more vain then they , who are born so , or have by industry acquired great estates . men in power also are more honorable , gallant , generous , and less vain then the rich . also because great estates are commonly acquired with little , and small ones not without great , labor ; therefore are rich men apt to exalt themselves as either above others , in parts , or the favor of god , both which are very great and dangerous errors , but difficultly to be eradicated . let them not , therefore , mistake morosity for grandeur , and passion for greatness . it is better to subdue your servants reason , as well as his strength and diligence . and those , who betake themselves to the rich , are to comport with their follies , impertinencies , and contumelies ; and to conceale them . it is better they should love their masters , but by no means hate them ; or speak evil of them behind their backs . not dispute their masters judgment ; not vy wit , taunt or rally , with them ; not use familiarity without leave ; but to put on patience , when they put on a livery . to admonish and reprehend is not an action of an inferior ; and an affectionate disrespect obligeth not so much by its sincerity , as it provokes by its ill example ; wherefore when you advise your superior , do it so , as it may be accepted . and let not the master refuse to hear the advice of his servant , tho he follow it not . no man ever miscaried through excess of respect ; or was disgraced for retaining a constant and proportionate sense of his patrons grandeur . yet patrons love not sullen , melancholic , austere , grave , or silent , servants . a master ought not to divertise himself with his inferiors , nor make his servants privy to his infirmities and failures ; but if he do , the servant must not presume , nor heighten himself for it . but let him be secret , and faithful to him . let the servant also know , that it is harder to menage well his masters affairs then his own ; let him therefore be more careful . for he hath more temtations to negligence and dishonesty . besides his masters business is not alwaies to be menaged the best way ; but that he likes best . put your servants to emploiments proper for their condition , years , capacities , &c. but never upon unnecessary trouble ; for that is to abuse , not use , a servant , and will cause them to hate you . those servants justly expect to be rewarded extraordinarily , whose industry and diligence seem to merit it . ( for gratitude being the least of virtues , ingratitude is the most infamous of vices ; especially in a great person : ) and this rewarding is so to be done , as the other servants do not resent it . that therefore is best done after some signal service . but beware of equalling all your servants in your gifts , or rewards : for the discreeter and superior hold it an affront to be equalled with the rest ; and the inferior made proud : but none more obliged then they , who catch mony thrown about in a solemnity , to render thanks to the donor . some there are , who defer their rewards till some festival , as christmas , or easter : but then the day is thanked , not the giver ; and after you are accustomed to it , 't is expected as due , and part of wages , not kindness and bounty . it is better to be somewhat sparing then liberal to a good servant ; for as he grows full , he inclines either to be idle , or to leave you . and his murmuring you may govern by a seasonable reward . it seldom happens that a reconciliation of master and servant is sincere ; therefore return not to a service , whence you have been ejected . in places which concern mony , employ not your kindred ; nor use them as your servants ; for they will presume upon their condition , and you cannot with reputation break with them . and truly , if you be a single person , i cannot forbear to recommend to you a saying of a great prelate ; that a courtier at rome ought to have . ducats rent , . in his purse , and be . miles from his kindred . chap. vi. of giving , receiving , and promising . it is uncivil and unfitting for a man to oblige another to keep a promise disadvantagious to him ; or one made in mirth , passion , hast , unadvisedly , in civility , or compliment , or one obsolete ; as also not to admit of a reasonable excuse for the failure of a promise . it becometh every man to promise nothing but what he intends to perform : yet many , tho justly denied , are much displeased ; for all men govern not themselves by reason . insomuch that if a person desire to engage your indeavors in his business , if you shew him the difficulties , tho you promise your assistance , he commonly takes it for a denial , or a sign that you intend not seriously to befriend him . for these and such like reasons , the fashion now-adaies is , to give good hopes to all suiters , and to promise very freely and largely . and they find thereby great advantage ( as they think ) for carrying on business . the performance is sometimes hindred by unexpected casualities ; sometimes a good and plausible excuse goes a great way ; sometimes the party suffers himself to be wheedled with good words . yet 't is so ignoble and dishonorable a thing for a man to be worse then his word , that it never ought to be done . but this may he do ; he may entertain all suiters with general or conditional promises , and fair words : and tho all men ought to look at effects , and not words ; yet have good words a wonderful power ( take heed of being fool'd by them ) i suppose because every one values himself , and his merits , at more then he is worth ; and he is offended when that price is not set upon him , as himself thinks to deserve . at court they are wont to promise and offer service largely , especially to those , who are not likely to make use of them ; but towards ordinary conversants they are more wary , because better known . grant a courtesy ( if you intend it ) without much asking , for that doubles it . to keep long in suspense is churlish , and by long expectation the passion to the favor dies , and the courtesy is not esteemed , nor thanks heartily given for it . monsignior pamfilio ( afterwards innocent x. ) in his nunciature in france , and ever after was called monsignior-non-si-puo . from his frequent use of that answer to suitors . do your favors cheerfully , not as if they slipt through your fingers , or were stollen or wrested from you . and do them readily , for the intreater submits himself to the intreated ; his modesty therefore must be considered . non è cosa piu cara , che quella , che con priegh ▪ si compra . do them also without considering whether they be lost , or likely to be recompensed ; for a magnanimous and generous person looks not to receive as much again ; for that is the courtesy of tradesmen . be not as the barbarous king of madagascar that demanded more for the cowes he gave , then his subjects for those they sold ; for he said , that his good will and kindness was to be recompensed . and if you deny , do it with good words ; as if you were sorry you could not pleasure him . be not niggardly of that which costs you nothing ; as counsel , countenance , and the like . but beware of being security ; rather offer to lend mony of your own upon others bond . and by no means sell your ceremonies , nor pay your creditors , friends , and servants with good words , looks , and smoak . after a courtesy done , if you upbraid it , you lose it ; one principal end of giving being to oblige the receiver to your self and interest . neither too much undervalue , nor extol your gift ; but rather diminish , and excuse , when you give : seeming pleas'd so small a matter stood in such stead , and was so well placed , and accepted ; that you shall be ready to do greater service upon occasion ; but when you receive a favor , rather augment it . he is not ungrateful , who cannot , but who will not , repay ; will not through malignity and evil disposition . wherefore a generous spirit is satisfied , when the receiver declares his acceptance of the courtesy , and acknowledgeth the favor and honor ; for that shews he hath a good mind to be grateful ; if he were able . after a courtesy received , be not in hast to return another ; for that shews you are not willing to be beholden , nor return a much greater , for that seems to reproach the smalness of the received . those who willingly alwaies receive and never give , or those who would alwaies give and never receive , ( of which melancholic generous humor some few there are ) are not much esteemed in conversation . towards other mens servants the custom of the country is to be followed . in many places the master takes it ill if his servant be considerably rewarded for what himself gives . but it is not so with us ; where to lodg at a friends house is dearer , besides the inconvenience , then at a common inne ; and where what a friend sends , is perhaps a present , but not a gift ; when the receiver paies double , the value to the messenger , and an acknowledgment to the sender . however in all places in entertainment , great care is taken the servants be pleased , for the tongues of idle persons are loos-hung . if you desire a courtesy from one beholding to you , 't is ingenuous not to put him in mind of it ; least he think you tax him of ingratitude . a favor done to a man sinking , or in any danger , is alwaies very obliging ; both because it testifies sincerity without expectation of a return , and a good opinion of the receiver ; to whom the giver needs not to be favorable . most men do more for interest either of gain , or friends , then reason . more for favor , then obligation . but mony , if well and discreetly applyed , seldom fails of its effect . a man apt to promise is as apt to forget it . chap. vii . of prudence in acquiring emploiment , and preferment . . presupposing , that a person , out of a good and sincere intention to serve his prince and country , desires to employ himself , or be employed , in such a condition ; it is necessary , first , that he avoid such hinderan ces which are contrary to , and destructive of , his design . ly that he use proper means to the compassing it . . hindrances are , . pride , which renders him intolerable to him that should raise him ; and tho to avoid this , such men as are most insolent toward their inferiors , are most supple ( even to baseness ) towards their superiors , yet is it very difficult to conceale this vice from any considering person ; even because one of these actions betrayeth the other , both proceeding from the same lowness and vileness of spirit . where it is , it renders its owner impatient of advice , admonition ▪ contradiction , even in his own affairs ; by which he becomes a prey to flatterers , despised of all good men , odious to all upon whose dues and interests he usurps , and unfit to be employed . . anger , for what prince desires to be served by , or chuse instruments out of , bedlam ? and if prudence consist in much deliberation ; precipitiousness , the daughter of anger , is incompatible with it . if it be said that angry men are good natur'd ; yet what discreet person will suffer such , and so many , impertinencies , to enjoy now and then a little good nature , i. e. so many storms to have sometimes fair weather ? who will be content to stay for a little reason , till the choler be scum'd , and the boiling ceased ? two to one in all things against the angry man , was a saying of cardinal mazarine . . so following good companions or intemperance , and lewd women , discover secrets , render a man contemtible , and unuseful ; for besides that strong drinks and tobacco fill the head with imaginations , hot headedness , jealousies , &c. when a man should hast to his emploiment , he must go to sleep , or to his mistress . . he that is by nature lazy and slothfull ought not to intermeddle with public affairs ; for tho in quiet and dull times he may serve well enough to pursue formalities ; yet when any activeness , he fills up the room of a better person . . covetousness is not so detrimental , as liberality and bounty discreetly placed , are advantagious . but . there is nothing worse then an unbridled toung . . he that would serve god as well as his king , and save his soul as well as make his fortune , must beware of such temtations as are most frequent in that sort of life . such are ambition , i. e. desiring advancement for an evill end , or more then he deserves , or at unseasonable times , or too eagerly , or for his own private advantage , and not to serve the public . envy at others preserment ; with all the consequents of it , hatred , detraction , faction , partiality and the like . adulation or complacency with the prince , or other great person in vitious , or unfitting , courses . and the like . . it is impossible to be preferr'd if not known , and so known as approved also : and no man can reasonably be offended for being passed by , and neglected , if he use not rational means to make himself accepted . such means are of many sorts . as . by merit ; and that either by ordinary , or extraordinary , good service . . by friends , being introduced or recommended by such as are in favor and reputation with the prince . . by fear and terror , being so considerable as that the prince is glad for his own security to employ him . . by flattery and evil insinuations into the princes affections . . he that hath no other introduction must shew himself diligently ; that the prince ( who observeth more then he seemeth to do ) may take notice of him ; besides , there falls out frequent occasions of employing him , that is present ; and a constant attendance , tho voluntary , is a kind of service . and , he that loseth a beginning tho not so considerable , loseth an introduction to greater matters . . there are few of whose merits the prince can be a just and accurate judg ; because he is not witness to all the circumstances , &c. of their actions . besides to know a man , requires much familiarity with , and observation of , him . but such precise knowledg is not requisite ; and a prince may , with but a reasonable observation , discern a wise man from a fool , and a virtuous man from one inclined to those vices , which render him unfit for service . but if a prince be forc'd to see only with others eyes , and hear with others ears , he had need to be very wary ; for those are very seldom indifferent toward the person recommended ; inform more frequently for their own interest , then the princes . wherefore a wise man beleives little , but keeps himself in suspense till the truth be manifest . he that is chosen by the judgment of his prince , and not by the recommendation of others , hath a great advantage ; for if he prove well , the prince is inwardly proud of his choice ; and will certainly employ him further ; for he looks upon him as his creature . wise and subtil princes seldom prize or advance a man wiser then themselves , except in some case of great necessity . they are also commonly very wary of employing such as are recommended by public fame ; except it be in smaller matters . consider therefore , what emploiment you conceive most suitable to your genius and condition , v. g. whether war or peace ; sea or land-service ; action or advice ; governing ; or finances , and providing mony or necessaries . and endeavor to render your self very able in that ; tho it is fitting also you should not neglect other matters . also disrobe your self ( as much as you can ) of all particular interest ; and at least prefer in your designs the advantage of your prince and the public . a small emploiment in youth , or betimes , is much more to be valued then a great one in old age ; for di cosa nasce cosa . one business twists in another . and suffer not your self ( as much as is possible ) to be out of possession of doing somewhat . if you be , yet by continual presentation of your self , let it be known that you stay there ready to be hired . it is good sometimes to sue for an emploiment , tho you be sure to miss it . for by that means , you shew your self to imagine that you have some pretences to be considered . and your superior , having once denied you , will be more ready to pleasure you another time , for fear of discontenting you ; especially if you be a man of parts . but by no means put in for every thing , for that discovers your ambition ; and a conceit of your self , that you are fit for every thing . you cannot be master of what emploiment you please ; but your commendation must be , well to perform that you are actually possess'd of . in a comedy , he that acts a slave well , deserves as much as he that personates a king. 't is a comfortable hearing , friend come up higher . neither refuse or contemn any reward or gratuity , how small soever , your prince bestows upon you . design not upon what is not in your power . and remember that being to deal with other persons , you must drive the nail which way it will go . therefore be as indifferent as is possible . your future gains also not being in your power , spend not upon the hopes of them : and remember , that expectation is alwaies greater then the reality . . he is happy that hath an opportunity given him to shew signally his prudence and loyalty . sejanus , by one action , i know not whether generous or fortunate , of saving tiberius's life with the hazzard of his own , obtained that reputation , that he governed the whole empire ; and had almost settled it upon himself ; through the great confidence tiberius , otherwise a very jealous prince , had in him . but these cases fall out seldom , and by the immediate providence ( as i may say ) of almighty god , if you chance to do any great action , be sure to give the glory of it to the prince ; as indeed he , in some sort , deserves it : for you follow his commands , or instructions . besides the means , and opportunity of all such are his only ; and it was performed under his authority . seem not to be willing to draw all businesses to your self ; nor keep too great grandeur in house , followers , &c. for that gives ombrage to the prince ; as great titles are offensive to the fellow-subjects . extraordinary service , if many ingaged in it , is counted a piece of duty , and seldom rewarded . either because the prince , pretending that he cannot gratify all , to avoid murmuring and emulation , will reward none . or because those about him , if many others be to be considered , are likely to find the less share for themselves . it was a saying of antigonus ; first get power then good will. power is ability of parts , wealth , friends , emploiment ; then good will and reputation by courtesy , civility , and other acts of prudent conversation ; as also by drawing others by your interest . for you may then engage many unto you , and spread your roots and fibres a great way : especially if by the reputation of justice and bounty , you have procured you a veneration amongst virtuous persons . for by this they are assured , that they may securely lean upon you , and run your hazzards . and it is more desirable to be loved then honored : this indeed is more splendid , but that is more safe ; this is greater , that better ; this is in the imagination , that in the heart , of others ; from that proceeds peace with others , tranquillity in his condition , and a complacency in his own mind . yet is love harder to obtain , requires a greater time , the acquiring of it is subject to many difficulties , which honor is not ; and therefore make much of honor ; which also carrieth a tincture of affection with it . only remember what a great general said . i desire to honor my life not by other mens opinions , but my own actions . . because more men are drawn , then heaved , up . and that amongst ingenious persons there is alwaies emulation , and amongst rivals ( and for all preferments such there are ) envyings also ; which are great rubs ; and difficultly surmounted or removed ; endeavor to make a friend ; who may give an antidote against their poyson ; and by lending his hand raise you in spight of all the weight and pressures they can hang upon you . friends are not easily made , and still more difficulty amongst great persons ; both because they have fewer equals , and amongst such equals emulation is frequenter then friendship ; yet are they not so rare , but they may be procur'd . for long , especially youthful , acquaintance ; kindred and relation ; sympathy in affections ; partaking in a common danger ; or such like , do reconcile friendship , but not frequently : nor are these means in every mans power , they are obligations by which providence only tyes men together . but there are others also which are more ordinary ; for you insinuate your self into the affection even of a great person , if you can shew him , that you are able to strengthen , assist , and confirm him , in his estate ; and be able by your parts , or other way , to recompense the favors you expect from him . but mony discreetly applied is a plaister that unites and soders all affections : nor is there any heart , as well as not any castle , that can resist its battery , if rightly placed . to desire wealth for its own sake , is low , sordid , and proper only for them , who make the obtaining it their profession : but to desire it moderately , in order to do more good , is unblamable . even reputation it self is acquired , and sustained by discreetly keeping and spending ; so that it also is in a manner subservient to wealth . we seldom see that wealth increaseth in a family for three generations together : perhaps because that he , who comes into a plentiful fortune , having no occasion to employ his parts and industry , grows lazy , and negligent , or at best betakes himself to some other affairs ; or perhaps , because men not knowing the difficulty in obtaining it value it not much ; but rather look after the splendor of the world , whereunto rich men commonly engage and enter their children ; and for that reason live at the height of the reputation of their estate . the prudence to obtain wealth is generally conceived to be cutting off superfluous or unnecessary expences : but that is not all ; for there is also required good menagery , or making your penny go further then another mans . but in this , caution must be used , for many have bin ruined by buying good pennyworths . in making friends by mony prudence also is required , lest you lose that also . for it is best used upon an exigent ; occasionally rather then frequently ; and actually rather then constantly ; like a wedg , not like a saw . many can hurt who cannot profit . and the ill tongue of an inferior many times harms more then that of an equal ; for it is easilier beleived , because less suspected . therefore endeavor to keep a fair reputation with all persons ; with superiors humble and compliant , not low and flattering ; with equals grave , not morose ; with inferiors courteous and fair-spoken , not sullen or imperious . considering , that no man is willing to own him , that is out of fashion , as i may say , out of the good opinion of the world. it was more dangerous to offend sejanus then tiberius . for all men raised from low condition are more jealous of affronts and contemts ; which a natural and generous superior is not : who interprets nothing to be contemt but what is meerly so , or done on purpose to affront ; and nothing to be so , but what cannot well be construed otherwise . to such therefore , as sejanus , you must carry your self so , as not to be hated by him ; for you will find it hard to please both the patron and him . besides you know not how long he will last ; and it goes hard with a man of understanding and spirit , that his good must depend upon two , and his ill upon one . if you cannot be reconciled to a favorite , be sure to tell your patron that he is your enemy ; so his ill offices cannot hurt you . it is unpardonable folly to quarrel with them , who are much your superiors ; for the thred breaks where it is weakest . if you be so ill satisfied of any person , that you think not fit to pardon or bear with him any longer , yet let him not know so much ; for the time may come when you shall have need of him . and if you resolve to chastise him , discover it not , lest you be prevented . but this is not to be used but in extremity , and towards persons incorrigible . for , according to the rules of our most holy faith , 't is infinitely better not to revenge at all , but to pass by offences ; then which no man can shew greater wisedome . and this is not very difficult if you stifle quarrels in the beginning . but there are some so wicked dispositions , that nothing works upon them but fear ; and he that lets them go unpunished , encourageth them in their evil courses . whether you expect emploiment and preferment , or chuse a private life , if you have any thing to lose , endeavovr to be in reputation with your prince and superior : and trust not to your innocency , or wary living . for besides , that he cannot want an occasion some time or other to punish you , you know not what may happen , wherein you shall stand in need of him . much less presume , that your manners are undiscovered , or to commit any fault upon hopes of secrecy ; for a good judge will so entangle and hamper you , that you cannot escape . and if you be once suspected , more suspicions will be continually suggested against you . and even to have much suspicion and little proof makes against you , for it is a sign that you are more dangerous . no man can stand alwaies upon his guard , but sometimes he will faile and mistake ; happy he whose errors are in small matters , that he need not great applications and much endeavor to get himself off the shallow . nor can a man on a suddain foresee the depth of a question , or the consequences of an action . therefore when you doubt , or see not clearly , be wary , and take time . many times small mistakes produce great evil effects ; and great mistakes sometimes none at all ; wherefore contemn no danger , how little soever it seem to threaten . be vigilant ; cavendi nulla est dimittenda occasio . it is much better to do so , then be beholding to your friend to fetch you off ; for that is accounted equal to , if not greater then , a considerable benefit . give not much heed to those , who would perswade you to quit your emploiment ; or pretend themselves to be weary of business ; have they not a mind to succede you ? or are they not like the fox , that having lost his own tail , would perswade all the rest to cut off theirs ? . 't is not an unusual way to obtain preferment to shew a mans-self so considerable as to fright his prince into compliance . in reason this should be an ill means , but experience shewes , that under lasch superiors , or such as are under-hatches , it many times thrives well enough . upon the same grounds proceed also those , who endeavor to make themselves necessary to their prince ; and so rivet themselves into his business , that they cannot be drawn out without tearing the piece . but of such the prince is alwaies jealous ; and will at some time or other emancipate himself . he therefore that takes this course walkes upon a precipice , and the further he goes the greater is his ruine likely to be . the count of s. paul took his measures upon these grounds in lewis x i. time . but he had to do with a prince of extraordinary parts . the people ( upon whose recommendation many persons think to raise themselves ) guide not themselves by reason , but chance ; therefore he is not wise that strives to make himself their favorite , or forceth himself to gain their affection . for they will never do the like for him again , nor forgo the least of their profit for his greatest benefit . on the contrary , the nature of the people and of all mean persons , is , alwaies to value themselves , as if all men were obliged to augment and better their degree : 't is best therefore to deny them at first , when their desires are modest . for if you once grant , you must never after refuse , lest your former courtesy be lost ; and to think to satisfy them is to give drink to an hydropic . yet , if occasion offer it self to be favoured by them ; or if your virtue and good actions have procured their favor , neglect it not . for a general plausibility may stand you in great stead ; besides that , it may be very advantagious by your good menagement to your prince . popularity is one of the lowest and meanest sorts of ambition ; a refuge commonly of those who envy such as have prevented them in the lawful acquiring advancement by the favor of their superiors . and the thoughts of the people being meaner and lower then theirs , they are forced to do and say many things contrary to their own judgments and inclinations . besides the people , being necessitous , measure all things by advantage , so that their favor is chargeable , and seldom any other then breath and air , except religion be in the case . if you arrive to any power , be very wary how you tamper to change governments ( which is usually the refuge of necessitous persons . ) for not being able to perform it your self , you must of necessity trust your cause and person to many foolish and open persons . yet nothing more frequently ruins such designs then too much caution for security . for that requires longer time ; and employs more persons about the principal business ; and is subject to many more accidents . in court have many acquaintances , but make a friend for advice and consultation out of court , and one that is not likely to have any interest in your patron . . the service of a prince is procuring that his will and intentions be fulfilled : for no man esteems that ( be it never so good ) that is not according to his own desires . such therefore as his desires are , such must they be whom he employs : for they are looked upon as only the instruments for his compassing and bringing about his purposes . wherefore they , who seem most zealous to perform the princes will in all things , without deliberation , or interposing their own judgement concerning the lawfulness or unlawfulness of them , seem to be in the plainest road to preferment . yet divers of the wisest princes have made even that , the criterion to exclude men from their favour ; and retain such , as upon tryal were found constantly virtuous . princes usually more esteem one that is phil-alexandros , then one that is philo-basileus , that is , more one , that loves his person , then his state and condition , then his nation , then the public ; tho this is indeed the more honorable , and the other more easily counterfeited . but in reality princes have very few , if any , friends to their persons ; for they have no equals , nor familiars ▪ for indeed few wise men will expose themselves to so much hazzard , nor set themselves as pales against the wind , but for their own advantage . besides they know that if any difficulty happen , it is reasonable they should be deserted . wherefore they ought to make much of those , who are truly philo-basiless , for there are too few of them , who are sincerely even so affected . it is an action of very great prudence to carry even between adulation and sowreness . neither to be as the cook , that aimes onely at pleasure ; nor as the physician , who intends only health ; but to mingle and ajust them together . whilst we retain justice and friendship , not to scandalize prudence and interest is a difficult matter . yet not impossible , for m. lepidus kept to the end his authority with tiberius , a very jealous prince , as tacitus observes . flattery and obsequiousnes is a more quick and ready way to advancement , then either durable or laudable . for when discovered to be such , it is contemtible , and afterwards odious . it is but lead that bends and plies every way ; nor is he a man either of virtue or courage , that can condescend to make himself universal minister to any one . consequently he is neither faithful in his emploiment , when he eyes a greater reward ; nor constant to him , when he spies danger . of flatterers there are two sorts . bouffons , whose cheif insinuation is to eat and be clothed . who like the ape , finding himself neither fit to carry burdens as the asse , nor to keep the house , as the dog , betakes himself to make sport . these are easily discovered , and their worst is not very dangerous . . the other sort are more subtil , gentile , and mischievous ; whose designs are to intrigue themselves into business ; to make fortunes , and get estates , or perhaps honors , by universal compliance . these , by observing the actions and discourses of their pretended patron , discover his inclination , as hunters do the haunts of wild beasts , that they may easilier intrap them . it is their interest he should be vitious , careless , irregular , and extravagant ; for by that means , they can more easily withdraw him from all virtuous persons , and ingross him to themselves : who have no other way to ingratiate themselves , but their ready compliance with all his desires . this they endeavor should pass for affection to his person ; and they represent all other advisers , either as contemners of him ; or at best as morose and of evil humor . therefore they pretend to idolize him ; to observe his counsels and commands as oracles ; not to converse with those he suspects ; to inveigh against his enemies ; to make him the head of their own counsels ; and themselves to be even in their particular affairs ruled by him ; to take great content in serving him ; to praise him immoderately before those who will be sure to inform him of it ; to exaggerate every small favor received from him ; and to dissemble the injuries . they also are careful to new-name all his vices . covetousnes they call providence ; jealousy , circumspection ; prodigality is generousness , &c. then they compare him with others either of a contrary vice , if the man be hated ; or of the same , if in any reputation . they feign also in themselves the same inclinations , sympathy , sentiments with their patron . and often undervalue themselves in respect of him . they are also apt to praise him for what he hath not done , or extravagantly for what he hath done , glosing and varnishing all miscarriages , &c. and few there are who are not taken even with this one bait . for who is he that values not himself above his deserts , and thinks not all is his due which is given ? in reality , the refusing or accepting of praise rationally and discreetly , is as great a trial of a wise man , as the cupel is of silver . no master esteems a servant , of whom he hath no need ; and that either for his abilities ( of which few masters can judg ) or because he knows his secrets ; this then being the easilier and securer , is that way , which flatterers , and all those who endeavor to make themselves great by unlawful means , chuse to walk in . and of all secrets , they most desire to be privy to his vices , for by that means he becomes obnoxious to them . in doing ill offices these flatterers observe , . to do them seldom . . to tolerate , if not confirm , the praises of him they design upon ; lest they be suspected to have done it out of malice . . to pretend no small or inconsiderable occasion , nor their own concerns , but a public one only , and in defence of their superiors . . to dispose their words so , as they may seem casual and unpremeditated . artis est celare artem ; they endeavor therefore by all means to be accounted sincere and upright persons ; for they see that the fame of being crafty and subtil ( which is the great skill they really pretend to ) much retards , and impedes their businesses . in general conversation therefore none more open and free ; none seeming by their discourse more noble and generous . but their confidence is in simulation and duplicity ; which , because of other mens evil dealing , they pretend is necessary . they often pretend , and endeavor , to be in esteem with the clergy ; especially those who make shew of greatest severity , and holines . and of so great force is the shew of religion , that even an hypocrite is feared and reverenced . hereby also they have considerable advantages ; that they can decry all vices , even those themselves are guilty of ; and can safely asperse those whom they hate or fear ; and unhappy are they , that fall into their hands . . princes , when they have denied a favor , to one that importunately sues for it , are apt to suspect that such a one hates them for the denial : and therefore afterward look not well upon that person . wherefore be not too earnest in your requests . and if your misfortune be to be denied , be sure not to shew such resentment , as he may suspect you intend him any harm . rather seem to be content with any slender shew of reason he gives you ; so you may obtain , if not this , yet some other favor . but if you perceive his mind to be alienated from you , retire betimes ; for a man falling is by every one thrust downwards . besides all the miscarriages and errors will be surely laid upon your shouldiers , notwithstanding all your innocency . do violence to your self rather then not conceal or dissemble the injuries done you by your prince or patron . for should you declare your self unsatisfied , so far would he be from compassionating , or making amends , to , you ; that upon the least occasion he will hate you . finis . errata . pag. . l. . first care . p. . l. . preternatural . p. . l. ult . eradication . p. . l. . in matter . p. . l. . governed learning . p. . l. ult . dele actions . p. . l. . his thrusts . academiarum examen, or, the examination of academies wherein is discussed and examined the matter, method and customes of academick and scholastick learning, and the insufficiency thereof discovered and laid open : as also some expedients proposed for the reforming of schools, and the perfecting and promoting of all kind of science ... / by jo. webster. webster, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing w ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing w estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) academiarum examen, or, the examination of academies wherein is discussed and examined the matter, method and customes of academick and scholastick learning, and the insufficiency thereof discovered and laid open : as also some expedients proposed for the reforming of schools, and the perfecting and promoting of all kind of science ... / by jo. webster. webster, john, - . [ ], p. printed for giles calvert ..., london : . reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. eng education, higher -- early works to . learning and scholarship. universities and colleges -- great britain. a r (wing w ). civilwar no academiarum examen, or the examination of academies. wherein is discussed and examined the matter, method and customes of academick and scho webster, john d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - rina kor sampled and proofread - rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion academiarum examen , or the examination of academies . wherein is discussed and examined the matter , method and customes of academick and scholastick learning , and the insufficiency thereof discovered and laid open ; as also some expedients proposed for the reforming of schools , and the perfecting and promoting of all kind of science . offered to the judgements of all those that love the proficiencie of arts and sciences , and the advancement of learning . by io. webster . in moribus et institutis academiarum , collegiorum , et similium conven●uum , quae ad doctorum hominum sedes , & operas mutuas destinata sunt , omnia progressui scientiarum in ulterius adversa inveniri . franc. bacon . de verulamio lib. de cogitat . & vis . pag●●nihi . london , printed for giles calvert , and are to be sold at the sign of the black-spread-eagle at the west-end of pauls , mdcliv . to the right honourable major general lambert . right honorable , i present not these rude lines , thereby to beg protection ; for if they be not able to stand of themselves , i desi●e they should no● be supported by others ; but onely because some years agoe a short draught of them was brought to your hands , and your honour was then pleased to judge it worthy of your view and consideration , which makes me bold to mind you of what then i intimated unto you , which was and is thus much , that seeing divine providence hath made you ( with the rest of those faithfull and gallant men of the army ) signally instrumental , both in redeeming the english liberty , almost d●owned in the deluge of tyranny and self interest , and also unmanacling the simple and pure truth of the gospel , from the ch●ins and fetters of cold and dead formality , and of restrictive and compulsary power , two of the greatest blessings our nation ever yet enjoyed , i hope the same providence will also direct you to be assistant to continue the s●●e , against all the bitterness and cruelty of those , who , having obtained liberty for themselves , care not though others be bound up and persecuted , and moreover guide you to set to your hand and endeavour for the purging and reforming of academies , and the advancement of learning , which hitherto hath been little promoted or look'd into . and i am the more imboldned in this confidence , having experimental knowledge and trial , not onely of your honours abilities that way , but also of your sincere affection and unparalleld love to learning , and to all those that are lovers and promoters therof ; which have been the principal motives to incite me to tender this rude essay , and these few unpolish'd lines to your profound and mature judgement , which , besides the good will of the author , have little in them worthy your deliberate consideration : yet i suppose , if rightly weighed and examined , there will appear something in them of necessary consequence for the promoting of learning , or at least to stir up some more able wits to make a s●●●tiny into these things that are here controver●ed , which is the greatest aim of my flagging desires . bu● l●st while i speak for truth and learning , i may speak my self in stead thereof , which is natures epidemical disease , and in not glorying may seem to glory , i only leave them to your honours ●●●jure , and my self your honours devoted servant , io. webster . october . . to all that truly love the advancement of learning in the universities of cambridge and oxford , or elsewhere . gentlemen , though my stoical and rigid humor might rather have induced me to have practised that severe maxim , that men in publishing their writings should neither make use of fear nor care , as having that sufficient testimony in their own breasts of the sincerity of their intentions , and the perspicuity , certainty and utility of those things they divulge , that they need not fear their pains shall want protection , nor care for or fear the censures of men ; yet knowing i have to deal with creatures more humane , civil , debonayre and ingenuous than the many headed multitude , out of tenderness to give any jnst scandall or offence and out of care to give all candid and free spirits the ultimate content that lies in my power , i will give some few reasons of this my present undertaking , especially considering that he who goes about to censure and refute the opinions of others , cannot but stand in need of an apology for himself . some , i make no doubt , will at the first sight of this artless rapsody , look upon me as some goth or vandal , hunne or scythian , coming like a torrent from the boreal and barren mountains of cold stupidity and dark ignorance , violently labouring to bring a deluge or inundation upon all the pleasant gardens of arts and sciences , and to make an universal conquest of all the flourishing kingdomes of antient and long-esteemed literature , thereby to erect the monarchy of feral bru●ishness and savage barbarism . well , whatsoever they may or can think or say of me , i am sure they cannot more experimentally and apodictically anatomize mine idiocrasie than my self , nor be better acquainted with my weakness , nescience , ignorance & errors than i am my self and i have truly more to say against my self than all the world can say of me or by me ; yet if i may be thought to know the interior motions and intentions of mine own heart better than others , then i can truly and cordially testifie , that my soul is altogether inscious and innoc●nt of any such purpose . doubtless i may through mistake and want of ability to discern what is truth , and what is falshood , what is true learning , and what is but opiniative , painted and seeming misse the way , and shoot far from the mark ; yet hath my will and affections no other end but onely to hold out what is homogeneous to truth , and of real tendency to advance science . others may imagine that confidence of self-sufficiency , or hope of fame and vain glory , to be said to have attempted great things ; or like scaliger with cardan to think to gain credit , to intermeddle with the splendor of the great name of aristotle ; or to be so audacious , being but as an ant or pygmie , to undertake to combate with the sons of anac , in entring so boldly upon an examination of the academies , which are , and have been the fountains of learning , have been the motives that have had the most principal impulse upon my spirits in this iuterpriz● ; or that in the vain confidence of my abilities in oratory , i have plaid but agrippa's ape , to make a declamation against the approv'd scholastick learning thereby to be accounted more learned : to these i plainly answer , my own breast is mine own sanctuary & let them judge what they please , for if affection to simple and naked truth had had no more influence upon my spirit than desire of fame and repute , i could have been willing to have been silent untill i had been returned into that universal silence into which all must goe ; and if i be not guilty of too much dubitation with pyrrho , i am not culpable of too much considence with aristotle . but i must needs confess , as i never attempted any adversary through the incouragement of his weakness , so i never feared any because of his supposed strength ; those that teach in the academies are but as others , and homo is a common name to all men . and if these men understood that i know better how to live without the most men in the world , than many in the world know how to live without me , they would never have judged me by their own measure , nor have imagined that either fear or favour , repute or disrepute , could have drawn me to this undertaking . and my unskilfulness in oratory is so sufficiently manifest in these unelegant lines , as it cannot be of much weight to beget a belief of gaining credit by that means , whereof i am absolutely conscious i am utterly void ; and if agrippa have done well , why should i be troubled to be accounted his imitator ? others will look upon me as an absolute leveller , and imagine that i would but have the tree digged up by the roots , that if i get none of the main timber , yet i may have some of the tops , or at least to warm my self with the chips ; and will say , that as the presbyters rooted out the episcopants , yet it was but to gather the tythes into their own barns ; and as the independents dismounted the presbyterians , yet it was but to ride in their saddle : so we that talk of reforming the academies and schools , do it but that we might divide some of the spoil , or step into the places of those that are turned out . wel , it is an easie exposition to expound other mens aymes by their own , and to judge what others intend to do , because we our selves have either done or intend to do the like in like cases ; but facility and verity are not alwaies twins , others are not necessarily corrupt because we are so , minds as well as faces may have the same difference . but however i must needs so far own levelling , that i hold plai● dealing to be a jewel , and he that loves rugged , knotty and uneven paths may chuse them for me , i shall not willingly follow him therein ; smooth and plain waies to me seem more amiable , secure , and comfortable . for the prelacy though it sought to bow me , yet it could not break me ; though the presbyterian pride did seem to threaten me , yet it could not hurt me , and the independent forms could never inform me beyond the basis of a better building than man can erect : nor can the spoil of academies ever please my mind , nor shall fill my purse . and therefore i would have such to know that i am no dean not master , president nor provost , fellow nor pensioner , neither have i tyths appropriate ▪ nor impropriate , augmentation , nor state pay , nor all the levelling that hath been in these times , hath not mounted nor raised me , nor can they make me fall lower , qui cadit in terram , non habet unde cadat . and he that would raise himself by the ruins of others , or warm himself by the burning of schools , i wish him no greater plague than his own ignorance , nor that he may ever gain more knowledge than to live to repent . some also will inquire who , and what i am , how bred and educated , that i dare be so audacious and insolent to examine and oppose that learning , which hath been received and approved for so many years , as●ented unto , and extolled by so many great wits and profound judgements , and defended , and patronized by all the academies in the universe : and will think it fit i should give an account of my self , that the world may judge of mine abilities , lest my shoulders be found too weak to support so ponderous a burthen . to all which i might return this , si respondere noluero , quis coacturus fit ? yet shall i not be so cynical , but plainly tell them that hercules is easily known by his foot , and the lion by his paw , the treatise it self will sufficiently speak both my strength and weaknesse , my science and ignorance , and causes are best known by their effects , and the tree by its fruits , and therefore they need no cleerer rules , or means to judge by , than the things herein laid down . and if i know little ( as i am most conscious that i only know this , that i know nothing at all , at least as i ought to know ) let not my education be blamed , but my negligence and stupidity , though i must confess i ow little to the advantages of those things called the goods of fortune , but most ( next under the goodness of god ) to industry : however , i am a free-born englishman , a citizen of the world , and a seeker of knowledge , and am willing to teach what i know , and learn what i know not , and this is sufficient satisfaction to modest inquirers . furthermore , some may object and say , that this treatise is but like plato's republick , sir thomas moor's vtopia , or the lord bacon's new athlantis , fraught with nothing but heterodoxal novelties , and imaginary whimseys , which are not to be imitated , and are meerly unpracticable . to this i answer , that phantastical heads may very well be filled with such roving thoughts , and conceited crotches , yet i would have them to know that in plato's common-wealth , and sir thomas moor's vtopia , are more excellent things contained than figments and impossibilities , though the general blindness , and curse upon the sons of adam keep them frō seeing or practising any thing that may break the yoak or remove the burthen : and for the arcana et magnalia naturae , aimed at by sir francis bacon , they might be brought to some reasonable perfection , if the waies and means that he hath prescribed , were diligently observed , and persued ; and if these poor lines of mine contained but any treasure comparable to any of their rich mines , i should set an higher character of esteem upon them , than now i ought , or they any way merit . and it is true , that supposed difficulty , and impossibility , are great causes of determent from attempting , or trying of new discoveries , and enterprises , for the sloathful person usually cryeth , go not forth , there is a lion or bear in the way ; and if columbus had not had the spirit to have attempted , against all seeming impossibilities , and discouragements , never had he gained that immortal honour , nor the spaniards been masters of the rich indies , for we often admire why many things are attempted which appear to us as impossible , and yet when attained , we wonder they were no sooner set upon , and tried , so though the means here prescribed may seem weak and difficult to be put into use , yet being practised may be found easy and advantagious . and i hope newness need not be a brand to any indeavor , or discovery , seeing it is but a meer relative to our intellects , for that , of which we were ignorant , being discovered to us , we call new , which ought rather to mind us of our imbecillity and ignoranee , than to be any stain or scandal to the thing discovered , for doubtlesly he said well that accounted philosophy to be that , which taught us nihil admirari , and admiration is alwaies the daughter of ignorance . and if some shall allege that here is nothing mine own but what is gleaned and collected from others , and so is nothing else but a transcription , and that if every bird take her own feather , i shall be but left naked and bare . well , suppose all this be true , and that nihil dictum quod non prius , yet is this no more blameable in me than in others , for i confess the most of the arguments i have used have been borrowed from those learned authors whose names i have used , or whose writings i have cited , yet are there many things also of mine own , at least the methode and manner of arguing , so that i may say with macrobius , omne meum , nihil meum . and if the things therein contained be hinted at and taught by others , then i only am not paradoxal but they also , and i have produced their testimony , that the world may see how many valiant champions have stood up to maintain truth against the impetuous torrent of antiquity , authority and universality of opinion ; and though they be not so numerous , yet are they no babes , but strong men , who fight not with the plumbeous weapons of notions , syllogism , and putation , but with the steely instruments of demonstration , observation , and experimental induction , so that i hope i shall not be accused of novelty and singularity , seeing i have so many noble heroes to bear me company . however i may be censured , i intend not to asperse the persons of any , nor to traduce nor calumniate the academies themselves , but only the corruptions that time and negligence hath introduced there , but simply to attempt ( according to my best understanding ) some reformation , not eradication of their customes , and learning , which though i have ( peradventure ) but weakedly mannaged , yet i hope my poor mite , with the can did and ingenuous will be accepted , and for the rest i value them not , and i intreat the more able to supply what my want of strength hath left incompleat , and imperfect . lastly , i have rather intended this as an essay to break the ice to some more able judgement , than as sufficient of it self to perform what is aimed at , because i have neither performed what i should have done , nor what i could , but only traced out some few cleer things as a guide to higher and more noble undertakings : in a word , if i have said or done any thing that may truely advance science , i have mine end , if otherwise , blame the weakness , not the will of him , who subscribes himself , servant to all those that truely love learning . jo. webster . octob. . . sagacissimo et doctissimo viro johanni websterio carmen acrosticon et encomiasticon . j in an aegyptian darknesse men do live , o o'recome with fancies which the schoolmen give ; h high-building-tower men , who such notions make , n nothing but babel we from them can take . w weave now such damask , webster , that this age e eternize may thy name with th' graecian sage . b build thou a school , whose strong foundation may s sacred remain , when thou art laid in clay . t time then shall write in brazen sheets thy fame , e englands guard-angel shall preserve thy frame , r rebuking schoolmen with thy very name . r. h. n. & medicus . to the reader concerning this book , and his worthy friend , the composer of it . who fears the same of academick sense must blame this author , saying , a bonny sconce is fitter for him , than a weed that springs in any grove , that 's shadowed by the wings of pegasus , that nimble horse that runnes among the goths , the vandals , and the hunnes ; but we are christians , say the men that bottle all their extractions out of aristotle ; we are the men that must amuze the world with what he hath broach'd , and still amongst us hurl'd : but here 's a man that tells the truth indeed , and shewes our human learning but a weed , a dream of yesternight , and no such thing as men from oxford , or from cambridge bring . reader consider what he saies , and mark what artifice of mischief lyes i'th'dark , how ignorance hath brav'd it out , and still goes veil'd and mask'd under the name of skill ; how men pretend to that which is divine , and yet discern not what is but humane . how earnest should we be , and valiant then against those idols of the times , who when they know not god , or what is taught by him , would yet in lower waters drink and swim of human learning ? but how vain and odd is his conceit , that knowes neither man nor god , and yet would fain perswade the world that he can handsomely unfold each mystery ? away with fond conceits , let us lament our not perceiving what may us content , which lies not in the creatures view , much less can any see it , who themselves do bless , in groping after that which men enhaunce , and yet what is it , but meer nescience ? well-fare the author of this learned book , whose pains from us frauds of this nature took . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . i. c. a. m. the contents . chap. i. of the generral ends of erecting publique schools . chap. ii. of the division of academick learning , and first of that called school-theology . chap. iii. of the division of that which the schools call humane learning , and first of tongues or languages . chap. iv. of logick . chap. v. of the mathematical sciences . chap. vi . of scholastick philosophy . chap. vii . of metaphysicks , ethicks , politicks , oeconomicks , poesie , and oratory . chap. viii . of their custome and method . chap. ix . of some expedients or remedies , in theology , grammar , logick , and mathematicks . chap. x. of some helps in natural philosophy . chap. xi . some expedients concerning their custome and method . academiarum examen , or the examination of academies . chap. i. of the general ends of erecting publick schools . it is a truth clearly evidential to all , who in a small measure have but convers'd with history , or are not absolute infidels against the fidelity and facts of former ages , that there have been few nations so feral and savage , who have not honoured literature , and in some way or other have not instituted means for the propagating of learning . which is sufficiently witnessed by the most nations of note ; for the indians had their brachman's , and gymnosophists ; the persians their magusaei , or magicians ; the antient gaules , and britaines their druides ; the iewes their rabbies , both cabalists and talmudists ; and the graecians their masters and philosophers . the aegyptians also had their priests , who were men of great learning , and did but account of the graecians in point of knowledge as children , as one of them objected , vos graci semper estis pueri ; and this was that great learning , which moses being skilled in , is commended by s. stephen , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and moses was instituted from a body in all the learning of the aegyptians . now these had their gymnasia or publick schools , wherein they instructed their youth , as apollonius tyaneus witnesseth of the indians , and so st. paul testifieth of himself , that he was brought up at the feet of gamalie . and doubtless in imitation of these eastern nations the graecians erected their schools , and academies ; for pythagoras , democritus , socrates , plato and others , having travelled into forein parts , to participate of their knowledge , and returning home abundantly inriched therewith , did open their schooles to instruct their countrimen , and to let them in some measure tast of the sweet fruit of their far-fetched and dear-bought science . yet had they not ( as far as i can gather ) any publick salaries , but their merit was their maintenance , and their excellency in arts , and diligent industry , the only trumpet to blow abroad their fame , and to procure them both advancement , and auscultators , i shall not need to enlarge my self to speak of their antiquity , or the commendable ends of their first erection , it being manifest that the chief ends , in the institution of them amongst the heathen , were first to inable men for their undertaking in the commonwealth ; and secondly to fit them for the service , or worship of their idols , and imaginary gods ; which ends ( though diversified in the object ) were ( in all probability ) the same that christians aymed at in setting up their schools and universities : the first of which was good , politick , usefull and profitable , inabling men for all kind of undertakings , both military and civil , without which men do not much differ from brute animants ; the perfection of which is the greatest acquisition that men in this frail life can be partakers of , and in comparison of which all other worldly treasures are but as vapours and emptiness . but the other end , namely by these acquirements to fit and inable men for the ministry , and thereby to unlock the sealed cabinet of the counsel of god ( as it hath been commonly received in judgement , and used in practice ) hath not onely failed of the principal end aimed at , but been quite contrary and opposite thereunto . for every thing stretched and elevated beyond its own proper sphear and activity , becomes not onely vain and unprofitable , but also hurtfull and dangerous : boni oculi , & usui necessarii , sed cum sine lumine aspicere volunt , nihil eis species proficit , nihil propria vis , sed affert nocumentum , the eies are good , and necessary for use , but when they will see without light , the species of things doth not profit , their own vertue doth not profit , but bring nocument : so humane knowledge is good , and excellent , and is of manifold and transcendent use , while moving in its own orb ; but when it will see further than its own light can lead it , it then becomes blind , and destroyes it self . so if the academies had kept within their own sphear , and onely taught humane science , and had not in pride and vain glory , mounted into the chariot of the sun like phaeton , they had then neither disordered nor injured theologie that is above them , nor the things of nature , which they account below them ; nor had they attempted to send labourers into the lords vineyard , which none but he himself alone can do ; nor been negligent in that burthen , and labor , that was peculiar unto them , and incumbent upon them . and to cleer this we shall only touch some few arguments , because elsewhere we have said more . . the chief scope and drift of the gospel is to humble the proud , and towering imaginations of lost man , and to let him see that he is ( notwithstanding the excellency of all his acquisitions ) utterly blind , and knows nothing as he ought to know . and so while this vain tradition pretends to enable man to understand the mysteries of the gospel , it makes him ( through confidence in his attainments ) uncapable of being taught them , as iobs friend truly said , vain man would be wise , though he be born as a wild asses colt. tantò fit quisque vilior deo , quantò pretiosior sibi , tantò pretiosior deo , quantò propter eum vilior sibi , every one becomes so much more vile unto god , by how much more he is precious unto himself , so much more precious unto god , by how much more because of him he is vile unto himself . . the end of the gospel is to discover the wisdome of the world ( in the height of its purity and perfection ) to be meer foolishness , that so it may not be ballanced or compared with those divine raies of caelestial light that the spirit of god reveals in and unto man . haec tota est scientia magna hominis scire , quia ipsa nihil est per se , & quoniam quicquid est , ex deo est , et propter deum est , this is the whole knowledge of man , to know that it is nothing of it self , and that whatsoever it is , it is of god , and for god . but this opinion makes man confidently walk on in the light of his own sparks , and by the fire that he hath kinkled unto himself , and to prize it above the glorious and given light of the spirit of grace , and therefore ( as saith the prophet ) to ly down in sorrow . ad veram sapientiam pervenire non possunt , qui falsae suae sapientiae fiduciâ decipiunt , those can never attain unto true sapience who deceive themselves in the confidence of their own false wisdome . . the teaching of spiritual and gospel knowledge is onely and peculiarly appropriated and attributed unto the spirit of god , it is neither of man , nor by man , flesh and blood reveals it not , but the father which is in heaven ; and every scribe fit for the kingdome of heaven is taught of god . doctus autem scriba , qui magisterium universalis scientiae adeptus , habet thesaurum , de quo proferre potest nova et vetera , for the taught scribe , who having attained the magistery of universal science , hath a treasury out of which he can bring new things and old . now this tenent doth attribute it to a fleshly power , contrary to the truth of god , which denies it to be in the power of humane acquisition . the natural man receiveth not the things of the spirit of god , for they are foolishness unto him : neither can he know them , because they are spiritually discerned . . the weapons and instruments of a minister of the gospel are of a more transcendent and sublime nature , than those that one man can furnish another withall , they are not carnal , but spiritual , not mighty through us or our power , but through christ , not for the elevating and blowing up , but for the pulling down of strong holds , casting down imaginations , & every thing that exalteth it self against the knowledge of god , and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of christ . now is it not manifest that all the science that men or schools can teach is but carnal , and tends to exalt & not pull down the imaginations of man ? and therefore true of them , as one of the antients said , nugas tenemus , et fonte veritatis amisso , opinionum rivulos consectamur , we hold trifles , and the fountain of verity being lost , we follow the rivulets of opinions . . the apostles and disciples neither taught nor practised any such matter , but bad us beware of philosophy , which is after the rudiments of the world , and not after christ : nay the apostle forbad us even to speak or declare the things of christ in the wisdome of mens words , because thereby the cross of christ is made of none effect , and thereby mens faith doth but stand in the wisdome of man , and not in the power of god . there is a very remarkable and apposite relation recorded by chrysostome of two men disputing , the one a christian , the other an heathen , and the question betwixt them was , whether paul or plato were more eloquent , the christian arguing for st. paul , and the heathen for his master plato , of whom he affirms that the christian had the argument that belonged to the ●eathe● , and the heathen that which belonged to the christian , and draweth this conclusion . si platone disertior paulus fuisset , multi non immeritò asserere potuissent , non gratiâ vicisse paulum , sed facundiâ ; ex quo satis constat , non in sapientiâ humanâ praedicationem factam esse , sed in divinâ gratiâ . if paul had been more eloquent than plato , many not unworthily might have asserted , that paul had been victor , not by grace , but facundity , from whence it is sufficiently manifest that the preaching of the gospel was not made in the wisdome of man , but in divine grace . therefore is this teaching and practice contrary to the apostles rule and canon . . all things that by the spirit of christ are revealed unto , or wrought in man , are for this end , to take away from the creature totally all cause and ground of boasting or glorying , and to give the glory to god solely , to whom it is due . he that rejoiceth , let him rejoice in the lord , and let no flesh glory in his presence . non confidat praedicator , vel auditor verbi divini , de acumine ingenii , de subtilitate scrutinii , de sedulitate studii : sed magis considat de bonitate dei , de pietate oraculi , de humilitate cordis intimi , let not the preacher or hearer of the divine word , trust in the acuteness of his wit , the subtilty of his scrutiny , the sedulity of his study : but rather let him trust in the goodness of god , in the piety of the oracle , in the humility of his inward heart . but this tenent of schools inabling men for the ministery , teacheth man to glory in his gotten learning , and acquired parts , and so is contrary to the truth of christ . object . . to this i know it will be objected , that schools teach the knowledge of tongues , without which the scriptures ( being originally written in the hebrew and greek ) cannot be truly and rightly translated , expounded , nor interpreted : and therefore it is necessary that schools and academies should teach these , as properly and mainly conducible to this end . to which i shall give this free and cleer responsion . responsi . . it is not yet infallibly concluded , either which are the true original copies ( especially concerning the hebrew , and the oriental languages ) the iewish tongue having been often altered and corrup●ed by their several intermixtures with , and transmigrations into other nations ; or that they have been purely and sincerely preserved unto our hands . for languages change and alter , as fashions and garments . multa renascentur , quae nunc cecidere , cadentque ; neither have we any thing to assure us in this point , but bare tradition and history , which are various , perplex , dubious , contradictory and deficient . and that it which in it self is dubious and uncertain , should be the means of manifesting the indub●table truth to others , seems not very probable or perswasive . . knowledge of tongues can but teach the grammatical construction , signification , and interpretation of words , propriety of phrases , deduction of etymologies , and such like ; all which tend no further than the instamping of a bare literal understanding , and all this may be , the mystery of the gospel being unknown , for the letter killeth , but the spirit giveth life . and saul before his conversion , & the rest of the iewish rabbies , understood the hebrew and greek tongues , and yet by them understood nothing of the saving mystery of grace , for they stumbled at the stone of offence , and though they were princes in humane learning and wisdome , yet did they not know god in his divine wisdome , for had they known it , they would not have crucified the lord of life . and therefore is not tongues the right key to unlock the scriptures , but the spirit of christ , that opens , and no man shuts , and shuts , and no man opens . . this is built upon no surer a foundation than a traditional faith , for oportet discentem credere , every man must believe his teacher , & therfore hath no more in this but what is taught by man , who is not able to receive the things that are of god , for they are spiritually discerned . so that in this case he that understands the original tongues , in which the text was first written , conceives no more of the mind of god thereby , than he that only can read or hear read the translation in his mothers tongue : for the reasons are every way pareil , and parallel ; for what difference is there between him that relies upon his teachers skill , and he that relies upon the skill of a translator , are they not both alike , since they are but both testimonia humana , full of errors , mistakes and fallacies ? . the errors and mistakes that still remain , and are daily discovered in all translations , do sufficiently witness mens negligence and ignorance , that in the space of sixteen hundred years , have not arrived at so much perfection , as to compleat one translation , to be able to stand the hazard of all essaies , and as the herculean pillar with a ne plus ultra ; especially if unto this be added , the uncertainty ( if not deceit ) of all or the most translations , men usually pretending skill in the original tongues , do draw and hale the word to that sense and meaning that be●● suited with their opinions and tenents , which is cleer in arrius and those others that men have branded with the name of hereticks , ( how justly god knows ) and in those that many do call fathers , as origen , ambrose , and many such ; and in these times the papists , socinians , arminians ( as men have given them names ) and those that have appropriated unto themselves the name of being orthodox : these all pretending exact skill in the original tongues , do all wrest the scriptures to make good their several tenents , and traditional formes , which plainly demonstrates the uncertainty , if not vanity , in boasting of , and trusting in this fleshly weapon , of the knowledge of tongues . . lastly , while men trust to their skill in the understanding of the original tongues , they become utterly ignorant of the true original tongue , the language of the heavenly canaan , which no man can understand or speak , but he that is brought into that good land that flowes with milk and honey , and there to be taught the language of the holy ghost , for he that is from heaven is heavenly , and speaketh heavenly things , and all that are from the earth , do but speak earthly things : so that he that is most expert , and exquisi●e in the greek and oriental tongues , to him notwithstanding the language of the holy ghost , hid in the letter of the scriptutes , is but as hiroglyphicks , and cryptography , which he can never uncypher , unless god bring his own key , and teach him how to use it , and otherwise the voice of saints will but be unto him as the voice of barbarians , even as a sounding brass , and a tinkling cymbal , as not giving any perfect or distinct sound . and therefore as no●hing that i have spoken is intended against the learning and use of languages simply , so i am not averse to mens endeavours about the same , not their pains in perfecting translations , but could heartily wish it were ten times more : yet principally i would have men to know , that it is the spirit of god onely that freely gives men to understand the mysteries of the kingdom of heaven , and if any good or benefit accrew unto the truth and church of christ by the knowledge of tongues or translations , it ariseth not from their excellency , but solely and onely from the mercifull operation of his spirit , who worketh all and in all , and maketh all things to cooperate for the benefit of those whom he hath called according to his own purpose . chap. ii. of the division of academick learning , and first of that called school-theology . there are three things concerning academies , that do obviously offer themselves to our examination ; first , that learning which is the subject of their labours . secondly , their method in the teaching and delivering it unto others . thirdly , their constitutions and customes , of which we shall speak in order ; and first of that learning which they subjectively handle ; for they very proudly , and vaingloriously pretending to make men doctors in divers sciences , and masters , and batchelors in or of arts , it will be very necessary to consider what these sciences and arts are , in or of which men are by them made masters , lest it prove that when men vainly boast , & imagine that they are masters of arts , they be masters of none , but rather ignorant of all or the most . it is no less ingenuous than true , which the learned renatus des cartes acknowledgeth of himself , that having been from his very young years stimulated with a mighty ardor and desire of knowledge , and having run thorough the course and curricle of the scholastick studies , after which by custome and order he was to be received into the number of the learned , even then ( saith he ) tot medubiis totque erroribus implicatum esse adimadverti , ut omnes discendi conatus nihil aliud mihi profecisse judicarem , quàm quod ignorantiam meam magis magisque detexissem , i understood my sel● implicated with so many doubts and so many errors , that i did judge all my desires of learning to have profitted me no more , than that more and more i had detected mine own ignorance . memorable , faithfull , and vastly modest is that free confession of that miracle of learning baptist a van-h●lmont , who when he had accomplished his course in philosophy , and was to receive his degree of a master of arts , ●e begun to examine what a great philosopher he was , and what science he had gained , saith , comperi me literâ inflatum , et veluti manducato pomo vetito planè nudum , praeterquam quod artificiose altercari didiceram . tum prius enotui mihi quod nihil scirem , et scirem quod nihili , i found my self puffed up with the letter , and plainly naked , as though i had eaten of the forbidden apple , except that i had learned artificially to chide . then first it was known to me , that i knew nothing , and what i knew was of no value . and therefore modestly makes this conclusion ; peracto ergo cursu , cum nil solidi , nil veri scirem , titulum magistri artium recusavi ; nolens , ut mecum morionem professores agerent , magistrum septem artium declararent , qui nondum essem discipulus , therefore the course of my studies being finished , seeing i knew nothing of solidity , nothing of truth , i refus●d the title of master of arts , unwilling the professors should play the fool with me , that they should declare me master of the seve● ar●s , w●o as yet was not a disciple , or taught . and i cou●d wish that all those that boast of being masters of arts had the true insight of their own self●insufficiency , then would they be more willing to learn , than to undertake to teach . the first usual div●sion of scholastick learning is into divine and humane ; the first of which they commonly stile by that improper and high-flown title of school-divinity : and sometimes more modestly and aptly , school-theology , and by some metaphysicks , or natural theology , the vanity , vselessenesse , and hurtfulnesse of which we shall shew in some few clear arguments . first , the vanity of it appeareth in this , that men and academies have undertaken to teach that which none but the spirit of christ is the true doctor of , and so contrary to the truth call men teachers and masters upon earth , when we have but one father ( to teach these things ) which is in heaven , and one true master ( who only can disciple us in these things ) even christ , and so ought not vainly ( because of mans pretending to teach us those things in the ordinary way of humane teaching ) to be called , or to call one another rabbies ; for every good gift , and every perfect gift is from above , and commeth down from the father of lights , with whom is no variablenesse , neither shadow of turning . i do not deny nor envy men the titles of being called doctors and masters for their knowledge in natural and civil things , and for to have a civil reverence and honour , but to have these titles given them as able , or taking upon them to teach spiritual things , is vanity and pride , if not blasphemy : for i must conclude with chrysostome , omnis ars suis terminis non contenta , stultitia est , every art not content with it own bounds , is foolishnesse . and therefore sober and christian-like is that conclusion of cartesius speaking of theology , sed cum pro certo et explorato accepissem , iter quod ad illam ducit doctis non magis patere quam indoctis , veritatosque à deo revelatas humani ingenii captum excedere , verebar ne in temeritatis crimen inciderem , si illas imbecilae rationis meae examini subijcerem , et quicunque iis recognoscendis , atque interpretandis vacare audent , peculiari ad hoc dei gratia indigere , ac supra vulgarium hominum sortem positi esse debere , mihi videbantur , but when i had received it for certain , and indubitable , that the path which leads unto it , is not more open to the learned than to the unlearned , and that the truths revealed of god do exceed the capacity of humane wit , i did fear lest i should fall into the crime of temerity , if i should subject them to the examination of my weak reason , and whosoever did attend the handling and interpreting of those things , did seem to me to stand in need of the peculiar grace of god for that work , and ought to be placed above the condition of vulgar men . so that it is the proper and peculiar science and art of the holy ghost , which none can teach but god onely , vid. cusan , in apol. doctae ignorantiae , bapt. van helm . in promis . stud. author . et de venatione scientiarum , paracels . lib. de fundamento scientiarum et sapientiae , et in lib. de inventione artium , et alios . secondly , from this putrid and muddy fountain doth arise all those hellish and dark foggs and vapours that like locusts crawling from this bottomlesse pit have overspread the face of the whole earth , filling men with pride , insolency , and self-confidence , to aver and maintain that none are fit to speak , and preach the spiritual , & deep things of god , but such as are indued with this scholastick , & mans idol-made-learning , and so become fighters against god , and his truth , and persecutors of all those that speak from the principle of that wisedome , that is from above , and is pnre and peaceable : not consessing the nothingnesse of creaturely wisedom , but magnifying , and boasting in that which is earthly , sensual , and devillish . frustra enim cordis oculum erigit ad videndum deum , qui nondum idoneus est ad videndum seipsum , for in vain doth he lift the eye of his heart to see god , who is not yet fit to see himself . and therefore these thinking themselves wise , they become fools , and proudly taking upon them to teach others the things of god in the way of worldly wisdome , are not onely untaught of god , but are enemies to his heavenly wisdome . excellent is that of the cardinal , in his discourse between the doctor and the idiot , for the idiot saith , haec est fortassis inter te & me differentia , tu , te scientem putas , cum non sis , hinc superbis ; ego verò idiotam me esse cognosco , hinc humilior , in hoc fortè doctior existo , this perhaps is the difference betwixt me and thee , thou thinkest thy self knowing , when thou art not , from hence thou art proud ; i truly know my self to be an idiot , from hence i am humbled , in this perhaps i am more learned . . from this ariseth the dividing and renting of the seamless coat of christ , which is indivisible , and admits no schism , but must pass all one way , according to the lot of the father . but how have they attomized the unity and simplicity of that truth ? when there is but one body , and one spirit , and one hope in the calling of all saints : one lord , one faith , one baptism , one god and father of all , who is above all , and through all and in all . for first they have proudly under taken to define theologie , as they have done other arts and sciences , and so make it habitus acquisitus , and attainable by the wit , power and industry of man , when it is peculiarly and onely donum altissimi , and meerly the fruit of grace , and that also gratis datum : and yet sometimes they divide sciences into two sorts , infusive , and acquisitive , and number this as that which is infused , and yet not remembring their own dichotomy , do vainly pretend to teach men that which is onely instilled and infused by the spirit of god : and therefore might more exactly keep their own division , to have left that inspired knowledge , which is onely infused and given from above , to the teaching of the holy ghost . and if they would have considered theologie as natural , which is such a spark of knowledge as can be had of god by the light of nature , and the contemplation of created things , which in regard of the object may be called divine , in respect of the information , natural , and so kept it within its own bounds , it were tolerable ; for , hujus scientiae limites ita verè signantur , ut ad atheismum confutandum , & convincendum , & ad legem naturae informandam , se extendant ; ad religionem autem astruendā non proferantur , the limits of this science may be so truly assigned or set out , that they may extend themselves to the confuting and convincing if atheism , and to teach the law or order of nature ; but should not be brought forth to assert or build up religion . secondly , they have laid down positive definitions of god , who cannot be defined but by his own logick , for with him is the fountain of life , and it is in his light that we see light : and their own rules teach them that there cannot be a perfect definition , where there is not a proxime genus ; but he doth supereminently transcend all their whole praedicamental skale , nay the heaven of heavens cannot contain him , how much less the narrow vessell of mans intellect , or the weak and shallow rules of logical skill ? and therefore if they had but humbly and modestly attempted no more , but what is attainable by the poor scintillary glimpse of natural light , and have confessed the same constantly and freely , and that all their best descriptions of the immense and imcomprehensible one , were but infinitely weak and short to make out his ineffable wisdome , power , and glory , and so have used it but to convince atheists , or to make manifest the cause of causes , and being of beings , and not thereby to have reared up an high-towring babell of confused , notional , fruitless and vain religion , it might have passed without reproof , and the schoolmen without condemnation . for if we could handle these high and deep mysteries of god , and his spirit , then ought we to have not the spirit of the world ( which is carnal wisdome and reason ) but that spirit which is of god , which searcheth all things , even the deep things of god , that we might know the things that are freely given to us of god : and so to go out of our selves , and out of the weak and rotten vessel of humane reason , into that ark of noah , which guided by the divine magnetick needle of gods spirit , can onely direct us to rest upon the mountains of ararat , even upon himself in christ jesus , who is the rock of ages , and the stone cut out without hands , that crusheth and breaketh in pieces all the strong images of mans wisdome , power , strength and righteousness . . they have drawn theologie into a close and strict logical method , and thereby hedged in the free workings and manifestations of the holy one of israel , who by his spirit bloweth where he listeth , like the wind , and men may hear the sound thereof , but cannot tell from whence it cometh , nor whither it goeth : as though the holy ghost had not had an higher and more heavenly method and way to teach divine things in and by , than the art of logick ( which is meerly humane , and mans invention ) seeing the foolishness of god is wiser than the wisdome of men , and the weakness of god is stronger than men , when indeed the spirit of god hath a secre● , divine and heavenly method of its own , and onely proper to it self , which none can know but those that are taught it of god , and therefore they onely understand it , and speak out the things of god , but not in the words which mans wisdome teacheth , but which the holy ghost teacheth , comparing spiritual things with spiritual . but these men accumulating a farraginous heap of divisions , subdivisions , distinctions , limitations , axioms , positions and rules , do chanel & bottle up the water of life ( as they think ) in and by these , and again powre it forth as they please , and this is spiritual sorcery or inchantment , like saul , when god had left him , to seek for baal oboth , the lord in a bottle , or the lord bottled up , and not to look for his truth as a fountain of life , or as a wel springing up to eternal life ; and so forsook the lord the fountain of living waters , to draw water out of their own broken cisterns that will hold no water ; these think abanah and pharpar rivers of damascus , better than all the waters of israel , and that they may wash in them and be clean ; and are not willing to draw water with joy out of the wels of salvation , and know not that there is but one river the streams whereof make glad the city of god , the holy place of the tabernacle of the most high : when he that drinketh at any other fountain , shall thirst again , but this shall be and ever is a well-spring unto eternal life . . if we narrowly take a survey of the whole body of their scholastick theologie , what is it else but a confused chaos , of needless , frivolous , fruitless , triviall , vain , curious , impertinent , knotty , ungodly , irreligious , thorny , and hel-hatc'ht disputes , altercations , doubts , questions and endless janglings , multiplied and spawned forth even to monstrosity and naus●ousness ? like a curious spiders web cunningly interwoven with many various and subtil intertextures , and yet fit for nothing but the insnaring , manacling and intricating of rash , forward , unwary and incircumspect men , who neither see nor know the danger of that cobweb-net untill they be taken in it , and so held fast and inchained . and while they pretend to make all things plain and perspicuous , ( by the assistance of their too much magnified logick ) puffing men up , by making them think themselves able to argue and dispute of the high and deep mysteries of christ , and to conclude as certainly and apodictically as of any other science whatsoever ; they do but lead and precipitate men into the caliginous pit of meer putation , and doubtfull opination ; making the word of god nothing else but as a magazine of carnal weapons , from whence they may draw instruments to fight with and wound one another ; or like a tennis ball to be tossed and reverberated by their petulant wits and perverse reasons , from one to another , untill truth be lost , or they utterly wearied ; while in the mean time the power and simplicity of faith lies lost in the dust of disputations , and they like masters of fence seem to play many doubtfull and dangerous prizes , seemingly in good earnest , and to the hazard of their lives , when in verity it is but to inhance their own reputations , and to suck money out of the purses of the spectators ; so that their fit motto and impress may be , disputandi prurigo , fit ecclesiarum scabies . now how vain this is in it self , how pernicious , injurious , deadly and destructive to the truth of the gospel , the apostle sufficiently admonisheth us , warning timothy to keep that which is committed to his trust , and to avoid , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , profanos illos , de rebus inanibus clamores , & oppositiones falso nominatae notitiae ; prophane , vain bablings and oppositions of science falsly so called ; and also exhorteth to eschew foolish and unlearned questions , which do engender strife , and to titus , that he should avoid foolish questions , and genealogies , and contentions , and strivings about the law , because they are unprofitable and vain : and therefore chrysostone said well in the person of st. paul , non veni syllogismorum captiones , non sophismata , non aliud quiddam hujusmodi vobis afferens praeter christum crucifixum ; i came not unto you bringing the subtilties of syllogisms , nor sophisms , nor any other thing of like sort , except christ crucified . . the whole scripture is given that man might be brought to the full , and absolute abnegation of all his wit , reason , will , desires , strength , wisdome , righteousness , and all humane glory and excellencies whatsoever , and that ●elfhood might be totally annihilated , that he might live , yet not he , but that christ might live in him , and that the life which he liveth in the flesh might be by the faith of the son of god , who loved him , and gave himself for him . but if man gave his assent unto , or believed the things of christ , either because , and as as they are taught of and by men , or because they appear p●obable and consentaneous to his reason , then would his faith be statuminated upon the rotten basis of humane authority , or else he might be said to assent unto and believe the things , because of their appearing probable , and because of the verisimilitude of them , but not solely and onely to believe in and upon the author and promiser of them , for his faithfulness and truths sake , and nothing else ; and so his faith should stand in the wisdome of man , but not in the power of god , and so the cross of christ should become of none effect . but abraham believed god , and it was counted to him for righteousness , though the things promised seemed neither probable nor possible ; and therefore sarah , who is the type of carnal reason , laughed at the promise , conceiving it impossible in reason that she should have a child ; and therefore it is not that assent nor consent that reason gives unto the things of god , as they appear semblable and like , that is the faith of abraham , but a simple and naked believing and relying upon the bare and sole word of the lord , though reason & mans wisdom can see no way how possibly it can cowe to pass , but with mary and nicodemus question how can these things be ; for reason is a monster , and the very root and ground of all infidelity ; for the carnal mind is emnity against god , and is not subject to the law of god , neither indeed can be : but faith is that pure and divine gift and work of god that leads the heart of man in the light and power of the spirit of christ , with faithfull abraham even against hope to believe in hope , and not to stagger at the promise of god through unbelief ; but to be strong in faith , and to give glory to god . concludamus igitur ( saith learned verulam ) theologiam sacram ex verbo , & oraculis dei , non ex lumine naturae , aut rationis dictamime hanriri debere ; therefore we conclude that sacred theologie ought to be drawn from the word and oracles of god , not from the light of nature , or the dictate of reason . chap. iii. of the division of that which the schools call humane learning , and first of tongues or languages . those sciences that the schools usually comprehend under the title of humane , are by them divided divers and sundry waies , according to several fancies or authors ; but most usually into two sorts , speculative and practick : wherein their greatest crime lies in making some meerly speculative , that are of no use or benefit to mankind unless they be reduced into practice , and then of all other most profitable , excellent and usefull ; and these are natural philosophy and mathematicks , both of which will clearly appear to be practical , and that in a few reasons . . can the science of natural things , whose subject they hold to be corpus naturale mobile , be only speculative , and not practical ? is there no further end nor consideration in physicks but onely to search , discuss , understand , and dispute of a natural movable body , with all the affections , accidents and cir●umstances thereto belonging ? is he onely to be accounted — faelix , qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas ? then surely we may justly conclude with seneca , nostra quae erat philosophia , facta philologia est , ex qua disputare docemus , non vivere ! that which was our philosophy is made philologie , from whence we teach to dispute , not to live . surely natural philosophy hath a more noble , sublime , and ultimate end , than to rest in speculation , abstractive notions , mental operations , and verball disputes : for as it should lead us to know and understand the causes , properties , operations and affections of nature ; so not onely to rest there and proceed no further ; but first therein and thereby to see and behold the eternal power and god-head of him , who hath set all these things as so many significant and lively characters , or hieroglyphicks of his invisible power , providence , and divine wisdome , so legible , that those which will not read them , and him by them , are without excuse ; and not to rest there , but to be drawn to trust in and to adore him , who is the causa causans , ens entium , and god of nature ; and not to become like the heathen , when we know god , not to glorifie him as god , neither to be thankfull ; but to become vain in our imaginations , and to have our foolish hearts darkned . and secondly , not onely to know natures power in the causes and effects , but further to make use of them for the general good and benefit of mankind , especially for the conservation and restauration of the health of man , and of those creatures that are usefull for him ; for ubi desinit philosophus incipit medicus , and is practicably applicable to many other things ; as we shall shew when we speak of magick . . can the mathematical sciences , the most noble , useful , and of the greatest certitude of all the rest , serve for no more profitable end , than speculatively and abstractively to be considered of ? how could the life of man be happily led , nay how could men in a manner consist without it ? truly i may justly say of it as cicero of philosophy , it hath taught men to build houses , to live in cities and walled towns ; it hath taught men to measure and divide the earth ; more facilely to negotiate and trade one with another : from whence was found out and ordered the art of navigation , the art of war , e●gins , fortifications , all mechanick operations , were not all these and innumerable others the progeny of this never sufficiently praised science ? o sublime , transcendent , beautifull and most noble mistress ! who would not court such a celestial pallas ? who would not be inamoured upon thy seraphick pulchritude ? surely thy divine and harmoniacal musick were powerfull enough to draw all after thee , if men were not more insensible than stones or trees . is the admirable knowledge that arethmetick afords worthy of nothing but a supine and silent speculation ? let the merchant , astronomer , mariner , mechanick and all speak whether its greatest glory stand not principally in the practick part ? what shall i say of geometry , astronomy , opticks , geography , and all those other contained under them , as they are reconed up by that myrror of manifold learning dr. iohn dee in his preface before euclide ? it were but to hold a candle to give the sun light , to deny that they are practical . nay are not all the rest also practical ? what is grammar , lodgick , rhetorick , poesie , politicks , ethicks , oeconomicks , nay metaphysicks ? if they serve to no other use than bare and fruitless speculation ? i will onely conclude in this case as they do in that maxim of philosophy , frustra est potentia , si non reducitur in actum , in vain is power to speculate , if it be not reduced into action and practice . therefore omitting the division of humane sciences , as either the academies or others have ordered them ; i shall proceed to divide them according to that way which i conceive most convenient and commodious for mine intended purpose , and so shall put them under a threefold consideration . . those arts or sciences , that though they seem to confer some knowledge , yet is it in order to a further end , and so are instrumental , subordinate , and subservient to other sciences . in the number of which i first reckon grammar , or the knowledge of tongues , which in some sort and measure is instrumental , and subservient to all the rest . secondly , logick which i account instrumental , and helpfull to mathematicks , natural philosophy , politicks , ethicks , oeconomicks , oratory , poesie , and all the rest as it especially teacheth a synthetical , and analytical method . thirdly mathematicks , which are not onely subordinate amongst themselves , but especially instrumental , and very usefull to physicks . . those sciences that confer knowledge of themselves , and are not instrumental or subservient to others , as natural philosophy , metaphysicks , politicks , ethicks , and oeconomicks . . those that though they conferre some knowledg , and have some peculiar uses , so they seem necessary as ornamental , and such i account oratory and poesie . which divisions i put not so much because they agree in this order in their proper subjects , and ends , as to accommodate them to my present disquisition . and i shall speak in the order as i have put these , and first of the grammar . . the knowledge of tongues beareth a great noise in the world , and much of our precious time is spent in attaining some smartering and small skill in them , and so we do all servire duram servitutem before we arrive at any competent perfection in them , and yet that doth scarcely compensate our great pains ; nor when obtained , do they answer our longing , and vast expectations for there is not much profit or emolument by them , besides those two great and necessary uses , to inable to read , understand , and interpret or translate the works and writings of other men , who have written in several languages ; so that in this regard they are as a key to unlock the rich cabinet of divers authors , that there by we may gather some of their hidden treasure ; and also to inable men to converse with people of other nations , and so fit men for forein negotiations , trade , and the like , which indeed are very useful and extremely beneficial to all mankind . yet besides what i have formerly spoken of tongues in relation to the interpretation of the scripture , thus much also is evident , that if a man had the perfect knowledge of many , nay all languages , that he could give unto man , beast , bird , fish , plant , mineral , or any other numerical creature or thing , their distinct and proper names in twenty several idioms , or dialects , yet knows he no more thereby , than he that can onely name them in his mother tongue , for the intellect receives no other nor further notion thereby , for the senses receive but one numerical species or ideal-shape from every individual thing , though by institution and imposition , twenty , or one hundred names be given unto it , according to the idiome of several nations . now for a carpenter to spend seven years time about the sharpning and preparing of his instruments , and then had no further skill how to imploy them , were ridiculous and wearisome ; so for scholars to spend divers years for some small scantling and smattering in the tongues , having for the most part got no further knowledge , but like parrats to babble and prattle , that whereby the intellect is no way inriched , is but toylsome , and almost lost labour . excellent and worthy was that attempt of the renowned and learned comenius in his ianna linguarum ( if it had been as well understood , and seconded by others ) to lay down a platform and seminary of all learning and knowable things , that youth might as well in their tender years receive the impression of the knowing of matter , and things , as of words , and that with as much ease , brevity and facility . . for grammar which hath been invented for the more certain and facile teaching , and obtaining of languages , it is very controvertible whether it perform the same in the surest , easiest and shortest way or not ; since hundreds speak their mother tongue and other languages very perfectly , use them readily , and understand them excellent well , and yet never knew nor were taught any grammatical rules , nor followed the wayes of conjugations , and declensions , n●un , or verb. and it is sufficiently known , that many men by their own industry , without the method or rules of grammar , have gotten a competent understanding in divers languages : and many unletter'd persons will by use and exercize without grammatical rules learn to speak , and understand some languages in far shorter time than any do learn them by method and rule , as is clearly manifest by those that travel , and live in divers countries , who will learn two or three by use and exercize , while we are hard tugging to gain one by rule and method . and again , if we conceive that languages learned by use and exercize , render men ready , and expert in the understanding and speaking of them , without any aggravating or pusling the intellect and memory , when that which gotten by rule and method , when we come to use and speak it , doth exceedingly rack and excruciate the intellect and memory ; which are forced at the same time , not onely to find fit words agreeable to the present matter discoursed of , and to put them into a good rhetorical order , but must at the same instant of speaking collect all the numerous rules , of number , case , gender , declension , conjugation , & the like , as into one center , where so many rayes are united , and yet not confounded , which must needs be very perplexive & gravaminous to memorative faculty ; and therfore none that attains languages by grammatical rules do ever come to speak and understand them perfectly and readily , until they come to a perfect habit in the exercitation of them , and so thereby come both to lose and leave the use of those many and intricate rules , which have cost us so much pains to attain to them , and so to justifie the saying , that we do but discere dediscenda , learn things , which afterwards we must learn to forget , or learn otherwise : when those that get them by use and exercitation , attain them in shorter time , have a more perfect and ready way in speaking of them , and are freed from all these tedious pains and fruitlesse labour . much to be commended therefore was the enterprise of doctor web , who found out a more short , certain and easie way to teach the latine tongue in , than the tedious , painful , intricate and hard way of grammar , and that by a brief and easie clausulary method , in farre shorter time to attain perfection therein , and if it had been well followed and improved , would have produced an on incredible advantage to the whole nation ; but we are in this like tradesmen , who all bandy and confederate together to suppresse any new invention though never so commodious to the commonwealth , lest thereby their own privare gain should be obstructed or taken away . . if the way to attain to languages by grammatical method and rule were the best and most certain , ( which yet we have made appear not to be so ) yet the rules comonly used are guilty both of confusion and perplexity . how darkly and confusedly do they go to work ? leading youth on in an intricate laborinth , wherein he is continually toyling like an horse in a mil , and yet makes no great progress , and all because the method is perplex and obscure , void of evidential perspicuity , rightly co-aptated to the tender capacities of young years , which is the cause of the other , namely its prolixity , as we can all witnesse by wofull experienc● ; and little hath been endeavoured for a remedy herein , that hath not been worse than the disease , except the elaborate pains of our countreyman mr. brinsley , who therein deserves exceeding commendation . . i shall also touch some of its material defects : how probable , pleasant and useful is the hieroglyphical , emblematical , symbolical and crytographical learning , and all relative unto grammar , and yet therein nothing at all touched of any of them ? was not the expressions of things by emblems , and hieroglyphicks , not onely antient , but in and by them what great mysteries have been preserved and holden out to the world ? and who can be ignorant of the admirable , easie and compendious use of all sorts of symbolisms , that have but any insight into algebraick arithmetick , or have but slenderly consulted with the learned pieces of our never sufficiently praised countreyman mr. oughtrede , or the elaborate tracts of the laborious harrigon ? or are the wonderful and stupendious effects that polygraphy , or steganography produce to be omitted or neglected ? which are of such high concernment in the most arduous occurrents of humane affairs , of what price and value these are , let that monopoly of all learning , the abbot of spanheim speak , let porta , let cornelius agrippa , let claramuel , let gustavus silenus , frier bacon , and many others speak , who have written so learnedly and accurately therein , even to wonder and amazement . vid. lib. polygrap . steganog . trithem . hen. cor. agrip. de occult . philos. lib. io. claram . in lib. trithem . expositio . gustav . silen . crytoman●ices lib. frat. rog. bacon . de mirabili potestate artis et naturae lib. et alios . . what a vast advancement had it been to the re-publick of learning , and hugely profi●able to all mankind , if the discovery of the universal character ( hinted at by some judicious authors ) had been wisely and laboriously pursued and b●ought to perfection ? that thereby nations of divers languages might have been able to have read it and understood it , and so have more easily had commerce and trafick one with another , and thereby the sciences and skill of one nation , might with more facility have been communicated to others , though not speaking or understanding that language in which they were first written . this would have been a potent means ( in some measure ) to have repaired the ruines of babell , and have been almost a catholick cure for the confusion of tongues : for do we not plainly see that those which are deaf and dumb have most pregnant and notable waies by signes and gestures to express their minds , which those that do much converse with them can easily understand and unriddle , and answer them with the like ? that doubtlesly compleat waies might be found out to convey out notions and intentions one to another , without vocal and articular prolation , as some have all ready invented and practised by dactylogy , and doubtlesly might be brought to pass by the eies and motions of the face onely . sir kenelm digby hath an apposite , though almost incredible story of one in spain , which being deaf and dumb , was notwithstanding taught to speak and understand others , which cerrainly was performed chiefly by the eye ; and though it may seem a romance to some , yet whosoever shall seriously consider the vast knowledge , cautiousness , curiosity , sincerity , and punctual account of the relator therein , will be convinced of the possibility hereof . and it is recorded , and believed with authors of repute and credit , that in china , and some other oriental regions , they have certain characters , which are real , not nominal , expressing neither letters nor words , but things , and notions : so that many nations differing altogether in languages , yet consenting in learning these catholike characters , do communicate in their writings , so far that every nation can read and translate a book written in these common characters , in and into their own countrey language . which is more manifest , if we do but consider that the numeral notes , which we call figures and cyphers , the planetary characters , the marks for minerals , and many other things in chymistry , though they be alwaies the same and vary not , yet are understood by all nations in europe , and when they are read , every one pronounces them in their own countreys language and dialect . and to make it more evident , let a character denoting man be appointed , as suppose this * , and though to persons of divers languages , it would receive various denominations according to their several vocal prolations , yet would they all but understand one and the self same thing by it : for though an hebrew or iew would call it {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a graecian {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , one that speaks the latine homo , a frenchman vn home , an high german der mann , a spaniard vn hombre , and the english , man , yet would the intellect receive but only the single and numerical species of that which it represented , and so one note serve for one notion to all nations . . i cannot ( howsoever fabulous , impossible , or ridiculous it may be accounted of some ) passe over with silence , or neglect that signal and wonderful secret ( so often mentiond by the mysterious and divinely-inspired teutonick , and in some manner acknowledged and owned by the highly-illuminated fraternity of the rosie crosse ) of the language of nature : but out of profound and deep consideration , must adumbrate some of those reasons , which perswasively draw my judgement to credit the possibility thereof . . for when i look upon the protoplast adam , created in the image , or according to the image of the g●eat archetype his father and maker , creavit deus hominem ad imaginem suam , god created man in his own image , and also find the never-erring oracle of truth declaring evidently what that image is , namly the only begotten son of the father , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , who being the effulgence or brightnesse of glory , and the character and image of his subsistence : and this image of his subsistence , being that out-flown , and serviceable word by which he made the worlds , and that in the beginning was the word , and the word was with god , and the word was god ; from this is manifest that adam made in this image of god which is his eternal word , was made in the out-spoken word , and so lived in , understood , and spoke the language of the father . for the divine e●sence living in its own infinit , glorious , and central being , having this eternal word , or character of his subsistence , in and with himself , and was himself , did by the motion of its own incomprehensible love , expand and breath forth this characteristical word , in which man stood , and so spoke in from , and through this out-flown language of the father , which is the procedure of the all-working and eternal fiat , in which all things live stand , operate , and speak out the immense and unsearchable wisdome , power and glory of the fountain and abysse from whence they came , the heavens declare the glory of god , and the firmament sheweth his handy work , and every thing that hath breath prayseth the lord , and so every creature understands and speaks the language of nature , but sinfull man who hath now lost , defac't and forgotten it . and therefore it is not without a deep and abstruse mystery , that the seraphical apostle speaks that he knew a man caught up into the third heaven , into paradise , and heard {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , ineffable words , which are not lawfull or possible to be spoken , for this was the paradisical language of the out-flown word which adam understood while he was unfaln in eden , and lost after , and therefore the same illuminated vessel in another place mentions the tongues of men and angels , which would profit nothing , if they were not spoken in , and from the eternal word , which is the love-essence , or essence of love . for this angelical and paradisical language speaks and breaths forth those central mysteries that l●y hid in the heavenly magick , which was in that ineffable word that was with god , and lay wrapped up in the bosome of the eternal essence , wherein were hidden and involved in the way of a wonderful and inscrutable mystery , all the treasury of those ideal signatures , which were manifest and brought to light by the peripherial expansion and evolution of the serviceable word , or outflowing fiat , and so became existent in the matrix or womb of that generative and faetiferous word , from whence sprung up the wonderfull , numerous and various seminal natures , bearing forth the vive and true signatures of the divine and characteristical impressions : like so many harmoniacal and symphoniacal voices , or tones , all melodiously singing , and sounding forth in an heavenly consort , the wisdome , power , glory , and might of the transcendent central abysse of unity , from whence they did arise , and all speaking one language in expressing significantly in that mystical idiome , the hidden vertues , natures and properties of those various sounds , which though one in the center , become infinitely numerous in the manifested , existence and circumference , as saith the oracle of mysteries , there are , it may be so many kinds of voices in the world , and none of them {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} mute , or without signification . many do superficially and by way of analogy ( as they term it ) acknowledge the macrocosm to be the great unsealed book of god , and every creature as a capital letter or character , and all put together make up that one word or sentence of his immense wisdome , glory and power ; but alas ! who spells them a right , or conjoyns them so together that they may perfectly read all that is therein contained ? alas ! we all study , and read too much upon the dead paper idolls of creaturely-invented letters , but do not , nor cannot read the legible characters that are onely written and impressed by the finger of the almighty ; and yet we can verbally acknowledge , praesentemque refert quaelibet herba deum , but alas ! who truely reads it and experiences it to be so ? and yet indeed they ever remain legible and indelible letters speaking and sounding forth his glory , wisdome and power , and all the mysteries of their own secret and internal vertues and qualities , and are not as mute statues , but as living and speaking pictures , not as dead letters , but as preaching symbols . and the not understanding and right reading of these starry characters , therein to behold the light of abyssal glory and immortality , is the condemnation of all the sons of lost adam ; for the invisible things of him from the foundation of the world are clearly seen , being understood by the things that are made , even his eternal power and divinity , so that they are without excuse . but if we look more narrowly in to the great fabrick or machine , we shall find that it is a● a pamphoniacal and musical instrument , and every individual creature is as a several cord or string indued with a distinct and various tone , all concurring to make up a catholick melody , and every one of these understanding the sound and cure of each other , otherwise the harmony would be discordant , and man himself makes up one string of this great instrument , though in his faln condition he neither understands the sound of his fellow-strings , neither knows how he concords with his musick , neither by his own will or knowledge would concur in this heavenly consort , for to him the pipe is not understood , neither distinguisheth he the tunes , and so knoweth not what is piped or harped . . further , when i find the great and eternal being , speaking and conversing with adam , i cannot but believe that the language which he uttered , was the living and the serviceable word , and that it was infinitely high , deep and glorious like himself , and that which was radically and essentially one with him , and proceeded from him , and was indeed the language of the divine nature , and not extrinsecally adventitious unto him : and when i find adam understanding this heavenly dialect ( which had been uttered in vain if he had not understood it ) i cannot but believe that this was the language of nature infused into him in his creation , and so innate and implantate in him , and not inventive or acquisitive , but meerly dative from the father of light , from whom every good and perfect gift doth come and descend . . again , when i find the almighty presenting all the creatures before adam to see what he would call them , and whatsoever adam called every living creature , that is the name thereof , i cannot but conceive that adam did understand both their internal and external signatures , and that the imposition of their names was adaequately agreeing with their natures : otherwise it could not univocally and truely be said to be their names , whereby he distinguished them ; for names are but representations of notions , and if they do not exactly agree in all things , then there is a difference and disparity between them , and in that incongruity lies error and falshood : and notions also are but the images or ideas of things themselves reflected , in the mind , as the outward face in a looking-glasse , and therefore if they do not to an hair correspond with , and be identical one to the other , as punctually and truly as the impression in the wax agrees with the seal that instamped it , and as face answers face in a glass , then there is not absolute congruency betwixt the notion and the thing , the intellect and the thing understood , and so it is no longer verity , but a ly , and falsity . and therefore if adam did not truly see into , and understand their intrinsecall natures , then had his intellect false notions of them , and so he imposed lying names upon them , and then the text would be false too , which avers that what he called them was their names . also adam was in a deep sleep when eve was framed of his bone , and yet when she was brought before him being awaked , he could tell that she was bone of his bone , and flesh of his flesh , and therefore he called her woman , because she was taken out of man . now if it be denyed that he understood by his intrinsick and innate light , what she was , and from whence she was taken ( which i hold altogether untrue ) and that god by extrinsick information told adam from whence she was taken , yet did he immediately give unto her an adaequate name , suiting her original , which most significantly did manifest what was her nature , and from whence it came , and doubtless the name being exactly conformable , and configurate to the idaea in his mind , the very prolation , and sound of the word , contained in it the vive expression of the thing , and so in verity was nothing else but that pure language of nature , which he then spake , and understood , and afterwards so miserably lost and defaced . and if it be objected , that if adam did understand the internal natures , vertues , effects , operations , and qualities of the creatures , then he would have known that the effect of eating of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil , would have made him wretched , and discovered his nakedness , and then he would not have been so mad as to have tasted thereof : to this i answer , first , that god had plainly told him , that if he did eat thereof he should surely dy , and yet notwithstanding he did eat thereof , rather believing the serpent and eve , than the words of the almighty . but if it be supposed , that if he had known the operation , and effect of that fruit , he would not have credited the word of the serpent , more than his own evidential knowledge : to this , it is cleer , that though the serpent denyed that the effect , or eating of it , would procure death , so likewise he cunningly affirmed and insinuated , that the eating of it would open their eyes , and that thereby they should be like gods , knowing good and evil : and therefore it was the promise of deifying them , that did inflame their desires , for it seemed to the woman good for food , and pleasant to the eyes , and a tree to be desired to make one wise , and therefore this made her put forth her hand , and eat of the fruit , and give also unto her husband , and he did eat . but to answer this fully it is a deep mystery , and for man to eat of the tree of knowledge of good and evil , was to judge of god or his works , and creatures , by the creaturely , womanish , earthly , and serpentine wisdome , and so to feed it self , and find both good and evil , and not to abide in the union , and to know all things in the light and image of god , and so to have seen them exceeding good , and to this the apostle alludeth , saying , adam was not deceived , but the woman being deceived was in the transgression . . when i consider that the voices of birds , and beasts ( though we account them inarticulate ) are significative one to another , and that by the altering , and varying of those sounds , they express their passions , affections and notions , as well as men , and are thereby understood of one another , i cannot but believe that this is a part of the language of nature ; for the lamb knoweth the individual bleating of the ewe that is the dam , from all the rest of the ewes ; and the young chickens will all run under the hens wings , at a certain sound of the cocks voice , and all the hens will run unto him at a certain call , and therefore doubtless there is something more in that which cornelius agrippa relates of apollonius tyaneus , than every one takes notice of , that he understood the language of birds and beasts : and i cannot but admire how when we hear one laugh , and another howl and weep , though the sounds be not articulate , we can readily tell the one is the expression of sorrow , and grief , and the other of mirth and joy : now from whence do we know this ? this is not acquired by us , or taught us by others , for even children cry immediately after they be born , and though it be said to be by reason of the sensation of cold which they felt not in the womb , it is true , but then what is the cause that crying or weeping is in all creatures the sign of sorrow , pain or grief , might not some other kind of sound be the sign of it , or might it not in several creatures be expressed by different and various tones ? no truly , the mind receiveth but one single and simple image of every thing , which is expressed in all by the same motions of the spirits , and doubtlessly in every creature hath radically , and naturally the same sympathy in voice , and sound , but men not understanding these immediate sounds of the soul , and the true schematism of the internal notions impressed , and delineated in the several sounds , have instituted , and imposed others , that do not altogether concord , and agree to the innate notions , and so no care is taken for the recovery and restauration of the catholique language in which lies hid all the rich treasury of natures admirable and excellent secrets . chap. iv. of logick . in the next place i am to consider of that which they call ars dialectica , or most commonly logick , the principal ends of which they make to be discovery of sophisms and fallacies , producing probability and opinion , and bringing forth of certitude and apodictical science , the last of which being indeed its true and proper end : and so as to this end is subservient to some other sciences , but especially to natural philosophy . i have formerly said something of the prejudice that it hath done to theology , where i treated of that subject , and therefore shall onely now speak of it as it relates to humane and acquired sciences , and so lay out some of its chief defects , irregularities and abuses . . as it is now used in the schools it is meerly bellum intestinum logicum , a civil war of words , a verbal contest , a combat of cunning , craftiness , violence and altercation , wherein all verb●l force , by impudence , insolence , opposition , contradiction , derision , diversion , trifling , jeering , humming , hissing , brawling , quarreling , scolding , scandalizing , and the like , are equally allowed of , and accounted just , and no regard had to the truth , so that by any means , per fas aut nefas , they may get the conquest , and worst their adversary , and if they can intangle or catch one another in the spider webs of sophistical or fallacious argumentations , then their rejoicing and clamour is as great as if they had obtained some signal victory . and indeed it is the counsel of the arch-sophister their master , to speak ambigously while they dispute , to obfuscate the light with darkness , lest the truth should shine forth , nay rather to spatter and blurt out any thing that comes into the budget , rather than yield to our adversary , for he saith , quare oportet respondentem non graviter ferre , sed ponendo quae non utilia sunt ad positionem , significare quaecunque non videntur , therefore it behooves the respondent not to take the business grievously , but by putting those things which are not profitable to the position , to signifie whatsoever doth not appear . o excellent and egregious advice of so profound and much-magnified a philosopher ! is this to be a lover of verity , or indeed to play the immodest sophister and caviller ? now how adverse , and destructive to the investigation of truth these altercations and abjurgations are , is cleerly manifest , for as dionysius said against plato , sunt verba otiosorum senum , ad imperitos invenes , they are the words of idle old men unto unexperienced youth , and nothing but vanity and trifles can arise from this way of cavillation . . logick is all applied , for the discovery and finding forth of verity , and therin proceeds very praeposterously : for seeing we know nothing in nature but à posteriore , and from the affections and properties of things must seek forth their causes , it required more powerful means , than verbal and formal syllogisms , to find out , and denudate natures hidden operations . and whereas the best part of logick for that purpose is induction , which backt with long experience and sound observation , might be prevalent to discover the working of mother nature ; yet that hath been altogether laid aside , while the glory of syllogisms hath been highly predicated : but syllogismus ad principia scientiarum non adhibetur , ad media axiomata frustrà adhibetur , cum sit subtilitati naturae longè impar . assensum itaque constringit , non res . syllogism is not applyed to the principles of sciences , it is applyed in vain to the middle axiomes , seeing it is far unequal to the subtility of nature . therefore it binds the assent or consent , but not things . for whereas we should from particulars proceed to generals , this preposterously laies down universal axiomes without due proof of them , thereby to make good particulars . . the main defect of logick is , that it teacheth no certain rules , by which either notions may be truly abstracted and gathered from things , nor that due and fit words may be appropriated to notions , without which it fails in the very fundamentals , and falls as an house built upon sand . for , syllogismus ex propositionibus constat , prepositiones ex verbis , verba notionum testerae sunt : itaque si notiones ips●e ( id quod basis rei est ) consusae sint , & temerè à rebus abstractae , nihil in iis , quae superstruuntur , est firmitudinis . syllogism consists of propositions , propositions of words , words are the special signs of notions : therefore if notions themselves ( which is the very bottom of the matter ) be confused , or rashly abstracted from things , there is nothing of firmitude in those things that are superstructed . so that untill a certain way and infallible rules be found out for the adaequation of notions and things , and fitting of genuine denominations to notions , all the force and use of syllogisms , as it should demonstrate , and bring forth science , are but fruitless and vain . haud leve quiddam nominis impositionem esse , nec imperitorum , & quorumvis hominum esse opus . plato saith , that the imposition of names is no such light matter , nor that it is the work of the unskilfull and of any sort of men . . though logick be as it were organ●n organorum , an instrumental science , they seem in some sort to make it a part of physicks , and so intricate it with an innumerable commixture of the most difficult disputations , as any philosophy hath : as though the unskilful and tender wits of young men were to be overwhelmed with those thorny questions of universal , and metaphysical things . and as though logick ( if it were necessary and useful ) were not to be contained in a few plain and easie precepts , and that it which pretends to teach a short , cleer , and easie methode applicable to all other sciences , should be so intricate and perplex in it self , as not to be able to resolve of it self whether it be as art , or a science ? practical or speculative ? whether e●s rationis , or something else be the subjectum of it ? so that they do not see that they act as foolishly , while they dispute of the very art of disputing , as he that endeavours to see the proper vision of his own eye . moreover , that which might be concluded in a plain , and short proposition , must be drawn into mood , and figure , and after the framing , repeating and answering some scores of syllogisms , the matter is further off from a certain and apodictical conclusion than in the beginning , and so most extremely becomes guilty of battology , and tautologie , which it pretends to eschew and condemn . the grave seneca said well , speaking of these nugations . idem de istis captionibus dico : quo enim nomine potius sophismata appellem ? nec ignoranti nocent , nec scientem juvant . i say the same of these insnarements : for by what name may i rather call them than sophisms ? they neither hurt those that know them not , nor help those that know them . . if we examine the logick of the stagyrite , who pretends himself the master of methode , and prince of perfection , we shall first find his organon , which should be his great instrument , and master-piece , to be a confused , and headless piece , wanting those lights wherewith all legitimate tractation ( even plato , cicero , and other great men bearing testimony ) is made out , and illustrated ; for it wants a definition of logick , it wants the proposition of the subject , it wants the distribution and partition of the matter : and what should it want more necessary than these ? and though some may say that these things are added by his interpreters ; that nevertheless argues his defect , and besides the additions are not so very compleat as might be desired . and secondly , in his book de categoriis , definitions are usually wanting , for he defines not what a category is , not what substance is , nor what quantity is : but if any reply , and say he could not define these because they are the summa genera , how could he define a relative , or quality , which are likewise summa genera ? or to what end do the aristotelians define all the categories ? thirdly , in his book de interpretatione , what a noise doth he keep about his modal propositions , which he will needs limit neither to more nor fewer than four , that which is necessary , impossible , possible , contingent ? but i pray you , why may there not be more ? for if that be a mood , which doth modificate the proposition , that is to say , indicates how the praedicate is in the subject , may not all adjectives by the like right be moods ? for if this be a modal proposition , it is a necessary thing that man is a living creature ; these also are modal , it is an honest thing that man should be studious of vertue , it is a just thing that a son should obey his father , it is a gallant thing to die for ones countrey ; but what shall i say more of many other defects , that may be seen even of a blind man ? these as instances are enough , seeing they are but pleasant deceits , and cunning trifles ; freesilaus the philosopher us'd to say , dialecticos similes praestigiatoribus calculariis , qui jucunde decipiunt , that logicians are like to cunning jugglers , who do deceive pleasantly . so i leave many other petty absurdities , superfluities , defects , and mistakes , and pass to things more material . . lastly i shall sum up all in few words to eschew tediousness . and first of that principal part concerning definitions as to matter and subject ( for we have said somthing of it formally as to methode and tractation ) which is the basis of all , wherein if there be a defect , the whole edifice falls to the ground ; for whereas it determines all perfect definitions to consist of the next genus , and a constitutive difference , and since there is scarcely any other difference known , except rational , and irrational , that is specifical , and proxim to the individuals , the one of which is negative , and so can positively prove nothing , and the other not only is , and may justly be controverted , but also made apparent , that brutes have reason gradually as well as man , how lame and dilacerate this member is , needs no further demonstration . . to say nothing of division , how defective , and imperfect it is , but to come to argumentation , of all the several sorts of syllogisms , seven onely conclude affirmatively , the other twelve negatively , and it is sufficiently known , that de negativis non datur scientia , and therefore there is but narrow and straight room left for the certainty of demonstration : and it is undeniably true , that the knowledge of the premisses is more certain than the knowledge of the conclusion , and therefore undoubtedly certain that the knowledge of the conformity betwixt the premisses and the conclusion doth preexist in us , and is onely excited by syllogising , and therefore , quid te torques , & macer as in ea quaestione , quam subtilius est contempsisse , quam solvere ? why dost thou torment and macerate thy self in that question , which is more subtill to despise than to dissolve . . aristotle forbids dispute , unless with those that do admit his principles , which he first thinketh to be true , and yet notwithstanding from unlike principles , doth sometimes follow a strong conclusion : as from false premisses : nullum adorabile est creator : omne simulachrum est adorabile . ergo , nullum simulachrum est creator : which is a true conclusion . from whence it cannot be judged that the conclusion of syllogisms doth of necessity compel assent , nor that the conclusion doth necessarily depend upon the premisses . itaque prout in mendacio non continetur , aut latet veritas , ejusque cognitio : ita consequens est , quod in praemissis non claudatur necessariò conclusionis cognitio . therefore as the truth is not contained or hid in a ly , nor the knowledge of it : so the consequent is , that the knowledge of the conclusion is not necessarily included in the premisses . . it is cleer , that syllogizing , and logical invention are but a resumption of that which was known before , and that which we know not , logick cannot find out : for demonstration , and the knowledge of it , is in the teacher , not in the learner , and therefore it serves not so much to find out science , as to make ostentation of it being found out ; not to invent it , but being invented to demonstrate and to shew it others . a chymist when he shews me the preparation of the sulphur of antimony , the salt of tartar , the spirit of vitriol , and the uses of them , he teacheth me that knowledge which i was ignorant of before , the like of which no logick ever performed : for , accurata syllogismi forma , argumentoso , et luxurianti ingenio incongrua , inventioni adversissima , & res per se satis manifest as simplici verborum texturâ , praeceptorum impertinentium multitudine involuit . the accurate form of syllogism is incongruous to an argumentative , and luxuriant wit , most adverse to invention , and doth involve things manifest enough among themselves in the simple contexture of words , with the multitude of impertinent precepts . . it is true that syllogistical disputations do bring forth conclusions , but these conclusions beget but bare opinations , and putations , no infallible science , and so all things remain but as probable and conjectural , not as firm and certain . and yet men are puft up with this vaporous , and airy sound of words , growing insolent and confident in the vain glory of syllogizing sophistry , and so are taken off from seeking any other more solid knowledge , causa verò & radix ferè omnium malorum in scientiis ea una est ; quod dum mentis is hum nae vires falso miramur , & extollimus , v●r●●j●s ●uxilia non quaeramus . the cause truly , and root almost of all evils in sciences , is this one , that while we falsly wonder at , and extol the force of humane understanding , we do not seek its true helps . so that as cardan said of his countreymen , i may say of our logicians , one may find three gods amongst them sooner than one man , so highly confident are they through these dialectical delusions . cum quis illa quae nescit , scire se putat , ab hac nimirùm omnes quaecunque nos fallunt opiniones , profiscuntur . when any one thinketh he knoweth those things of which he is nescient , from this verily doth spring up all those opinions whatsoever that do deceive us . neither is there any thing in the universe that is more deadly and destructive to the progress and proficiency of science , than the opinion and conceit of self-sufficiency , and with socrates the more that we are sensible of the shallowness and nothingness of our knowledge , the more it will stir us up to inquire and seek after it , and therefore precious was that advice of the divine plato his schollar : decet sanè eum qui magnus vir futurus est , neque seipsum , neque sua diligere , sed justa semper , sivè à seipso , seu ab alio quovis gerantur . ex hoc ipso delicto accidit omnibus , ut ignorantiam suam esse sapientiam opinenter . hinc fit , ut quamvis nihil ( ut ita dicam ) sciamus , seire tamen omnia arbitremur . verily it becomes him who should be great , neither to love himself , nor humane things , but to love alwaies things that are just , whether they be done of himself or any other ; from this very fault , it hapneth unto all , that they opinionate their ignorance to be sapience . from hence it comes to pass , that although ( as i may so say ) we know nothing , yet notwithstanding we think we know all things . . and whereas raymund lully invented an alphabetical way for syllogizing , improved and opened by agrippa , paulus schalichius , and others , in which picus mirandula and some did far excel , even to wonder and astonishment , which indeed is a far more certain , copious , easie , and compendious way for argumentation , especially to overcome all opponents , to be amply furnished to dispute de omni scibili , to answer all objections , and to confirm the mind in those opinions that it holds , and so deserves wondrous great praise and commendation : yet for all that it leaves the intellect nude and unsatisfyed , because it produces no certitude , nor evidential demonstration , and so fills the mind full of opinions , but not of apodictical science , and makes men parrat-like to babble , argue , and say very much , but still to remain nescious , and ignorant , so vast is the difference betwixt putation and true knowledge . humanam scientiam in negatione quodam falsi , potiùs quàm in veri affirmatione consistere . it is true , that humane science doth consist in a certain negation of falsity , rather than in the affirmation of verity . i will only conclude with that remarkable saying of the lord bacon , logica , quae in abusu est , ad errores ( qui in notionibus vulgaribus fundantur ) pabiliendos , et figendos valet , potius quam ad inquisitionem veritatis , ut magis damnosa sit , quam utilis . logick which is abused , doth conduce to establish and fix errors ( which are founded in vulgar notions ) rather than to the inquisition of verity , that it is more hurtful than profitable . chap. v. of the mathematical sciences . for the mathematical sciences , the superlative excellency of which transcends the most of all other sciences , in their perspicuity , veritude and certitude , and also in their uses and manifold benefits ; yet in the general they are but either sleightly and superficially handled in definitions , divisions , axiomes , and argumentations , without any solid practice , or true demonstrations , either artificial or mechanical ; or else the most abstruse , beneficial , and noble parts are altogether passed by , and neglected , which we shall discover in tracing over some of the several parts thereof . . for the prime and main stone in the building upon which all the rest of the fabrick is erected , the noble art of arithmetick , so highly esteemed ( and that not without cause ) in the schools of pythagoras , plato , euclide , nay and of aristotle himself , is quite rejected of our academick masters , who notwithstanding would be esteemed the great and most expert master-builders , though they throw away the chief corner stone : and is not only sleighted and neglected as useless , and of no value , but transmitted over to the hands of merchants and mechanicks , as though it were not a liberal science , or not worthy the study and pains of an ingenuous & noble spirit : and but that some private spirits have made some progreis therein , as napier , briggs , mr. oughtredge , and some others , it had lain as a fair garden unweeded or cultivated , so little have the schools done to advance learning , or promote sciences . . and for the noble , and most necessary art of geometry , their handling of it hath been with the same superficial sleightness , and supine negligence , never bringing into perfect practice , nor clear demonstration , that which many years ago euclide compiled with so much pains and exactness : and therefore are far from making any further discoveries therein , contenting themselves with the sole verbal disputes of magnitude , quantity , and the affections thereof , leaving the practice and application thereof to masons , carpenters ▪ surveyors , and such like manual operators , as though they were too good to serve so divine and noble a mistres . . there hath been no more progress made in the optical art , which though it affords many , and wonderful secrets , both for profit and pleasure , for by it things far off are seen as at hand , minute and small things magnified , the wonderful intersection of various species , without confounding one another , demonstrated , the sight of men thereby succoured , the systeme of the world thereby more perfectly viewed , and innumerable other rarities both of art and nature thereby discovered ; yet have the schooles proceeded no further therein , than to verbal disputes , and some axiomatical institutions and doctrines ; and but for the noble attempts of some few gallant men , such as galalaeus , scheiner , aguillonius , hevelius , and the like , the grand mysteries of it had lain buried in oblivion , and this age never seen those s●upendious effects that through their industry in this art hath been brought forth . . as for musick it hath had some little better fortune , for that vulgar and practical part , which serves as a spur to sensuality and voluptuousness , and seems to be the companion of melancholicks , fantasticks , courtiers , ladies , taverns , and tap-houses , that hath had some pains taken about it , and some honour done unto it , that the professors thereof might become graduats : yet for the mysterious part thereof , which consists in the discovering the nature , quality , distinction , sympathy , dyspathy , significancy , and effects of all sounds , voices , and tones that are in nature , these are altogether unknown and neglected ; as also how far it might be serviceable to natural philosophy , and the laying open of the universal harmony of the whole mundane fabrick , that remains untried and unattempted . . the astronomy that the schools teach being according to the peripatetick , and ptolemaick systeme , which they maintain with much rigor , severity , and earnestness , is by ●hem extolled to the heavens , as an harmoniacal , regular , and stately fabrick , which without any demonstration , or punctual observation they obtrude upon the tender understandings of unwary youth : holding it forth with that magisterial confidence , as though it would cleerly salve all the phaenomena , and render the true causes , grounds , and reasons of the motions , and effects of all the caelestial bodies , and as though no fault , exorbitancy , or defect could be found in this so compleat , beautiful , and orderly structure . yet i must confess , that in all the scholastick learning there is not found any piece ( to my apprehension ) so rotten , ruinous , absurd and deformed as this appears to be , and which may from most evident principles be everted , and cast down , and therefore i shall take the more time in enervating the same , and that from undeniable principles both of physicks and mathematicks . . they take that for granted , or at least unproved , which is not onely controvertible and indemonstrable , but untrue , namely that the earth is the center of the universe , and that the heavenly bodies do in their motions so observe it , and from thence deduce the causes of gravity and levity ; the contrary or uncertainty of which appears thus . first , it is manifest that the earth is not the center of the most of the planetary o●bs , because by their own confession , some of them , as ☉ and ♂ , are sometimes in their apogaeum , and sometimes in their perigaeum , that is sometimes neerer and sometimes further off from the earth ; which they could not be if the earth were their true and proper center , because according to the definition of euclide , the circumference of a circle is every where equidistant from the center , and all lines drawn from the center to the circumference are equal , otherwise it would cease to be a circle , and one circle can have no more than one center ; and therefore the earth is not the center of the planetary orbs. secondly , if the earth were the center of the orbs of the planets , the dissection of the orbs would be needless into excentricks and concentricks ▪ which being their own tenent , manifests that the earth is not their true , and proper center . thirdly , if the earth were their center , the aequinoctial line dividing both the earth and heavens into equal parts , the sun in his annual motion could not be longer time in the one half circle than in the other , unless he did not pass over equal intervals , or spaces of the line , in equal times , and so should intend and remit his motion , which is denyed of all : and therefore it being found by certain , and yearly observation , that he staies some daies longer on the northside the aequator , than on the south , it is manifest that the earth is not the center of his orb. fourthly , there are divers planetary bodies that move circularly , that observe not the earth as their center at all , as those medicaeal , and iovial planets about iupiter , and those about saturn , mercury , and venus about the sun , and the sun about his own center , and none of these respect the earth , and therefore cannot be their center , and so not the center of the universe . fiftly , for the eighth sphere , no certain rules of art can demonstrate that the earth is its center , because it bears no sensible magnitude unto it , so that no angle can be assigned to know the distance , and the eye cannot be a certain , and proper judge , because it judges not of distance as its proper and immediate object , but to do that is the office of the common sense , and where the distance is great and vast , though the eye be far distant from the center , yet the things seen will seem to stand in a circle about it , though they be not truly and exactly so , and therefore this is rather a postulate than a proof , and may justly be denyed , because it cannot be proved : and that all the stars that we call or account fixt ( though we cannot prove that any of them are so ) stand all in one circle or orb , cannot be true , for doubtless the difference of their apparent magnitude is a certain argument that they are not all equidistant from the earth , and therefore is not the earth the center of the universe . sixtly , for their arguments taken from gravity and levity , they do but therein usually petere principium , beg the question , and thereby commit a most palpable paralogism , for they define gravity to be that quod tendit deorsum , which tends downwards , and if the cause is demanded why bodyes severed from the earth do tend downwards thither again , they answer quia gravia sunt , which in effect is this , they tend to the earth , because they do tend to the earth , which is idem per idem : and if it were granted that the earth were the center of the universe , how could a center any way understood be the cause of any motion at all , or locality which is defined to be a space void of bodies , and capable of them , have any power to give or cause motion in a body ? these are the groundless chymaera's of the schools , not knowing that bodies separate from the earth do move thither again from an intrinsick magnetick quality , which in the earth is by way of attraction , and in the part separate by motion of coition , besides some other clear reasons that may be given from statical principles , which for brevities sake i am forced ●o omit : for from this is cleerly evident , that the earth not being the center of the universe , the whole order and frame of the scholastick systeme is dissipaated , and out of course . . and as they have mistaken the mark in making the earth the center of the universe , they are as far wide in their determinations of the circumference or orbs , which they make to be of a quintessential nature ( as they term it ) and so to be incorruptible , and free from change , and mutarlon : and it is believed that this opinion is chiefly grounded upon this , that the heavenly bodies remain still in the same state wherein they have been observed to be many ages before , and no sensible alteration could ever be perceiv●d in them . to which i answer , that this concludes nothing , because it argues from knowing to being , when being hath no dependance of , nor connexion with our knowing , for our knowledge is not the cause , nor measure of the universe , nor of the things therein contained . falso enim asseritur , sensum humanum esse mensuram rerum ; quin contra , omnes perceptiones , tam sensus , quam mentis , sunt ex analogia hominis , non ex analogia vniversi . it is falsely asserted that mans sense is the measure of the vniverse ; but on the contrary , all perceptions , as well of the sense as of the intellect , are from the analogy of man , and not from the analogy of the vniverse . again , there may be many alterations in the caelestial bodies , which by reason of their vast distance , we do not , nor can perceive , especially if we consider , that mutation is understood either as it relates ad totum , or ad partes , therefore there may be ( and without doubt are ) many alterations in the parts of the heavenly bodies , though no change at all as to the whole of any of them : for the earth is as immutable , and incorruptible , in relation to the whole , as any other of the starry or planetary bodies are , for the change that appeareth in it , is but in the external and superficial parts , and though sensible to us , yet is not perceiveab●e at a great distance , for we can discern diverse mountains , and parts of the earth , far remote from us , yet cannot discern the alterations that are in the parts thereof : and so if ones eye were placed in the moon , mars , iupiter , or any of those stars which we call fixt , we should perceive as little change then here on the earth , as we being placed here see in those starry bodies . neither is it true that there appears no mutation in the heavenly bodies or orbs , because many men of great note , experience and skill , have observed that comets have been above the sublunary orb , and evidently demonstrated the same by there paralax , as tycho br●he , copernicus , kepler , galalaeus , and others , which clearly demonstrates ( beyond the refutation of logick ) that there are changes and mutations in the heavens , and so they are not incorruptible bodies as is falsely asserted : and the evidence that appears to the eye in the use of the telescope doth plainly evince that there is an atmosphere about the body of the moon , which could not be if the heavens were unchangeable . . another thing that they grossly maintain is , that the heavens or orbs are as hard as steel , and as transparent as glass , and yet have so many several sorts of solid orbs , ecc●ntricks , and concentricks , epicycles , and the like , which are all concamerated one within another , the absurdities and impossibilities of which i shall demonstrate in some cleer arguments . for first , if they were solid bodies , and that every star were but densior pars sui orbis , then either the convex superficies of the contained orb , must ex●ctly touch the concave superficies of the circumambient orb , or else not , but some space to intercede between , which must either be implete with some other body , or else be a meer inanity and vacuity ; neither of which can possibly be according to their own tenents , not indeed according to the truth it self . for if the convex superficies touch the concave exactly in all parts and there be neither vacuity , nor body interjacent , then as the mathematicians truly say , they must touch in infinite points , and so there could be no motion at all , because there could be no appulsion , nor retrocession , and where there is neither of those , it is impossible there should be local motion , or lation ; ●or two exact smooth , and equal superficiesses of hard and solid bodies joined together , the uppe●most will if it be taken up , list up the lower also , if the force of elevation be in the center of the solid bodies so fitted , as may be seen in brass , marble , and the like , so that consequently there could be no motion at all . and if there were any motion at all it must needs be with confrication , and attrition , and so without plenty of some oily substance , would not cause pythagoras his spherical musick but an unheard-of rumbling noise , such surely as possessed the brains of those that were the fi●st authors of this mad and extravagant opinion . and if they say there is a vacuity interjacent , then there could be no motion neither , because according to the schools motus in vacuo non datur ; and if they say there is some other body between , then what is it ? for if it be any elemental body , that cannot be , because they have incarcerated them all within the concave superficies of the moon ; and if there were some other body included between , then seeing according to aristotle that motus est causa caloris , how could it be but that body would be heated even to ignition ? seeing that all heat doth continually rarifie , and the orbs continually moving with such an incredible swiftness , and no place for evaporation , but it close pent in by the superior orb , how could all not be of a flame , or forcibly torn , and rent assunder ? unless we must have all solved with that frivolous shift , that they are eternal , and ingenerable bodies , and are but analogously like ours , and so suffer none of these things that elemental bodies do : when they have cleerly shewed what that analogy is , and wherein they are neither absolutely like our sublunary bodies , nor absolutely different from them , then it will be time enough to return them a more plenary responsion , until then let this suffice . secondly , if the orbs were solid , how could it possibly be that there could be eccentricks , and concentricks , the one having a more dense or thick part in one side of the circle or orb , and the other having so likewise on the parts opposite ? now how these should have motions of their own , if they be solid , to me seems impossible ; or how or which way epicycles should be affixed to these extending onely from the concave superficies , to the convex , how this should be in spherical solids , or orbs , without either penetration of dimensions , admitting of vacuity , or some other fluid body to be interjacent , to me seems more difficult to unloose , than the gordian knot was to alexander , and will never be untyed unless aristotle have learned of his great patron to cut that asunder which he cannot unty ? thirdly , if the orbs were solid , and impenetrable , then could not possibly any comets be above the superficies of the moons orb , or if it be certain that they have been observed above ( which is true ) then of necessity the orbs are not solid , but fluid bodies : neither could any new star ever appear if they were solid , but such have been known undoubtedly to be seen sometimes , and yet were no comets , therefore of necessity they are fluid , and not solid bodies . and it is undeniably true , that if the orbs were hard as steel , and of such solidity as is alleged , then they could not possibly intersect or enter into the orbs of one another ; but it is certainly known by exact observation , and mathematical demonstration , that when mars is in the lowest part of his epicycle , or in perigaeo , he is then within the orb of the sun , which he could not penetrate if it were solid , and therefore unquestionably they are not hard , but fluid bodies ; and so the scholastick systeme is ruinous , and groundless . fourthly , i shall urge one optical argument , which is this , that if the heavens were all solid , and divided into so many orbs , and they again subdivided into others , then it must follow necessarily that according to the multitude of superfic●●sses , so must the multiplicity of refractions be , which in this case would be very numerous , and so none of the stars or planets would ever be seen in their true places , but either confounded , or numerously multiplyed , which how absurd , let the abbetters of this opinion themselves judge . . from these they ground the motion of the tenth , ninth , and eighth sphere , making the tenth sphere move most rapidly from east to west in that space which we call . hours , and so snatcheth , and forceably whirleth about with it , all the inferior orbs , which innately , and properly have a reluctancy , and contranitency against it . the absurdity of which appears thus . first , that the diurnal motions of all the orbs in . houres , except the tenth sphere , are meerly violent , and compulsive , and only the motion of it natural , and proper . now how could they conceive , who hold that nullum violentum est perpetuvem , that a motion that is violent could be perpetual in nature , especially to these pure bodies which they hold to be eternal and immutable ? or how can it be that the first sphere should communicate its velocity to all the inferiours , and the second should communicate none at all ? why is not iupiter carried with the motion of saturn ? or the sun with mars ? hoc mihi si solvas oedipus alter eris . secondly , if the extreme and incredible velocity of the tenth sphere , be seriously considered , it will exceed all possibility of belief , nay even swifter than thought or imagination : for of diverse orbs moved about in the same space of time , the least moves the most slowly , and the greatest most swiftly , for if it be computed according to the least diametre given unto it , and how it moves more swiftly than the orb of the moon , by so many times as it exceeds the greatness of its circumference , it will be past all humane sense , and understanding to imagine the extreme velocity of it , so that no creature can believe it to be so , but also be compelled to confess , that it is most likely either to be set on fire , or else by the most vehement swiftness to be whirled into attomes . thirdly , if the eight sphere be conceived to move , wherin as they fancy to themselves that all the stars are fixt , like so many nayls in a wheel , or bowl , considering the immensity of its compass , the exceeding velocity of its motion , and that the earth ( which they suppose the center of it ) to bear proportion unto it , but as an insensible point or prick , then it could not possibly be but that it would appear all as an inflamed light , or a concave globe of fire , because at one and the self same instant the multitude of raies would all be united in this small center , the earth ( or eye of the beholder ) and infinite rayes strike the eye successively in a manner , ere the others passed from it , and so must of necessity appear all intirely as fiery and luminous ; so as we behold a piece of wood whose end is fired being quickly whirled about in the air in a circular manner , doth appear to the eye as a true circle of fire or brightness : so that this would of necessity follow upon the structure of their systeme . by all which arguments may evidently appear , the impossibility of the truth of that astronomical composure which the schools cry up for so certain , neat , and beautiful , so that i may conclude with a learned author , non enim quae de arthuro et ipsius equitibus finguntur , vel homericas fabulas persuasu magis difficiles opinor , quam illam caelorum compositionem , quam proxima nos saecula erudierunt . for i think the things that are feigned of arthur , and his knig●ts of the round table , or the fables of homer , are not more difficult to be perswaded , than that composure of the heavens , which the age preceding us hath taught . . for the other parts of mathematicks , some of them are utterly unknown and unpractised in the schools , and some of them are taught there , but so fleightly , and superficially , that small or no profit doth redound from thence . for they usually teach cosmography , and the several species thereof , as geography , hydrography , chorography , and topography , yet whereas cosmography is the whole , and perfect description of the heavenly and also elemental part of the world , and their homologal application , and mutual collation together , and so is no small or simple art , but high and of manifold use , there hath little or nothing been done to the perfection thereof , especially in the mutual correspondence and application of the heavens , and earth : neither are the other brought into practice , especially the theoremes of hydrography , whereby men might be made able and fit for navigation , one of the most necessary imployments and advantages of our nation . . what shall i say of the science , or art of astrology , shall the blind fury of misotechnists , and malicious spirits , deter me from giving it the commendations tha● it deserves ? shall the academies who have not only sleighted and neglected it , but also scoffed at it , terrifie me from expressing my thoughts of so noble and beneficial a science ? shall the arguments of picus mirandula , and others , who have bitterly inveighed against it , fright me from owning the truth ? shall the thundering pulpit men , who would have all mens faith pinned upon their sleeves , and usually condemn all things they understand not , make me be silent in so just a cause ? no truly , i must needs defend that which my judgement evidences to me to be laudable , and profitable ; not but that i utterly condemn the ignorance , knavery , and impostorage of many pretending sciolists , that abuse the same ; but shall the art of medicine or chymistry be condemned , and rejected , because many ignorant empericks , and false alcumists do profess them ? surely no , let the blame be upon the professors , not upon the profession it self . for the art it self is high , noble , excellent , and useful to all mankind , and is a study not unbeseeming the best wits , and greatest scholars , and no way offensive to god or true religion . and therefore i cannot without detracting from worth and vertue , pass without a due elogy in the commendation of my learned , and industrious country-men mr. ashmole , mr. william lilly , mr. booker , mr. sanders , mr. culpepper , and others , who have taken unwearied pains for the resuscitation , and promotion of this noble science , and with much patience against many unworthy scandals have laboured to propagate it to posterity , and if it were not beyond the present scope i have in hand i should have given sufficient reasons in the vindication of astroloy . . what shall i say of staticks , architecture , pneumatithmie , stratarithmetrie , and the rest enumerated by that expert and learned man , dr. iohn dee in his preface before euclide ? what excellent , admirable and profitable experiments do every one of these afford ? truly innumerable , the least of which is of more use , benefit and profit to the life of man , than almost all that learning that the universities boast of and glory in , and yet by them utterly neglected , and never lookt into : but what huge , stupendious effects these can bring to pass , let our learned countreyman roger bacon , let cardinal cusan , let galalaeus , let vbaldus , let marcus marci , let baptista benedictus , and many others speak , who remain as a cloud of witnesses against the supine negligence of the schools , who for so many centuryes have done nothing therein : is this to be the fountains of learning , and wellspring of sciences ? let all rational men judge and determine . chap. vi . of scholastick philosophy . for the philosophy which the schools use and teach , being meerly aristotelical , let us examine the ground and reasons why it should be imbraced and cryed up more than all other , or why he should be accounted the prince of philosophers , the master-piece of nature , the secretary of the universe , and such an one beyond whose knowledge there is no progression . which however applauded to the heavens by his scholars , who are jurati in verba magistri , will upon exact and due test prove , both weak , groundless , false , unsatisfactory , and sterile , which we shall labour to elucidate in some clear arguments . . it will evidently appear that there is no reason why the aristotelical philosophy as it stands now received , according to the comments , glosses , expositions & interpretations of the schools , should be preferred before any , or all others . because aristotle was but a man , and so might err ar soon as others , neither was he more than other men any way privileged from human imperfections ; nay considering him as an heathen , who did not know nor acknowledge the fountain of life , which is god , and therefore by so much less was able to teach the truth , by how much he was distant from the knowledge of the true god , who is the primary verity : so that what he hath written was rather by a diabolical than a divine instinct , for philoponus recordeth that he begun to philosophize by the command of the oracle of apollo , which the most acknowledge to have been uttered from the devils advice and afflation . . neither were his principles and tenents any whit differing from such diabolical directions , for he makes god an animal in his metaphysicks , and chained him to the exteriour supe●ficies of the highest heaven , and made him bound to the laws and necessity of fate , which his most obsequious and sworn interpreters cannot deny . he denies in the twelfth of his metaphysicks that god takes care of minute , and small things ; in his books de coelo he makes the world eternal and increate ; in his physicks he teacheth that nothing can be made ex nihilo ; in his books de anima , and of ethicks , he denies the possibility of the resurrection of the dead , and in many places doth deny the immortality of the soul , so that lactantius said truely of him , aristoteles deum nec coluit , nec curavit , and yet this is the man that is onely thought worthy to be the father of christian philosophy . . if the qualities and conditions of the man be lookt into , there will be found no such integrity in him ▪ as may be any just cause of much confidence , nor such manners as may ex●oll him above the rest , for doth not eusebius and others relate that he betrayed his countrey to the macedonians , and to blot out the infamy thereof that he prevailed with alexander to restore it again ? and doth not pliny relate , speaking of the poison , cum id dandum alexandro magno antipater mitterit , magnâ est aristotelis infamiâ excogitatum , that he was guilty of administring the same ? was he not accused for being guilty of immolation to his meretricious mistris ? was he not guilty of ingratitude ( the worst of vices ) against his divine master plato , who therefore did justly and fitly call him his mule , because he kickt against the dugs from whence he suckt his knowledge ? what shall i recount his avarice , which makes lucian so nippingly feign alexander in hell upbraiding him , that he had constituted riches a part of the chief good , that by that specious pretext he might obtain of him greater store of riches ? shall i recount his intemperance , voluptuousness , and obscaene manner of living ? or his impious , doubtful or wicked end ? no , let them be buried with his ashes . but these things do sufficiently declare , that there is no just cause so much to esteem and applaud him above others , seeing it is impossible to congest so many things against plato , zeno , or epicurus . . but i know they will say , they respect not his life so much , as his most excellent wit , great judgement , and laudable diligence ; well , i easily grant that he was such an one , but to prefer him notwithstanding before all others , cannot be done without too much temerity . and when arguments are comparative , between the abilities of one person and another , it behooves him that will judge , and determine rightly , thorowly to understand and preponderate what there is of value and price in either of them . so when there is a question made of phythagoras , thales , democritus , zeno , plato , phyrrho , epicurus , and others , it is fitting he should understand whatsoever they all knew , or else he cannot discern wherein aristotle doth exceed them all : unless he will give his sentence before the one party be heard speak . for how can any boast to be more wise than all the other philosophers , without being guilty of intollerable pride and arrogance ? and truly i believe that socrates who confessed that he knew nothing , understood far more than the stagyrite , who would hardly acknowledge himself ignorant of any thing . . but perhaps it will be said that he hath been received , and approved of by thomistius , abenrois , thomas aquinas , scotus and other men of great and vast learning , and knowledge ; well , it is truth he hath been so ; but who hath ever been the builder , or rayser of any sect that hath not had multitudes to cry him up , to follow him , and earnestly to defend him ? have not the academicks as much applauded plato , as the peripateticks have done aristotle ? and have not the sceptists as much extolled phyrrho ? and the epicureans , their master epicurus ? of whom it is said , qui genus humanum ingenio superavit , et omnes praestrinx it , stellas exortus ut aethereus sol . nay is it not common to all , extremely and hyperbollically to applaud the authors , and builders of their sect ? neither hath he been , or is so generally received , and commended , but many men of as greatnote as any that have stood for him , have disceded from him , or opposed him ; for in his own times the whole schools of the academicks and stoicks did oppugn him , epicurus in many things did contradict him , and pyrrho in all , nay his famous disciple theophrastus ( as themistius relateth ) did tax his master in many things : neither in all succeeding ages hath there wanted able and learned men who have strenuously opposed him , in many things if not in all , as thomas himself , albertus magnus , scotus , gregorius , durandus , harvaeus , maronaeus , alliacensis , nicolaus cusanus , and many others ; neither ought we therefore to follow or extoll him because multitudes have esteemed and adhered to him , for as cicero well said , philosophia multitudinem consultò devitat , paucisque est contentae judicibus . philosophy consultively escheweth the multitude , and is content with a few judges . and as seneca witnesseth , haec pars major esse videtur ; ideò enim pejor est . non tam bene cum rebus humanis agitur , ut meliora pluribus placeant . argumenti pessimi turba est . this part seemeth the greater , therefore it is the worse . it goes not so well with humane affairs , that the better things should please the most . the multitude is an argument of the worst . neither if his philosophie had been sound and perfect , need his sectators appeal to authority , and compliance of others , because truth is able to stand of it self , without the authority of others : what is the cause that since the time that euclide writ his elements of geometry , there is not any one found that hath rejected them ? or who hath not followed them ? truly because the indubitable verity is in them , and it is impossible the intellect should not assent unto them when they are known . and would not the same thing have happened to the tenents of aristotle if they had been true , and indubious ? . but they will urge further and say , that he is praised , and extolled of other famous men that were not of his sect , as cicero , plinius , and quintilian , and that he hath the testimony of phil●p and alexander that were great , and knowing men . it is true , and no way to be denyed , for cicero sa●th of him , quis doctior ? quis acutior ? quis in rebus vel inveniendis vel ●udicandis acrior aristotele unquàm fuit ? who hath been more learned ? who hath been more acute at any time than aristotle either in the invention , or judging of things ? and pliny one while calls him summum in omni doctrinà virum ! the chief man in all learning ! sometimes he calls him virum immensae subtilitatis , a man of immense subtil●y . and quintilian saith , quid aristotelem ? quem dubito scien●iâ rerum , an scriptorum copiâ , an eloquendi suavitate , an inventionum acumine , an varietate operum clariorem putem . what shall i say of aristotle ? whom i doubt whether i might think more famous by his knowledge of things , or by his copiousness of writings , or by his suavity of eloquence , or by the acuteness of his inventions , or by the variety of his works . well , admit all this to be true ( as who would deprive him of his due honour ) yet these are but the judgements of men that might err as well as he ; and what if others have thought otherwise ? must we altogether stand to these mens judgements ? or hath nature appointed them to be final and infallible determiners , from whose judgement there is no appeal ? might not aristotle and these men err in something ? or were they privileged from the common frailty of all men ? no , i believe not but that the proverb is true in them , and all men besides , humanum est errare . but shall we not find that the self-same men have given as great , or greater commendation to others ? yes truely , for being oratours they had all the liberty of a profuse and hyperbolical stile , and often bringing in a commendatory catalogue of learned and worthy men , there was no cause why they should omit the noble stagyrite . but have they not often celebrated and preferred others before him ? yes verily there is hardly any thing more vulgarly known , than that iterated saying of cicero , when he was commending any of the philosophers , alwaies added semper excipio platonem , which manifested the high esteem that he had of him , accounting no other worthy to be compared with him , whom he judged superlative to all : and for pliny we shall find him giving the precedence of wit and knowledge to homer above all others , and calling plato sapientiae an●istitem , than which elogy i know not what can be given more illustrious , and also openly professing his repugnancy to aristotle , and that he had added many things which that great man was ignorant of . and for quintilian you may hear him preferring plato , philosophorum quis dubitet platonem esse praecipuum , sive acumine disserendi , sive loquendi facultate divina quadam , et homerica ? ut mihi non hominis ingenio , sed quodam delphico videatur oraculo instructus . who doubteth that plato is the chief of philosophers , whether in the acuteness of disputing , or in a certain divine and homerical faculty of speaking ? that he seems to me instructed not with the wit of man , but with a certain delphical oracle : and in a word , if thou wilt credit quintilian thou shall find him extolling cicero beyond aristotle , plato , or any other of the foregoing ages ; so that the same mouths that commend him , do also prefer others before him . but if the authority of men , the credit of the best esteemed , and the number of voices could certainly decide the truth , then what store of witnesses might be brought against him , and those also men of the greatest esteem and repute of any in the christian world ? for is not the whole peripatetick philosophy rejected of all the antient fathers ? what need is there to memorate tertullian , irenaeus , and the more antient ? what need is there to mention lactan●ius who so often carpeth at aristotle , tanquam secum dissid●ntem , et repugnantia dicentem , et sentientem , as one disagreeing with himself , and speaking , and thinking repugnant things ? why should i name iustin martyr , who so often reprehendeth h●m ? or hierome , who with so open , and tart a word taxeth versutias ejus , his subtilties ? why should i recite ambrose , augustine , theodoret , and the rest ? who impugning humane philosophy in general , have not intended to spare aristotle alone . but in the name of them all hear gregory nazianzen who saith so elegantly , and truly , abjice aristotelis minutiloquam sagacitatem , abjicite mortiferos illos super anima sermones , et universe humana illa dogmata . throw away the minutiloquious sagacity of aristotle ; throw away those mortiferous sermons of his upon the soul : and universally all those human opinions of his . so that if the judgement of the fathers be of any weight , the philosophy of aristotle is not much to be regarded . as for that which is alleged concerning philip chusing aristotle for a tutor to his son alexander , it merits but a slight confutation : for admit that philip was a very wise and prudent prince ( as no doubt but he was ) yet did the excellency of his skill principally consist in political , and military prudence , and knowing arms better than arts , was not adaequately fit to judge of the abilities of aristotle , except by vulgar rumour , and common fame . and it is not to be denyed that in his time the fame of aristotle was exceedingly blown abroad ; but who is ignorant of the inconstancy and levity of the popular croud in propagating , and spreading of rumours ? but let it be granted that aristotle did excell not only all the learned men in greece that lived in his time , but all the men of the whole world that lived in the time of philip ; yet what is this to the number and abilities of those that have lived both before and since ? or how comes the judgement of philip to oblige us who are not under his empire , and who could not compel the minds of men , under the tyranny of one mind ? for it is easier to inslave bodies than to captivate minds . and for alexander , though he had aristotle in singular esteem , yet did he much value other learned men , as xenocrates , whose aemulator aristotle was , and also pyrrho ; so that both these received for gifts many talents . but this is not to be denyed , that the splendor of alexanders name did bring much credit , and authority to aristotle , both living and dead : but this notwithstanding amongst the vulgar and those of vulgar wits , who as they are onely moved with external showes , so they think that a great prince cannot but have a great master : when for the most part princes chuse not tutors for princes , either for their abilities in judging of the solidity of literature , or for the love they have to vertue , truth , or sincery , but rather for worldly or politick ends ; that their sons may be instructed , and fitted both to keep and acquire large dominions , and territories ; and for the most part true science scorns the bondage , flattery , and vanity of courtly splendor . . again , there is no reason why the peripatetick philosophy should have the palm and preheminence above all other , because there is a great uncertainty both of the books and doctrine of aristotle , as we shall evince in some few reasons . . it is uncertain whether any book of aristotle , or which owns him for author , be extant or no ; for if it were not dubious to what end do his interpreters , as simplicius , themistius , and almost all the rest , which write in this age , prepose this question at the beginning of every book that they expound , sitne hujusmodi liber aristotelis an non ? is this book aristotles or not ? certainly if this thing were not dubious , there were no cause for propounding this question ; for we use not to scruple about things that are certain , but about things that are doubful . for it is inquired concerning his book de interpretatione , whether it be his or no , the later men do affirm it , but long ago andronicus rhodius ha●h denyed it , whether therefore shall we give our suffrage to these modern men , or to him that is more antient ? who by the verdict of boetius , and porphyrius , is said to have brought aristotles writings out of greece , and to have digested them into order ; who shall loose this knot ? who shall resolve this doubt ? . another argument ariseth from hence ; that laertius hath drawn the order and catalogue of aristotles books , and yet many are wanting which he enumerates , and we have many as . or . of metaphysicks , . of physicks , . de coelo , . de generatione , . of meteors , and . of the soul , which are not mentioned in his catalogue , and therefore who need doubt but these are supposititious ? for if they had been extant in the daies of laertius , would he have concealed them ? or could he have had no suspition of them , who was so diligent to know , and commit to posterity both the lives and books of the philosophers ? and it appears that when ptolomaus philadelphus did erect that huge library at alexandria , using the help and pains of demetrius phalereus , who was a peripatetick , this man , as he did promise great rewards in the kings name to those that brought books from anywhere , so he hath not thought those to be neglected which were said to be aristotles ; and therefore ammonius writeth , that many books were brought under the hope of gain bearing the title of aristotle , that notwithstanding were spurious and none of his : and therefore who can be certain in such a caliginous labirynth , to know whether these that we have be truly his , or but false and adulterate ? seeing many of them are suspected rather to belong to architas than to aristotle . . seeing according to laertius , and some others , that there were many that bore the name of aristotle , might not easily all their works be ascribed to this one stagyrite ? as in other things it often falls out : for there were many iupiters , yet all things were ascribed to one son of saturn , and there were many called by the name of hercules , yet all their labours made onely one son of al●mena famous . and did not theophrastus and others ( who are said to have imitated the stile of aristotle ) compose many books under the same title with those of his ( as many be gathered from laertius catalogues ) & so might not they in continuance of time have the inscription creep in , one instead of the other ? and is it not controverted whether the beginning of the metaphysicks , and the books of plants , and others belong to theophrastus , or to aristotle ? and doth not cicero in his books de finibus witness that those books moralium nichomachiorum , which are commonly ascribed to aristotle , are to be attributed to nichomachus his son ? and lest any should object ( as they usually do ) that they are written in his stile and methode , doth he not conclude , non video , cur non potuerit patri similis est filius , i do not see why the son might not be like the father ? and are there not some books amongst those vulgarly accounted the works of aristotle , as the book of plants , that of the world to alexander , and others , that none dare positively assert to be aristotles ? neither is this any new thing in him , for the same suppositition of books hath happened to plato , cicero , seneca , origen , cyprian , hierom , augustine , and other great men . . let it be concluded , that we have the books which may justly and legitimately be ascribed to aristotle , yet notwithstanding how dubious is it to know in these books what is properly and truly his , and what is not ? for strabo , plutarch , and others , do memorate that when theophrastus had left neleus scepsius heir to his own , and aristotles library , their books lay long hidden in the ground and that many years after , when they were corroded with worms , and moths , and almost consumed , and wasted , they were digged up and sold to apellicon teius , who took care to export them to athens , and took upon him to amend and correct the defects according to his own mind : and 〈◊〉 not long after lucius sylla had carried them to rome forth of greece , he committed them to tyrannion the grammarian , that he might correct and alter them ; and so that he added detracted or changed what he judged appellicon had depraved , or might better agree to the mind of aristotle . and that afterwards succeeded andronicus rhodius who again turned all upside down and altered as he thought fit . therefore how shall we believe that the pure text of aristotle , passing the hands of so many correctors ( that i may not more truly say corruptors come to our hands without being viciated in innumerable places ? first suffering by the injury of time , and then by the conjectures of so many censurers . especially if to this we shall add , the variety , oscitancy , and unskilfulness of transcribers , we shall find that in this author , which is common to almost all , that of one and the self-same place there will be various lections , that it will be hardly possible to divine , which are the primary and proper footsteps of the author . . but let this also be given , that there is nothing contained in his works but what is his own , yet the style and manner of aristotles writing doth render his doctrine so uncertain , and obscure , that to fish out his meaning there is need of a delian urinator . for though he might be copious and elegant in easie matters , yet in things that are more difficult , and which require more perspicuous explication , he is so ambiguous , brief , lame , and intricate , that he seems from thence to have raised plenty of matter , and occasion to make his sectators wrangle and conjecture . therefore atticus did worthily , and appositely compare him , and his writings , to that black humour poured forth by the cuttle fish , under which lying hid she escapeth catching ; for he seems to have spoken so on purpose , as though he be taken in some sense , yet in another he makes an escape , and so eludes the catchers . and some of his followers do acknowledge that he hath used this kind of equivocal speaking of purpose ; but what need we any further witness , behold aristotle himself openly declaring that he used this affected obscurity in his physicks , for labouring to consolate alexander complaining that he had divulged them , he saith , scripsisti ad me de libris auscultatoriis , existimans in arcano custodiendos fuisse . seito igitur ipsos editos , et non editos esse . cognosci enim , percipique ab iis tantum poterunt , qui nos audierint . thou hast written to me touching my books of auscultation , thinking that they were to have been kept in secret . therefore know that they are published , and not published . for they can onely be understood , and perceived of those who have heard us . which things being thus , we may marvail to what end they have called and accounted him as a daemon ? for verily he hath imitated the cunning of a cacodaemon , who is said to speak by his prophets and sibylls after such a manner , that his words may be used in divers and contrary senses : is this the honour of aristotle , or the glory of the schools ? . but further let it be conceded that aristotle hath spoken , and written perspicuously , yet nevertheless his doctrine is left very uncertain : for he for the most part still useth a rhapsodie , and is a great compiler of other mens works , and that without taking time to digest or censure all things in them , so that it is difficult to discern when he produceth any thing of his own , when of another mans . and therefore who is there , who when he perceives himself to be urged and pressed with any place in aristotle , may not oppose , and say , that it is not he that speaks there , but some of the antients under his person , and so never be without a subterfuge , and way for evasion ? again , it is not seldome that he doth openly declare the fallaciousness , and uncertainty of his doctrine by inserting of adverbs of doubting , as in his book of the categories speaking of relatives he saith , fortassis autem difficile sit de rebus hujusmodi vehementer asserere : perhaps it is difficult to affirm any thing vehemently of such like matters . and further where he hath reckon'd up the four species of quality , he addeth , fortassis quidem igitur alius quispiam apparuerit qualitatis modus , sed ferè qui maxi●è dicuntur , hi sunt . for perhaps truly some other mood of quality may appear , but these are almost all that are especially spoken of . there are many such like places which i omit , these being sufficient to manifest the man to be no other but such an one as the author of the censure commonly prefixt before his works , who after many commendations given him , saith , accedebat ad haec , ingenium viri tectum et callidum , et metuens reprehensionis , quod inhibebat eum , ne proferret interdum apertè quae sentiret . inde tam multa per ejus opera obscura , et ambigua . there happened to these things , the closs wit of the man , and crafty , and fearing reprehension , which did inhibit him , that sometimes he durst not utter openly those things which he thought . from whence it is that so many things , throughout his works , are obscure and ambiguous . . but let us omit these , and give it for granted that aristotle hath uttered his opinion plainly , and doth speak altogether dogmatically , and without haesitation ; will it not still remain of necessity that his doctrine is uncertain and obscure , seeing it is beset with continual altercations amongst the peripateticks themselves , differing about the interpretation of his text ? neither is there any possible hope of their reconciliation , but that we may sooner see a conjunction of the poles of heaven , one holding this , and another that , and yet all affirming that their meaning was aristotles mind : for when they make the question , whether , and what kind of matter he did ascribe to the heavens , some affirm that he did attribute matter to the heavens , and some deny that he did attribute any : some hold that he appropriated the same matter to the heavens , that he did to the elements , and other some affirm that he gave them a divers matter . wherefore suppose any one not preoccupated desired to be instructed in the peripatetick doctrine , what should he do , or whither should he turn himself , when he should see about some one difficulty propounded , divers and sundry opinions differing one from another , and aristotle wrested against himself ? would he think it possible that aristotle at one and the self-same time , did hold things absolutely contrary one to another ? . and if all this were granted that the aristotelians did not disagree amongst themselves , and had a genuine interpretation of aristotles mind , yet would there remain much doubt and uncertainty in his doctrine : because in it there are many things omitted , and insufficient , many things tautological ▪ and superfluous , many things false , impious , and calumnious , and many things repugnant , and contradictory , which we shall make out hereafter , and so pass them in this place . . neither ought the throne be yielded to aristotle alone , nor his philosophy onely adored , and admitted , because in his writings innumerable things are wanting , and defective , that are essentially necessary to the compleating of physical knowledge , which we shall something at large demonstrate . . i shall pass by the defects in his organical learning , as having been touched before when we handled logick , and onely come to open his defects in physicks : and here first is required a definition of physick , the declaration of the subject matter is wanting , a general partition , and distribution is required : neither is it shewn to what end , how or in what order he will proceed to speak of the heavens , the meteors , the animants , and the like , which all belong to physical speculation , this is all the order of this great methode-monger . and when he had laid it was to be proceeded ex notioribus nobis ad notiora naturâ , and that even by common sense singulars are better known to us , and universalls more known in nature , yet presently after he preposterously concludes , ab universalibus ad singularia procedendum . . what a brave definition doth he give of nature , to wit , natura est principium , & causa motus , & quietis ejus , in quo inest primò et per se , et non secundum accidens , in which there are more defects and errours than words ? for hereby nature is not distinguished from the efficient cause , art may be a principle as well as nature , and many more which i shall not stand to recite , seeing the most acute , and learned helmont hath demonstrated no fewer than thirteen errors , or defects , in this so short a definition , and so concludeth , atque tandem valdè anxius , nescit quid vocet , aut vocare debeat naturam , naturalis auscultationis scriptor . and at the length being very anxious , the writer of natural auscultation is ignorant what he should or ought to call nature . and also confutes some other descriptions of aristotle with many pregnant and undeniable arguments : and in the most of all his divisions and definitions , as may be seen in his definition of motion , and of alterarion , and divers others , which were tedious and fruitless to reckon up . . his proofs and demonstrations for the most part have the same lameness with the rest , ex uno disce omnes . he goes about to prove the world to be perfect , because it doth contain bodies , and that a bodie is perfect because it containeth trinal dimension , and that trinal dimension is perfect , because three are all things : but three are all things , because if they be either one , or two , yet we have not named all things ; but as soon as there are three , we may call them all things . o how egregious ! o how super-sufficient is this proof ! o how wonderfully beseeming so great a philosopher ! o how fit is he to be the prince of learning , and the dictator in the academies ! and the same absurdities may be seen every where in his writings . . the like appears in his argumentations against the antient philosophers , whom he seems every where to confute , calumniate and contradict , but with the same imperfections and defects , as to instance in two or three . he taxeth democritus , leucippus , and others very insufficiently , who did hold that generation was by congregation , and that no continuum was compounded of indivisible things , which they speaking of physical impartibilitie , he impugns as of mathematical . doth he not unworthily tax plato , that besides matter and idaea , he had put no efficient cause of generation ? when he himself besides matter and form , rather hath put privation , which is a non ens , than any efficient cause : quapropter cum aristoteles nesciat naturam , proprietates , itemque generationum causas , ac quidditatem ; quis non judicaverit , ex aridis cisternis scholorum aquas philosophiae haustas hactenus ? octo enim libri ausultationum physicarum , somnia et privationes , pro naturae cognitione exponunt . wherefore seeing aristotle is ignorant of nature , proprieties , and also the causes , and quiddity of generations ; who shall not judicate the waters of philosophy hitherto drawn from the drie cisterns of the schools ? for the eight books of physical auscultations , do expound dreams , and privations , instead of the knowledge of nature . . this philosophy is meerly verbal , speculative , abstractive , formal and notional , fit to fill the brains with monstrous and airy chymaeras , speculative , and fruitless conceits , but not to replenish the intellect with sound knowledge , and demonstrative verity , nor to lead man practically to dive into the internal center of natures abstruse , and occult operations : but is only conversant about the shell , and husk , handling the accidental , external and recollacious qualities of things , confusedly , and continually tumbling over obscure , ambiguous , general and equivocal terms , which are onely fit to captivate young sciolists , and raw wits , but not to satisfy a discreet and wary understanding , that expects apodictical , and experimental manuduction into the more interiour clossets of nature . here in the schools is found no such thing , but objurgations , and clamours , fighting and contending andabatarum more , like blind , or madmen , not knowing where they wound others , nor where they are hurt or offended themselves . . and whereas names should truely express notions , and they be co●gruous to things themselves , the aristotelian philosophy leads us into an endless labyrinth , having nothing in manner but syllogisms , or rather paralogisms to statuminate and uphold the fabrick thereof : for they have altogether laid aside induction as too mechanical and painful , which onely can be serviceable to physical science , and have invented and introduced words , terms , definitions , distinctions , and limitations consonant enough amongst themselves , but no way consorting or sympathizing with nature it self . scientiae enim , quas nunc habemus , nihil aliud sunt quam quaedam concinnationes rerum ante à inventarum ; non modi inveniendi aut designationes novorum operum . for those sciences that we have now , are nothing else but certain concinnations of things formerly found out ; not the wayes , or designations of inventing new works . and one thing more , instead of establishing the mind in physical truths , most usually they confound the judgement with mathematical terms , which in aristotles writings is no small error : for though the mathematicks be exceedingly helpful to natural philosophy , yet is confusion of terms very hurtful ; for if a mathematical point or superficies be urged in a physicall argument it will conclude nothing , but onely obfuscate , and disorder the intellect . . this school philosophy is altogether void of true , and infallible demonstration , observation , and experiment , the only certain means , and instruments to discover , and anatomize natures occult and central operations ; which are found out by laborious tryals , manual operations , assiduous observations , and the like , and not by poring continually upon a few paper idols , and unexperienced authors : as though we could fathome the universe by our shallow imaginations , or comprize the mysteries of mother nature in the narrow compass of our weak brains ; or as though she would follow us into our chambers , and there in idlenesse communicate her secrets unto us ; no verily , dii bona sua laboribus vendunt , ease and idleness are not the way to get knowledge . therefore here i shall shew what noble parts of physical knowledge have been , and are neglected by the schools , onely because they abhor taking of pains , and think they can argue dame na●ure out of her secrets , and that they need no other key but syllogisms to unlock her cabinet . . therefore that noble , and almost divine science of natural magick , is by them not only repudiated , abominated , and prosecuted with fire and sword , but also the very name s●ems nauseous and execrable unto them ; so little have they done either to advance learning , or to vindicate truth . a great wonder that men that profess themselves almost ignorant of nothing , and think themselves the most skilful wordmen or logodaedalists in the world , should either not understand or be unwilling to acknowledge that the word magick was in its primary and proper acceptation , taken in a good and honourable sense , and appropriated to those that the world accounted most wise and learned : and never was abusively taken , until many impostors , and knaves did abuse and pervert that so noble a science , as though the name of doctor were dishonourable , or unworthy to be an epithite for the able and learned , who have justly merited and taken that degree , because every montebank emperick and quacksalver , have usually that title attributed unto them . was not magick amongst the persians accepted for a sublime sapience , and the science of the universal consent of things ? and were not those men ( supposed kings ) that came from the east styled by that honourable name {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} m●gi , or wisemen , which the holy ghost gives unto them , thereby to denote out that glorious mystery of which they were made partakers by the revelation of that spirit of life and light . neither do i here apologize for that impious and execrable magick , that either is used for the hurt and destruction of mankind , or pretends to gain knowledge from him who is the grand enemy of all the sons of adam , no , that i truly abominate , quia ( as learned mirandula saith ) pendet ex manu hostium primae veritatis , potestatum harum tenebrarum , quae tenebras falsitatis malè dispositis intellectibus obfundunt . because it dependeth upon the hand of the enemies of the primitive verity , of the powers of these darknesses , which do infuse the tenebrosities of falsity into evilly disposed intellects . but that which i defend is that noble and laudable science , quae cognitionem formarum abditarum ad opera miranda deducat , at que activa passivis conjungendo , magnalia naturae manifestet ; which leadeth cognition of occult forms unto wonderful works , and by conjoining actives to passives , doth manifest the grand secrets of nature . and indeed is that worthy , and wonderful science , not unbeseeming the noblest person , or greatest scholar , and is that sublime knowledge whereby the wondetful works of the creator are discovered , and innumerable benefits produced to the poor creatures . mirabilia artis magicae non sunt nisi per unionem & actuationem eorum , quae seminalitèr , & separatae sunt in natura . the wonderful things of art magick are not brought to pass , except by the union , and actuation of those things that are seminally , and separately in nature : so that indeed , magicam operari , non est aliud nisi maritare mundum . to operate by magick is nothing else but to marry the world , that is , fitly and duly to join and connex agents to their patients , masculines to faeminines , superious to inferiours , caelestials to terrestrials , that thereby nature may act out her hidden and latent power . and this is that which the greatest doctor need not be ashamed of , whether physician or philosopher , but that which is commendable both before god and man , and that wherin if the schools had been exercised , their works and fruits would have been more manifest , and they then owned not as the disseminators of vain controversies , and frivolous disputes , but as the true interpreters of nature , patriots of true learning , and benefactors to mankind . but i pray god they may repent and amend , and imbrace the truth , and also practise it . . the next thing i shall mind them of , as one of their greatest defects , is that sublime , and never-sufficiently praised science of pyrotechny or chymistry ; which though it hath suffered much through the corruption of time , and the wickednesse of cov●tous impostors , and ravenous harpies , who gaping after mountains of gold , do either suck the purses of others as greedy as themselves , or else do willingly suffer themselves to be deluded , and circumvented by these broilers and smoak ●ellers , and so bring an injust infamy upon this so profitable and laudable an art . and though in former times it was had in honour by trismegist , geber , raymund lully , arnoldus de villâ novâ , roger bacon , and many others , yet was it for many ages in a manner buried in oblivion , or banished to the monastick cells , until basilius valentinus , isaac hollandus , and paracelsus that singular ornament of germany , did revive and restore the same , and since more cleerly manifested by him , who is justly stiled philosophus per ignem , and many other famous men . the benefits of which are now so openly known , esspecially the common and vulgar part of it ( though the grand mysteries are hid in the brests of those who are truly called adepti ) and so much written by the elaborate pens of many learned and industrious men therein , that it would be needless to relate its transcendent uses , and excellencies : it being in a word that art that doth help more truly and radically to denudate , and discover the secret principles and operations of nature , than any other in the world , and i dare truly and boldly say , that one years exercise therein to ingenious spirits , under able masters , will produce more real and true fruit , than the studying aristotelian philosophy hath brought forth in many centuries . o that the schools therefore would leave their idle , and fruitless speculations , and not be too proud to put their hands to the coals and furnace , where they might find ocular experiments to confute their fopperies , and produce effects that would be beneficial to all posterities . i will onely mind them of this one rule . discendae primum ergo digestiones , distillationes , sublimationes , reverberationes , extractiones , solutiones , coagulationes , fermentationes , fixationes , & omne quod ad opus hoc instrumentum requiritur , cognoscendum est usu , prout vitra , cucurbitae , circulatoria , gallinarum ova , terrea vasa , balnea , furni ventales , reverberatorii similesque , nec non carbones atque tenacula : sic in alchimia medicinaque proficere poteris . neither despise this counsel because the author is no friend to aristotle , nor be ashamed to cast off thy fine clothes to work in a laboratory , for without this thou mayest wax old in ignorance , and dy with guilt , because thou hast served thy generations with no better stuff than aristotles dreames , and scholastick fables . nam utut naturale ingenium , & acumen judicii , philosophus habeat , nunquam tamen ad rerum naturalium radicem , aut r●dical●m scientiam admittitur , sine igne . for howsoever a philosopher may h●v● a natural wit , and acuteness of iudgement , notwithstanding he is never admitted to the root , or radical science of natural things , without the fire . . another thing of no less weight than the former i shall denote unto them , which is that part of natural philosophy , that concerns medicine , which of all other is most necessary , and behooful for conserving and restoring the health of man ; and yet is no less imperfect , and defective than any of the rest . for first it is turned into a way of meer formality , flattery , cunning , craft and covetousness , nothing being so much sought after by its professors as popular applause , repute , and esteem with rich and mighty men , that thereby the larger fees may be drawn from them , while in the mean time , the poor are neglected and despised . is this the office of a physician ? is only riches got by hook or crook , whether the patient reeeive benefit or none , live or dy , the sole end of their profession ? and must these things have the countenance of law , and confirmation by charters ? must these things be applauded and cryed up , while the sincere and faithful endeavors of simple and honest-meaning men , are disdained and trampled upon ? but the world hath alwaies loved deceivers , and therefore must be deceived . secondly , the rule being most sure , that ubi desinit philosophus , incipit medicus , it must of necessity follow , that if philosophy be false , uncertain , and ill bottomed of it self , then the medicinal knowledge that is built thereon ▪ and drawn from thence , must needs be faulty and ruinous . now how false the aristotelian philosophy is in it self is in part made cleer , and more is to be said of it hereafter , and therfore truth and experience will declare the imperfection of that medicinal knowledge that stands upon no better a basis . for galen their great coryphaeus and antesignanus hath laid down no other principles to build medicinal skill upon , than the doctrine of aristotle , as that all bodies mixt are compounded of the four elements , and that the total parity or disparity , temperament , complexion , and constitution of all bodies do arise from the equal or unequal conflux and commixture of these four : and that from these do result four prime qualities , and four humours , and that the abounding , defect , repugnancy , or alteration of he●e are the causes of all diseases . mirum sanè , quantum in his rixatum , et scriptum sit : ac miserandum , quantum baec laxa nugarum somnia , mundum hactenus circumvenerint . truly it is a wonder how much hath been disputed and written in these things : and it is to be commiserated , how much these loose dreams of trifles , have hitherto circumvented the world . for this same author makes it good by undeniable arguments and experiments , that there are not four elements , nor humours , in rerum natura , and hath said enough , sufficiently to confute and overthrow the whole fabrick of the galenical learning , which here i forbear to insert . and therefore it is very strange that the schools , nay in a manner the whole world , should be inchanted and infatuated to admire , and own this ignorant pagan , who being ambitious of erecting his own fame , did traduce , and darken the writings of those that preceded him , and pretending to interpret and open the doctrine of learned hippocrates , he altogether obscured and perverted the same : and yet can the schools be so wilfully mad to adore this idol ▪ and follow this blind guide . thirdly , if the ground of galenical physick had been sound and firm , and that it were the true and certain way both to find out the causes , and to cure diseases , yet notwithstanding hath it been but loosly prosecuted , and smally promoted , seeing for the space of so many hundred years , there is not by the schools found out any more certain , safe , or easie way to cure diseases than was in the daies of hippocrates , and galen : it is very strange that it should grow up and flourish with them , and never since come to any more perfection , when it is usually observed that nothing is simnl & semel invented and perfected . for it is plain that in botanical knowledge nothing of value is found out or discovered since the daies of dioscorides ; for though some plants be now found out that were not then known , and many species of others also , and their cuts and figures more perfected , as beside much confusedly heaped up concerning their qualities of heat and cold , driness and moisture ; yet is nothing more added by real experience , and diligent observation of their specifick vertues , and intrinsick properties , so that in regard of the vegetable kingdom the art of medicine hath got little advance . fourthly , though medicinal knowledge have received some melioration especially in the anatomical part , wherein men have laboured with much acuteness , diligence , and observation , so that this part seems to be growing , and arising towards the zenith of perfection , especially since our never-sufficiently honoured countryman doctor harvey discovered that wonderful secret of the bloods circulary motion : yet for all this there comes small advantage by it in practice , and application , for the more certain , safe , and easie curing of diseases : for though it bring great satisfaction to a speculative understanding , and help to cleer many intricate doubts , yet doth it little to remove dolor , danger , or death . and moreover though it be grown to a mighty height of exactness , in vulgar anatomy and dissection of the dead bodies of men , or the living ones of beasts , birds , and fishes ; yet is it defective as to that vive and mystical anatomy that discovers the true schematism or signature of that invisible archeus or spiritus mechanicus , that is the true opifex , and dispositor of all the salutary , and morbifick lineaments , both in the seminal guttula , the tender embrio , and the formed creature , of which paracelsus , helmont , and our learned countryman dr. pludd , have written most excellently . fiftly , the most excellent art of chirurgery , though much advanced by the help of anatomy in all that belongs to manual operation , or the use of instruments ; yet in the curing of great and dangerous sores , as the lupus , cancer , fistula , carcinoma , elephantiasis , strumaes , virulent and malign ulcers , and the like , it is much defective , and can perform little , without mineral and chymical medicaments . not because nature and providence have ordained no remedies for them , but because of the sloathfulness and negligence of professors and artists , who sit down contented with galenical medicaments , thinking there is nothing of greater virtue , and operation than they ; and so become slaves and captives to some few authors , whom they think it not lawful to relinguish , or that natures whole mysteries were comprized in their paper monuments , and no search further to be made : not knowing that their scrutiny should be through the whole theatre of nature , and that their only study and labour ought to be to acquire and find out salves for every sore , and medicines for every malady , and not to be inchained with the formal prescriptions of schools , halls , colleges , or masters , but to seek continually that these things might be made known unto them , and not to imagine it is sufficient to have served an appenticeship to it as to a trade , except they arrive at higher attainments . quia medicus ad imaginem dei agere ac laborare jussus est , constat ipsum non nugacibus rebus , sed secretioribus magiae ac cabalae studiis operam suam locare debere : non enim ut iurisconsultorum vel physicorum scientia , sic et medicina humanis speculationibus comprehendi potest , cum ipsa supra omnes artes admirabilis ac occulta existat . because the physician is commanded to act , and labour according to the image of god , it is manifest that he ought not to place his pains in trifling things , but in the more secret studies of magick , and cabalistick science : for not as the knowledge of lawyers and naturalists , so also can medicinal skill be comprehended by human speculations , seeing it is admirable and occult above all arts . therefore what great error , and how haynous a crime is it to leave the great book of the macracosm , nay and the writings of others , only to adhere to the doctrine of ignorant , wicked , malicious , and blind pagans ? i shall onely add this , adeoque cum omne donum bonum , nedum virtutum , sed & cognitionum , descendat à patre luminum ; quis poterit à scholis gentilitiis scientiae medicae tesseram ediscere ? dominus enim creavit medicum , non scholae . therefore seeing every good gift , not onely of vertues , but also of sciences , doth descend from the father of lights ; who can perfectly learn the sum of medicinal knowledge from the heathenish schools ? for the lord hath created the physician , not the schools . . there remaineth diverse excellent discoveries of many mysterious things in nature that do properly belong to physicks , which yet the schools take small or no notice of , and as little pains in , either to know , teach , or improve them ; and so are a witness against them of their sluggishness , and deficiency of their too-much-magnified peripatetick philosophy . as first , they pass over with a dry foot that laudable , excellent , and profitable science of physiognomy , which hath been admired , and studyed of the gravest and wisest sages that have been in many generations : which is that science which from and by certain external signs , signatures , and lineaments , doth explicate the internal nature and quality of natural bodies either generally or specifically . and this so necessary a knowledge both in the genus and species of it is altogether omitted by the school ; they understand and teach nothing of caelestial signatures , which are in some measure made known by the quantity , light , colour , motion , and other affections of those bodies : they teach nothing of sub-caelestial physiognomy , whether elementary , meteorological , or mineralogical , but are utterly ignorant in all these , as also in botanical , and anthropological physiognomy , contenting themselves with a few frivilous , false and formal definitions , and notions , and so never seek to penetrate into the more interiour nature of things , by which it comes to pass that they know little in the vegetable , and animal kingdomes , and least of all in the subterranean , or mineral ; and but that paracelsus , crollius , quercetan , baptista porta , and some others had taken pains in it , there had no footsteps of it almost been visible . and my lord bacon doth reckon also as defective the interpretation of natural dreams ; for though aristotle himself hath said something of this , yet those that pretend most to admire and honour him , have taken as little pains in this as the rest , to improve it to the glory of their great master . secondly , they are as ignorant in the most admirable , and soul-ravishing knowledge of the three great hypostatical principles of nature , salt , sulphur , and mercury , first mentioned by basilius valentinus , and afterwards clearly and evidently manifested by that miracle of industry and pains theophrastus paracelsus . which however the schools ( as hating any liquor that is not drawn out of their own cask , and despising all things that come by toyl and labor ) may sleight and contemn it , and please themselves with their ayery chimaera of an abstracted and scarce intelligible materia prima , or hyle , which is neither planè ens , nec non ens , and think to make fools believe their masters description of it , that it is neque quantum , neque quale , neque quid , neque quicquid eorum quae cernuntur , and so the delphick devil cannot expound it , nor sphinx nor o●dipus be able to unriddle it ; is notwithstanding so cleer , certain , and apodictical a truth , that all the academies in the universe will never be able to eradicate , and whose verity is made so evident by pyrotechny , that he must needs distrust his own senses that will not credit it ; but what avails it to sing to a deaf man ? and though helmont with the experiments of his gehennal fire , and some other solid arguments labour the labefactation of this truth , yet doth he not prove that they are not hypostatical principles , but onely that they are not the ultimate reduction that the possibility of art can produce , which he truly proves to be water ; yet are the most compound bodies in the universe to be reduced into them , and by that introversion is the secrets of nature more laid open than by all the peripatetitk philosophy in the world , and if this be not so , let experience speak . thirdly , what shall i say of that wonderful and most beneficial discovery of the magnetical philosophy , by our worthy , learned , and industrious countreyman doctor gilbert ? what rare and unheard-of mysteries doth it disclose ? what huge light , and advantage doth it bring to natural philosophy , and the mathematicks ? what helps to navigation , and almost all other arts , and trades ? how vastly is it improved , inlarged , and adorned by those great wits , and unwearied persons , such as ridley , carpenter , barlow , cabaeus , and the grand gatherer of all kind of learning athanasius kercherus ? can the schools say , or make it good , that in the space of fifteen hundred years they ever invented any such like thing ? nay it were well if they had not been , and still were the opposers , contemners , and condemners of all new discoveries , how transcendent , useful , or profitable soever they were . fourthly , what shall i say of the atomical learning revived by that noble , and indefatigable person renatus des cartes , and since illustrated and improved by magnenus r●gius , white , digby , phocyllides , holwarda , and divers others ? hath the schools any thing of like firmness , do they demonstrate after euclides most certain and undeniable way , as democritus reviviscens doth ? no surely , all theirs is but like dross and chaff in comparison of this . what shall i say of that notable conceit of the most happy genius these latter ages have had , iohn kepler , of the continued emission of raies from the body of the sun , that causeth all the rest of the planets to move ? deserves this no further investigation ? what shall i say of the epicuraean philosophy , brought to light , illustrated and compleated by the labour of that general scholar petrus gassendus ? surely if it be rightly examined , it will prove a more perfect , and sound piece , than any the schools ever had , or followed . . the philosophy of aristotle maintained by the schools ought not to be prised so much above others , because in it there are many things superflu●us , tautological , frivolous , and needless ▪ as we shall in a few instances make cleerly evident . for first , omitting many superabundant reiterations , and repetitions in his organicks and animasticks , i shall only touch some few contained in his physicks : as in that much celebrated definition wherein nature is said to be principium , & causa motus , & quietis ejus , in quo inest primò , & per se , & non secundùm accidens . . this particle causa seems to be put superfluously ; seeing every cause is a principle . . that of quietis ; seeing the faculty of contraries are the same , for that which is the faculty of speaking , and holding ones peace , is the same . . that ejus , in quo est , seeing also art is the principle of the motion of the artificer , in whom it is . . that primò . . and that per se ; for also art is the cause of artificial motion , primarily , and by it self , quatenus as far as it is of this sort . . that particle , & non secundùm accidens , is needless ; for wherefore was that necessary seeing before he had put per se ? i shall omit the rest of his nauseous tautologies in the , , and . chapters of the forcited book , and in the most of the books of physicks following , as obvious to every one that will take pains to examine and consider them . secondly , in his book de coelo he reiterates this , simplicis corporis simplex est motus , & simplex est motus simplicis corporis , as though these two were much different : and there twice or thrice is repeated the probation , that circular motion doth agree to some body according to nature . the like to which may be seen in the , , , , , and . chapters of the same book , and in all the books following of the same subject . i shall onely name one other , and so pass this point , in lib. . de or●u , et interitu , cap. . he propounds the question of the elements , whether they be , or they be not ? and whether they be sempiternal , or not ? as though they had not been agitated in his third book de coelo , and at last brings in that vain repetition , est igitur tangens ut plurimùm id , quod tangit tangens : apparet tangens tangere quod tangit , necesse videtur esse quod tangitur tangere , &c. o how egregiously is this disputed of him who must needs be accounted the prince of philosophers ! o how excellent needs must those disciples be that are taught by so worthy a master ! . this philosophy ought not so much to be magnified above other , because in it are very many things that are apparently , and absolutely false , to make which appear , i shall onely name two or three manifest particulars . first he affirms that nothing is contrary to substance , which he again asserts in his logick , and repeats elsewhere , which to me seems absolutely false : for certainly the substance of the fire is contrary to the substance of the water . but thou wilt say the contrariety is solely in the qualities . but seeing these qualities are every one proper to their substances , and do arise out of them , and accept their esse from them : and therefore doth not this also argue contrariety in them ? for let the substance be of the same nature on both sides ; from whence is it that these qualities do arise rather than others which are contrary unto them ? and again in the same chapter it is false that he teacheth that contraries cannot suffer of themselves : for do not cold things strive with hot , and moist things with dry ? and do not these qualities mutually beat back , and expel one another . secondly , it is false which he affirms lib. . phys. cap. . that the formal , final , and efficient causes are coincident , to wit in respect of the same effect : for how can the father be the same with the essential form of the son ? and it is also false which he defends in the eighth chapter , that art doth not deliberate ; otherwise artists do all things rashly . but although the mason do not deliberate , whether he ought to prepare a foundation rather than an house , therefore doth ●e not consult , whether he shall build it now rather than at another time ? or whether of this matter , rather than of other ? or whether in this manner , rather than in another ? thirdly , how false is that which he laies down in the , and . chapters of the third book of physicks , that no number can be given , than which a greater may not be excogitated : but that a magnitude may be given , to wit the world , than which no greater can be excogitated ? i pray you why may it not be lawful and possible to conceive a magnitude greater than this world ? nay ten thousand times greater , wherein lies the impossibilitie ? he also defines there infinitum to be that beyond which something alwaies may be taken ; but how is that possible to be infinite that hath something extrase ? or that it can be made infinite by something without it self ? these are brave fancies , and fine dreams . fourthly , in the . book , besides innumerable falsityes that may be observed in the , , , , and . chapters , that is a most signal one , which in the first chapter he labours to build up , of the eternity of motion : that thereby he may make out the ingeniture , and eternity of the world . let us therefore see with what reasons he can evince , and perswade it . . is this , motion is the act of a movable thing : therefore that which is movable hath preceded motion . i pray you doth he not wound himself with his own weapon , and strangle himself by his own consequence ? for if any thing hath preceded motion : therefore motion is not eternal . . he argues , the thing moving , and the thing moved are either made , or are eternal ; but neither can be said to be so . but wherefore cannot the one or both be eternal , and nevertheless without motion ? he adds , because this is absurd . an egregious instance truly , and indeed philosophical ! for where appears this absurdity ? he further urges : if the thing movable had preceded motion , then it had rested : and so another motion had been necessary before , of which that rest had been a privation . verily as though he who is born blind , ought to have seen in the womb , that blindless might be accounted the privation thereof . . he proceeds , power ought to be neer to the act. as though stones that have lain hid from the framing of the world under the earth , had not as well power to be framed into an house which is made to day , as they have a few daies before they be digged up . . he saith , time is eternal , therefore motion also : he confirms the antecedent , . because all philosophers , except plato , do affirm it . as though the matter were pleaded in the court , where voices are numbred ? yet some have accounted plato's judgement more than a thousand ; but this were to try things by authority , not by truth . . because time is not sine nunc : but every nunc is the beginning of the sequent , and the end of the praecedent time . as though there could not be a nunc first , and last ; if either the motion of heaven hath begun , or also if we believe that motion is not measured by time , which were not hard to demonstrate . . i shall onely instance in one place more , and that is lib. . de coelo cap. , cap. . there he assumes , and endeavours to prove , that circulary motion hath nothing contrary un●o it : what if of two wheels or orbs , the one were moved towards the orient , and the other towards the occident , were they not to be said to be moved towards contrary parts ? and is not this to have something contrary unto it ? nay may not the motion of something in a straight line , be contrary to motion that is circular , seeing all motion is considered in relation unto the term , or point from whence , and unto which it moves ? and how this cannot be possible , to me seems neither probable nor possible . and though i have but taken these few things to instance in , yet were it no hard matter ( but that it belongs not to my present purpose ) to evert the whole ground and fabrick of his philosophy , and that with arguments unanswerable , and infallible , but these are sufficient for this place and purpose . . aristotle's ipse dixit , or the school's sic habet aristoteles , ought no longer to pass for oracles , nor his tenents for truths before others : because innumerable things in his philosophy do contradict , and are diametrically contrary ; and that i may make out what i say , i shall call in for witness his own words , and instance in some few particular places , that it may be manifest how in constant and wavering he was in his own opinions . first , in his book of categories there is plain contradiction , seeing he makes ten : and notwithstanding elsewhere sometimes three , sometimes six , sometimes eight . he saith the first substance is rather substance than the second , and not long after he affirmeth that the property of substance is to receive more and less . he makes time a species of continued quantity : and notwithstanding in the book of physicks , he will have it to be number , which is discrete quantity . he also indeavours in the book priorum analyticorum , to demonstrate the definition of the figures , and in the after teacheth that definition cannot be demonstrated . in the book posteriorum he will have us in demonstration to proceed from things more known to us : and for all that he defines demonstration to be that which proceeds from causes , but causes are more unknown to us than effects ; and in the same books he hath many such like , which for brevity i omit . secondly , in his first book of physicks he impugneth that immovable principle of parmenides , and melissus : and after in the book he proveth that there is one immovable principle of motion . he teacheth in the fifth chapter , that contraries are not made , by course , of themselves , and not long after he holdeth , that whatsoever is generated , is generated of its contrary , and that whatsoever is corrupted goes into its contrary . in the second book , and seventh chapter , he disputeth against empedocles affirming that the works of nature are made by chance ; and yet confesses that monsters are the misses and lapses of nature : and in the seventh book of metaphysicks the seventh chapter , he holdeth that those things that do grow withou● seed are made casually , from whence also in the de animâ the . chapter , he saith , quae naturâ sunt , propter aliquid sunt , aut casus eorum , quae sunt propter aliquid . and many other of the like sort , from which i purposely supersede , these being sufficient to make good the assertion . thirdly , one more may be joined to these out of his book de coelo the chapter , where he saith , that every natural body is movable : and yet for all that in the third chapter , and more expresly in the fourteenth of the second book , he contendeth that the earth doth rest immovable in the center of the world . in the seventh chapter in the words cited not long before he altogether supposeth the heaven not to be animated : and notwithstanding he expressely saith it is animated in the second book , and second chapter ; and also the first de anima the third chapter , and elsewhere . in the second book , and second chapter , he holdeth that a sempiternal motion is in god : and in the eighth of the physicks he maintaineth the primum movens to be immovable which is god : in the eight he saith the heaven is not an organical body , and notwithstanding ( as it is already seen ) he hath made it to be indued with a soul : for the soul , as he defines it , is the act of an organical body : as also in the twelf he saith , actionem astrorum talem esse , qualis est plantarum , & animalium . but of these things enough ; by all which ( i conceive ) it is cleerly manifest that the peripatetick philosophy ought not to be preferred before all other , nay rather to be utterly exterminated , and some better introduced in the place therof , and that is the thing was attempted to be proved . chap. vii . of metaphysicks , ethicks , politicks , oeconomicks , poesie , and oratory . though there be something in the most of these , that might tollerably pass , yet are many things in them so useless , false , uncertain , superfluous , wicked and defective , that they stand in need of reformation , melioration , or eradication , as we shall shew of every one of them in their order . . for the metaphysicks , which they call their philosophia prima , and do usually define it to be scientia entis , quatenus ens est , the abuse and vanity of it appears in this . that it being nothing else but an abstract consideration of things by way of prescision , or cutting off from all other cocomitant cogitations , and so to weigh and examine the things nudely and barely under the respect of their being , all other notions there about being separate from it , doth bring no better instruments , nor effective means for the discovery of truth , than the weak and bare operation of the intellect , or indeed of phantasie , or the imaginative faculty , and therefore no marvail that it hath spider-like weaved forth so many slie and cunning cobweb-contextures of slender conceits , and curious niceties , fit for nothing but to insnare and intangle : and hath been so luxuriously petulant in the faetiferous production of so many monstrous , fruitless , and vain chimaeras . for they holding the soul to be tabula rasa , in which nothing is insculpt , and that science comes not by reminiscence , or resuscitation , but meerly acquisitively de novo , and that there is nothing in the intellect that hath not first some way or other been in the senses , then must it needs follow that the operations of the intellect are but weak means to produce scientifical certitude , and so metaphysical learning but barren and fruitless . . it hath neither laid down , nor assumed any certain principles , that are necessary or helpful to promote science ; for whereas it obtends this for a maxim , that not any thing can be , and not be at the same instant of time ; what fruitful products was there ever yet drawn from this unprofitable fundamental ? neither ever hath it proceeded so far as to find a sure , and ultimate resting place , which notwithstanding the learned renatus des chartes hath happily performed , having gone back to the very basis of all , which is , that there is mens cogitans , which can no way feign , or excogitate it self not to be , which is a more certain and undeniable principle than ever the schools invented , or built upon . . it is of no use nor advantage to other sciences , nor ever hath brought any good or profit unto the sons of men , but onely seduced them into strange labyrinths of notional chymaeras , and speculations , like idle and vain dreams , filling and feeding the fansie , but yielding nothing of solidity to inrich the intellect , nor any thing of use or profit to accomodate mankind : except that may be accounted an advantage , to obscure the truth , and lead the phantasies of men into the crooked meanders of conceit , and nutation , and so with the assistance of its twin logick ( both sisters of the same mother nox ) bring men to imagine and argue much , but in truth and verity to know little . . if it had been able ( as it proudly pretends ) to have taught any thing truly and certainly of those things that are metaphysical , or supernatural , that either are not corporeal or materiate , or else much transcend the nature of physical bodies both caelestial and elementary , then might it justly be received , and have its due commendation . but alas ! what weak , frivolous and groundless opinions hath it produced concerning god , angells , separate substances , and the like ? not seeing so much in these things as the ethnicks , who , in the fable of the golden chain , did affirm , that neither men , nor the gods could draw iupiter from heaven to the earth , but that iupiter could easily draw men from the earth to heaven . quare frustra sudaverit , qui caelestia religionis arcana , nostrae rationi adaptare conabitur . therefore he in vain sweats , who indevours to fit the heavenly mysteries of religion to our reason . . what shall i say of those strange , vain , and poisonous cockatrice eggs that it hath hatched , full of nothing but useless questions and altercations , to as little purpose as the disputes de lanâ caprinâ , or moonshine in the water ? what shall i say of it , is it not altogether defective of all solid , and fruit-bearing knowledge ? doth it not superfluously abound with vanities and follies ? was ever any made either wise or happy by it ? and yet this is the schools prime philosophy or metaphysical learning , which is nothing but vain opination , void of scientifical demonstration , and cleer verity . fa●eamur , rerum divinarum paucissimarum demonstrationes habemus , omnia ferè opinionibus definentes . we must confess , we have the demonstrations of very few divine things , defining all things by opinions . in the next place comes the ethicks to be considered of , which how fruitless and vain they are may appear in a few reasons . for . how can he be supposed to be the fittest teacher of that art , who was himself an heathen , and neither knew nor acknowledged god , who indeed is the summum bonum , and so placed felicity in fading , and momentary things , as riches , and honour : or at the best made but vertue the chief good , which cannot however be happiness it self , but at the most but the way and means to attain it ? and it must necessarily follow that he that understands not the real , and true end , cannot teach the indubitate means that leads to that end , and therefore must needs be a blind guide , especially to christians , as lambertus danaeus hath sufficiently manifested ; and yet the schools must needs follow , and prefer the dark lamp of a blind pagan , before the bright-shining sun of the prophets ▪ and apostles . . though the schools have disputed much of the chief good , of vertues , and of vices , yet have they either taught nothing at all that is practicable , whereby vertue might be obtained , and vice eschewed , or felicity enjoyed , or but touched it very slenderly , perfunctorily , and unprofitably : as though it were sufficient to teach a pilot the many dangers of his voyage in respect of tempests , storms , winds , sands , shelves , rocks , and the like , and to make a large commendation of the peace , plenty , fruitfulness , and happiness of the place to which his journey were intended ; yet leave him altogether ignorant and untaught how to escape those dangers , and unfurnished with means to attain to the harbour unto which his navigation is purposed . . they have chosen to themselves such a way , whereby the mass of ethical knowledge might be set forth as a splendid and beautiful thing , bearing forth the brightness of wit , and vigour of eloquence , rather than any truth in the matter , or benefit to the readers and hearers , and so have made it facilely disputable , but difficultly practicable , seeking themselves , more than truth , or the benefit of others ; as se●eca truly saith , nocet illis eloquentia , quibus non rerum facit cupiditatem , sed sui : eloquence hurteth those , to whom it causeth not the desire of things , but of themselves : for water is better in an earthen vessel , than poison in a golden cup , and he that speaks truly and to profi● others is to be preferred before him that speaks rhetorically , and elegantly to small profit or purpose . . it cannot but be matter of much wonder to all ingenuous men that shall more seriously perp●nd , and weigh the business , why not onely the moral philosophy of aristotle should take place above that which is deduced from principles of christianity ; but also why he should have therein the preheminence above socrates , plato , zeno , and many others , who truly taught many divine and pretious things for the eradicating of vice , the planting of vertue , and the establishing of mental tranquillity , and moral felicity , which aristotle and all his sectators never either understood , or had fruition of . what shall i say of that man of men the severe seneca ? are not his writings about vertue , tranquillity , and curing the minds diseases , infinitely beyond all those needless , fruitless , vain and impertinent discourses of the proud stagyrite ? let all that ever loved vertue and tranquillity , and have perused the one , and the other , speak , and declare their judgements : nay doth not that one little enchiridion of epictetus contain more pretious treasure , than all the great volumes of aristotle ? let vertue speak , and truth determine . now for the political and oeconomical learning taught by the schools out of aristotle , as it hath many things of singular use , and commoditie in it , so is it not without its chaff , and tares , deserving rather purging , and refining , than the estimation of being compleat and perfect : for as there are many things in it frivolous , obscure , immethodical , superfluous , and false , so also is it very defective , and imperfect ; for if we look upon what plato hath written de legibus , and de republica , though there may be found many things unpracticable , and incompleat , yet compared with the other , it is no way inferiour , but deserves as great , if not an higher commendation ; and so the writings of bodin , nay macchiavel and divers other modern authors may duly challenge as much praise in this point , as that of aristotle , which the schools do so much adhere to and magnifie , yea even our own countreyman master hobbs hath pieces of more exquisiteness , and profundity in that subject , than ever the graecian with was able to reach unto , or attain ; so that there is no reason why he should be so applauded , and universally received , while more able pieces are rejected , and past by . lastly , for rhetorick , or oratory , poesie , and the like , which serve for adornation , and are as it were the outward dress , and attire of more solid sciences ; first they might tollerably pass , if there were not too much affectation towards them , and too much pretious time spent about them , while more excellent and necessary learning lies neglected and passed by : for we do in these ornamental arts , as people usually do in the world , who take more care often time about the goods of fortune , than about the good of the body , and more nice and precise sollicitousness about fashions and garbs , than either about the body it self or the goods of the mind , regarding the shell more than the kernel , and the shadow more than the substance . and therefore it was not without just cause that plato ( though by some censured for it ) did reckon rhetorick amongst the voluptuary arts , for we most commonly use it either for the priding and pleasing of our selves that we may appear eloquent , and learned to others , or else use it cunningly and sophistically to captivate , and draw over the judgements of others to serve our ends and interests : and thereby make false things appear true , old things new , crooked things straight , and commodious things unprofitable , as augustine saith , imperitior multitude , quod ornatè dicitur , etiam verè dici arbitratur , the more unskilful multitude thinketh that what is spoken elegantly , is also spoken truly . and therefore seneca saith , seest thou a man neat and compt in his language , then is his mind occupied in minute things . . both eloquence and poesie seem rather to be numbred amongst the gifts of nature , than amongst the disciplines , for those which excell much in reason , and do dispose those things which they excogitate in a most easie method , that they may be cleerly , and distinctly understood , are most apt to perswade , although they did use the language of the goths , and had never learned rhetorick : and those that are born to invent most ingenious figments , and to express them with the greatest elegance and suavity , are to be accounted the best poets , although they are ignorant of all the precepts of the poetical art ; for nascitur , non fit poeta , and therefore plato most truly concludeth , omnes itaque carminum poetae insignes , non arte , sed divino afflatu , mente capti omnia ista praeclar a poemata canunt . therefore all the famous makers of verses , do not sing all these excellent poems by art , but by a divine afflation , being carried above themselves . . though aristotle were a great master in oratory , and a very eloquent man , yet in that point might justly give the palm to his master plato , unto whom all the attributes of honour in that particular are worthily accumulated , of whom it is said , that if iupiter would speak in mans language , he would speak in that of plato . thus have i briefly run over some of the faults , and defects of academick learning , but am far from having touched all , for to have done that would have reached beyond both my time , and purpose , and also mine abilities ; for benardus non videt omnia : yet if the lion may be known by his paw , and hercules by his foot , then i hope there is enough said to make it cleer , that the aristotelian , and scholastick learning , deserves not the preheminence above all other , nor those great commendations that the corruption of times , and sloathful ignorance of the most have ascribed unto it , but that a great part of it doth deserve eradication , some of it reformation , and all of it melioration , and so i proceed . chap. viii . of their customes , and methode . having hitherto spoken of the subjective learning that the schools handle , it follows in order to examine their customes and methode , not that i mean to meddle either with their manners , or maintenance , but leave that to the judgement of others , lest it happen to me , as erasmus said of luther , that it was dangerous to meddle with the popes crown , and monks bellies : but only to note some things in the way , and methode of their teaching , which are obvious to my weak observation , and so shall lay them down as they present themselves to my low apprehension . . though in one academy there be usually divers colleges , or houses , yet must all the scholars in those several places be tyed to one methode , and carried on in one way , nay even bound to the same authors and hardly allowed so much liberty , and difference , as is between aristotle , and ramus logick : as though they in the way of their teaching had arrived at the highest point of perfection , which could no way be improved , or no other as profitable could be discovered and found out , and so are all forced like carriers horses , to follow one another in the accustomed path , though it be never so uneven or impassable . . their scholastick exercises are but slenderly , negligently , and sloathfully performed , their publike acts ( as they call them though but verbal digladiations ) being but kept four times in the year , that is in the terms , which if one should tell them in plain terms , are but usually idle termes : as though time of all other things here below , were not to be accounted most pretious , and that there can be no such detriment done unto youth , as to lose or mispend it . . their custome is injurious , and prejudicial to all those that desire to make a speedy progress in learning , nay unequal , and disproportionable in it self , namely to ty men to a set time of years , or acts , before they can receive their laureation , or take their degrees : as though all were of one capacity or industry , or all equally able at their matriculation , and so the sloathful , and painful , the most capable , and most blockish , should both in the same equal time have an equal honour , which is both disproportionable and unjust . for some will attain to more in one year than some in three , and therefore why should they not be respected according to their merits and proficiency , and not bound to draw in an unequal yoak ? and what matter were it whether a man had been there one moneth or seven years , so he had the qualification required , and did subire examen , and perform the duties of the place , surely it is known that gradus non confert scientiam , nec cucullus facit monachum . . their custome is no less ridiculous , and vicious , in their histrionical personations in the performance of their exercises , being full of childishness , and scurrility , far from the gravity , and severity of the pythagorean school where a five years silence was enjoined : using so much lightness as more befits stage-players than diligent searchers of science , by scoffing and jeering , humming and hiffing , which shewes them like those animals they imitate , nay rather hur●ful geese , than labourious bees , that seek to gather into their hives , the sweet honey of learning , and knowledge . . what is there in all their exercises , but meer notions , and quarrelsome disputations , accustoming themselves to no better helps for searching into natures abstruse secrets than the chymaeras of their own brains , and converse with a few paper idols ? as though these alone were sufficient keyes to open the cabinet of natures rich ●●easurie , without labour and pains , experiments and operations , tryals and observations : surely if he that intends to prove a proficient in the knowledge of agriculture , should onely give himself over to contemplation , and reading the books of such as have written in that subject , and never put his hand to the plough , nor practise the way of tilling and sowing , would he ever be a good husbandman , or understand thorowly what pertains thereunto ? surely not , and no more can they be good naturalists that do but onely make a mold and idaea in their heads , and never go out by industrious searches , and observant experiments , to find out the mysteries contained in nature . . their custome is no less worthy of reprehension that in all their exercises they make use of the latine tongue , which though it may have custome , and long continuance to plead its justification , and that it is used to bring youth to the ready exercise of it , being of general reception almost through the whole world : yet it is as cleerly answered , that custome , without reason and benefit , becomes injurious , and though it make them ready in speaking the latine while they treat of such subjects as are usually handled in the schools , yet are they less apt to speak it with facility in negotiations of far greater importance . and in the mean time , the way to attain knowledge is made more difficult , and the time more tedious , and so we almost become strangers to our own mother tongue , loving and liking forein languages , as we do their fashions , better than our own , so that while we improve theirs , our own lies altogether uncultivated , which doubtless would yield as plentiful an harvest as others , if we did as much labour to advance it : neque hodiè ferè ulla est natio , quae de idiomatis sui praestantia non glorietur , aut contendat . and therefore were the romans so careful to propagate their language in other nations , and to prohibit the greek language or any other to be spoken in their publike contentions : and so likewise pythagoras , plato , and aristotle did teach in their own mother tongues , and hippocrates , galen , euclide , and others writ in the vulgar language of their own nation , and yet we neglecting our own , do foolishly admire and entertain that of strangers , which is no lesse a ridiculous than prejudicial custome . . another is no less faulty and hurtful than the precedent , and that is their too much admiring of , and adhering to antiquity , or the judgement of men that lived in ages far removed from us , as though they had known all things , and left nothing for the discovery of those that came after in subsequent ages ; it was appositely said of seneca , in re maximâ , & involutissimâ , in quâ cum etiam multum actum erit , omnis tamen aetas quod agat inveniet . in the greatest , and most intricate thing , in which when also much is done , notwitstanding every age shall find what it may further do ; and so profoundly censures those great men that went before us , to be as our leaders , but not our masters , and so most excellently concludeth , multùm restat operis , multumque restabit : nec ulli nato post mille saecula praecludetur occasio aliquid ad●uc adjiciendi . much work doth remain , and much will remain : neither will the occasion be cut off to any born after a thousand ages , still of adding something . and indeed we usually attribute knowledge and experience to men of the most years , and therefore these being the latter ages of the world should kn●w more , for the grandaevity of the world ought to be accounted for antiquity , and so to be ascribed to our times , and not to the junior age of the world , wherein those that we call the antients , did live , so that antiquitas saeculi , juventus mundi . . they usually follow another hurtful custome not unlike to this preceding , which is too much to bind in themselves with the universality of opinions , and multiplicity of voices , as though it were not better to stand single and alone with truth , than with error to have the company of the multitude , or as though the multitude could not err , or that the greater number must necessarily be in the truth , when as the wiseman saith the number of fools are infinite , and aristotle himself tells us , that though we speak as the most , yet we should think as the fewest , and cicero informs us that philosophy is content with a few judges , and seneca most egregiously saith , nihil magìs praestandum est , quàm ne pecorum ritu sequamur antec●dentium gregem , pergentes non quò eundum est , sed quò ●tur : nothing is more to be performed , than that we may not , according to the manner of cattel , follow the s●ock of those that went before , not following whither it ought to be gone , but whither it is gone . and again , nulla res nos majoribus malis implicat , quàm quod ad rumorem componimur , optima ra●i ea , quae magno assen●u recepta sunt : nothing doth insuare us with greater evils , than that we compose our selves to rumours , supposing those things the best , which are received with great assent . . consonant to this is that other of their adhering to authority , especially of one man , namely aristotle , and so do jurare in verbi magistri , when according to their own tenents , arguments drawn from authority , are numbred amongst the weakest , and what could aristotle know more than all other , that his opinions should be received as oracles ? he both might and did err , as well as other mortals : and may not we as justly recede from him as he from his master plato , and the rest of the antient philosophers ? is it any thing but a just liberty that we ought to maintain , and pursue , thereby to be admitted into the court of lady verity ? for which all chains ought to be broken , and all fetters fyled off . ▪ neither is their methode , and order in teaching any whit less vicious than the rest , for whereas aristotle himself presupposeth his auscultator or scholar in physicks to have been already trained up in the mathematical sciences ( which are indeed instrumently subordinate to natural philosophy as introductive thereunto ) the schools immethodically , and preposterously teach youth logick , and natural philosophy , not having at all tasted the very rudiments of mathematical knowledge , which how much out of due order and methode , nay contrary unto it , i leave to all judicious persons to judge and consider . chap. ix . of some expedients , or remedies in theologie , grammar , logick , and mathematicks . i know it will be objected , that facile est reprehendere , it is an easie thing to find fault , but difficult and arduous to repair and amend , and that one fool may mar , and spoil that in an hour , which many wise men cannot make right again in many ages : and the most ignorant may easily disorder , and deface the master-piece of the most curious artist , when he is not able to repair the least part of it . and therefore that it is not sufficient to demolish an antient , and goodly fabrick , upon pretence that it is either unprofitable in the site , and figure , or that the materials are ruinous , and decayed ; unless we bring better in their room , have laid a better platform , and know certainly how to erect a better fabrick . to which i answer , by a cleer confession , that before we throw down we should know wherewithal , and how to build , and that it is far more easie to demolish , than to erect a sufficient and compleat structure , and especially for a single person ( and he also of the lowest , and least abilities ) which is & ought to be the work of many , nay all persons and ages : for as i verily believe that what i have produced for demonstrating the groundlesness , ruinousness , and ill composure of the scholastick fabrick of learning is not far from the truth , so also am i confident of mine insufficiency to erect a better in the place thereof , yet in magnis voluisse sat est , i shall do mine endeavour , hoping that those that are more able will put to their hands to help to supply my defects , and so shall offer the best materials and art that i have to erect a new , and better building , and in the same order that i have handled the several parts . . therefore for theology which is a speaking of god , or a speaking forth the things of god , it is expedient that men should lay aside the suffering of themselves to be styled by that blasphemous t●●le of divines , which is such an impropriety of language as all their learning will never be able to justify , it being an attribute that doth onely predicate essentially of the being of god , and is indeed incommunicable to the creature , who hath nothing that is divine or spiritual but by participation ; for though the text saith that saints are partakers of the divine nature , yet will it not follow that because they are said to be partakers of divine things that therefore they are divine , because participations do not truly predicate of those essences to which they are communicated , but of that being from whence they flow : for men participate of the light and heat of the sun , but it cannot be truly predicated of men that either they are the sun , nor truly and univocally that they are of a solary nature , but onely that participating of its influences and operations , they may be truly said to be heatned , and inlightned : for though it be in the english translated iohn the divine , whereby those that understand not the greek are misled , and thereby drawn to give that title to their priests , who blasphemously assume it to themselves , yet i hope there is much difference betwixt {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , one that speaks of god or divine things , and one that is divine , the scots therefore have a more apposite and warrantable epithite , who seldome or never call their ministers divines but theologues , and we have many could cry out against the bishops for having the title of lord , or grace given them , and yet they themselves can swallow this title of being divines , which is more unseemly , unfit , and unwarrantable . . another expedient that i shall offer in this case is , that the scriptures which are as the seamless coat of christ may not be rent and torn with the carnal instruments of mans wit and reason , nor modell'd , or methodiz'd as an humane art or science , but laid aside in scholastick exercises , as a sacred and sealed book , lest they offering strange fire upon gods altar , perish as others have done : for in the day of mans light the tabernacle of the lord will be covered with a cloud , and in the night of his darkness there will be fire ; therefore let not men journey until the cloud be taken up , or the fire appear , otherwise they must know the lord doth not lead them nor go before them . and indeed , whatsoever the proud and deceitful heart of man may imagine , the scriptures are a sealed book , for so the prophet saith , the vision of all is become as the words of a book that is sealed , which men deliver to one that is learned , saying , read this i pray thee : and he saith , i cannot , for it is sealed . and the book is delivered to him that is not learned , saying , read this i pray thee , and he saith , i am not learned . what can be more plain than this , that it is as a sealed book both to the learned , and unlearned ? and this is it that is sealed with seven seals , and no man in heaven , nor earth , nor in the sea , that is found worthy to open this book , and to unclose the seaven seals thereof , but only the strong lion of the tribe of iuda , and therefore let schools not touch it , lest it be their destruction . for unless they leave the lords own work to himself , and cease to sit in the seat of the scornful , the lord will laugh them to scorn , and vex them in his sore displeasure , neither will he bless them in their labours , nor prosper them in their exercises : nay , until all the magistrates , and elderships of the earth that profess his name , take off their crowns , and lay them at the feet of the lamb , and learn to practise , and put in execution our saviors counsel , to give unto god the things that are gods , and to caesar the things that are caesars , and not at all to intermeddle with the things of god , misery and destruction will follow them to the grave , and of them shall be required the blood of all the saints . o therefore that they would kisse the sonne lest he be angry , and so they perish from the way of everlasting truth : for when his wrath is kindled but a little , blessed are all they that put their trust in him . . the last expedient i shall present in this subject is , that what can be discovered of god , and supernatural things , by the power of reason , and the light of nature , may be handled as a part of natural philosophy ( unto which it doth belong ) because it is found out by the same means and instruments that other natural sciences are : and what may from thence cleerly be demonstrated , and deducted , may be holden forth as a means to overthrow atheism , gentilism , and the like , but not to statuminate , or build up any thing in religion , nor like a wild bore to enter into the lords vineyard to root up and destroy it . in the next place are languages , and grammar , which is the means or instrument by which they are taught , unto which i shall offer these few helps . . that care may be had of improving , and advancing our own language , and that arts and sciences may be taught in it , that thereby a more easie and short way may be had to the attaining of all sorts of knowledge : and that thereby after the example of the romans we may labour to propagate it amongst other nations , that they may rather be induced to learn ours , than we theirs , which would be of vast advantage to the commonwealth , in forrein negotiations , trading , conquest and acquisitions , and also of much domestick advantage within our own territories . for if we should arrive at any extraordinary height of learning , and knowledge , though we should but speak and write in our own mother tongue , then would other nations be as earnest in learning it , and translating our books , as former ages have been in labouring to attain the language , and translate the books of the graecians , and romans , and we at this day of the french , and germans . . that some compendious way for both teaching and learning forein languages , may be established by use and exercise , without the tedious way of rule , or grammar , which doubtless upon diligent , skilful , and exact tryal , would prove more short , easie , certain , and beneficial , as is manifest by ordinary people that never knew any thing of grammatical order , being kept in families that speak another language , and having none to converse with that speaks their own , will in a wonderful short time learn to speak , and understand it ; for when necessity is joined with industry , it produceth great and stupendious effects . . that in the way of teaching languages the order prescribed by comenius in his ianua linguarum may be practised , and means used to improve it , that both words and matter , names and things , may be learned together , which may be done both with the same facility , and in the same shortness of time ; that so the tender intellects of young children may not onely inbibe the names , but also the natures and qualities of things . . that in the methode of teaching grammar , master brinsleys way laid down in his grammar school may be put into practice , that children may be taught in their mother tongue to know perfectly the several parts of speech , declinable , and indeclinable , and punctually to vary the declinable parts , especially noun , and verb , and to construe and parse in their own tongue , that so they may be ready to make use , and to apply it when they learn the latine , or any other language , without which they shall never have any sure foundation , nor proceed in any way of ease and certainty , nor arrive at any height of perfection , for none learns more than what the intellect clearly compre●ends , and what it knows how to practise , and make use of . . in the grammatical way of teaching it is a most certain axiom , that what is one part of speech in one language , is so in all , and four parts being indeclineable , it is manifest that they are learned by no rules , but only by use and exercise , as the memory can congest and record them : so that there remains but other four to be obtained by rule , and two of them , which is pronoun and participle , either are but very few , as the pronoun , and so are easily known wherein they agree or differ from the noun & verb ; or the participle , which hath nothing but what agrees either with the noun , or verb , or with both : so that the whole difficulty is in the noun and the verb , of both which some are regulars , and some are irregulars , anomala , defectives , or heteroclytes . now for the irregulars , the best , easiest , and shortest way were to learn them by use and exercise , without rule , which for the most part is done , and the rules usually are but superfluous , and render the way more perplex and tedious ; and this being observed , the way of regulars would be facile and brief , as being but one rule for all . and this i suppose being observed would render the way of grammar teaching of more bevity , facility , and certainty , but greater experiences may know better waies . it may be imagined that i should proffer some auxiliary means for the promoting of symbolical , and cryptographical learning , as being a part of grammar , but therein i must rather acknowledge mine inability , and onely wish that so much of it as is discovered , and made clear by others , might be put in practice , then would the benefit of it be better understood by use , than i can demonstrate in words . and for the universal character that would require a peculiar tract , not a cursory touch : and for the language of nature , i fear it is not acquisitive but dative , and therefore shall not be so weak in that particular , to prescribe a rule , which none hath power to follow , or strength to perform . next in order followeth logick , which being that art or science that should administer expedients and helps for the promoting and finding out of all other sciences , doth notwithstanding stand in need it self : from whence then should it have it ? truly it is hard to determine , for it is such a groundlesse , intricate , and perplex piece , that it is very doubtful from whence it had its original , and therefore most difficult to know how to find its remedies ; yet shall offer my best assistance to its regulation and amendment . . it is necessary that its radical ground be found forth in nature , and likewise its extent , without which it is not possible to lay open its nature and efficacy ; for though it undertake to reason and argue of all things , yet bears it forth but little light and evidence of its own power and strength . and therefore in the first place it is requisite to inquire , what reason and ratiocination are in their intrinsick nature , and what they can operate , and effect , both solely by themselves , and conjunctively with the senses , because it is clear that the work of reason is posterior to that of sense , and doth but compound , divide , and compare the several species that are received by the senses , and make deduction , and draw conclusions from them , and this is necessary that its distinct power and efficacy may be known . also it is expedient to examine wherein man in reason exceeds other animants ; for though man to maintain his unjust tyranny over the other fellow creatures ( excuse the phrase it is no ranting term , for iob confesseth , i have said to corruption thou art my father , to the worm thou art my mother and my sister ) hath assumed to himself the title of being rational , and excluding all other living creatures from that prerogative , when it is certain that many other creatures excell man in the acuteness of some senses , and it is questionable that some exceed him in reason too , though therein he be to be preferred before the most , so that if it be diligently searched into , it will be found that there is no specifical but a gradual difference . . before any great good can be effected with logick , especially with the syllogistical part , it will be very expedient that its principles be demonstratively cleared and proved , either in some other science from whence they are taken , or be briefly and compendiously laid down , and defined , that they may more certainly be assented to , and the grounds known , as in the mathematicks , where a few definitions , petitions , and axioms , serve to demonstrate the whole operations by , with such certitude , that none since the daies of euclide have denyed , or rejected them , that so by this means the conclusions in logick may be certain and profitable . . that some prevalent way might be found out , for discovering and rectifying the delusions and fallacies of the senses , and for drawing adaequate ▪ and congruous notions from things , and giving ●pposite and significant denominations to notions , that so the fountain may be made cleer at the head , and rise of it , that all the several rivulets , and streams that run from thence may be lympid and pure , without which it will be but as a muddy puddle , whose streams cast forth dirt and myre . . that the chiefest and most beneficial part , which is induction , may be improved , that it may be serviceable and helpful for the discovering of science , which cannot be unless some carefull , diligent , and exact means be brought into practice , for the making , trying , and observing of all sorts of experiments , both frugiferous , and luciferous , that time may not be vainly spent in needlesse altercations , disputations , speculations , and notions , but in reall , and profitable experiments , and observations ; that so the end of logical labour may not be to bring forth opinion , and errour , but certainty of science , and solidity of truth . the mathematicks should now come in order , but of them i need say little , as to their advance , because they contain sufficient expedients in themselves for the progresse of their promotion , and indeed do want nothing but diligent and faithful prosecution , and practice , that they may arrive at a compleat period . and therefore the onely help i shall offer in this case , is , to desire that this so noble , and excellent a science , with all the parts of it , both general , and special , vulgar , and mystical , might be brought into use and practice in the schools , that men might not idlely lose their time in groundlesse notions , and vain chymaeras , but in those reall exercises of learning that would both profit themselves , succeeding generations , and other sciences . and i could also wish that the sound , and apodictical learning of copernicus , kepler , ticho brahe , galilaeus , ballialdus , and such like , might be introduced , and the rotten and ruinous fabrick of aristotle and ptolomy rejected and laid aside . chap. x. of some helps in natural philosophy . now when i come to lay down some expedients for the reformation and promotion of physical knowledge , two things ( i know ) will be questioned , and inquired of . and first , whether all the whole body of the aristotelian philosophy should be eliminated , and thrown away . to which i answer , no ; for there are many things in his history of animals , and some things in his politicks , ethicks , logick , metaphysicks , and rhetorick , that are commodious and useful , yet do they all stand in need of reformation and amendment : but for his natural philosophy , and his astronomy depending thereon , it admits of no reformation , but eradication , that some better may be introduced in the place thereof . and for his expositors , and commentators , they instead of reforming what was amisse in his writings , carried with a blind zeal to make him the onely oracle of truth , have increased the corruption , and not supplyed the defects , nor removed the errouts . secondly , it will be urged , that if the peripatetick philosophy which the schools maintain , should be taken away , where would any such perfect , compleat , and methodical piece be found to supply the place thereof . to which it is answered , that i have already demonstrated , and laid open the faults and defects thereof , that there is no such perfection in it at all as is supposed , and therefore no inconvenience to remove it . and admit there were no such compleat piece , as were requisite to substitute instead of the aristotelian learning being taken away , the greater were the shame of academies , that within the compass of so many centuries have done no more for the advancement of learning , for the greater the defect is , the more it ought to stir up all mens endeavours to repair , and make good the same . and also there are some pieces of philosophy more compleat than aristotles , as i shall shew in the following expedients . . it cannot be expected that physical science will arrive at any wished perfection , unlesse the way and means , so judiciously laid down by our learned countreym●n the lo●d bacon , be observed , and introduced into exact practice ; and therefore i shall humbly desire , and earnestly presse , that his way and method may be imbraced , and set up for a rule and pattern : that no axioms may be received but what are evidently proved and made good by diligent observation , and luciferou● experiments ; that such may be recorded in a general history of natural things , that so every age and generation , proceeding in the same way , and upon the same principles , may dayly go on with the work , to the building up of a well-grounded and lasting fabrick , which indeed is the only true way for the instauration and advance of learning and knowledge . . how unfit , and unsuitable is it , for people professing the christian religion to adhere unto that philosophy which is altogether built upon ethnical principles , and indeed contrary and destructive to their tene●ts ? so that i shall offer as a most fit expedient , that some physical learning might be introduced into the schools , that is grounded upon sensible , rational , experimental , and scripture principles : and such a compleat piece in the most particulars of all human learning ( though many vainly and falsely imagine there is no such perfect work to be found ) is the elaborate writings of that profoundly learned man dr. fludd , than which for all the particulars before mentioned ( notwithstanding the ignorance and envy of all opposers● the world never had a more rare , experimental and perfect piece . . that the philosophy of plato , revived and methodized by franciscus patritius , marsillius ficinus , and others ; that of democritus , cleared , and in some measure demonstrated , by renatus des cartes , regius , phocylides holwarda , and some others ; that of epicurus , illustrated by petrus gassendus ; that of philolaus , empedocles , & parmenides , resuscitated by telesius , campanella , and some besides ; and that excellent magnetical philosophy found out by doctor gilbert ; that of hermes , revived by the paracelsian school , may be brought into examination and practice , that whatsoever in any of them , or others of what sort soever , may be found agreeable to truth and demonstration , may be imbraced , and received ; for there are none of them but have excellent , and profitable things , and few of them but may justly be equallized with aristotle , and the scholastick learning , nay , i am confident upon due and serious perusal and tryal , would be found far to excel them . . that youth may not be idlely trained up in notions , speculations , and verbal disputes , but may learn to inure their hands to labour , and put their fingers to the furnaces , that the mysteries discovered by pyrotechny , and the wonders brought to light by chymistry , may be rendered familiar unto them : that so they may not grow proud with the brood of their own brains , but truly to be taught by manual operation , and ocular experiment , that so they may not be sayers , but doers , not idle speculators , but painful operators ; that so they may not be sophisters , and philosophers , but sophists indeed , true natural magicians , that walk not in the external circumference , but in the center of natures hidden secre●s , which can never come to pass , unless they have laboratories as well as libraries , and work in the fire , better than build castles in the air . . that the galenical way of the medicinal part of physick ( a path that hath been long enough trodden to yield so little fruit ) may not be the prison that all men must be inchained in , and ignorance , cheating and impostorage maintained by lawes and charters ; but that the more sure , cleer and exquisit way of finding the true causes , and certain cures of diseases , brought to light by those two most eminent and laborious persons , paracelsus , and helmont , may be entertained , prosecuted and promoted ; that it may no longer be disputable whether medicine ( as it stands in the common road of use and form ) be more helpful than hurtful , or kill more than it cures ; and whether the republique of rome were more happy in the health of her subjects which wanted physicians for five hundred years , than we that have them in more abundance than caterpillers , or horseleaches . and unless these few expedients be put in practice , we may wax old in ignorance , and never see physical knowledge arrive at any height of perfection ; and so i pass to the others following . the next is metaphysicks , to help which i shall only offer this expedient , that it might be reduced to some certain grounds and principles , from whence demonstrations might be drawn , that men might proceed with some certainty , and not wander in the dark they know not whither , and so that the most sure way of rena●us des cartes may be brought into use , and exercise , who hath traced it unto the head of the spring , and shaken off the loose and superfluous questions , notions , and frivolous chimaeras thereof : that so it might become useful and beneficial , which as it now stands , and is used ( or rather abused ) serves for little else but o●ly to amuse , and amaze the understanding , to blow up the phantasie with ayrie and empty notions , and to make men vainly and fruitlessly wast their most pretious time , which should be bestowed in things of more necessary use , and of greater concernment . as for ethical knowledge , i suppose it better taught by president and practice , than by words and precepts , for seeing vertue doth consist in action , it must of necessity be far more laudable , that men be brought up to live vertuously , than to talk and dispute of vertue , and therefore could wish it more practical and less speculative . and yet could desire that the nature of passions and affections , vertues and vices , might be more radically demonstrated , and sought into , than they are in the scholastick way , and therefore shall onely propose that what melancthon and cartesius have discovered of them , might be made documental , and practicable , and that the doctrine of them might be made more consonant to that christian religion which men so much profess , and glory of , and that seneca and epictetus might not be sleighted , and neglected , while aristotle is only applauded and imbraced , betwixt whom there is no small difference . lastly for rhetorick and poesie , i shall prescribe nothing , but leave every man to the freedome of his genius , only to add this , that emperours and kings can make and create dukes , marquesses , and earls , but cannot make one orator or poet , and so shall conclude with the lyrick poet , tu nihil invitâ facies , dicesve , minervâ . chap. xi . some expedients concerning their custome , and method . in order to the prescription of remedies concerning their customes and method , though ( as in the rest ) i cannot do what should or ought to be done in so weighty a matter , yet shall i contribute what lies in my weak power , and at least expresse my good will , if not my skill . . and so shall first desire that men may no● be tyed up all to one method or way , lest as it may keep them in a good path , so it may hinder them from imbracing , or following a better : and it is cleer that there may be many waies to one place , and divers methods for the attaining the same end of knowledge , so as we would not exclude men from tryals that they may find out the best , so we would not ty them to any one , lest it prove the worst . . that above all other things care may be had that time be not mispent , or trifled away , which is an irreparable loss , and utterly irrevocable , and therefore i could wish that apelles motto might be had in everlasting remembrance , nulla dies sine linea ; and therefore long vacations , relaxations and intermissions are to be looked upon as scylla and charibdis , the rocks and shelves whereon youngmen may easily suffer shipwrack . . i shall tender this , that all should not be tyed to one term or time , but every one have his honour according to his industry and proficiency , that therby those that are painful may be incouraged , and those that are idle and sluggish may be ashamed : and that none may be debarred of his degree or grace , how short a time soever he hath been there , if he be but able to perform the requisites and exercises injoined , by which means merit , not years , sufficiency , not formality , shall take place and be rewarded . . that their exercises may not only be verbal and disputative , but practical and operative , that they may not onely be tryed what they can say , but what they can do , not only what they opinionate , but what they can perform , that as nature hath given them two hands , and but one tongue , so they may learn to work more and speak less . . that their exercises may be in the english as well as other tongues , that while they labour to make other languages familiar unto them , they become not altogether strangers unto their own : and that scurrility , and childishnesse may be laid aside , and all things performed with more sobriety and gravity . . that neither antiquity nor novelty may take place above verity , lest it debarre us from a more diligent search after truth and science : neither that universality of opinion be any president or rule to sway our judgements from the investigation of knowledge ; for what matter is it whether we follow many or few , so the truth be our guide ? for we should not follow a multitude to do evil , and it is better to accompany verity single , than falsity and errour with never so great a number . neither is it fit that authority ( whether of aristotle or any other ) should inchain us , but that there may be a general freedome to try all things , and to hold fast that which is good , that so there might be a philosophical liberty to be bound to the authority of none , but truth it self , then will men take pains , and arts will flou●ish . . as to the order to be observed in teaching the arts , and sciences , doubtless there can be no better method , than leading them into the fair fields of mathematical learning , which by reason of its perspicuity and certitude would so settle and season the understanding , that it would ever after be sufficiently armed to discern betwixt truth and opinion , demonstration and probability : and render it more fit and able to proceed in natural philosophy , and other sciences , and so to proceed to the tongues , then to physicks , and so to logick , metaphysicks , and the like , which order without question , would prove more advantagious , than that which the schools have pursued for so many years with so little fruit . and these are the expedients that for the present i have to present , hoping they may be acceptable until better be found out ; and if any thing herein may appear to be erroneous , let it be but candidly made manifest , and he will be willing either to give further satisfaction , or to reclaim his mistakes , who in these things judgeth himself but as the meanest of men , and so no way privileged from frailty and infirmity . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- act. . . philostrat. in vilâ apoll. tyan . act. . . chrysostome in epist ad cor. . cap. . hom. . . mat. . . ioh. . . gregor. li . moral . cor. . , august . sup . psal. . isa. . . greg. lib. . moral . gal. . . ● . mat. . . job . . nich. de cusa . de filiatione dei . cor. . . cor. ▪ , . vid. chrysost. sup. loc. hieronim . in epist. de duobus filiis . col. . . cor. . . cor. . , . chry. hom. . in ad cor. cap. . v. . cor. . , . hug. de sanct. victor . in dida●calic . cor. . cor. . . rev. . jo. . , . rom . . disserta . de methodo . lib. pag. . lib. stud. author . pag. . matth. . . james . . jam. . . chrysost. in ep. ad cor. . cap. . hom. . renat . des cartes in method . iam. . . . hug. lib. de anima . cap. . nic. de cusa . lib. idiotae . eph . . francis . bacon . de verulam . lib. de aug scient. cap. . psal. . . king . . cor. . , . gen. . . dan. ● . . ioh. . cor. . . cor. . . sam. . . io. . . ier. . . kings . . isai. . . psal. . tim. . . tim. . . tit. . chrysost. in ep ad cor. . cap. . gal. . . cor. . . cor. . . gen. . . gen. . . rom. . . , . lib. de aug. scient . cap. rom. . , . harrigon . lib. curs . mathem . c●st . s●len . ●●tograph . lib. . sir kenelm digbies book of bodies and spirits . fr. bacon de au. sci. l. . c . jac. e●hem book of the ●old life of man , and in other places of his works . gen. . . heb. . . jo. . . psa. . , , , psa. . . cor. . . cor. . . cor. . rom. . . i cor . , . jam. i. . gen , . gen. . . gen. . . . tim . . aristot. lib. topic . . verulam . nov. org. aph. . verulam nov. org. aph. . plat. in cratyl . petr. gassend . exer. per. con . arist. exer. . cor. agrip. li . de van . scie . c. . & . de dial. et sophist . sen. ep. . lip. in epist. sen. . helm . li . log. inutilis dio . sen● ep. . joh. bap. van hel. li . antecit . nic. hil. l. de phil. e●icur . vernlam . nov org. aph. . pla l. de soph. plat. dialog. . de leg. cor. agrip. li . in art. brev. lul. paul . sch. de li. me●h . mars . ficin in dia● . de rep. verulam . nov. o●g . aph. . verul. lib. de augm. scient. . cap. . gal. galal . lib. de syst. mund. gil. l. de mag. ●t lib. de ●●il . nov. verulam . nov. o●g . aph. . white dial. de mundo . kepler . astro . ep●● . philolai de syst. mund. liber . white dial. de mund. fol. . kepler ▪ de stella martis lib. white dial. de mundo fol. . nath. carpen . geograph . jo. dee in his preface before euclide . arist. li . phys. prior . de coel. et de mund. arist. l. . phy. hel. lib. phys. arist et gal. ign. . pet. gas. exer. contr. arist. arist. l. phy. cap. . arist. lib. de coel. et mun. ca. , , , , , . prim . lib. arist lib . de gen. et cor. cap. , . helm . lib. ante citato . verulam . nov. org. aphor. . jo. bapt. port. mag . natu . l. . cap. . matth. . , . jo. pic. miran . con. m●g . nu . . verul. l . de aug. sci. c● . . jo. pic. miran . loco . citato . paracel . li . de . tinct . phys. helm li . phys. arist. et gal. ign. . jo. bapt. van hel●li . elem. rob. de fluct . lib de anato . mia mystica . paracel . lib . de caus. luis gal. cap. . hel de prom . author . verul. lib. . de aug. sci. ca. . arist. lib. de som. et vig . cap. . beguin . tyr. chy. c. . par. de trib. princ . gilb. de mag● kercher . de arte magn. reg. de fundam . phys. kepler epit. astron . arist. lib. . phys. cap. . arist. l. . de coel. et mun. cap. . arist. lib. . phys. cap. . renat . des cha●● . de me●hod . verul. de au. scient. lib. cap. . vid. metaphys. campanel . et pet. gasl●nd . contra arist. aug. alst●mde nobil. institut . lib. lamb . d●nae . de e●hick . christ . lib. verulam . d● aug. scien● . lib. . . arist. nich. l. . cap. . pet. gassend . con . arist ex . . verul. de au. sci. l. c. . sen. epist. . aug. alst. de nobil. institut . ren. de char. de method . aug. alst. de nobil ▪ institut . verul. de au. scient. l. . ●t nov. o g. lib. aphor. . lev. . , . exod. . , , . isa. . , . rev. . , , , , . psalm . . psal. . . job . . a sermon of the education of children preach'd before the right honourable the lord mayor and court of aldermen at guild-hall chapel on sunday, novemb. , / by william fleetwood ... fleetwood, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing f estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a sermon of the education of children preach'd before the right honourable the lord mayor and court of aldermen at guild-hall chapel on sunday, novemb. , / by william fleetwood ... fleetwood, william, - . 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng education -- sermons. education -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - robyn anspach sampled and proofread - robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion clarke , mayor . martis decimo die novemb● . . annoque regni regis willielini tertii , angliae , & c.. octovo . this court doth desire mr. fleetwood to print his sermon 〈◊〉 before the right honourable the lord mayor and aldermen 〈◊〉 this city , at the guild-hall chap●el , on sunday the first day of this ●●●ant november . goo●●…llow . a sermon of the education of children , preach'd before the right honourable the lord mayor , and court of aldermen , at guild-hall chapel , on sunday , novemb. . . by william fleetwood , chaplain in ordinary to his majesty . london , printed for thomas newborough , at the golden-ball in st. paul's church yard . . to the inhabitants of the united parishes of s. austin and s. faith . having frequently intended with my self , something of this nature , for your particular use and service , to whom , you know , i am more immediately related ; it was the easier to me , to comply with their desires who were willing to have this discourse publish'd ; because i knew i should thereby satisfie in part my own intentions and design of doing you good , in this instance : and therefore though it be now common , yet i desire you earnestly to make it more particularly yours , by a close application of it to your selves . i can't tell how a minister can promise himself any success in his endeavours , if the parents will not believe themselves obliged ( as certainly they are by god's commands ) to educate their children well , and bring them up in the fear and nurture of the lord ; and by their care at home in private , fit them for those farthèr instructions they are to receive in publick , at the appointed opportunities . they are to sow the seeds of christ's religion in the childrens minds , and he must wisely cultivate , improve , and nourish them ; they are to lay the first foundations in their hearts , and he must build thereon , as god enables him . that this might not be a work of difficulty , either to parents or to children , nor either of them left at an uncertainty , the one of teaching , and the other of learning , what they ought , the church in her great wisdom hath collected in her catechism , a short , but full and comprehensive , summary of whatsoever a christian is to believe and practise to his soul's health , which all her children are to learn , remember , and consider , according to their age and understanding . this is delivered in so clear a method , in words and sense so easie and intelligible , that it is not above a very mean capacity ; and yet the matter is so solid and substantial , that it is fit for the strongest understanding ; the oldest christian in the world need know no more , than what he is to learn there in his youth , though he will know it better and more fully , the longer he considers it ; so that the parent , whilst he is instructing the children in it , will be himself a gainful learner ; more and more edified , and grow continually in the knowledge of his faith and duty . the neglect of this prescrib'd course , has been one great occasion , i believe , of that wide difference there appears of private peoples judgments and opinions in matters of religion ; they have taken in different principles in their youth , and therefore as their age advanc'd , have drawn different conclusions srom them , the effects of which have been exceedingly mischievous . i do therefore advise and desire you all to teach your children this judicious , sound , and truly christian catechism , that savours nothing of a party or private spirit , but is what they may , and must , depend upon to their lives end . when this good ground-work is well laid , you may with much more ease , form and fashion them to vertue and religion , by putting them in mind of the covenant they have made with god in baptism , by which they stand oblig'd to give themselves entirely up to christ ; to look upon him as their only lord and law-giver , their saviour and their judge ; to believe whatever he reveals , and to fulfil whatever he commands . there also you will find the two tables that contain their duty towards god and towards their neighbour , and both of them explained with the clearest brevity that can be found , from whence you are to take occasion of exciting them to a most diligent performance of them , as also to rebuke and punish the neglect , or the transgression of them . there also they will learn the lord's prayer , the prayer that christ himself , the son of god , ( who knew the father's will , and man's necessities the best of all men living ) taught his followers to use ; and therefore it is such , you may be sure , as is best fitted for our purpose , and such as is , both for the matter and the manner , acceptable to god the father . after this follows a short but full account of the two sacraments , of baptism , and the lord's supper ; by which they learn the manner how they themselves ( and all true christians ever since our saviour's institution of it ) were initiated into christ's religion , namely by being baptized in water , in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost , according to christ's command , explain'd by the universal practice of the church ; insomuch that they who have at any time denied or refused the matter and the form of this sacrament , have not been accounted christians . here they see also what is signified by being thus baptized in water , namely , the dying unto sin , and living a ▪ new to righteousness , i. e. the repenting of , and forsaking all their past sins , and living for the time to come , a righteous and a holy life , which is also the meaning of becoming a new man , a new creature , a regenerate person , and the like , all which is engag'd for , by every one at his baptism , and is to be remembred , and perform'd for ever after . here , lastly , they will come to see the end of the institution of the sacrament of the lord's supper , the cause and purpose of its being ordained , namely , for the continual remembrance of the sacrifice of the death of christ , and of the benefits which we receive thereby , i. e. to put them constantly in mind , that christ the lord was crucified upon the cross ; that this his death was an attoning , expiatory sacrifice , and accepted by god as such ; that for its sake and merit his anger is appeas'd , he is now reconcileable to all that will repent them of their sins , and forsake them , and obey the gospel ; he will forgive them the penalty they had incurr'd , and will moreover crown them in the world to come with everlasting happiness . the remembrance of this salutary death and sacrifice , and the great benefits deriv'd to us from and by it , is the end of this sacrament's being instituted by christ : and therefore to answer the end of this institution , they must come to the sacrament ; and when they come , the bread broken is to remind them of the body of christ , torn and suffering on the cross , and the wine poured out is to remind them of the blood of christ that was there shed ; and then they are to call to mind the in●xpressible benefits of this death , the pardon and forgive●ess of all the sins which they repent of and forsake ; the hope and good assurance of which pardon , and peace , and god's favour , is as much the life , the strength and com●rt of the soul , as bread and wine are the support and comfort of the body . upon this knowledge of the end of the institution , and of the benefits that we receive by christ's death , it remains only that the young ones be acquainted with the preparation that is necessary to their coming to the lord's supper , which they will find in the answer to the last question of the catechism , which contains the whole of what they are to do . they are to examine themselves , whether they repent them truly of their former sins , whether they steadfastly purpose to lead a new and better life for the time to come — whether they have a lively faith in god's mercy , through christ , i. e. whether they verily believe that god was so exceeding merciful and gracious to mankind , that for the sake of christ's obedience , death and sufferings , he will certainly forgive the sins of such as shall repent and leave them , and whether in full perswasion of this mercy and these ▪ gracious promises , they set about repentance : whether they thankfully remember christ's death , i. e. whether upon the consideration and remembrance of the mighty and amazing miseries to which their sins exposed them , and from which the death of christ alone has freed them , they do not call to mind this great deliverance with the greatest joy and thankfulness , and bless and magnifie the name of god who hath wrought this wouderful redemption for them by the death of christ , his dear and only begotten son. and lastly , whether they are in charity with all men. this is the preparation ( and all the preparation ) that is necessary to the coming to the lord's supper . and if people would be content to learn , wherein this duty consists , in the shortest , plainest , and the surest method , they would go no farher than the church-catechism ; or if a little farther , it should be but to the communion-service , in which they will be sure to find all that is needful or convenient for them to know or do , before , and at , and after this holy sacrament . i have neither authority nor intention to discommend or disallow the use of other books that treat of these matters ; but you will take it on my word , i hope , that the shortest , and the plainest rules of direction are still the best ; that wherein soever other books differ from this , they are not to be depended on : and that multiplicity of books is apt to beget confusion . as far therefore as you will let my judgment weigh with you , i recommend it to your care , that you let the church catechism be the ground and foundation of what your children are to know of the christian religion ; and that other good books be call'd in , as helps to their devotion only , or to explain the particulars contain'd therein , if they be difficult . whilst you are teaching , and your children learning , all these things , you must be sure , of all things in the world , to go before them with a good example ; that is , to recommend , impress , and make your lessons credible . they will understand , believe , and practice better , if they see you live as you teach them to live . let them know you pray to god constantly with your family ; that you love and exercise truth , and honesty , and justice in all your dealings ; let them hear and see you chide your servants , and dependents , for every lye they tell , and every fraud and falshood they are guilty of : let them never hear you swear , or curse , or speak any thing disrespectfully of god , or providence , or holy scriptures , or any thing of religion ; and they will then believe you are in earnest , and be more careful of doing as you bid them , and more fearful of offending . let them see you go your self to church upon the lord's day , and as many of the family as can be spar'd , with your convenience , and there behave themselves as becomes the servants of god in his own house and more immediate presence : and let them never see , even in the after part of that good day , any thing light extravagant , or rude , but something of respect and honour shewn to the good exercises that are over , and to the day devoted by the church of christ to god's service . away with that severe , sullen , morose religion , with which some judaizing and mistaken christians pass that day on one hand , and that prophane , contemptuous , court-like observation of it on the other ; but let a decent , christian , and good natur'd carriage , temper these extreams ; that your children may neither dread the approach of sunday above other days , nor yet long for it , as a day of sloth and idleness . i hope i may , without offence , take this occasion to desire such of the separation as are within my parish , to take all care they can , that both their children and their servants go along with them to the places where they serve god themselves , or to some other certainly , and require an account of their so doing , that the liberty of absenting themselves from their parish-churches , indulg'd to them by man's law , be not turn'd to the libertinism of serving god no where , and irreligion and prophaneness find those people whom the church looses . we must indeed , on all sides , be sollicitous lest he who sowes division amongst us , reap the fruits thereof , and be the greatest gainer ; of this , in earnest , there was never greater need than now , for christianity and good morality had never more , or greater enemies ; and therefore all our joint endeavours will be little enough to oppose the soft insinuations of their secret underminers , and the most impudent and bold attacks of their avowed and open adversaries . i am sorry we can date the mighty growth and progress of these mischiefs within the compass of so few years , when we were hoping still for better things . but let this evil state provoke us to a greater care and zeal in the defence of vertue and religion , for the future . you must all of you help to make this ugly digression pertinent and useful , by taking all imaginable care to breed up a generation better than the present , and such as may do these wicked days all the disgrace and shame they can , by a most firm adherence to the christian faith , by a lively sense of virtue and religion in the soul , made manifest by a most virtuous and religious outward practice . i have done , you see , an unusual thing , in fixing a preface to a sermon , but it was to make the sermon more yours than any one 's else ; and if the sermon be better read for the sake of the preface , or if the preface gain its end without the sermon , i shall obtain the point i aim at , and will answer for the absurdity or newness of the method . you know i am every way your debtor in religious matters , and i assure you i am otherwise , your affectionate humble servant , w. fleetwood . proverbs xiii . . he that spareth the rod hateth his son : but he that loveth him , chasteneth him betimes . the education of children is , and hath always been accounted , a thing of such importance , that all who have at any time discoursed or written of government , have found themselves obliged to dwell particularly on that subject . aristotle thinks it a matter of such moment , that he positively determines it ought not to be left to the parents choice ; but that the publick ( whose especially the children are ) should be entrusted only with that charge : and plato lays down such severe rules , that 't is a question whether they were ever practicable , or only fitted to his fansied commonwealth . and indeed , considering that they are the seed of empires , kingdoms , corporations , and families , and that the good and wellfare of them all , depends entirely on them , there can't be too much care employed about their bringing up : there are so many hazards from the sensible and tender dispositions of these nice plants , from noxious airs , inclement seasons , and their own natural luxuriancy , that it requires a great deal of skill to cultivate them as they should , and as they well deserve . and it is with this prospect ( and a larger one besides , the world to come ) that the spirit of god hath inserted so many positive commands , and so many wise rules of training children up , into the holy scriptures . for though one were enough , when found there , to make it our duty , yet there are many to enforce it farther ; and though the spirit of god inspir'd a-like the herdsman's son , with solomon the king's , and made them a ▪ like infallible , in what they should deliver to the world , yet in compliance ( may be ) with our weakness , and the fond conceits we have of human reason and understanding , it is so contriv'd , that there are more precepts concerning childrens education found in solomon alone , than all the scriptures else : that they who take no notice of the inspiration , might yet be moved by the authority of the greatest wisdom , and the best experience , and the thing however done . i am to confine my self to that of my text , which is as comprehensive as any : and will , first , explain the terms of it ; and , secondly , shew the truth of the propositions contain'd therein ; and , lastly , make what application may be seasonable and useful . and , first , of the terms . to spare the rod , in the first clause , being oppos'd to chastening , in the second ; by the rod must needs be meant , not only that particular instrument of punishment , but every thing besides that may prove the means of our correction and amendment . and so in job . . he is chastened with pain upon his bed . and so in psal . . . i wept , and chastened my soul with fasting . and so in isa . . . the chastisement of our peace was on him ; by which is meant the miseries , afflictions , pains , and torments that our lord endured both in life and death for our sakes : and so in a great many other places . so that by chastisement is here intended every instrument of correction , every means of effecting what we intend by chastising . and to spare the rod , is , not to use those means , not to employ those instruments for the correcting and amending what we see amiss in children , which are proper to their age , suited to their dispositions , and proportion'd to their faults ; whether it be reproof and sharp admonition , restraint of liberty , disappointment of their wills , or corporal punishment : to do ( in a word ) whatever is necessary , convenient , or becoming the children and the parents in their respective circumstances , is to chasten , and to neglect the doing it , is to spare the rod. let us see in the next place , what it is to love and hate one's son , which are the rest of the terms . by loving and by hating is not here meant the exerting actually those passions in the heart , for then the text would be untrue : it is by no means likely that an indulgent parent sparing of his child , should actually hate it in his heart , or that the punishing it should be the effect or sign of natural love , for the contrary to this , is mostly true ; the sparing it is the fruits of natural fondness and affection , and the correcting it , is not the choice of the heart , but the effects of a necessity impos'd by prudence and consideration , and hopes and fears of what may come to pass . by loving and by hating therefore is to be understood , the acting agreeably to the reason , and not the blindness of those passions ; the producing such effects as are in god's accounts , and wise mens too , and in our own when freed from partial prejudices , the consequence and fruits of love and hatred acting regularly ; such as are commonly esteemed the effects of those two causes , whether they indeed proceed from them or no : so that to love and hate ones children , is to behave ones self so towards them , that they and others may be convinc'd we love or hate them , by such fruits as reasonably and ordinarily are the products of those two passions , whether those passions actually possess the heart or no , of which we can convince none but our selves . from the terms thus explain'd , it will not be difficult , to shew , in the second place , the the truth of the two propositions , how and in what sense he may be said to hate his son , that spares the chastisement of him , and how he loves him who chastiseth him betimes : for if we are to reckon of love and hatred by the effects , then it is easie to discern when parents hate their children , namely , when either through neglect or fondness they permit them to enter on at first , or afterwards continue in such courses , as will bring them to inevitable ruine ; when by their want of care , instruction , or correction , those children fall into such miseries , as the utmost hatred of their most profest inveterate enemies , could neither wish nor make them greater ; whatever love there may be at the bottom . what signifies the crowning of a victim with a garland , when it is still drest up to death ? that mother is as much a murtheress who stifles her child in a bed of roses , as she that does it with a pillow-bear . the end and mischief is as great , tho' the means and instrument be not the same . and where two causes will produce the same effect , with equal certainty , 't is no great matter which of them it is , nor whether you give it a hard or gentle name . it is all one as if a parent truly hated his child , if through his default , he fall into those evils , which will naturally work his mischief or undoing ; that fault has the same effect that downright hatred would have had . and then for the will , tho' he can't be said to will downright the evil of his children , yet if he will the means which have a natural tendency to produce that end , he is understood , in the accounts of reason , to will the end , and to be guilty of the evil in a great degree . and so we are said to will a great many things in scripture , not that we will them properly , but that we do those things , from whence the others naturally and necessarily follow . so god expostulates , in ezek. . . and . . why will ye die , o house of israel ! not that the israelites will'd or desired to die , for that 's a thing incredible , if not impossible , in the hardest sense of that word , but that they willed such things , as would unavoidably bring that death , and most inevitably ruine them . so in psal . . . yea they despised that pleasant land . not that they dispised or rejected the land of canaan it felf , but rejecting the only means god had appointed to bring them thither , which were faith and trust in him , and patience and obedience to his laws , they are said to despise the land it self . so in pro. . . he that exalteth his gate seeketh destruction , i. e. he that liveth above his fortune and condition , or that openeth wide the flood ▪ gates to iniquity , seeketh destruction ; the meaning is , that such a one shall find destruction , he is as one that seeks and makes inquiry after it , and he shall surely find it . so that men are not charged with the mischiefs only they intend directly , but with such also as are like to follow whether they intend them or not , nay , tho' they should intend the contrary . he who takes the natural and ready means to any end , is strongly guilty of the evil consequence , altho' he should not only not design that end and consequence , but hope and wish it might not come to pass ; because neither hopes , nor wishes , nor designs can hinder natural or moral causes from producing natural and moral effects . but neither is it only so in acting , but in permitting also ; he is said , upon the same account and reason , to be guilty of the evils that ensue , whose duty it was , and in whose power it was , to have prevented them , but did not : it were cruel and unjust , to charge a man with all the evils he should by duty prevent , but could not , for want of power : and it is not always reasonable , to charge a man with the eviis he could by his power have prevented , but did not , because he was not oblig'd in duty ; because the signification of power , in such a case , is to be determin'd by the convenience of time , and place , and person , and a great many other circumstances of which a man is only able to judge himself : but where power and duty meet together , there the obligation is unquestionable , and the neglect of doing what we should and conld is inexcusable . the application of these rules to the case in hand , is , i think , as evident as the reason of those rules . it is plain from the light of nature , and the use of reason , as well as god's determination in scripture , that a parent is oblig'd to educate his children in the best , and most religious manner possible , to instruct them in all that 's good , and warn them of all that 's evil ; and it is as plain from the corruption of our nature , the perversness of our wills , and from lamentable experience , that unless this care be taken , children will unavoidably be ruin'd ; and therefore he who neglects this education , which he might and should look after , is properly enough said to undo his children ; and as he who should designedly ruine his own children , would deservedly be said to hate them , so may he also , who neglects their education , if such neglect be the natural and ready way to ruine , though he don't design that ruine , and though that neglect do not proceed from hatred , yet he is said , and properly enough , both to undoe and hate them , now the evils that proceed from a careless , or from bad education , from want of good instruction , of reproof , restraint , or of due chastisement in any kind , are infinite and pernicious , they are numberless , and they are intolerable . i believe it were hard to reckon up any considerable calamity that has befallen a kingdom , city , family , or private person , but might be justly charg'd upon this head in some measure . the reasoning of plato is both just and excellent upon the education of cyrus and his son cambyses , darius and his son xerxes , and the following kings of persia , and shews the exact and perfect correspondence betwixt the ways of bringing up those princes , and the quality and fortune of their government and kingdoms whilst they liv'd . cyrus having been brought up still in painful and laborious exercises , and in a handsome kind of equality of almost all things betwixt himself and his companions , his reign was full of glory and success , and every thing that 's good and laudable . but whilst himself was reaping palms and crowns of victory , he left the education of his son to the ladies who brought him up in the luxurious softness of the medes , where no body durst speak a word of truth or honesty , for fear of wounding his ears , which were us'd to nothing but to compliment and flattery . and hence it came , that the reign and government of this soft prince was full as infamous and unfortunate both to himself and people as that of his brave father had been glorious , wise , and happy , unto both . darius hystaspes afterwards ascended the throne , and as his education had not been in the delights of a court , but hard , and rough , in labours and fatigues , so his reign resembled in a manner that of cyrus , both for glory and for conquest : but whilst he and his compeers were spreading every where the persian honour by their gallantry and brave atchievements , xerxes , his son , was left in womens hands , and from them had just such another education as cambyses had , and reigned accordingly , leaving where'er he came , the shameful marks of a prodigious power put into the hands of an ambitious mad-man . darius was indeed a great deal more to blame than cyrus , because he avail'd not himself of so notorious an example of miscarriage , nor procur'd a better education for his son ; but that 's not the only use that we may make of these great instances , one cannot choose but see , and lament too , that the fate and fortune of great empires , the wellfare and the ruine of so many hundred thousands should depend upon the care and the neglect of a parent , upon the improvement or the sottishness of one body . but this would not touch us so near we think , if it were not also true in lesser matters , and as fatal to private families . the good or evil education of children , does not only affect themselves , but all the stock and kindred more or less ; there is hardly any body so inconsiderable , but some body may be bettered , and some body prejudiced by him ; there is no body stands so single and remote , but if he falls , there is some one hurt besides himself , directly or indirectly : which as it is a motive to induce every relation to see after the improvement of children , as it falls in their way , so it is a special argument to parents , to attend more heedfully to the well educating of their children , because the wellfare and the prejudice of so many other people does in a great measure depend thereon . but supposing the evil were single , that neither common-wealth , nor family , nor parent were endamaged ( as they all are ) by want of education , yet the evils that befall the children , are so intolerably many , and pernicious both to soul and body , that those may well be said to hate them , that do not , when they might and should , prevent them . can we see a man that has wholly renounc'd to truth and good faith , so entirely possess'd with the spirit of falsehood , lying and deceit , that one knows not how to believe a word he sayes , nor how to trust him with the least concern ? can we see a man so ignorant of god and goodness , of religion and his duty , and of all things spiritual , that one would think he were newly born into the world , and had not yet attained the use of reason , nor indeed the use of speech , and language ; and another so exceeding skilful in those matters , and of so sharp a wit and penetrating judgment , that he knows very well that there is no such thing as god and soul , or any thing but gross substantial matter , modify'd with great variety ? can we hear another talk so loudly , and so frequently of god , that his mouth is fill'd with nothing else , and yet at last it should be all in his dishonour and defiance , in wounding oaths , in raging blasphemies , and dreadful imprecations , without temptation , without pleasure , without profit ; and at last without his knowledge and design ? can we see another vers'd in all the species of intemperance , practis'd in all the arts of luxury and wantonness , and devoted wholly to excess , a perfect slave to his voracious appetite , and whose heart and soul is in his dish ? another so intoxicated with the love of drink , that if 't were possible to drown himself , he would , devoting both the day and night to that excess , having no other business , nor other pleasure and diversion than intemperance , neglecting all concerns , forgetting all his duty both to god and man , a reproach to nature , scandal to religion , useless to all the ends and purposes of living ; and not only so , but by his bad example , and the cursed consequences of those courses , ruinous to himself and family , and a most pernicious creature to the commonwealth . and another so enfeebled by his lusts , so debilitated both in soul and body , by his exorbitant indulgence to those brutal longings , that he is scarce the shadow of a man ; dull of apprehension , weak in imagination , failing in memory , and moap'd in his understanding . in a word , as impotent of mind as body , and whose soul is as loose about him as his limbs . can one see , i say , these , and a thousand other evils and disorders , with all their ugly consequences , reign and rage about the world continually , and know at the same time they are the natural consequences of a loose and careless education , and might in a great measure , have been prevented by advice , restraint , and punishing betimes ; can one see and know this , and doubt at the same time , whether our parents hated us or no , who should and could , but would not save us from them ? what could our greatest enemy have done besides ? he would have taken the same courses ; for one that he exercises as he did job , with sorrows and afflictions , he ruines a thousand by indulgences ; it is the end he aims at , which is our destruction , and 't is no matter by what means he comes about it . if eutrapelus's presents are sure to prove as fatal to a weak mind , as a dagger in a man's heart , or a glass of poyson in his bowels , what signifie the shews of love , and the pretence of friendship , which prove as deadly as the assaults of open enmity ? what signifies it , that the child is the delight of its parents eyes , and the idol of their hearts ; the perpetual object of their thoughts , and the perpetual theme of their discourse , that they discern new beauties dayly in it , secret charms , and excellencies undiscoverable to all the world besides ; hear musick in his voice , and wit in every word , and grace and comeliness in every action . if care be not taken to render him as excellent indeed and to himself , and as amiable to others , by vertue , goodness , sweetness and humanity , as he is to them by an abused fancy . all other demonstrations are but demonstrations of their own fondness to , and love of their own self , and end in their own complacence and delight . if you would convince another of your love , it is he that must feel the effects of it , in and upon himself , as well as you . it is otherwise like the charity of good words , the wishing of alms , and food , and raiment , with which a man may be starv'd with cold and hunger . the love that terminates in fondness , and the little trifling ( if no worse ) effects of that , can no more properly be called the love of ones children , than the bidding the hungry be filled , the thirsty be satisfied , and the naked be cloathed , without supplying those necessities , can be call'd relieving them . but the parallel will hold no farther , for he that relieves not the distressed , does them at least no harm or injury ; whereas the parent that with all this dotage , takes not care to educate his children virtuously and well , does them the greatest injury and mischief in the world ; mispends the only proper time and season of their improvement , deprives them of all the advantages and opportunities of becoming useful to the publick , a support to the family , a comfortable relation , and happy people themselves : and not only so , but exposes them defenceless , destitute and naked to abundance of hazards and temptations ; to a contagious air in the most sensible and tender age ; to a vicious world , with vicious inclinations ; to combate with those foes , with whom our hearts do naturally conspire ; to meet those dangers we rejoice to run into ; to vanquish those temptations which we seek and hunt for ; to resist those evils we had rather should prevail than be subdu'd ; to be left , in a word , to our selves , to the naughtiness of our own hearts , and the dictates of unruly heedless nature , to engage with so many sins , and so many snares , as are commonly a match sufficient for the greatest care , and greatest watchfulness , and greatest prudence , together with the ordinary supplies of god's grace , is to be ruin'd and undone without peradventure . and if these are not true effects of hatred , if these are not the tokens of the greatest ill-will , and the most improv'd refin'd malice , we are yet to learn what those words mean. and this i hope is so evident from the sense of the thing , from the reason of the words , and from the experience of the world , that there is little occasion to press you with the authority of the text , and to insist upon it , that 't is king solomon inspir'd by god that says , that he that spareth the rod , hateth his son. it will be somewhat clearer by considering the other clause in the text , and seeing what are the effects of love , which is early chastisement . he that loveth his son , chasteneth him betimes . i have already made appear , that love and hatred , in these cases , can only be securely judged of by the effects ; not by the feelings , motions ▪ and affections of the parents heart , but by the fruits and consequences , of which the children must be sensible themselves , and all the world be judges . for the ground of all this mischief is , that parents commonly consult with no body but themselves , to know if they love their children , and finding quickly by the reply their hearts make , that they love them , as they love their eyes ; they rest contented with the answer , and use them indeed as tenderly : whereas they should enquire of strangers and of wise men , impartial and unprejudic'd ; they should take their informations from reafon and good sense , from the experience of the aged , and such as study more particularly this affair ; and they would shew them , by the effects alone , whether they lov'd or no : the marks and tokens of affection would be visible in manners and instruction , beyond the power of being deceived ; and if this be too much , let them learn the truth , from the pity of some , and the reproach of others , and from the common rumours of the neighbourhood . every body but themselves , will tell them , that love of children must appear by its effects and fruits , and no other thing can possibly convince another of that love , though they themselves are never so persuaded that they do , and to confirm it could be content to die . but of this enough already , and also what it is to chasten ; it remains that i say a word or two of the proper season , and that is betimes , he that loveth him chasteneth him betimes ▪ either betimes with respect to his age , or with respect to his faults . first , with respect to his age. it is , in every thing , of great importance , how we begin , what grounds we lay , and what foundation 't is we build upon : if this be not right , the rest is but time and pains mispent , and will end in loss and disappointment . it is as a man that sets out false , every step that he proceeds , is so much out of his way , and he must return and begin again . and so it is with the journeyings of life ; if in our early youth we set out false , fall into evil practices , or be corrupted with pernicious maxims , it is either a great chance that we never see our errour at all , but blindly still proceed at all adventure ; or if we do , we find our selves constrain'd to begin a-new , to return to the place from whence we first fet out , to our intollerable trouble and vexation . what a deal of human life is spent , not in weaving a new web , but in unravelling the old ; not in learning new lessons of truth and vertue , but in unlearning those of vice and falshood ; in forgetting of evil principles , and laying down old prejudices ; in stripping our selves of our accustom'd habits , in parting with our old acquaintances , in forsaking our old friends , and in a manner tearing out our vitals , and rending of our hearts asunder : all which might , in great measure , be prevented , by an early seasoning in the ways of goodness . it was in prospect of this , that one of the ancients would have children accustom'd to love and praise with delight all vertuous actions , and detest all vices , even before they attain'd the use of reason , he would have them constantly observe , know them compleatly , and form in their minds perfect idea's of them ; and observing that children are first of all affected with the sense of pleasure and of pain , he would have them used , though never so little and young , to take or think there is no pleasure but in goodness , vertue , temperance , justice , and the like ; nor feel or think there is any great pain but in those things that are truly evil , vice and sin. the thing is carried certainly too high , and the lesson too refin'd and subtil to be put in practice : but the thing he means is this ; that the preventions and prepossessions of vertue , goodness , and religion , should answer at least the prejudices of our natural corruption , and that propensity and inclination to folly and to sin , we bring along with us into this world ; that the artificial principles of education , might be of equal poise with our original corruption , till the use of our understanding bear down the scale on the right side : and if it be better to prevent , than cure an evil , to save from danger , than deliver out of it , then it is better to begin betimes with chastening of our children , to make them wise at our expence , to let them know no sin but by description ; to hinder them from making an experiment so very unprofitable at best , and fatal in the event , most commonly . but , secondly , betimes is also to be understood with respect to the fault ; the first respecting age , would , if 't were possible , prevent the evil , this latter is to put a speedy stop to it , to hinder it from growing any farther ; the first advice is , to take all care imaginable , that no corrupt or noxious weeds should spring up , in that pure and tender soil ; the second is to root them out betimes , if once they come ; so that to chasten betimes , is to see , that punishment do constantly attend the crime , before it be forgotten , and before an evil habit be contracted by the frequent repetition of evil acts. first , before it be forgotten ; as well that it may not appear to proceed from a delight in punishment , or to be the effects of studied and deliberate cruelty , as also that the fault being fresh in memory , the justice and reasonableness of the infliction may the better appear , and make the deeper impression on the mind , and raise the greater aversation and abhorrence of the thing , that impunity may not breed security in sin ; and that children may not argue as older people often do , that because sentence is not speedily executed against an evil work , therefore their hearts should be fully set in them , to do evil. 't is a false and vicious way of arguing , but because 't is obvious , natural , and too too easie , it should be silenc'd quickly , and convicted of its falsehood ; that it may not impose on them a second time. but , lastly , and most especially , for fear of evil habits being contracted , the dread of punishment is the most natural restraint upon the mind , t is the most powerfull motive to obedience , the very life of all laws , and without which they would be but a dead letter ; and all the reason in the world they should be so ; for who would obey against his interest , or who would practice against his inclination , without fear ? and who would fear without punishment ? according therefore to the degrees of impunity , which men can find or fansie , will their obedience to the laws , or disobedience prove . and so it is , even in the smallest matters that relate to children , they naturally incline the wrong way , and are kept strait by forcible coercion ; the dread of punishment is the restraint that lies most powerfully upon them , 't is the consideration of that , that is their motive to obedience , and the discouragement that keeps them from offending : and he that removes that bar , lays them expos'd and open to every danger and temptation . but nothing does this more effectually , than suffering them to sin at first without reproof and punishment ; this strangely lessens the guilt and horrour of their faults within their own minds , gives them degrees of confidence in wickedness , and makes them think it no such hainous matter , and venture on it frequently and freely , till it at last becomes habitual , and is rooted firmly in them : and then the danger is a thousand times the greater , and the pains of remedying all these mischiefs infinitely more . so that allowing that they must some time or other root these evils out , free them from the bondage and captivity of their lusts and passions , and rid them of all their bad and foolish principles , and set them in the ways of virtue and sobriety again , allowing , i say , that this must needs be done , that they cannot possibly be safe or happy withont it , nay , that they must be miserable here and more than so hereafter . allowing of all this , it is demonstrable , that it is not only a piece of the greatest wisdom to set about it betimes , but of the greatest mercy and compassion in the world , even in the judgment of the tenderest and most pittying mother . 't is like putting one to death , to save a hundred by the terror of the example , which may be justice to the offender , but is in truth a kindness to the rest . if one reproof and admonition , will prevent the occasion of twenty more , each one as sharp and terrible , it would be cruelty to spare it . if an early restraint of undue liberty , will prevent licentiousness hereafter , which must be restrain'd with chains and dungeons , who would not think it a mercy to be restrain'd betimes ? it is better sure to break us of our wills betimes , and to deny us our satisfactions in small and trifling things , before we can have set our hearts upon them , than to let our wills and inclinations gather strength , and our affection settle and grow firm , 〈◊〉 and then begin to fall upon us ; the one is only as the bending , the other as the breaking , of an arm. a little pain , and trouble , and uneasiness will serve at first to set us right again , when a continuance in our evil state , and a contracted habit , will require a great deal of patience , and put us to a great deal of torment . a little care and a little strength , will serve to keep a young and tender graft in uprightness and order , which if permitted to grow awry for some time , must suffer violence and great distortion , before it will be strait again . the older we grow in evil practices and evil maximes , the older they grow too , and take the faster hold , and root the deeper in us , and consequently are remov'd with greater difficulty . so that allowing , that there is an absolute necessity of their being removed at length it is plain and manifest beyond denyal , that it is not only better both for parent and for child , that it be done betimes , but that it is a piece of cruelty both in the one , and to the other , to deferr it , till the vicious habit is contracted ; and consequently that the truth of the proposition in the text does visibly appear , that he that loveth his son chastneth him betimes . and having done with that , i am now to make application of what hath been said , and it shall be to the parties here concern'd . first , the parent . secondly , the children , and to both in short . first , to the parent . to shew you the necessity there is of bringing up your children under an early and severe discipline , the spirit calls the doing of it love , which is a term so fit and so expressive , that nature seems to have appropriated it to parents in such manner , that they are fond of the name , even when they have not the thing ; they would be thought to love even when they don't , it lookes so like their own , and what they should do : and the neglect of this he calls hatred , a term from which all parents naturally abhor . but that you might not be deceived , and make your judgments from the passions and affections of your own hearts , he describes this love and hate by such effects as are not usually the products of those passions in the hearts of parents ; but such as are so in god's accounts , and wise mens , and childrens themselves when they grow up to years of understanding ; and therefore that you should not set the movings of your hearts , and your own fond opinions and conceits of kindness , against the reason , judgment , and experience of the whole world , and oftentimes your own : but freeing your selves as much as may be , from the partialities of nature , and your p●arental prejudices , deal with your own as freely and as wisely as you would with the children of a forreigner and stranger , believing there is need of equal care , and equal rigour , in treating with your own as you can visibly discern there is , in treating with anothers . this is the only true and lasting kindness you can do them ; all other tokens of your love , but that of good discipline , will die with you , or may be taken from them by sundry chances and misfortunes . this is the only treasure and possession you can leave them , of which they cannot be depriv'd by thieves and robbers ; out of the power of chance , and above the reach and malice of the subtilest and most formidable enemy . this alone , without any other accession , often proves the foundation of a lasting happiness ; but every thing besides , without this , signifie at least nothing , but are most commonly the instruments of greater mischief , and the occasions of greater falling . and though it can't be done without reluctancy and some uneasiness on both parts , yet it must needs be done however : it is but like removing knives and instruments of danger out of their way , for fear of hurting them , notwithstanding all their cryings and impatience after them ; or like the administring severe physick , to prevent a growing sickness , notwithstanding all their loathings and resistance : your fondness seldom hinders you from this , and yet severe and early discipline , is but an equal crossing of their wills , an exercising of their patience , and applying as uneasie remedies to evils much more dangerous , and to effect a good much more considerable than that of health it self . it is not easie to determine how far childrens faults are chargeable upon their parents ; there are too many , and too intricate circumstances to be consider'd , before one can decisively pronounce on such matters : but neither of them are the safer for this uncertainty and doubt : the children shall unquestionably suffer for their own sins , and the parents as unquestionably for their neglect : they have both of them guilt enough , and both of them shall have enough of punishment ; the one for not having done what they shou'd , the other for doing what they shou'd not . not that after all the care , and discipline , and early chastisement , the parent is secure of the event , but secure of himself , and his design : he has done his duty , and must leave the issue in the hands of of god ; he has taken the natural , ready , reasonable , and usual , and appointed means , and if the strength of temptations , and the violence of the children's passions , or the perverseness of their wills , obstruct and hinder these means from attaining of their good end , he has freed his soul ; the parent may be , after that sad and unfortunate , but has remov'd his guilt and punishment ; and , next to the effecting what we would , is the satisfaction of having done what one should . and so much for application to the parent . a word or two to the other party , and i have done ; and that , not to persuade you that reproof , restraint , and punishment are things eligible , or no such grievous and uneasie states as they are fansied , for they are undoubtedly uneasie states , and just as bad as you experience them to be ; there is no arguing against sense , or persuading against feeling : but that you would believe , since they proceed from people of the greatest love and tenderness , and sore against their inclinations , that they are the most natural and necessary means of effecting the greatest good , and preventing the greatest evils in the world , and so designed by those that do inflict them . it is true what st. paul observes in another case , heb. . i . that no chastisement for the present seemeth to be joyous , but grievous ; nevertheless afterwards , it yieldeth the peaceable fruit of righteousness unto them which are exercised thereby . you cannot love correption and restraint , but when you shall hereaster see and feel the effects of all this careful discipline , in the fear of god , in the government of your passions , in temperance , in chastity , in patience under evils , in bearing disappointments , in the joys of innonence , and the comforts of a good conscience ; then you will bless your parents and instructors , who by their admonitions , seasonable reproofs , and early chastisements , delivered you from the snares of sin and death , from the plague of a guilty mind , from an uneasie remembrance of what is past , and a fearful looking for of evils to come , which you will then desire to have avoided , though with the utmost pain and torment , and curse the indulgence that prevented it . you will have other notions and opinions of the love of parents and instructors than you now have ; and therefore , in the mean time , let the reason , wisdom , and experience of all ages convince you , that the courses taken , to make you good and happy , are not only fit and suited to your age , and tempers , but necessary and unavoidable , tho' for the present they appear so grievous and unacceptable ; and therefore ben't so hasty and impatient under them , nor covet so to be deliver'd from them : be not so fond of immature manhood , only because you think it is a state of freedom from the bondage of your discipline . that age has no such charms in it as you imagine , and when aspir'd to so ambitiously , and so unseasonably , 't is only to perfect your destruction , and complete your misery the sooner ; it is according to the good or ill improvement of this your season of discipline , that manhood shall prove more or less comfortable : the ground is now a cultivating , the seed is now a sowing , that shall spring up to lasting honour and advantage , or to your lasting shame and ruine . and therefore though the heats of fancy , the vigour of your springing youth , and fervour of complexion , may suggest both strange and forward things , yet trust them not , nor listen to them . it is but like the gaiety that springs up from the fumes of new wine , that warm and delight men for a moment , but soon evaporate , and leave the heart in greater damps and melancholy . you will quickly find the mischiefs of forsaking discipline , and all those gay expectances will vanish , and conclude in lamentable disappointments ; but the trouble is , that then repentance comes too late , the time is irrecoverable , and the evil is irremediable . and therefore , to conclude , learn to be wise in this your hour , the wisdom at least , of suffering others to be wise and careful for you , in things of which you have as yet no knowledge or experience , and yet so necessary to you , that thereupon depends the welfare and felicity of all your lives . finis . archontorologion, or the diall of princes containing the golden and famous booke of marcus aurelius, sometime emperour of rome. declaring what excellcncy [sic] consisteth in a prince that is a good christian: and what euils attend on him that is a cruell tirant. written by the reuerend father in god, don antonio of gueuara, lord bishop of guadix; preacher and chronicler to the late mighty emperour charles the fift. first translated out of french by thomas north, sonne to sir edward north, lord north of kirthling: and lately reperused, and corrected from many grosse imperfections. with addition of a fourth booke, stiled by the name of the fauoured courtier. relox de príncipes. english guevara, antonio de, bp., d. ? approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) archontorologion, or the diall of princes containing the golden and famous booke of marcus aurelius, sometime emperour of rome. declaring what excellcncy [sic] consisteth in a prince that is a good christian: and what euils attend on him that is a cruell tirant. written by the reuerend father in god, don antonio of gueuara, lord bishop of guadix; preacher and chronicler to the late mighty emperour charles the fift. first translated out of french by thomas north, sonne to sir edward north, lord north of kirthling: and lately reperused, and corrected from many grosse imperfections. with addition of a fourth booke, stiled by the name of the fauoured courtier. relox de príncipes. english guevara, antonio de, bp., d. ? munday, anthony, - . north, thomas, sir, - ? guevara, antonio de, bp., d. ? aviso de privados. english. [ ], [i.e. ], [ ], - , - , - [i.e. ] p. imprinted by bernard alsop, dwelling by saint annes church neere aldersgate, london : . a translation of the authorised version of: relox de principes. editor's dedication signed: a.m., i.e. anthony munday. the first word of the title is in greek characters. p. misnumbered ; p. misnumbered . 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good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng marcus aurelius, -- emperor of rome, - . education of princes -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - ali jakobson sampled and proofread - ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ΑΡΧΟΝΤΟΡΟΛΟΓΙΟΝ , or the diall of princes : containing the golden and famovs booke of marcvs avrelivs , sometime emperour of rome . declaring what excellency consisteth in a prince that is a good christian : and what euils attend on him that is a cruell tirant . written by the reuerend father in god , don antonio of gueuara , lord bishop of guadix ; preacher and chronicler to the late mighty emperour charles the fift . first translated out of french by thomas north , sonne to sir edward north , lord north of kirthling : and lately reperused , and corrected from many grosse imperfections . with addition of a fourth booke , stiled by the name of the fauoured courtier . london , imprinted by bernard alsop , dwelling by saint annes church neere aldersgate , . to the right honovrable , sir henry movntagve , knight , lord chiefe iustice of the pleas , holden before his most royall maiestie , &c the emperour traiane ( right honourable ) writing a letter to the senate of rome , concerning the weightie and carefull condition of princes ; among many other matters , vsed these wordes of himselfe . i doe freely confesse vnto you , that , since i tasted the cares and trauels attending on this imperiall dignitie : i haue repented a thousand times , that euer i did vndertake it , because , if it bee accounted honour to enioy an empire , there consisteth farre greater paine and labour , to order and gouerne it as it ought to be . but beside , what enuie doth hee expose himselfe to , & multitude of mislikes , that hath the charge of gouerning others ? if hee be iust , hee is branded with cruelry : if mercifull , hee is contemned : if beautifull , tearmed lauish and prodigall : if hee hoorde vp money , then basely couetous : if inclined to peace , then hee is a coward : if full of courage , proudly anbitious : if discreetly graue , surly and scornefull : if affably courteous , silly and simple : if affecting solitude a dissembling hypocrite : if addicted to mirth and pleasure , then wantonly dissolute . in the end of all , te worthy emperour thus concluded . although willingly , i accepted this high office at the first : yet sorrow hath ( since ) made mee shrinke vnder so brdensom a charge : for , the sea and dignitie are thinges pleasing to looke ●n , but very perillous to meddle withall . i haue alledged his example ( worthie lord ) because present vnto your gracious acceptance , his ancient and famous booke , called the diall of princes , wherein is at lige , and amply set downe , what care and respect awayteth on the liues of prin●●s and great persons : for if they canot runne into the smallest errour , but redoundeth to the hurt of many , nor neglect their duty , without other mens userie : then sayde the philosopher well . a prince should not appropriate the common-wealth to himselfe , but shape himselfe wholy to the common wealth . and so much the rather , because he standing accountable to no man in this life , ought to remember a farre stricter account , before him that maketh no respect of princes , saue onely in this , that they shall finde the iudge the more seuere against them , by how much they haue abused their place of eminencie , as also their power and princely authority . in the learned discourses following , set downe by that good emperour marcus aurelius , the honourable argument of all this worke ; are three especiall duties and actions obserued , necessarily required in an absolute and perfect prince , as namely ; in ruling , iudging , and defending : to rule by iust lawes , and good example ; to iudge by wisedome , prouidence , and iustice ; and defend by valour , care , and vigilancy . and this is that which the spirit of god so often intimateth by the prophet ieremie , ●ap . . verse . to execute iudgement and righteousnesse : to deliuer the oppressed from the handes ●● the oppressour , not to vexe the stanger , fatherlesse , or widdow : neyther to doe violence , or shedde the innocent bloud . into infinite other famous presidents for princes i could enter , and set them downe expressely ; but that i know , they are so frequent to your honour , both in reading and memorie , that it were as lost labour , as to hold a burning taper in the bright sunne at noone-day , and therefore these few shall suffice , nor doe i dedicate this vnto your graue and learned iudgement , as a new labour of mine owne , or as a worke neuer seene before ; because it hath already past diuers impressions : albeit not in so exact a maner , nor with the like paines , as hath now bin bestowed vpon it , from many absurde , and grosse imperfections , and yet not so cleanely purged , as i could wish it were , nor as it shall bee , if euer it come to the presse againe . wherefore i humbly entreate your honour , to accept it as it is , and as an oblation of my loue vnfainedly to you , which gladly would shew it selfe by any possible meanes , as time hereafter may better enable me . til when , i remain ready at your honours seruice , to the very vtmost of my best abilitie . your honors in all duty . a. m. a gener all prologve vpon the booke . entitvled the dyall of princes : with the famous booke of marcvs avrelivs , compyled by the reuerend father in god , the lord antony of gvevara , byshop of guadix : confessor and chronicler to charles the fifth , emperour of rome : vnto whom , ( and to all other princes , and noble-personages ) this worke was directed . apolonius thianeus disputing with the schollers of hiareas , said : that among all the affections of nature , nothing is more naturall , then the desire that all haue to preserue life . omitting the dispute of these great phylosophers herein , wee our selues hereof haue daily proofe : that to liue , men do trauell : to liue , byrds do flie : fishes do swimme : and to liue , beasts do hide themselues for feare of death . finally , ( i say ) there is no liuing creature so brutish , that hath not a naturall desire to liue . if many of the auncient paynims so little regarde life , that of their owne free willes , they offered themselues death , they did it not for that they despised life , but because they thought that for their little regarding life , wee would more highly esteem their fame for , wee see men of hauty courages , seeke rather to winne a long-during-fame , then to saue a short lasting-life . how loth men are to die , is easily seen by the great paines they take to liue . for it is a naturall thing to all mortall men , to leaue their liues with sorrowe and take their deaths with feare . admit that all doe taste this corporall death , and that generally both good and euill doe die : yet is there great difference between the death of the one , and the death of the other . if the good desire to liue , it is onely for the greater desire they haue to do more good : but if the euill desire to liue , it is for that they would abuse the world longer . for the children of vanity call no time good , but onely that wherein they liue , according to their owne desires . i let you vnderstand that are at this present , and you also that shall come heereafter : that i direct my writings vnto those which embrace vertue , and not vnto such as are borne away with vice . god doth not weigh vs , as we are , but as wee desire to bee . and let no man say , i would , and cānot be good : for as wee haue the audacitie to commit a faulte , so ( if we list ) wee may enforce our selues to worke amendes . all our vndoing proceedeth of this , that wee outwardly make a shewe of vertue , but inwardly in the deede wee employ our whole power to vice : which is an abuse , wherewith all the world is corrupted and deceiued . for heauen is not furnished but with good deedes , and hell is not replenished but with euill-desires . i graunt that neyther man nor beast desireth to die , but all trauell , to the ende they may liue : but i aske now this question . what doth it auayle a man to desire his life to be prolonged , if the same be wicked , vngodly , and defamed ? the man that is high-minded , proude , vnconstant , cruell , disdainfull enuious , full of hatred , angry , malicious , full of wrath , couetous , a lyer , a gluton , a blasphemer , and in all his doings disordred : why will wee suffer him in the world ? the life of a poor man that for need stealeth a gowne , or any other small trifle is forthwith taken away : why then is hee that disturbeth the whole common-wealth left aliue ? oh would to god there were no greater theeues in the world thē those which robbe the temporall goods of the rich , and that wee did not winke continually at them , which take away the good renowne , as well of the rich , as of the poore . but wee chastise the one , and dissemble with the other , which is euidently seene , how the theefe that stealeth my neighbours gown is hanged forthwith , but hee that robbeth mee of my good-name , walketh still before my doore . the diuine plato in the first booke of laws , saide : we ordaine and commaund , that hee which vseth not himselfe honestly , and hath not his house well-reformed , his riches well gouerned , his family well instructed , and liueth not in peace with his neighbors , that vnto him bee assigned tutours , which shall gouerne him as a foole , and as a vacabonde shall he be expulsed from the people , to the intent the common-wealth be not through him infected . for there neuer riseth contention or strife in a commonwealth , but by such men as are alwayes out of order . truely , the diuine plato had great reason in his sayings , for the man that is vicious in his person , and doth not trauell in things touching his house , nor keepeth his familie in good order , nor liueth quietly in the commonwealth , deserueth to be banished , and driuen out of the countrey . truely we see in diuers places mad men tyed and bound fast , which if they were at libertie would not doe so much harme , as those doe that daylie walke the streetes at their owne willes and sensualitie . there is not at this day so great or noble a lord , nor ladie so delicate , but had rather suffer a blow on the head with a stone , then a blot in their good-name , with an euilltongue . for the wound of the head in a month or two may well bee healed : but the blemish of their good-name during life will neuer be remoued . laertius sayth in his booke of the liues of phylosophers , that dyogenes being asked of one of his neighbours , what they were that ordayned theyr lawes ? aunswered in this wise . thou shalt vnderstand , my friend , that the earnest whole desire of our fore-fathers , and all the intentions of the phylosophers , was only to instruct them in their common-wealth , how they ought to speake , how to be occupyed , how to eate , how to sleepe , how to treat , how to apparrel , how to trauell , and how to rest : and in this consisteth all the wealth of worldly wisedome . in deede this phylosopher in his aunswer touched an excellent point : for the law was made to none other end , but only to brydle him that liueth without reason or law. to men that will liue in rest , and without trouble in this life , it is requisite and necessarie that they chuse to themselues some kinde and manner of liuing , whereby they may maintaine their house in good-order , and conforme their liues vnto the same . that estate ought not to be as the folly of the person doth desire , nor as may bee most pleasant to the delights of the bodie : but as reason teacheth them , and god commaundeth them , for the surer saluation of theyr soules . for , the children of vanitie embrace that onely , which the sensuall appetite desireth : and reiect that which reason commaundeth . since the time that trees were created , they alwayes ( remaining in their first nature vntill this present day ) doe beare the same leafe and fruite : which things are plainly seen in this : that the palme beareth dates , the fig-tree figs , the nut-tree nuttes , the peare-tree peares , the apple-tree apples , the chestnut-tree chest-nuts , the oke acornes : and to conclude , i say , all things haue kept their first nature , saue onely the sinnefull-man , which hath fallen by malice . the planettes , the starres , the heauens , the water , the earth , the ayre , and the fire : the brute beasts , and the fishes , all continue in the same estate wherein they were first created : not complaining nor enuying the one the other . man complaineth continually , hee is neuer satisfyed , and alwayes coueteth to chaunge his estate . for the shepheard would be a husbandman , the husbandman a sqiure , the squire a knight , the knight a king , the king an emperour , &c. therefore i say , that fewe is the number of them that seeke amendment of life : but infinite are they that trauell to better their estate , and to increase their goods . the decay of the common-wealth ( at this present ) through all the world is , that the drye and withered okes , which haue been nourished vpon the sharpe mountains , would now seeme to be daintie . date-trees cherished in the pleasant gardains . i meane , that those which yesterday could haue bin pleasant with drye acornes in a poore cottage at home : at this day will not eate but of delicate dishes in other mens houses abrode . what estate men ought to take vpon them , to keepe their conscience pure , and to haue more rest in theyr life , a man cannot easily describe . for ther is no state in the church of god , but men may therin ( if they will ) serue god , and profite themselues . for , there is no kinde of life in the world , but the wicked ( if they perseuer and continue therein ) may slaunder their persons , and also lose their soules . plinie in an epistle that hee wrote to fabatus his friend , saith : there is nothing among mortall men more common and daungerous , then to giue place to vaine imaginations , wherby a man beleeueth the estate of one to bee much better then the estate of another . and hereof it proceedeth , that the world doeth blinde men so , that they will rather seeke that which is an other mans by trauell and daunger , then to enioy their owne with quiet and rest . i say the state of princes is good , if they abuse it not . i say the state of the people is good : if they behaue themselues obediently . i say the state of the rich is good , if they will godly vse it . i say the estate of the religious is good , if they be able to profite others . i say the estate of the communaltie is good , if they will content themselues : i say the estate of the poore is good , if they haue pacience . for it is no merite to suffer troubles , if wee haue not pacience therein . during the time of this our miserable life we cannot denie , but in euery estate there is both trouble & danger . for then onely our estate shall be perfite , when we shall come gloriously in soule and bodie without the feare of death : and also when we shall reioyce without daungers in life . returning againe to our purpose , ( mightie prince ) although wee all be of value little , wee all haue little , we all can attaine little , wee all know little , we all are able to doe little , we all loue but little : yet in all this little , the state of princes seemeth some great and high thing . for that worldly men say , there is no such felicitie in this life , as to haue authoritie to cōmaund many , and to be bound to obey none . but if eyther subiects knew how deere princes by their power to command , or if princes knew how sweet a thing it is to liue in quiet , doubtles the subjects would pittie their rulers , and the rulers would not enuie their subiects . for , full fewe are the pleasures which princes enjoy , in respect of the troubles that they endure . since then , the estates of princes is greater then all , that hee may do more then all , is of more value then all , vpholdeth more then all : and finally , that from thence proceedeth the gouernement of all , it is more needefull that the house , the person , and the life of a prince , be better gouerned and ordered then all the rest . for , euen as by the meate-yard the marchaunt measureth all his wares : so by the life whole of the prince is measured the whole common-weale . many sorrowes endureth the woman in nourishing a way-ward child : great trauell taketh a schoolmaster in teaching an vntoward scholler : much paines taketh an officer in gouerning a multitude ouer-great . how great then is the paine and perill , wherevnto i offer my selfe , in taking vpon mee to order the life of such an one , vpon whose life dependeth all the good estate of a common-weale ? for , noble princes and great lords ought of vs to bee serued , and not offended : wee ought to exhort them , not to vexe them : wee ought to encreate them , not to rebuke them : wee ought to aduise them , and not to defame them . finally ( i say ) the right simple , reckon i that surgion , which with the same plaisters hee layed to a harde heele , seeketh to cure the tender eyes : i meane by this comparison , that my purpose is not to tell princes and noble-men in this booke what they be , but to warne them what they ought to bee : not to tell them what they do , but to aduise them what they ought to doe . for , that noble-man which will not amende his life for remorse of his owne conscience : iidoe thinke hee will doe it for the writing of my pen. paulus dyaconus the first hystoriographer , in the second booke of his commentaryes , sheweth an antiquitie , right worthie to remember , and also pleasaunt to read : although indeed to the hinderaunce of my selfe i shall rehearse it . it is , as of the henne , who by long scraping on the dung-hill , discouereth the knife , that shall cut her owne throate . thus was the case , hanniball the most renowmed prince and captain of carthage ( after hee was vanquished by the aduenturous scipio ) fled into asia , to king antiochus , a prince then liuing of great vertue , who receyued him into his realme , tooke him into his protection , and right honourably intertayned him in his house . and truly king antiochus did heerein , as a pittyfull prince : for what can more beautifie the honour of a prince , then to succour nobilitie in their needefull estate ? these two noble princes vsed diuers exercises to spende the time honourablie : and thus they diuided their time . sometime to hunt in the mountains , otherwhiles to disporre them in the fields , oft to view their armeys : but chiefly , they resorted to the schooles , to heare the phylosophers . and truely they did like wise and skilfull men . for there is no houre in a day otherwise so well employed , as in hearing a wise pleasant tongued man. there was at a time in ephesus a famous philosopher called phormio , which openly and publikely read and taught the people of the realme . and one day as these two princes came into the schoole , the philosopher phormio chaunged the matter whereupon he read , and of a sudden began to talke of the meanes and wayes that princes ought to vse in warre , and of the order to bee kept in giuing battell : such , so strange , and high phrased was the matter which hee talked of , that not onely they maruelled which neuer before saw him : but euen those also that of long time had daily heard him . for herein curious and flourishing wits shew their excellency , in that they neuer want fresh matter to entreate vpon . greatly gloried the king antiochus , that this philosopher ( in presēce of this strange prince ) had so excellently spoken , so that strangers might vnderstand he had his realme stored with wise men : for couragious and noble princes esteem nothing so precious , as to haue men valiāt to defend their frontiers , and also wise to gouerne their common-weales . the lecture read , king antiochus demaunded of the prince hannibal , how he liked the talke of the philosopher formio ? to whom hanibal stoutly answered , and in his answer shewed himselfe to bee of that stoutnesse he was the same day , when he wan the great battell at cannas : for although noble hearted and couragious princes lose all their estates and realmes : yet they will neuer confesse their harts to be ouerthrowne nor vanquished : and these were the words that at that time hannibal sayde . thou shalt vnderstand k. antiochus that i haue seene diuers doting old men , yet i neuer saw a more dotard foole thē phormio , whom thou callest such a great philosopher : for the greatest kinde of folly is , when a man that hath but a little vaine science , presumeth to teach not those which haue onely science , also such as haue most certaine experience . tell me king antiochus , what hart can brooke with patience , or what tongue can suffer with silence , to see a silly man ( as this philosopher is ) nourished all his life time in a corner of greece , studying philosophie , to presume , as hee hath done , to talke before the prince hannibal of the affayres of warre , as though hee had beene eyther lord of affrique , or captaine of rome ? certes , hee eyther full little knoweth himselfe , or else but little esteemeth vs : for it appeareth by his vaine wordes , hee would seeme to know more in matters of warre , by that hee hath read in bookes , then doth hanniball by the sundry & great battels which he hath fought in the fields . oh king antiothus , how farre and how great is the difference , betweene the estate of phylosophers , and the state of captaines : betweene the skyll to reade in schooles , and the knowledge to rule an armey : betweene the science that wise men haue in bookes , and the experience that the others haue in warre : betweene their skill to write with the penne , and ours to fight with the sword : betweene one that for his pastime is set round with deskes of bookes , and an other in perill of life , encompassed with troups of enemyes . for , many there are which with great eloquence , in blazing deeds don in warres , can vse their tongues : but fewe are those that at the brunte haue hearts to aduenture their liues . this phylosopher neuer saw man of war in the field , neeer saw one armey of men discomfited by an other , neuer heard the terrible trumpet sound to the horrible & cruel slaughter of men , neuer saw the treasons of some , nor vnderstood the cowardnes of others , neuer saw how few they be that fight , nor how many ther are that run away . finally ( i say ) as it is seemly for a phylosopher and a learned man , to praise the profite of peace : euen so it is in his mouth a thing vncomely , to prate of the perills ' of warre . if this phylosopher hath seene no one thing with his eyes that hee hath spoken , but onely read them in sundry bookes , let him recount them to such as haue neyther seene nor read them : for , warlike feates are better learned in the bloudy fields of affricke , then in the beautifull schooles of greece . thou knowest right well ( king antiochus ) that for the space of thirty and sixe yeares , i had continuall and daungerous warres , as well in italie as in spayne : in which fortune did not fauour mee ( as is alwayes her manner to vse those , which by great stoutnesse and manhood , enterprise things high , and of much difficultie : ) a witnesse whereof thou seest mee here , who before my beard beganne to growe was serued : and now it is hoare , i my selfe beginne to serue . i sweare vnto thee by the god mars ( king antiochus ) that if any man did aske mee , how hee should vse and behaue himselfe in warre : i would not aunswer him one word . for they are things which are learned by experience of deedes , and not by prating in words . although princes beginne warres by justice , and followe them with wisedome , yet the ende standeth vppon fickle fortune , and not of force , nor pollicie . diuerse and sundrie other things hannibal sayde vnto king antiochus : who so bee desirous to see , let him reade in the apothegmes of plutarche : this example ( noble prince ) tendeth rather to this end , to condemne my boldnesse , and not to commend my enterprise , saying that the affayres of the common wealth bee as vnknowne to mee , as the dangers of the warres were to phormio . your maiestie may iustly say vnto me , that i being a poor simple man ( brought vp a great while in a rude countrey ) doe greatly presume to describe , how so puissant a prince as your highnes ought to gouerne himselfe and his realme : for of truth , the more ignorant a man is of the troubles and alterations of the world , the better he shall be counted in the sight of god. the estate of princes is to haue great traines about them , and the estate of religious men is to bee solitary : for the seruant of god ought to be alwaies void from vaine thoughts , & to be euer accompanied with holy meditations . the estate of princes is alwayes vnquiet : but the state of the religious is to bee enclosed : for otherwise he aboue all others may be called an apostata , that hath his body in the cell , and his heart in the market place . to princes it is necessary to commune and speake with all men , but for the religious it is not decent to be cōuersant with the world : for solitary men ( if they do as they ought ) should occupy their hands in trauel , their bodies in fasting , their tongue in prayer , and their heart in contemplation . the estate of princes for the most part is employed to war , but the estate of religious is to desire & procure peace : for if the prince would study to passe his bounds , and by battell to shed the bloud of his enemies : the religious ought to shed teares , and pray to god for his sinnes . o that it pleased almighty god , as i know what my bounden duty is in my heart , so that hee would giue me grace to accomplish the same in my deedes . alas , when i ponder with my selfe the weightines of my matter , my pen ( through slouth and negligence is readie to fall out of my hand ) and i halfe minded to leaue off mine enterprize . my intent is to speake against my selfe in this case . for , albeit men may know the affaires of princes by experience : yet they shall not know how to speake nor write them but by science . those which ought to counsell princes , those which ought to reforme the life of princes , and that ought to instruct them , ought to haue a cleare iudgement , an vpright minde , their words aduisedly considered , their doctrine wholesome , and their life without suspition . for , who so wil speake of high things , hauing no experience of them : is like vnto a blinde man , that would leade and teach him the way , which seeth better then hee himselfe . this is the sentence of xenophon the great , which saieth . there is nothing harder in this life , then to know a wise man. and the reason which hee gaue was this . that a wise man cannot bee knowne , but by another wise man : wee may gather by this which xenophon sayeth : that as one wise man cannot be knowne but by another wise man : so likewise it is requisite that he should be , or haue bin a prince , which should write of the life of a prince . for , hee that hath bin a marriner , and hath sailed but one yeare on the sea : shall bee able to giue better counsell and aduise , then he that hath dwelled ten yeares in the hauen . xenophon wrote a booke touching the institution of princes , & bringeth in cambyses the king , how hee taught , and spake vnto king cyrus his sonne . and he wrote an other book likewise of the arte of chiualry , and brought in king philip , how he ought to teach his sonne alexander to fight . for the philosophers thought that writing of no authoritie , that was not entituled and set foorth vnder the names of those princes , who had experience of that they wrote . oh if an aged prince would with his penne ( if not with word of mouth ) declare , what misfortunes haue happened since the first time hee beganne to raigne : how disobedient his subjects haue bin vnto him , what griefes his seruants haue wroght against him , what vnkindnesse his friendes haue shewed him : what wiles his enemies haue vsed towards him , what daunger his person hath escaped : what jarres hath bin in his pallace ; what faultes they haue layde against him , how manie times they haue deceyued straungers : finally , what griefes hee hath had by day , and what sorrowfull sighs he hath fetched in the night : truely i thinke ( and in my thought i am nothing deceiued ) that if a prince would declare vnto vs his whole life , and that hee would particularly shewe vs euery thing , wee would both wonder at that bodie which had so much suffered : and also we would be offended with that heart which had so greatly dissembled . it is a troublesome thing , a dangerous thing , and an insolent and proud enterprise , for a man to take vpon him with a penne to gouerne the common-wealth , and with a prince to reason of his life . for in deed men are not perswaded to liue well by faire words , but by vertuous deedes . and therefore not without cause i say , that hee is not wise , but very arrogant , that dare presume vnasked to giue a prince counsell . for princes in many things haue their mindes occupyed , and haughtely bent , and som of them also are affectionate , and whereas wee ( peraduenture ) thinke to haue them mercifull , wee finde them more angrie and heauie against vs. for , counsell doeth more harme then profite , if the giuer thereof be not very wise , and hee also which receyueth it very pacient . i haue not bin a prince , for to know the trauels of princes , nor am as president to counsell princes : and yet i was so bolde to compile this booke : it was not vpon presumption to counsell a prince , so much as by an humble sort to giue mine aduise . for to giue counsell , i confesse i haue no credite : but to giue them aduise , it sufficeth mee to bee a subiect . what the order is in that i haue taken in this booke : how profitable it is to all men , and how vnpleasaunt to no man : how wholsom and profound doctrine in it is contayned , and how the historyes bee heerein applyed : i will not that my pen doe write , but they themselues shall judge , which shall read this worke . we see it oft come to passe that diuers bookes doe loose their estimation : not for that they are not very good and excellent : but because the authour hath been too presumptuous and vaine-glorious . for , in mine opinion , for a man to praise his owne wrytings much , is nothing else but to giue men occasion to speake euill both of him , and of his workes . now , let no man thinke that i haue written this which is written without great aduisement and examination . i doe confesse , before the redeemer of the whole world , that i haue consumed so many yeares to seeke what i should write , that these two yeares , one day hath scarcely escaped me , wherein my pen hath not done his dutie , to write or correct in this worke . i confesse that i tooke great paines in writing it , for of truth it hath been written twice with mine owne hand , and thrice with another mans hand . i confesse i haue read and searched , in diuers and sundrie partes , manie good and straunge books , to the end i might finde good and pleasaunt doctrine : and besides that , i trauelled much to set and apply the hystories to the purpose . for , it is an vnseemely thing to applie an hystorie without a purpose , i had great respect , in that i was not so briefe in my wrytings , that a man might note mee to bee obscure : nor yet in anie thing so long , that any man should slaunder mee with too much talke . for , all the excellencie of wryting consisteth , where many and goodly sentences are declared in fewest and aptest words . for , oft times the long stile is loathsome and tedious both to the hearers and readers . nero the emperour was in loue with a ladie in rome named pompeia , the which in beautie ( to his fantasie , ) exceeded all others . in the ende partly with intreatie , partly with money and presents , he obtained of her that hee desired . for , in this case of loue , where prayers and importunities bee paciently heard , resistance doth lacke . the inordinate loue that nero bare to pompeia , proceeded of the yealow haires she had : which were of the colour of amber , and in praise of her he compiled diuers , and sundry songs in heroicall-meeter : and with an instrument sang them himselfe in her presence . nero was a sage prince , wise , and excellently well learned in the latine tongue , and also a good musitian : yet plutarch in his book of the jests of noble women ( to declare the vanitie and lightnes of nero ) reciteth this history : and describing pompeia , that her bodie was small , her fingers long , her mouth proper , her eyelids thin , her nose somwhat sharpe , her teeth small , her lips red , her necke white , her fore-head broad , and finally , her eyes great , and rowling , her brest large & well proportioned : what think you would nero haue done , if hee had so affectionately set his fantasie vpon al other her beautiful properties , since that for the loue only of her yellow locks , he was depriued both of his wisdom , & also senses . for vaine & light men loue commonly not that which reason commandeth but that which their appetite desireth . the loue of the emperour increased with folly so much , that not onely he counted seuerally al the haires that his louer pompeia had on her head , but also gaue to euery hayre a proper name , and in prayse of euery one of them made a song , insomuch that this effeminate prince spent more time in banqueting and playing with his louer pompeia , then he did to reform and amend the faults of the common wealth : yea , his folly so much surmoūted all reason , that he commaunded a combe of golde to bee made , and therewith hee himselfe combed her yellow locks . and if it chaunced that any one hayre in combing fell off , hee by and by caused it to be set in golde , offered it vp in the temple to the goddesse iuno : for it was an ancient custome among the romanes , that the thinges which they entirely loued ( whether it were good or euill ) should bee offered vp to their gods . and when it was once knowne that nero was so in loue with those haires of pompeia which were of the color of amber , all the ladies endeauoured themselues , not onely to make artificially theyr hayre of that colour , but also to weare their garments and other attires of the same colour , in somuch that both men and women did vse collers of amber , brooches , and ringes set with amber , and all their other iewels were of amber . for alwayes it hath beene seene , and euer shall be , that those things whereunto the prince is most addicted , the people follow , and aboue all other couet the same . before this emperour nero plaied this light part in rome , the amber stones was had in little estimation , & after that hee set so much by it , there was no precious stone in rome , so much esteemed : yea , and furthermore , the marchant gained nothing so much ( whether it were in golde or silke ) as he did in the amber stones , nor brought any kind of marchandize to rome more precious , or more vendible then that was . i do maruell at this vanitie , foras-much as the children of the world do loue , desire , and labour , more to follow the straunge follie of another : then to furnish and supplie their owne proper necessitie . therefore returning againe to my purpose , ( most excellent prince , ) by this example you may coniecture what i would say , that is , that if this writing were accepted vnto princes , i am assured it would be refused of no man : and if any man would slanderously talke of it , hee durst not , remēbring that your maiesty hath receyued it : for those things which princes take to their custody , wee are bound to defend , and it is not lawfull for vs to diminish their credite . suppose that this my worke were not so profound as it might be of this matter , nor with such eloquence set out as many other bookes are : yet i dare bee bolde to say , that the prince shall take more profit by reading of this worke , then nero did by his loue pompeia : for in the end by reading and studying good bookes , men turn and become sage and wise , and by keeping ill company , they are counted fooles and vitious . my meaning is not , nor i am not so importunate and vnreasonable , to perswade princes that they should so fauour my doctrine , that it should be in like estimation now in these parts , ●a the amber was there in rome . but that onely which i require and demaund is , that the time which nero spent in singing and telling the hayres of his loue pompeia : should now bee employed to redresse the wrongs & faults of the common wealth . for the noble and worthy prince ought to employ the least part of the day in the recreation of his person : after hee hath giuen audience to his counsellours , to the ambassadours , to the great lords and prelates , to the rich and poore , to his own countrey men & strangers , and after that he be com into his priuy chamber , then my desire is , that hee would reade this treatise , or som other better then this : for in princes chambers oftentimes those of the priuie chamber , and other their familiars lose great time in reciting vaine and trifling matters , and of small profit , the which might better bee spent in reading some good good booke . in all worldly affayres that wee do , and in all our bookes which we compile , it is a great matter to bee fortunate : for to a man that fortune doth not fauour , diligence without doubt can little auaile . admit that fortune were against mee , in that this my worke should bee acceptable vnto your maiesty , without comparison it should be a great griefe and dishonour vnto mee to tel you what should be good to reade for your pastime , if on the other part you would not profite by my counsell and aduise : for my mind was not onely to make this booke , to the end princes should reade it for a pastime , but to that end ( in recreating themselues ) sometimes they might thereby also take profit . aulus gelius in the . chapter of his third booke entituled de nocte attica , sayde that amongst all the schollers which the diuine plato had , one was named demostenes , a man among the greekes most highly esteemed , & of the romanes greatly desired . because hee was in his liuing seuere , and in his tongue and doctrine a very satyre . if demosthenes had come in the time of phalaris the tyrant , when grecia was peopled with tirants , and that hee had not beene in platoes time , when it was replenished with philosophers , truely demosthenes had been as cleare a lanterne in asia , as cicero the great was in europe . great good hap hath a notable man to bee born in one age , more then in another . i meane , that if a valiant knight come in the time of a couragious and stout prince such a one truly shall bee esteemed and set in great authority . but if hee come in the time of an other effeminate and couetous prince , bee shall not bee regarded at all : for hee will rather esteeme one that wel augment his treasure at home , then him that can vanquish his enemies abroad . so likewise it chanceth to wise and vertuous men , which if they come in the time of vertuous and learned princes , are esteemed and honoured : but if they come in time of vaine and vicious princes , they make small account of them . for it is an auncient custom among vanities children , not to honour him which to the common wealth is most profitable : but him which to the prince is most acceptable . the end why this is spoken ( most puissant prince ) is because the two renowmed philosophers were in greece both at one time : and because the diuine philosopher plato was so much esteemed and made of , they did not greatly esteeme the philosopher demosthenes : for the eminent & high renowne of one alone , diminisheth the fame and estimation ( among the people ) of many . although demosthenes was such a one indeed as wee haue sayde , that is to witte , eloquent of tongue , ready of memory , sharpe and quicke of witte , in liuing seuere , sure and profitable in giuing of counsell , in renowne excellent , in yeares very auncient , and in philosophy a man right well learned : yet hee refused not to goe to the schooles of plato to heare morall philosophie . he that shall reade this thing or heare it , ought not to maruel , but to follow it , and to profit likewise in the same , that is to vnderstand , that one philosopher learned of another , and one wise man suffred himself to be taught of another : for knowledge is of such a quality , that the more a man knoweth , dayly there encreaseth in him a desire to know more . all things of this life ( after they haue beene tasted and possessed ) cloyeth a man , wearieth and troubleth him , true science onely excepted , which neuer doth cloy , weary , nor trouble them . and if it happen wee weary any , it is but the eyes , which are wearied with looking and reading : and not the spirite with seeling and tasting . many lords , and my familiar friends doe aske mee how it is possible i should liue with so much study ? and i also demaund of them , how it is possible they should liue in such continuall idlenes ? for considering the prouocation and assaults of the flesh , the daungers of the world , the temptations of the deuil , the treasons of enemies , & importunity of friends : what hart can suffer so great and continuall trauell , but onely in reading and comforting himselfe in bookes ? truely a man ought to haue more compassion of a simple ignorant man then of a poore man : for thereis no greater pouerty vnto a man then for to lacke wisedom , whereby he should know how to gouerne himselfe . therefore following our matter , the case was such , one day demosthenes ( going to the schoole of plato ) saw in the market place of athens a great assembly of people , which were hearing a philosopher newly come vnto that place : and hee spake not this without a cause , that there was a great company of people assembled . for that naturally the common people are desirous to heare new and strange things . demosthenes asked what philosopher hee was , after whom so many people went ? and when it was aunswered him that it was calistratus the philosopher , a man which in eloquēce was very sweete and pleasant : hee determined to stay and heare him , to the end hee would know , whether it were true or vaine that the people tolde him : for oftentimes it hapneth that among the people some get thēselues great fame , more by fauor , then by good learning . the difference betwixt the diuine philosopher plato and calistratus was , in that plato was exceedingly wel learned , and the other very eloquent : and thus it came to passe , that in liuing they followed plato , and in eloquence of speech they did imitate calistratus . for , there are diuers men sufficiently well learned , which haue profound doctrine , but they haue no way nor meanes to teach it vnto others . demosthenes hearing calistratus but once , was so farre in loue with his doctrine , that he neuer after heard plato : nor entered into his schoole , for to harken to any of his lectures . at which newes diuers of the sages and wise men of grecia maruelled much , seeing that the tongue of a man was of such power , that it had put all their doctrine vnto silence . although i apply not this example , i doubt not but that your maiesty vnderstandeth to what ende i haue declared it . and moreouer i say , that although princes and great lordes haue in their chambers bookes so well corrected , and men in their courts so well learned , that they may worthily keepe the estimation which plato had in his schoole : yet in this case it should not displease me that the difference that was between plato and calistratus , should bee betweene princes and this booke . god forbid , that by this saying men should thinke , i meane to disswade princes from the company of the sage men , or from reading of any other booke but this ; for in so doing , plato should bee reiected which was diuine , and calistratus embraced which was more worldly . but my desire is , that sometimes they would vse to reade this booke a little , for it may chaunce they shall finde some wholesome counsell therein , which at one time or other may profite them in their affayres : for the good and vertuous prince ought to graffe in their memory the wise sayings which they reade , and forget the cankred iniuries and wrongs which are done them . i do not speake it without a cause , that hee that readeth this my writing , shall finde in it some profitable counsell : for all that which hath bin written in it , hath beene euery word and sentence with great diligence so well wayed and corrected , as if therein onely consisted the effect of the whole worke . the greatest griefe that learned men seele in their writing is , to thinke that if there bee many that view their doings to take profite thereby , they shall perceyue that there are as many more which occupie their tongues in the slaunder and disprayse thereof . in publishing this my worke , i haue obserued the manner of them that plant a new garden , wherein they set roses which giue a pleasant sauour to the nose , they make faire greene plattes to delight the eyes , they graft fruitfull trees to bee gathered with the hands ; but in the end as i am a man : so haue i written it for men , and consequently as a man i may haue erred : for there is not at this day so perfect a painter , but another will presume to amend his worke . those which diligently will endeauour themselues to reade this booke , shall finde in it very profitable counsels , very liuely lawes , good reasons , notable sayings , sentences very profound , worthy examples , and histories very ancient : for to say the truth , i had a respect in that the doctrine was auncient , and the stile new . and albeit your maiesty bee the greatest prince of all princes , and i the least of all your subiects , you ought not for my base condition to disdaine to cast your eyes vpon this booke , nor to thinke scorne to put that thing in proofe which seemeth good . for a good letter ought to be nothing the lesse esteemed , although it be written with an euill pen. i haue sayde , and will say , that princes and great lords , the stouter , the richer , and the greater of renowme they bee , the greater need they haue of all men of good knowledge about them , to counsell them in their affayres , and of good bookes which they may reade : and this they ought to doe as well in prosperity , as in aduersity , to the end that their affayres in time conuenient , may be debated and redressed : for otherwise they should haue time to repent , but no leasure to amend . plinie , marcus varro , strabo , and macrobius , which were historiographers , no lesse graue then true , were at great controuersie , improouing what things were most authenticke in a common weale , and at what time they were of all men accepted . seneca in an epistle hee wrote to lucullus , praysed without ceasing the common wealth of the rhodians , in the which ( with much ado ) they bent themselues altogether to keepe one selfe thing , and after they had therupon agreede , they kept and maintained it inuiolably . the diuine plato in the sixt booke entituled de legibus ordained and commanded , that if any cittizen did inuent any new thing , which neuer before was read , nor heard of , the inuentour thereof should first practise the same for the space of ten yeares in his own house , before it was brought into the common-wealth , and before it should bee published vnto the people , to the end , if the inuention were good , it should be profitable vnto him : and if it were nought , that then the daunger and hurt thereof should light onely on him . plutarch in his apothegmes sayeth , that lycurgus vpon grieuous penalties did prohibite , that none should bee so hardy in his common wealth to goe wandring into strange countries , nor that hee should be so hardy to admit any strangers to come into his house : and the cause why this law was made , was to the end strangers should not bring into their houses things strange , and not accustomed in their common wealth , and that they trauelling through strange countries , should not learne new customes . the presumption of men now adayes is so great , and the consideration of the people so small , that what soeuer a man can speake , he speaketh , what so euer he can inuent he doth inuent , what hee would hee doth write , and it is no maruell , for there is no man that wil speak against them . nor the common people in this case are so light , that amongst them you may dayly see new deuises , and whether it hurt or profit the common wealth they force not . if there came at this day a vaine man amongst the people , which was neuer seene nor heard of before , if hee bee any thing subtill : i aske you but this question : shall it not bee easie for him to speake , and inuent what hee listeth , to set forth what he pleaseth , to perswade that which to him seemeth good , and all his sayings to be beleeued ? truly it is a wonderfull thing , and no lesse slaunderous , that one should be sufficient to peruert the senses and iudgements of all , and all not able to represse the lightnesse and vanity of one . things that are new , and not accustomed , neyther princes ought to allow , nor yet the people to vse : for a newe thing ought no lesse to bee examined and considered , before it be brought into the cōmon wealth , then the great doubts which arise in mens mindes . ruffinus in the prologue of his secōd booke of his apologie reprooueth greatly the egyptians because they were too full of deuises , and blamed much the grecians , because they were too curious in speaking fine wordes : and aboue all other hee greatly prayseth the romanes ; for that they were very hard of beleefe , and that they scarcely alwayes credited the sayings of the greekes , and because they were discreete in admitting the inuentions of the egyptians . the author hath reason to prayse the one , and disprayse the other . for it proceedeth of a light iudgement , to credit all the thinges that a man heareth , and to doe all that he seeth . returning therefore now to our matter . marcus varro sayde , that there were fiue things in the worlde very hard to bring in , whereof none ( after they were commonly accepted ) were euer lost or forgotten , for euen as things vainely begunne , are easily left of : so thinges with great feare accepted , are with much care and diligence to bee kept and obserued . the first thing that chiefly throghout all the world was accepted , was all men for to liue together : that is for to say , that they should make places , towns , villages , citties and common wealthes . for according to the saying of plato , the first & best inuentors of the common-wealth were the antes , which ( according to to the experience wee see ) do liue together , trauell together , do go together , & also for the winter they make prouision together : and furthermore none of these antes doe giue themselues to any priuate thing , but all theirs is brought into their common wealth . it is a maruellous thing to behold the common wealth of the ants , how nearely they trim their hils , to behold how they sweepe away the graine , when it is wette , and how they drye it when they feele any moysture , to behold how they come from their work and how the one doth not hurt the other : and to behold also how they do reioyce the one in the others trauell , and that which is to our greatest confusion is , that if it comes so to passe , . ants wil liue in a litle hillocke together , and two men onely cannot liue in peace and concord in a common wealth . would to god the wisedome of men were so great to keep themselus as the prudence of the ants is to liue : when the world came to a certaine age , and mens wits waxed more fine , then tirants sprang vp which oppressed the poore , theeues that robbed the rich , rebels that robbed the quiet , murderers that slew the patient , the idle that eate the swet of other mens browes : all the which things considered by them which were vertuous : they agreed to assemble and liue together , that thereby they might preserue the good , and withstand the wicked . macrobius affirmeth this in the second booke of scipions dreame , saying , that couetousnes ond auarice was the greatest cause why men inuented the commonwealth . plinie in the seuenth booke . chapter sayth , the first that made small assemblies were the athenians ; and the first that built great cities , were the egyptians . the second thing that was accepted throughout al the world , were the letters which wee read , whereby wee take profite in writing . according whereunto marcus varro sayth , the egyptians prayse themselues and say , that they did inuent them , and the assyrians affirme the contrary , and sweare , that they were shewed first of all amongst them . plinie in the . booke sayth , that in the first age , there was in the alphabet no more then . letters , & that great palamedes at the siege of troy , ladded other . and aristotle saith , that immediatly after the beginning , there were found . letters . and that afterwards palamedes did add but . and so there were . and that the philosopher epicarmus did adde other . which were . it is no great matter , whether the egyptians or the assyrians first foūd the letters . but i say and affirme , that it was a thing necessary for a common wealth , and also for the encrease of mans knowledge : for if wee had wanted letters and writings , wee could haue had no knowledge of the time past , nor yet our posterity could haue bin aduertised what was done in our daies . plutarch in the second booke entituled de viris illustribus , and pliny in the seuenth booke , and . chapter , doe greatly praise pirotas , because hee first found the fire in a flint stone . they greatly commended protheus , because he inuented barneyes , and they highly extolled panthasuea , because she inuented the hatchet . they praysed citheus , because hee inuented the bowe , and the arrowes , they greatly praysed phenisius , because hee inuented the crossebow , and the sling . they highly praised the lacedemonians , because they inuented the helmet , the speare , and the sworde , and moreouer , they commende those of thessalie , because they inuented the combat on hors-back : and they commend those of affrike , because they inuented the fight by sea. but i doe praise , and continually will magnifie , not those which found the art of fighting : and inuented weapons to procure warres , for to kill his neighbour : but those which found letters , for to learne science , and to make peace betweene two princes . what difference there is to wet the penne with inke and to paint the speare with bloud : to be enuironed with bookes , or to be laden with weapons . to studie how euery man ought to liue , or else to goe priuily and robbe in the warres , and to kill his neighbour . there is none of so vaine a iudgement , but will praise more the speculation of the sciences , then the practise of the warres . because that in the ende , he that learneth sciences , learneth nought else but how he and others ought to liue . and he that learneth warlike feats , learneth none other thing , then how to slay his neighbour , and to destroy others . the third thing , that equally of all was accepted , were lawes . for admit that all men now liued together in common , if they would not be subiect one to another , there would contention arise amongst them , for that according to the saying of plato , that there is no greater token of the destruction of a common-weale , then when many rulers are chosen therein . plinie in his seuenth booke , . chap : sayth , that a queene called ceres , was the first that taught them to sowe in the fields , to grinde in milles , to paste and bake in ouens , and also shee was the first that taught the people to liue according to the law. and by the meanes of these things our fore-fathers called her a goddesse . since the time we neuer haue seene heard , nor read of any realme , or other nation ( as well strange as barbarous ) whatsoeuer they were , but haue had lawes , whereby the good were fauoured : and also institutions of grieuous paines , wherewith the wicked were punished . although truely i had rather , and it were better , that the good should loue reason : then feare the law . i speake of those which leaue to doe euill workes , for feare onely of falling into the punishments appoynted for euill doers . for , although men approue that which they do for the present , yet god condemaeth that which they desire . seneca in an epistle hee wrote vnto his friende lucille , saide these wordes , thou writest , vnto mee lucille , that those of scicile , haue carryed a great quantitie of corne into spaine , and into affrike , the which was forbidden by a romaine law , and therefore they haue deserued most grieuous punishment . now because thou art vertuous , thou mayest teache mee to doe well : and i that am olde , will teach thee to say well : and this is , because that amongst wise and vertuous men it is enough to say , that the law commaundeth , appoynteth , and suffereth this thing , but in as much as it is agreeing with reason . for , the crowne of the good , is reason , and the scourge of the wicked , is the law . the fourth thing that commonly through the worlde amongst all men was accepted , was the barbers . and let no man take this thing in mockery . for , if they doe reade plinie , in the . chapter , and the seuenth booke , there they shall finde for a trueth , that in those former times , the romaines were in rome . yeares , without eyther powling or shauing the h●ires off the bearde of anie man. marcus varro said , that publius 〈◊〉 was the first that brought the barbers from scicilie to rome : but admit it were so or otherwise : yet notwithstanding , there was a great contention among the romaines . for , they sayd , they thought it a rash thing for a man to commit his life vnto the curtesie of another . dyonisius the syracusian neuer trusted his beard with any barbor , but when his daughters were very little , they clipped his beard with sisers : but after they became great , hee would not put his trust in them , to trimme his beard , but hee himselfe did burne it with the shales of nuttes . this dyonisius syracusan , was demaunded why hee would not trust any barbours with his beard ? he aunswered , because i know that there bee some which will giue more to the barbor to take away my life , then i will giue to trimme my beard . plinie in the seuenth booke sayeth , that the great scipio called affrican , and the emperour augustus , were the first that caused them in rome to shaue their beards . and i thinke the end why plinie spake these things , was to exalt these two princes , which had as great courage to suffer the rasours to touch their throats : as the one for to fight against hanniball in affricke , and the other , against sextus pompeius in scicilie . the fifte thing which commonly throgh the world was accepted , were the dyalls and clockes which the romains wanted a long time . for as plinie and marcus varro say , the romaines were without clockes in rome , for the space of . yeares . the curious hystoriographers declare three manner of dyalls that were in old time : that is to say , dyalls of the houres , dyalls of the sunne , and dyalls of the water . the dyall of the sunne aneximenides millesius inuented : who was great animandraes scholler . the dyall of the water scipio nasica inuented , & the dyall of houres , one of the schollers of thales the phylosopher inuented . now of all these antiquities , which were brought into rome , none of them were so acceptable to the romaines , as the dyalls were , whereby they measured the day by the houre . for , before they could not say , we will rise at seuen of the clocke , wee will dine at ten , we will see one the other at twelue : at one wee will doe that wee ought to doe . but before they sayde , after the sunne is vp wee wil doe such a thing , and before it goe downe , wee will do that wee ought to doe . the occasion of declaring vnto you these fiue antiquities in this preamble , was to no other entent , but to call my booke the diall of princes . the name of the booke beeing new ( as it is ) may make the learning that is therin greatly to be esteemed . god forbid that i should bee so bolde to say , they haue been so long time in spaine without dayes of learning , as they were in rome without the diall of the sunne , the water , and of the houres : for that in spaine haue beene alwaies men well learned in sciences , and very expert in the warres . by great reason , and of greater occasion , the princes ought to bee commended , the knights , the people , their wits , and the fertility of their countrey : but yet to all these goodnesse , i haue seen many vnlearned bookes in spaine , which as broken dials deserue to bee cast into the fire to bee forged anew . i doe not speake it without a cause , that many bookes deserue to bee broken and burnt : for there are so many that without shame and honesty doe set forth bookes of loue of the world , at this day as boldlie , as if they taught them to despise and speake euill of the world . it is pitty to see how many dayes and nights be consumed in reading vaine bookes ( that is to say ) orson and valentine , the court of venus , and the foure sonnes of amon , and diuers other vaine bookes , by whose doctrine i dare boldly say , they passe not the time but in perdition : for they learne not how they ought to flye vice , but rather what way they may with more pleasure embrace it . this diall of princes is not of sand , nor of the sunne , nor of the houres , nor of the water , but it is the diall of life . for the other dials serue to know what houre it is in the night , and what houre it is of the day : but this sheweth and teacheth vs , how wee ought to occupie our minds , and how to order our life . the property of other dials is , to order things publike , but the nature of this dyal of princes is , to teach vs how to occupie our selues euerie houre , and how to amend our life euery moment . it little auaileth to keepe the dyalls well , and to see thy subiects dissolutely without any order , to range in routes , and dayly rayse debate and contention among themselues . the end of the generall prologue . the avthovrs prologve speaketh particvlarlie of the booke , called marcvs avrelivs which he translated , and dedicated to the emperour charles the fift . the greatest vanity that i finde in the world is , that vaine men are not onely content to be vaine in their life , but also procure to leaue a memory of their vanity after their death . for it is so thought good vnto vaine and light men which serue the world in vain works : that at the houre of death when they perceyue they can do no more , and that they can no longer preuaile , they offer themselues vnto death , which now they see approch vpon them . many of the world are so fleshed in the world , that although it forsaketh them in deedes , yet they will not forsake it in their desires . and i durst sweare , that if the world could grant them perpetuall life , they would promise it alwayes to remaine in their customable folly . o what a number of vaine men are aliue , which haue neyther remembrance of god to serue him , nor of his glorie to obey him , nor of their conscience to make it cleane : but like bruit beasts fellow and runne after their voluptuous pleasures . the bruit beast is angry if a man keepe him too much in awe : if he bee weary hee taketh his rest , hee sleepeth when hee lifteth , he eateth and drinketh when hee commeth vnto it , and vnlesse hee be compelled hee doth nothing : hee taketh no care for the common-wealth , for he neither knoweth how to follow reason , nor yet how to resist sensuality . therefore if a man at all times should eate when hee desireth , reuenge himselfe when he is moued , commit adulterie when hee is tempted , drinke when he is thirsty , & sleep when he is drousie , wee might more properly call such a one a beast nourished in the mountaines , then a man brought vp in the common-wealth : for him properly wee may call a mā that gouerneth himselfe like a man ; that is to say , conformable vnto such things as reason willeth , & not where sensuality leadeth . let vs leaue these vaine men which are aliue , and talke of them that bee dead , against whom wee dare say , that whiles they were in the world , they followed the world , and liued according to the same . it is not to be maruelled at , that since they were liuing in the world , they were noted of some world point . but seeing their vnhappy and wicked life is ended : why will they then smell of the vanities of the world in their graues ? it is a great shame and dishonour for men of noble and stout hearts , to see in one moment the end of our life , and neuer to see the end of our solly . wee neyther reade , heare nor see any thing more common , then such men as bee most vnprofitable in the common wealth , and of life most reprobate , to take vpon them most honour whiles they liue , and to leaue behind them the greatest memory at their death . what vanity can bee greater in the world , then to esteeme the world , which esteemeth no man , & to make no account of god who so greatly regardeth all men ? what greater folly can there bee in man , then by much trauell to encrease his goods , & with vaine pleasures to loose his soule ? it is an olde plague in mans nature , that many ( or the most part of men ) leaue the amendement of their life farre behind : to set their honour the more before . suetonius tranquillus in the first booke of the emperours sayth , that iulius caesar ( no further then in spaine in the city of cales , now called calis ) saw in the temple the triumphes of alexāder the great painted , the which when hee had well viewed , he sighed maruellous sore , and being asked why hee did so , hee answered : what a wofull case am i in , that am now of the age of thirty yeares , and alexander at the same yeeres had subdued the whole world , and rested him in babylon . and i ( being as i am ) a romane , neuer did yet thing worthy of prayse in my life , nor shall leaue any renowne of mee after my death . dion the grecian in the second booke de audacia sayeth , that the noble drusius , the almaine , vsed to visite the graues and tombes of the famous and renowmed which were buryed in italie , and did this alwayes , especially at his going to warfare : and it was asked why hee did so ? hee answered . i visit the sepulchers of scipio , and of diuers others which are dead , before whom all the earth trembled , when they were aliue : for , in beholding their prosperous successe , i did recouer both strength and stoutnesse . he saith furthermore , that it encourageth a man to fight against his enemyes , remembring hee shall leaue of him a memory in time to come . cicero saith in his rhethorike , and also plynie maketh mention of the same in an epistle : that there came from thebes ( in egipt ) a knight to rome , for no other purpose , but only to see whether it were true or no , that was reported of the notable things of rome . whom moecenas demanded , what he perceyued of the romaines , and what he thought of rome ? he answered : the memory of the absent doth more content me , then the glory of the present doth satisfie me . and the reason of this is . the desire which men haue to extoll the liuing , & to be equall vnto the dead : maketh things so straunge in their life , that they deserue immortal fame after their death . the romaines reioyced not a little , to heare such wordes of a straungers mouth , wherby he praised them which were departed , and exalted them which yet liued . oh what a thing it is to consider the auncient heathens , which neyther feared hell , nor hoped for heauen : and yet by remembrance of weaknes , they tooke vnto them strength , by cowardnes they were boldened : throgh feare , they became hardy : of dangers they tooke encouragement : of enemyes , they made friends : of pouertie , they tooke patience : of malice , they learned experience . finally ( i say , ) they denyed their owne willes , and followed the'opinions of others , only to leaue behind them a memorie with the dead : and to haue a little honour with the dead . oh how many are they that trust the vnconstantnesse of fortune , onely to leaue some notable memorie behinde them . let vs call to minde some worthie examples , whereby they may see that to be true , which i haue spokē . what made king ninus to inuent such warres ? queene semiramis , to make such buildings ? vlisses the grecian to sulke so many seas ? king alexander , to conquere so many lands ? hercules the thebane , to set vp his pillars where hee did ? caius casar the romaine , to giue . battells at his pleasure ? cyrus king of persia , to ouercome both the asiaes ? hanniball the carthaginian , to make so cruell warres against the romaines ? pyrrhus king of the epirotes , to come down into italie ? attila , king of the hunnes , to defie all europe ? truely they would not haue taken vpon them such daungerous enterprises , onely vpon the wordes of them which were in those dayes present ? but because we should so esteem them that should come after . seeing then that wee bee men , and the children of men , it is not a little to bee maruelled at , to see the diuersitie betweene the one and the other : and what cowardnes there is in the hearts of some , and contrarywise what courage in the stomackes of others . for , we see commonly now-adayes , that if there bee tenne of stoute courages , which are desirous with honour to dye , there are ten thousands cowards , which through shamefull pleasures seeke to prolong their life . the man that is ambitious , thinking him most happie , who with much estimation can keepe his renowm , and with little care regard his life . and on the other side , hee that will set by his life , shall haue but in small estimation his renowme . the syrians , assyrians , the thebanes , the chaldees , the greekes , the macedonians , the rhodians , the romaines , the hunnes , the germains , and the frenchmen , if such noble-men ( as amongst these were most famous ) had not aduentured their liues , by such daungerous enterprizes , they had neuer got such immortall fame as they had done to leaue to their posteritie . sextus cheronensis in his third book , of the valiant deedes of the romaines saith , that the famous captaine marcus marcellus ( which was the first of all men that saw the backe of hannibal in the field ) was demaunded of one how he durst enter into battell with such a renowmed captaine as hanniball was ? to whom he answered : friend , i am a romaine borne , and a captaine of rome , and i must daily put my life in hazard for my countreys sake : for , so i shall make perpetuall my renowme . hee was demaunded againe , why hee stroke his enemys with such fiercenes , and why hee did so pittifully lament those which were ouercome , after the victory gotten in battell ? hee aunswered , the captaine which is a romane , and is not iudged to bee a tyrant , ought with his owne hand to shed the bloud of his enemies , and also to shed the teares of his eyes . a captaine romane ought more to aduance him of his clemency , then of his bloudy victory . and marcus aurelius sayeth further , when a romane captaine shall bee in the field , hee hath an eye to his enemies , with hope to vanquish thē : but after they bee vanquished : hee ought to remember they are men , & that he might haue been ouercome : for fortune sheweth her selfe in nothing so common , as in the successes of warre . certainely , these were words well beseeming such a man , and surely wee may boldly say , that all those which shall heare , or reade such things , will commend the wordes which that romane spake : but few are they that indeed would haue done the feates that hee did . for , there be many that are readie to praise in their wordes that which is good : but there are fewe that in their workes desire to followe the same . such hearts are vnquiet , and much altered by sight and enuie , that they bare towardes their auncients which throgh manfulnes attained vnto great triumphs and glorie , let them remember , what daungers and trauells they passed through , before they came thereto . for , there was neuer captaine that euer triumphed in rome , vnlesse hee had first aduentured his life a thousand times in the field , i thinke i am not deceiued , in this that i will say . that is to say , all are desirous to taste of the marrow of fame-present : but none will breake the bone , for feare of perill ensuing . if honour could bee bought with desire onely , i dare boldly say , it would bee more esteemed in these dayes of the poore page , then it was in times past , of the valiaunt romaine scipio . for , there is not at this day so poore a man , but would desire honour aboue all things . what a dolefull case is this to see , many gentlemen , and young knights , become euil disposed vagabonds , and loyterers : the which hearing tel of any famous battell fought : & that many of their estate & profession haue don valiaunt seates in the same ; immediately therewith be styrred , and set on fire through enuyes heate : so that in the same furie , they chaunge their robes into armour : and with all speede prepare themselues to warre , to exercise the feates of armes . and finally , ( like young men without experience ) make importunate suite , and obtain licence and money of their friends to go vnto the warres . but after that they are once out of their countreys , and see themselues in a straunge place , their dayes euill and their nights worse : at one time they are commaunded to skyrmishe , and at an other time , to watch : when they haue victualls , they want lodging : and when the pay day commeth , that pay and the next also is eaten and spent . with these and other like troubles and discommodities , the poore young men are so astonyed : especially when they call to minde the goodly wide hawles , so well hanged and trimmed , wherein they greatly delighted , to passe the time in summer-season . when they remember their great chimneys at home , wherby they comforted their old limmes and how they vsed to sit quietly vppon the sunnie bankes in winter . for the remembrance of pleasures past , greatly augmenteth the paines present . notwithstanding their parents and friends , had admonished them therof before . and now being beaten with their owne follie , and feeling these discommodities which they thought not of before : they determine to forsake the warres , and eache one to returne home vnto his owne againe . but where as they asked licence but once to goe forth , now they were enforced to aske it ten times before they could come home . and the worst is , they went forth loden with money , & returne home loden with vices . but the end why these things are spoken , is , that sage and vertuous men should marke , by what trade the euill disposed , seeke to gaine , which is not gotten by gasing on the windowes , but by keeping the frontiers against their enemies : not with playing at tables in the tauernes , but with fighting in the fieldes , not trimmed with cloath of gold or silkes , but loden with armour and weapons : not praunsing their palfreyes , but discouering the ambushment : not sleeping vntill noon , but watching all night : not by aduancing him of his apparrell and handsomnesse , but for his stout couragiousnes : not banqueting his friends but assaulting his enemies : though a knight do these things , yet he ought to consider , that it is vanitie and foolishnesse . but seeing the world hath placed honour in such a vaine thing , and that they can attaine to it by none other was , the young aduenturous gentlemen ought to employ therunto their strength with stout courage , to atchieue to some great acts , worthy of renowne : for in the end when the warre is iustly begunne , and that in defence of their countrey , they ought to reioyce more of him that dyeth in the hands of his enemies , then of him which liueth accompanied with vices . it is a great shame and dishonour to men of armes , and young gentelmen being at home , to heare the prayse of them which bee in the wars , for the young gentlemen ought not to thinke it honour for him to heare or declare the newes of others : but that others should declare the vertuous deedes of him . oh how many are they in the world this day puffed vp with pride : and not very wise which still prate of great renowne , and yet passe their life with small honesty : for our predecessors fought in the field with their lances , but young men now a dayes fight at the table with their tongues . admit that all vaine men desire and procure to leaue a memory of their vanitie : yet they ought to enterprise such things in their life , wherby they might winne a famous renowne ( and not a perpetuall shame ) after their death : for there are many departed which haue left such memory of their works as moueth vs rather to pitty their follie , then to enuie their vertue . i aske of those that reade , or heare this thing ; if they will be in loue with nembroth the first tyrant ? with semiramis , which sinned with her owne sonne : with antenor , that betrayed troy his countrey : with medea , that slew her children : with tarquine that enforced lucretia : with brutus that slew caesar : with sylla , that shed so much bloud : with catilina , that played the tyrant in his countrey : with iugurtha , that strangled his brethren : with caligula , that committed incest with his sisters : with nero that killed his mother : with heliogabalus , that robbed the temples : with domitian , that in nothing delighted so much , as by straunge handes to put men to death , and to driue away flyes with his owne hands ? small is the number of those that i haue spoken , in respect of those which i could recite : of whom i dare say and affirme , that if i had beene as they , i cannot tell what i would haue done , or what i should haue desired : but this i know , it would haue beene more paines to mee , to haue wonne that infamie which they haue wonne , then to haue loste the life which they haue lost . it profiteth him little , to haue his ponds full of fish , and his parkes full of deere , which knoweth neyther how to hunt , nor how to fish . i meane to shewe by this , that it profiteth a man little to be in great auctoritie , if hee be not esteemed , nor honoured in the same . for to attaine to honour , wisedome is requisite : and to keepe it , patience is necessarie . with great considerations wise men ought to enterprise daungerous things . for i assure them they shall neuer winne honour , but where they vse to recouer slander . returning therefore to our matter ( puissant prince , ) i sweare and durst vndertake , that you rather desire perpetuall renowme through death , then any idle rest in this life . and hereof i doe not maruell , for there are some that shall alwayes declare the prowesses of good princes , and others which will not spare to open the vices of euill tyrants . for althogh your imperial estate is much , and your catholike person deserueth more ; yet i beleeue with my heart , and see with these eyes , that your thoughts are so highly bent vnto aduenturous deedes , and your heart so couragious to set vpon them , that your maiesty little esteemeth the inheritance of your predecessors , in respect of that you hope to gaine to leaue to your successors . a captaine asked iulius caesar ( as he declareth in his commentaries ) why he trauelled in the winter in so hard frost , and in the summer in such extreame heate . hee aunswered , i will doe what lyeth in mee to doe , and afterward let the fatall destinies doe what they can : for the valiant knight that giueth in battel the onset , ought more to bee esteemed then fickle fortune whereby the victory is obtained , since fortune giueth the one , and aduentur guideth the other . these words are spoken like a stout and valiant captaine of rome : of how many princes doe we reade , whom truely i much lament to see , what flatteries they haue heard with their eares being aliue : and to reade what slaunders they haue sustained after their death . princes and greate lordes should haue more regard to that which is spoken in their absence , then to that which is done in their presence : not to that which they heare , but to that which they would not heare : not to that which they tell them , but to that which they would not bee told of : not to that which is written vnto them beeing aliue , but to that which is written of them after their death : not to those that tell them lyes : but to those which ( if they durst ) would tell them truth : for men many times refrayne not their tongues , for that subiects bee not credited : but because the prince in his authority is suspected . the noble and vertuous prince should not flitte from the truth wherof hee is certified , neyther with flatteries and lyes should he suffer himselfe to bee deceyued : but to examine himselfe , and see whether they serue him with truth , or deceyue him with lyes . for there is no better witnes and iudge of truth , and lyes , then is a mans owne conscience . i haue spoken all this , to the entent your maiesty might know , that i will not serue you with that you should not bee serued . that is , for to shew my selfe in my writing a flatterer : for it were neyther meete nor honest , that flatteries into the eares of such a noble prince should enter : neyther that out of my mouth ( which teach the truth ) such vaine tales should issue . i say , i had rather bee dispraysed for true speaking , then to bee honoured for flattery and lying . for of truth , in your highnesse it should bee much lightnesse for to heare them , and in my basenesse great wickednesse to inuent them . now againe , following our purpose i say , the histories greatly doe commend lycurgus , that gaue lawes to the lacedemonians . numa pompilius , that honoured and addorned the churches . marcus marcellus , that had pitty and compassion on those which were ouercome . iulius caesar , that forgaue his enemies . octautus that was so welbeloued of the people . alexander that gaue rewardes and gifts to all men . hector the troian , became hee was so valiant in wars . hercules the thebane , because hee employed his strength so well . vlisses the grecian , because hee aduentured himselfe in so many dangers . pyrrhus king of epirotes , because hee inuented so many engines . catullns regulus because he suffred so many torments . titus the emperour , because he was father to the orphanes . traianus , because he edified sumptuous & goodly buildings . the good marcus aurelius , because he knew more then al they . i doe not say , that it is requisit for one prince in these dayes , to haue in him all those qualities , but i dare be bolde for to affirme this , that euen as it is vnpossible for one prince to follow all : so likewise it is a great slaunder for him to follow none . wee doe not require princes to doe all that they can , but for to apply themselues to do som thing that they ought . and i speake not without a cause that which i haue sayde before . for if princes did occupie themselues as they ought to doe , they should haue no time to be vicious . plinie sayeth in an epistle , that the great cato , called censor , did weare a ring vpon his finger , wherein was written these words ; esto amicus vnius , & inimicus nullius : which is , be friend to one , and enemy to none . he that would deepely consider these few words , shall finde therein many graue sentences . and to apply this to my purpose , i say the prince that would well gouerne his common weale , shew to all equall iustice , desire to possesse a quiet life , to get among all a good fame : and that coueteth to leaue of himselfe a perpetuall memorie , ought to embrace the vertues of one , and to reiect the vices of all : i allow it very wel that princes should bee equall , yea and surmount and surpasse many : but yet i doe aduise thē not to employ their force , but to follow one : for often times it chanceth that many which suppose themselues in their life to excell all when they are dead , are scarcelie found equall vnto any . though man hath done much , and blazed what he can : yet in the end he is but one , one mind , one power , one birth , one life , and one death . then sithence hee is but one , let no man presume to know more then one . of all these good princes which i haue named in the rowle of iustice , the last was marcus aurelius , to the intent that he should weaue his webbe : for suppose we reade of many princes that haue compiled notable things , the which are to bee reade and knowne : but all that marcus aurelius sayde , or did is worthy for to be knowne , and necessary to bee followed . i doe not meane this prince in his heathen law , but in his vertuous deedes . let vs not stay at his beleefe : but let vs embrace the good that hee did : for compare many christians with some of the heathen , and looke how farre we leaue them behind in faith : so farre they excell vs in good and vertuous works . all the olde princes in times past , had some philosophers to their familiars , as alexander aristotle , king darius , herodorus : augustus pisto , pompeius , plauto , titus , plinie , adrian , secundus , traion , plutarchus , anthonius , apolonius , theodotius , claudinus , seuerus , fabatus . finally i say , that phylosophers then had such aucthoritie in princes pallaces : that children acknowledged them for fathers , and fathers reuerenced them as masters . these wise and sage men were aliue in the company of princes : but the good and vertuous marcus aurelius ( whose doctrine is before your maiesty ) is not aliue , but dead : yet therefore that is no cause why his doctrine should not bee admitted : for it may bee ( peraduenture ) that this shall profite vs more , which hee wrote with his handes , then that which others spake with their tōgus . plutarch sayeth , in the time of alexander the great , aristotle was aliue , and homer was dead . but let vs see how hee loued the one , and reuerenced the other : for of truth he slept alwayes with homers booke in his hands , and waking he read the same with his eyes , and alwayes kept the doctrine thereof in his memory , and layde ( when he rested ) the booke vnder his head . the which priuiledge aristotle had not : who at all times could not be heard , and much lesse at all seasons be beleeued : so that alexander had homer for his friend , and aristotle for a master . other of these philosophers were but simple men : but our marcus aurelius was both a wise philosopher , and a very valiant prince : and therfore reason would hee should be credited before others : for as a prince hee will declare the troubles , and as a philosopher hee will redresse them . take you therefore ( puisaunt prince ) this wise philosopher and noble emperour , for a teacher in your youth , for a father in your gouernment , for a captaine generall in your warres : for a guide in your iourneyes , for a friend in your affayres , for an example in your vertues , for a master in your sciences , for a pure white in your desires , and for equall match in your deedes . i will declare vnto you the life of an other beeing a heathen , and not the life of an other beeing a christian : for looke how much glory this heathen prince had in this world beeing good and vertuous : so much paines your maiesty shall haue in the other , if you shall bee wicked and vicious . beholde , behold , most noble , and illustrious prince , the life of this emperour , and you shal plainly see and perceyue , how cleare hee was in his iudgement , how vpright hee was in his iustice , how circumspect in the course of his life , how louing to his friends , how patient in his troubles and aduersities : how hee dissembled with his enemies , how seuere against tirants , how quiet among the quiet , how great a friēd vnto the sage , and louer of the simple : how aduenturous in his warres , and amiable in peace , and chiefly , and aboue all things , how high in wordes , and prosound in sentences . many and sundry times i haue beene in doubt with my selfe , whether the heauenly and eternall maiesty ( which giueth vnto you princes the temporall maiesty , for to rule aboue all other in power , and authoritie ) did exempt you that are earthly princes , more from humane fraylety , then hee did vs that be but subiects , and at the last i know hee did not . for i see euen as you are children of the world , so you doe liue according to the world. i see euen as you trauell in the worlde : so you can know nothing but things of the world . i see because you liue in the flesh , that you are subiect to the miseries of the flesh . i see though for a time you doe prolong your life : yet at the last you are brought vnto your graue , i see your trauel is great and that within your gates there dwelleth no rest . i see you are colde in the winter , and hote in the summer . i see that hunger feeleth you , and thirst troubleth you , i see your friendes forsake you , and your enemies assault you . i say that you are sadde and do lacke ioy , i see that you are sicke , and bee not well serued . i see you haue much and yet that which you lacke is more . what will you see more , seeing that princes dye : o noble princes , and great lords , since you must dye , and become wormes meate , why doe you not in your life time search for good counsell ? if the princes and noble men commit an errour , no man dare chastice them , wherefore they stand in greater need of aduise and counsell : for the traueller who is out of his way , the more he goeth forward , the more hee erreth . if the people doe amisse , they ought to be punished : but if the prince erre , he should be admonished . and as the prince will , the people should at his hands haue punishment : so it is reason that he at their hands should receyue counsell . for as the wealth of the one dependeth on the wealth of the other : so truly if the prince bee vitious , the people cannot be vertuous . if your maiesty will punish your people with words , commaund them to print this present worke in their hearts . and if your people would serue your highnesse with their aduise : let them likewise beseech you to reade ouer this booke : for therin the subiects shall finde how they may amend , and you lords shall see all that you ought to doe , whether this present worke be profitable or no , i will not that my pen shall declare : but they which do reade it shall iudge . for wee authours take pains to make and translate , and others for vs to giue iudgement and sentence : from my tender yeares vntill this present time , i haue liued in the world , occupying my selfe in reading and studying humane and diuine bookes : and although i confesse my debility to bee such , that i haue not read so much as i might , nor studyed so much as i ought : yet notwithstanding all that i haue read , hath not caused me to muse so much as the doctrine of marcus aurelius hath , sith that in the mouth of an heathen , god hath put such a great treasure . the greatest part of all his works were in greeke : yet hee wrote also many in latine . i haue drawn this out of greeke through the helpe of my friends , and afterwards out of latine into our vulgar toung by the trauell of my hands . let all men iudge what i haue suffered in drawing it out of greeke into latine , out of the latine into the vulgar , and out of a plaine vulgar into a sweete and pleasant stile : for that banquet is not counted sumptuous , vnlesse there be both pleasant meates and sauoury sauces . to call sentences to minde , to place the wordes , to examine languages , to correct sillables : what swet i haue suffered in the hote summer , what bitter colde in the sharpe winter , what abstinence from meats when i desired for to eate , what watching in the night when i would haue slept : what cares i haue suffered in stead of rest that i might haue enioyed : let other proue , if mee they will not credit . the intention of my painefull trauels , i offer vnto the diuine maiesty vpon my knees , and to your highnesse ( most noble prince ) i present this my worke , and do most humbly beseech the omnipotent and eternall god , that the doctrine of this booke may bee as profitable vnto you , and to the common wealth in your life , as it hath beene vnto me tedious , and hinderance to my health : i haue thought it very good to offer to your maiestie , the effect of my labours , though you peraduenture will little regarde my paines : for the requiring of my travell , and rewarde of my good will. i require nought else of your highnesse , but that the rudenesse of my vnderstanding , the basenesse of my stile , the smalnesse of my eloquence , the euill order of my sentences , the vanity of my words , bee no occasion why so excellent and goodly worke should bee little regarded : for it is not reason , that a good horse should bee the lesse esteemed , for that the rider knoweth not how to make him runne his carrere . i haue done what i could doe ; do you now that you ought to doe , in giuing to this present worke grauity , and to mee the interpretor thereof authority . i say no more , but humbly doe beseech god to maintaine your estimation and power in earth : and that you may afterward enioy the fruition of his diuine presence in heauen . the end of the authors prologue . the argvment of the booke called the diall of princes . wherein the authour declareth , his intention and manner of proceeding . archimenedes , the great and famous philosopher , ( to whom marcus marcellus for his knowledge sake granted life , and after vsing nigromancy deserued death , being demanded what time was , sayde , that time was the inuentor of all nouelies and a register certaine of antiquities , which seeth of it selfe , the beginning , the middest , & the ending of all things . and finally , time is he that endeth all . no man can deny but the definition of this philosopher is true : for if time could speake , he would certifie vs of sundry things wherin we doubt , and declare them as a witnes of sight . admit all things perish , and haue an end ; yet one thing is exempted , and neuer hath end , which is truth , that amongst all things is priuiledged in such wise , that shee triumpheth of time , and not time of her : for according to the diuine saying , it shal bee more easie to see heauen and earth fall , then once truth to perish . there is nothing so entier , but may bee diminished , nothing so healthfull but may bee diseased , nothing so strong but may bee broken , neyther any thing so wel kept , but may be corrupted and finally , i say , there is nothing but by time is ruled & gouerned , saue onely truth , which is subiect to none . the fruits of the spring time haue no force to giue sustenance , nor perfect sweetnesse to giue any fauour , but after that the summer is past , and haruest commeth , they ripe : and then all that wee e ate nourisheth more , & giueth a better taste : i meane by this when the world began to haue wise men , the more philosophers were esteemed for their good manners , the more they deserued to bee reproued for their euill vnderstanding , plato in his second booke of the common-wealth sayde , that the auncient philosophers , as well greekes as egyptians , and caldees , which first began to behold the starres of heauen , and ascended to the toppe of the mount olimpus to view the influences , and motions of the planets of the earth , deserued rather pardon of their ignorance , then prayse for theyr knowledge . plato sayde further , that the philosophers which were before vs , were the first that gaue themselus to search out the truth of the elements in the heauen , and the first which sowed errors in thinges naturall of the earth . homer in his ilyades , agreeing with plato , saieth : i condemne all that the auncient phylosophers knewe , but i greatly commend them for that they desired to know . certes homer saide well , and plato saide not amisse : for , if amongst the first phylosophers , this ignorance had not raigned , there had not beene such contrary sects in euery schoole . he that hath read , not the books , which are lost , but the opinions which the auncient phylosophers had , will graunt mee , though the knowledge were one , yet their sects were diuerse : that is to say , cinici , stoyci , academici , platonici , and epicurei : which were as variable , the one from the other in their opinions , as they were repugnant in their conditions . i will not , neither reason requireth , that my pen should bee so dismeasured , as to reprooue those which are dead , for to giue the glory all onely to them that are aliue : for , the one of them knew not all , neyther were the other ignorant of all . if hee deserue thanks that sheweth mee the way , whereby i ought to goe , no lesse then meriteth hee , which warneth mee of that place wherein wee may erre . the ignorance of our fore-fathers , was but a guide to keepe vs from erring : for , the errour of them shewed vs the trueth , to their much praise , and to our great shame . therefore i dare boldly say , if wee that are now , had been then , wee had knowne lesse then they knewe . and if those were now , which were then , they would haue knowne more then we know . and that this is true it appeareth well : for that the auncient phylosophers , through the great desire they had to knowe the truth , of small and large wayes , the which wee now will not see , nor yet walke therein . wherefore wee haue not so much cause to be wayle their ignoraunce , as they had reason to complaine of our negligence . for , truth which is , ( as aulus gellius saith ) the daughter of time , hath reuealed vnto vs the errours which wee ought to eschewe : and the true doctrines , which wee ought to follow . what is there to see , but hath bin seene ? what to discouer , but hath bin discouered ? what is there to read , but hath bin read ? what to write , but hath bin written ? what is there to knowe , but hath bin knowne ? now-adayes , humaine malice is so experte , men so well able , and our wittes so subtill , that wee want nothing to vnderstand , neyther good , nor euill . and wee vndoe ourselues by seeking that vaine knowledge , which is not necessary for our life . no man vnder the pretence of ignoraunce can excuse his fault , since all men know , all men reade , and all men learne , that which is euident ●n this case , as it shall appeare . suppose the plough-man , and the learned-man , do goe to the law , and you shall perceyue the labourer ( vnder that simple garment ) to forge to his counsellour halfe a dozen of malitious trickes to delude his aduersarie as finely as the other that is learned , shall bee able to expound two or three chapters of this booke . if men would employ their knowledge to honesty , wisedome , patience and mercy , it were well : but i am sorry they know so much , onely for that they subtilly deceiue , and by vsury abuse their neighbours , and keepe that they haue vniustly gotten , and dayly getting more , inuenting new trades : finally , i say , if they haue any knowledge , it is not to amend their life , but rather to encrease their goods . if the deuil could sleep , as mē do , he might safely sleepe : for whereas he waketh to deceyue vs , wee wake to vndo our selues : well , suppose that all this heretofore i haue sayde is true . let vs now leaue aside craft , and take in hand knowledge . the knowledge which we attaine to is small , and that which wee should attain to so great , that all that wee know , is the least part of that wee are ignorant : euen as in things naturall , the elements haue their operations , according to the varietie of time : so morall doctrines ( as the aged haue succeeded ) and sciences were discouered . truly all fruites come not together , but when one fayleth , another commeth in season . i meane , that neyther all the doctors among the christians , nor all the philosophers among the gentiles were concurrant at one time ; but after the death of one good , there came another better . the chiefe wisdome which measured all thinges by iustice , and dispearseth them according to his bounty , will not that at one time they should bee all wisemen , and at another time all simple : for it had not beene reason that one should haue had the fruit , and the other the leaues . the old world that ranne in saturnes dayes ( otherwise called the golden world ) was of a truth much esteemed of them that saw it , and greatlie commended of them that wrote of it : that is to say , it was not guided by the sages which did guild it : but because there was no euill men , which did vnguilde it : for as the experience of the meane estate and nobility teacheth vs , of one onely person dependeth as well the fame and renowne , as the infamy of a whole house and parentage . that age was called golden , that is to say , of gold : and this our age is called yron , that is to say of iron . this difference was not , for that gold then was found , and now yron : nor for that in this our age there is want of them that be sage : but because the number of them surmounreth that be at this day malicious . i confesse one thing , and suppose many will fauour mee in the same . phauorin the philosopher ( which was master to aulus gelius , and his especiall friend ) saide oft-times , that the phylosophers in olde time , were holden in reputation : because there were fewe teachers , and many learners : we now-adayes see the contrarie : for infinite are they which presume to bee maisters : but fewe are they which humble themselues to be schollers . a man may know how little wise-men are esteemed at this houre , by the great veneration that the phylosophers had , in the olde time . what a matter is it to see homer amongst the grecians , salomon amōgst the hebrewes , lycurgus amongst the lacedemonians : phoromeus also amongst the greeks , ptolomeus amongst the egiptians , liuius amongst the romaines : and cicero likewise amongst the latines : appolonius amongst the indyans , and secundus , amongst the assyrians ? how happie were those phylosophers , ( to bee as they were , in those dayes ) when the world was so full of simple personnes , and so destitute of sage men : that there flocked great numbers out of diuers countreys , and straunge nations , not onely to heare their doctrine : but also to see theyr persons . the glorious saint hierome , in the prologue , to the byble , sayth : when rome was in her prosperitie , then wrote titus lyuius his deedes : yet notwithstanding , men came to rome , more to speake with titus linius , then to see rome , or the high capitol therof . marcus aurelius writing to his friend pulio , saide these wordes : thou shalt vnderstand ( my friende , ) i was not chosen emperor for the noble bloud of my predecessors : nor , for the fauour i had amongst them now present : for there were in rome , of greater bloud , and riches then i , but the ( emperour adrian my maister ) set his eyes vpon mee : and the emperor anthonie my father in law , chose mee for his sonne in law : for none other cause , but for that they saw me a friend of the sages , and an enemie of the ignoraunt . happie was rome to chuse so wise an emperour , and no lesse happie was he to attaine vnto so great an empire . not for that hee was heire to his predecessours , but for that hee gaue his minde to studie . truely , if that age were then happie to enioy his person : no lesse happie shall ours bee now at this present , to enjoy his doctrine . salust saith , they deserued great glory , which did worthie feates : and no lesser merited they , which wrote them in high stile . what had alexander the great bin , if quintus-curtius had not written of him ? what of vlysses , if homer had not bin borne ? what had alcybiades bin , if zenophon had not exalted him ? what of cyrus , if the phylosopher chilo had not put his actes in memorie ? what had been of pyrrus king of the epyrotes , if hermicles chronicles were not ? what had bin of scipio the great affricane , if it had not bin for the decades of titus liuius ? what had been of traian , if the renowmed plutarch had not bin his friend ? what of nerua , and anthonius the meeke , if phocion the greeke had not made mention of them ? how should wee haue knowne the stoute courage of caesar , and the great prowesse of pompeius , if lucanus had not written them ? what of the twelue caesars , if suetonius tranquillus had not compyled a booke of their liues ? and how should we haue knowne the antiquities of the hebrues if the vpright ioseph had not beene ? who could haue knowne the comming of the lombardes , into italie , if paulus dyaconus had not writ it ? how could we haue knowne the comming in , and the going out of the gothes in spayne if the curious roderious had not showed it vnto vs ? by these things we haue spoken of before , the readers may perceyue what is due vnto the hystoriographers : who in my opinion , haue left as great memorie of them , for that they wrote with their pennes : as the princes haue done , for that they did with their swords . i confesse i deserue nor to be named amongst the sages , neyther for that i haue written and translated , nor yet for that i haue composed . therefore ( the sacred and diuine letters set aside ) there is nothing in the world so curiously written , but needeth correction : and as i say of the one , so will i say of the other , and that is : as i with my will doe renounce the glory , which the good for my learning would giue mee : so in like manner euill men shall not want , that against my will seeke to defame it . wee other writers , smally esteeme that labour and paines wee haue to write , although indeede wee are not ignorant of a thousaund enuious tongues , that will backbite it . many now adayes are so euil taught , or to say better , so enuious , that when the author laboreth in his study , they play in the streetes : when he awaketh , they sleepe , when he fasteth , they eate : when hee sitteth turning the leaues of the booke : they goe hunting after vices abroade : yet for all that , they will presume to iudge , depraue , and condemne an other mans doctrine , as if they had the authoritie that plato had in greece , or the eloquence that cicero had in rome . when i finde a man in the latine tongue well seene , his vulgar tongue well p●lished , in hystories well grounded , in greeke-letters very expert , and desirous to spend his time with good bookes : this so heroicall and noble a personage , i would desire him to put my doctrine vnder his feete . for it is no shame , for a vertuous and wise man , to be corrected of an other wise man. yet i would gladly know what patiēce can suffer , or heart can dissemble , when two or three bee assembled together at meate , and after ( at the table or otherwise ) one of them taketh a booke at aduenture in his handes against that which another will say it is too long , and another will say , it speaketh not to the purpose : another , it is very obscure : & another , the words are not well couched : another will say , all that is spoken is fayned ; one will say , hee speaketh nothing of profite : another , hee is too curious , and the other , hee is too malicious . so that in speaking thus , the doctrine remaineth suspitious , and the authour scapeth not scot-free . suppose them to be therefore such that speake it ( as i haue spoken of ) & that at the table do finde such faults , sure , they deserue pardon : for they speake not according to the bookes which they haue read , but according to the cups of wine which they haue drunke : for that , hee that taketh not in iest which is spoken at the table , knoweth not what iesting meaneth . it is an olde custom to murmure at vertuous deedes , and into this rule entreth not onely those that make them , but also those which writethem afterwards . which thing seemeth to be true , for that socrates was reproued of plato , plato of aristotle , aristotle of auerois , sicilius of vulpitius , lelius of varro , marinus of ptolomeus , ennius of horace , seneca of aulus gelius , crastonestes of strabo , thessale of gellian , hermagoras of cicero , cicero of salust , origines of saint hierome , hierome of rufinus , rufinus of donatus . donatus of prosper , and prosper of lupus . then sith that in these men , and in their workes hath beene such need of correction , which were men of great knowledge , and lanternes of the world : it is no maruell at all that i haue such fortune , since i know so little as i doe . hee may worthily bee counted vaine and light , which at the first sight , as for onely once reading , will rashly iudge that which a wise man with much diligence & study hath written . the authors and writers are oft times reproued , not of them which can translate , and compile workes : but of those which cannot reade , and yet lesse vnderstand them , to the entent simple folkes should count them wise , and take their parts in condemning this worke , and esteeme him for a great wise man. i take god to witnesse who can iudge , whether my intention were good or ill , to compile this worke , and also i lay this my doctrine at the feet of wise and vertuous men , to the end they may be protectors , and defendours of the same : for i trust in god , though som would come to blame ( as diuers do ) the simple words which i spake : yet others would not fayle to relate the good intention that i meant . and to declare further i say , that diuers have written of the time of the sayde marcus aurelius , as herodian wrote little , eutropius lesse , lampridius not so much , and iulius capitolinus somewhat more . likewise yee ought to know , that the masters which taught marcus aurelius sciences , were iunius rusticus , cinna catullus , sextus cheronensis , which was nephew to the great plutarke . these three were those , that principally , as witnesses of sight , wrote the most part of his life and doctrine . many may maruel to heare tell of the doctrine of marcus aurelius , saying it hath beene kept hidde and secret a great while , and that of mine owne head i haue inuented it . and that there neuer was any marcus aurelius in the world . i know not what to say now vnto them ; for it is euident to all those which haue read any thing that marcus aurelius was husband to faustine , father to comodus , brother to anntus verus , and sonne in law to antoninus pius , the seuenth ( of rome ) emperour those which say , i only haue made this doctrine , truly i thanke them for so saying , but not for their so meaning : for truly the romanes would haue set my image in rome for perpetuall renowne , if so graue sentences should haue proceeded frō my head . wee see that in our time which was neuer seene before , and heare that we neuer heard before . vve practise not in a new world , and yet wee maruell that there is at this present a newe booke . not for that i was curious to discouer marcus aurelius , or studious to translate him . for , truely it is worthy he bee noted of wise persons , and not accused of enuious tongues . for , it chaunceth oftentimes in hunting , that the most simplest man killeth the deare . the last thing which the romaines conquered in spayne , was cantabria , which was a citie in nauarre , ouer against la-grogne , and scituated in a high countrey , where there is now a vaine of vines . and the emperour augustus which destroyed it , made tenne bookes , de bello cantabrico : wherein are many thinges worthie of noting , and no lesse pleasaunt in reading , which happened vnto him , in the same conquest . as marcus aurelius was brought mee from florence , so was this other booke , of the warres of cantabria , brought mee from colleyne . if perhaps i tooke paines to translate this booke , as few haue done which haue seene it , they would speake the like of it , that they did of marcus aurclius . because men are so long in speaking , and so briefe in studying , that without any let or shame , they will auowe no booke to be in the world this day , but that they haue eyther reade , or seene it . i haue as much profited in this writing , which is humane : as other doctours haue done in matters , which are diuine . it is not translated word for word , but sentence for sentence . for wee other enterpreters , are not bound to giue wordes by measure : but it sufficeth vs to giue sentences by weight . i beganne to studie this worke in the yeare , a thousand , fiue hundred , and eyghteene : and vntill the yeare a thousand fiue hundred , twentie and soure , i could neyther vnderstand , nor know wherein i was occupyed : and albeit i ( kept it as secrete as i could ) for the space of sixe yeares , yet it was knowne abroad : whervpon the emperour his majestie , being with the feauer diseased , sent to mee for it , to passe the time away . and i ( according to his commaundement ) shewed him marcus aurelius that then was vncorrected , and humbly beseeching him sayde : that for recompence of all my trau●l● , i desired no other rewarde , but that no man in his chamber might copie the booke . and in the meane time proceeded to accomplish the worke , because i did not meane in such manner to publish it : for otherwise , i saide his majestie should be euill serued , and i also of my purpose preuented : but my sinnes caused that the booke was coppyed , and conueyed from one to another : and by the hands of pages sunday times written , so that there increased daily in it errours , and faultes . and since there was but one originall copie , they brought it vnto me to correct : which if it could haue spoken , would haue complained it selfe , more of them that did write it , then of those that did steale it . and thus when i had finished the worke , & thought to haue published it : i perceyued that marcus aurelius was now imprinted at seuill : and in this case , i take the readers to be judges , between mee and the imprinters , because they may see , whether it may stand with law , and justice , that a booke which was to his imperiall maiestie dedicated : the author thereof being but an jnfant , and the booke so vnperfite and vncorrected , without my consent or knowledge should bee published . notwithstanding , they ceased not , but printed it againe in portugall , and also in the kingdome of nauarre : and if the first impression was faulty , truely the second and the third were no lesse . so that which was written for the wealth and good of all men generally , each man did applye to the profite of himselfe particularly . there chaunced another thing of this booke , called the golden booke of marcus aurelius , which i am ashamed to speake ; but greater shame they should haue , that so dishonestly haue done . that is : some made themselus to be authors of the whole worke : others say , that parte of it was made , and compyled of their owne heads : the which appeareth in a booke in priut , wherein the authour did like a man voyd of all honesty , & in another booke , one vsed likewise the wordes which marcus aurelius spake to faustine , when shee asked him the key of his studie . after these theeues came to my knowledge , iudge you whether it were ynough to prooue my patience ? for , i had rather they had robbed me of my goods , then taken away my renowme . by this all men may see , that marcus aurelius was not then corrected , nor in any place perfect , whereby they might perceyue , that it was not my minde to translate marcus aurelius , but to make a dyall for princes : whereby all christian people may be gouerned and ruled . and as the doctrine is shewed for the vse of manie : so i would profite my selfe , with that which the wise men had spoken and written . and in this sort proceedeth the worke , wherein i put one or two chapters of mine , and after i put some epistles of marcus aurelius , and other doctrine of some auncient men . let not the reader bee deceyued , to thinke hat the one , and the other is of the authour . for , although the phrase of the language be mine , yet i confesse the greatest part that i knew , was of another mans , althogh the historiographers and doctours , ( with whom i was holpen ) were manie : yet the doctrine which i wrote , was but one . i will not denye , but i haue left out some things which were superfluous : in whose steade i haue placed things more sweete and profitable . so that it needeth good wittes , to make which seemeth in one language to be grosse , in another to giue it the apparance of gold . i haue deuided into three books this present dyall of princes . the first treateth , that the prince ought to bee a good christian . the second , how hee ought for to gouerne his wife and children . the third teacheth , how he should gouerne his person , and his common wealth . i had begunne another booke , wherein was contained , how a prince should behaue himselfe in his court and pallace , but the importunity of my friendes , caused me to withdraw my penne , to the end i might bring this worke to light . the end of the argument . a compendiovs table of all the severall argvments , contayned in these distinct bookes of marcvs avrelivs . * ⁎ * the first booke . of the birth and linage of the vise philosopher and emperor , marcus aurelius . also of three seuerall chapters in the beginning of this book , concerning a discourse of his life : for , by his epistles and doctrine the whole course of the present worke is approued . chap. . fol. . of a letter sent by marcus aurelius to his friend pulio , wherein hee declareth the order of his whole life . and ( among other things ) hee maketh mention of a thing which happened to a romane censor , with his host of compagnia . chap. . fol. . the letter concluded by marcus aurelius , declaring at large what science hee had learned , and all the masters he had . beside , he reciteth fiue notable things , in obseruance whereof , the romanes were curious . chap. . fol. . of the excellency of christian religion , which manyfesteth the true god and disproueth the vanitie of the ancients , in hauing so many gods . and that in the old times , when enemies were reconciled in their houses , they caused also , that their gods should imbrace each other in their temples . chap . fol. . how the philosopher bruxelius was greatly esteemed among the ancients for his life . and of the words which hee spake to the romanes at the houre of his death . chap. . fol. . chap. . fol. . how the gentiles thought that one god could not defend them from their enemies . and how the romanes sent throughout all the empire to borrow gods , when they fought against the gothes . chap. . fol. of a letter sent from the senate of rome to all the subiects of the empire . chap. . fol. . of the true and liuing god. and of the maruailes wrought in the old law , to manifest his diuine power . and of the superstition of the false and faigned goddes . chap . fol. . how there is but one true god : and how happy those realmes are which haue a good christian to be their king. how the gentiles affirmed , that good princes ( after their death ) were changed into gods , and the wicked into deuils , which the authour proueth by sundry examples . chap. . fol. . of sundry gods which the ancients worshipped . of the offices of those gods : how they were reuenged of such as displeased them . and of the twentie elected gods . chap. . fol. . how tiberius was chosen gouernour of the empire , and afterward created emperour , onely for being a good christian . and how god depriued iustinian the younger , both of his empire and senses , because he was a perfidious heretique . chap. . fol. of other more naturall and peculier gods , which the ancient people had and adored . chap. . fol. what words the empresse sophia spake to tiberius constantinus , then being gouernour of the empire , reprouing him for lauishly consuming the treasure of the empire , gotten by her chap. . fol. the answere of tiberius to the empresse sophia augusta , declaring that noble princes neede not hoord vp treasures . and of the hidden treasure which this good emperour foundeby reuelation , in the palace where he remayned . chap. . fol. how the captayne narsetes ouercame many battailes , onely by reposing his whole confidence in god. and what hapned to him by the empresse sophia augusta ; relating the vnthankfulnesse of princes towards their seruants . chap. . fol of a letter which the emperour marcus aurelius sent to the king of scicille , remembring the trauels they had endured together in their youth , and reprooning him for his small reuerence to the temples ch , , fo . the emperours prosecution in his letter , admonishing princes to bee fearefull of their gods. and of the sentence which the senate gaue vpon the king for pulling down the church . ch . f. how the gentiles honoured those that were deuout in the seruice of their gods , chap. fol : of fiue causes why princes ought to be better christians then their subiects . ch . fol. what the philosopher bias was : of his constancy when hee had lost all his goods . and of the ten lawes he gaue , deseruing to be had in perpetuall memory , chap questions demanded of the philosopher bias. fol. the lawes which bias gaue to the prienenses , how god from the beginning punished men by his iustice , and especially those princes that despised his church : & how all wicked christians are parishioners of hel , ch . of twelue examples why princes are sharply punished , when they vsurpe boldly vpon churches , and violate their temples , ch . why the children of aaron were punished . eodem the cause why the azotes were punished , eodem the cause why prince oza was punished , . why king balthazar was punished , why king ahab was punished , why king manasses was punished , cod . why iulius , pompey , xerxes , cateline , germanicus & brennus were punished , how valentine the emp. because he was an euil christian , in one day lost both the empire and his life , ch . of the emp. valentinian & gratian , his son , which raigned in the time of s. ambrose , and because they were good christians , were alwayes fortunate , and how god giueth victory to princes , more by the teares of them that pray , then thorow the weapons of thē that fight , ch . of the goodly oration which the em gratian made to his souldiers before hee gaue the battell , ch . of the captaine theodosius who was father to the great emp. theodosius , died a good christian . of the k. hismarus , and the bishop siluanus , and the lawes which they made and established , ch . what a happy thing it is to haue but one prince to rule the publike weale : for there is no greater enemy to the common-weale , then he which procureth many to commaund therein , ch . that in a publike weale , there is no greater destruction , then where princes dayly consent to new orders , and make an alteration of ancient customs , ch . f. when tirants began to raigne , and vpon what occasion commaunding and obeying first began , and how the authority which a prince hath , is by the ordināce of god , chap. of the golden age in times past : and worldly misery at this present , ch . how k. alexander the great , after hee had ouercome k. darius in asia , went to conquer the great india , and of that which hapned to him with the garamantes , and that purity of life hath more power then force of warre , ch . of an oration which one of the sages of garamantia made vnto k. alexander , a good lesson for ambitious mē , ch . . a continuation of the sage garamants oration , and among other notable matters he maketh mention of seuen lawes which they obserued , chap. that princes ought to consider for what cause they were made princes : what thales the philosopher was , & of questions demāded of him , & his answer . c. . what plutarch the philosopher was , of the wise words he spake to the emperour traiane : & how a good prince is the head of the publique-weale . chap. . fo : as there are two sences in the head , smelling and hearing : so likewise , a prince , who is the head of the common-weale , ought to heare the complaints of all his subiects , and should know them all , to recompence their seruices , ch : . fol. of the great feast which the romaines celebrated to the god ianus the first day of ianuary . and of the bounty and liberality of the emperour marcus aurelius the same day , chap. of the answer which the emperour marcus aurelius made to the senatour fuluius before all the senate ; beeing reproued by him , for the familiarity hee vsed to all men , contrary to the maiesty and authority of the romane emperour , wherein hee painteth enuious men , ch . fol. of a letter which the emperour marcus aurelius sent to his friend pulio ; declaring the opinion of certaine philosophers concerning the felicity of man. chap. . of the philosopher epicurus , fol. of the philosopher eschilus . of the philosopher pindarus , of the philosopher zeno , of the philosopher anacharsis , of the sarmates , of the philosopher chilo , of the philosophers crates , stylphas , simonides , gorgias , architas , chrysippus , antistenes , sophocles , euripides , palemon , themistocles , aristides , and heraclius . . that princes and great lords ought not to esteeme themselues for being fayre , and well proportioned , chap. of a letter written by the emperour marcus aurelius to his nephew , worthy to be noted of all young gentlemen , chap. how princes and great lords in olde time were louers of men that were wise and learned . chap. how the emperor theodosius prouided wise men at the houre of his death for the education of his two noble sonnes , archadius and honorius , chap. how cresus king of lidia was a great friend and louer of wise men . of a letter which the same cresus wrote to the philosopher anacharsis , and an other letter of the philosophers answer to him , chap. of the wisdome and sentences of phalaris the tyrant : and how hee put an artezan to death for deuising new torments chap. the letter of phalaris the tirant , which was sent to popharco the philosopher . of seuerall great and powerfull kinges who were all of them true friends and louers of the sages , chap. . the letter of king philip to aristotle the philosopher : the second booke . of what excellency marriage is , and whereas common people marry of free-will , princes and noble men ought to marry vpon necessity and vrgencie . chap. how the author prosecuting his purpose of marriage , declareth that by means thereof many mortall enemies haue been made good and perfect friends . c. . f. of diuers and sundry lawes which the ancients had in contracting matrimony , not onely in the choyce of women , but also in the manner of celebrating marriage . chap. how princesses and great ladies ought to loue their husbands : and that loue ought not to be procured by coniurations and enchantments , but by wisedom honesty , and vertue desired , ch . . of the reuenge which a woman of greece tooke on him that had killed her husband , as hoping to enioy her in marriage , chap. . that princesses and great ladies ought to be obedient to their husbands : and how great shame it is to the husband that his wife should command him . ch . . that women ( especially princesses & great ladies ) should be very circumspect in going abroad out of their houses : and that they should not deserue to be ill spoken of by such as resort to their houses : chap. of the commodities and discommodities which follow princes and great ladies that go abroad to visite , or abide in their houses , chap. that women great with child ( especially princesses and great ladies ought to be circumspect for the danger of creatures , wherin is shown many misfortunes happening to women with child in olde time , chap. of other inconueniences , and vnluckie mischances which haue happened to women with child , chap. that women great with child ( especially princesses and great ladies ) ought to be gently vsed of their husbands c. . what the philosopher pisto was : and of the rules hee gaue concerning women with child , chap. of three counsels which lucius seneca gaue vnto a secretary his friend who serued the emperour nero ; and how the emp. m. aurelius spent the houres of the day . chap. the importunity of the empresse faustine to the emperour , concerning the keye of his closet , chap. the answere of the emperour to faustine , concerning her demaund for the key of his study , chap. of great dangers ensuing to men , by excessiue haunting the company of women and of certaine rules for married men , which if they obserue , may cause them to liue in peace with their wiues , chap. a more particular answer of the emperour to faustine , concerning the key of his study , chap. that princesses and noble women ought not to be ashamed to giue their children sucke with their owne breasts , chap. a further continued perswasion of the author , that women should giue their owne children sucke . chap. that princesses and great ladies ought to be very circumspect in choice of theyr nurses : and of seuen especiall properties which a good nurse should haue . cha . of three other especiall conditions , which a good nurse ought to haue , that giueth sucke . chap. of the disputations before alexander the great , concerning the time of the sucking of babes , chap. of sundry kinds of sorceries , charmes , and witchcrafts which they ( in old time ) vsed , in giuing their children suck , which in christians ought to be auoided . ch . . fol. of a letter which marcus aurelius sent to his friend dedalus , inueighing against such women , as vse to cure children by sorceries , charms , & enchantments , ch . how excellent a thing it is for gentlemē to haue an eloquent tong , ch . of a letter which the athenians sent to the lacedemonians , chap. that nurses which giue sucke to the childrē of princes ought to bee discreete and sage women , chap. that women may be no lesse wise then men , & though they be not , it is not thorow the defect of nature , but rather for want of good bringing vp , chap. . of a letter which pythagoras sent to his sister theoclea , he being in rhodes , and she in samcthrace , both studying philosophy , chap. a further perswasion of the authour , to princesses and other great ladies , to endeauour themselues to be wise , like as the women in elder times were , c. . of the worthines of the lady cornelia , and of a notable epistle which she wrote to her two sons , seruing in the warres , tiberius and caius , disswading them from the pleasurs of rome , & exhorting them to endure the trauels of war. chap. . the letter of cornelia to her two sons , tiberius and caius of the education and doctrine of children while they are young , with a declaratiō of many notable histories , c. . princes ought to take heede that their children bee not brought vp in pleasures and vaine delights : because oftentimes they are so wicked , that the fathers would not onely haue them with sharpe discipline corrected , but also with bitter teares buried , chap. , how princes and great lords ought to be careful , in seeking wise men to bring vp their children : of ten conditions which good schoolmasters ought to haue , chap. . of the two children of marcus aurelius the best wherof dyed , and of the masters he prouided for the other , chap. . of the words which marcus aurelius spake to . of the . masters , which hee had chosen for the education of his son : and how he dismissed them from his pallace , because they behaued thēselus lightly at the feast of their god genius , c. . that princes and noble men ought to ouersee the tutors of their children , least they should conceale the secrete faultes of their scholler , chap. . of the determination of the emperour when he committed his childe to the tutors , chap. tutors of princes and noble mens children ought to bee very circumspect that their schollers do not accustom themselus in vices while they be yong , but especially to be kept frō . vices . chap. , of two other vices , perillous in youth , which their masters ought to keepe them from , chap. the third booke . how princes and great lords ought to trauell in administring iustice to all men equally , chap. the way that princes ought to vse , for choyse of iudges and officers , in theyr countreyes . chap. fol : a villaine argueth ( in an oration ) against the romaines , who ( without cause or reason ) had conquered his countrey : approouing mainifestly , that through offending the gods , they had thus preuayled . and the oration is diuided into chapt : . fol. . ch : . fol : . and ch : . f : that princes and noble-men ought to be very circumspect , in choyce of their iudges and officers : because therein consisteth the benefite of the weale publique . chapt : . fol : of a letter which the emperour marcus aurelius wrote to his friend antigonus , answering an other , which hee sent him out of scicile , concerning the crueltie , exercised by the romaine iudges . the letter is diuided in chap : . fol . cha : . fol. . chap : . fol. chapt : . fo . cha : . fol. an exhortation of the authour , vnto great princes and noble-men to embrace peace , and to auoyde all occasions of warre . chap : fol. of the commodities which ensue by peace : declaring that diuers princes ( vppon light occasions ) haue made cruell warres , chap : fol. the emperour marcus aurelius wryteth to his friende cornelius ; wherein hee describeth the discomodities which come by warres , and the vanitie of triumphes , chap : fol. marcus aurelius proceedeth on further in his letter , declaring the order which the romains vsed in setting forth their men of warre . and of the outragious villainyes which captaines and souldiours vse in warre . chap : fo . the emperours further pursuite in the same letter , shewing what great dammages haue ensued , by warre begun with strange and forraigne realmes . ch : fo . ad admonition of the author , to princes and great lordes , to the intent that the more they growe in yeares , the more they stād bound to refrain frō vices , ch : . that princes whē they are aged , should be temperate in eating , sober in drinking , modest in apparel ( & aboue al things else ) true in their cōmunication : ch : . fo . of a letter written by the emperour m. aurelius , to claudius & claudinus , reprouing them ( being olde men ) because they liued ouer youthfully , chap : , fo . a prosecution of the emperours letter , perswading claudius and claudinus ( beeing now aged ) to giue no more credite to the world : nor to any of his deceiptfull flatteries . chap : . fol : a further continuation of the emperour in the same letter , approouing by good reasons , that in regard aged persons will bee serued and honoured of younger people : they ought therefore to be more vertuous and honest , then they of younger degree . chap : . fol : the emperours conclusion of his letter , shewing what perills those olde men liue in , that dissolutely ( like young children ) spend their dayes : and he giueth wholesome councell vnto them , for better means and remedy therof : ch : . how princes ought to take heede , that they bee not noted guiltie of auarice , because the couetous man is hated , both of god and man. ch : great reasons to discommend the vices of couetous men . ch : of a letter which the emperour marcus aurelius wrote to his friend cincinnatus , who being a romaine knight , became a marchaunt of capua , reproouing such gentlemen , as take vppon them the trade of marchaundise , contrarie to their owne vocation ; declaring what vertuous men ought to vse , and the vices which they ought to shunne : instructing also , how to despise the vanities of the world ; and although a man bee neuer so wise , yet hee shall haue neede of another mans councell . ch : . fol : . c. . fo . . c. . . a perswasion to princes & great lords to shunne couetousnes , and to become liberall & bountifull : which vertue should alwayes appertaine to a royall personage . chap : fol. a perswasion to gentlemen , and such as follow armes , not to abase themselues for gaynes-sake , in taking vpon them any vile office or function . ch . of a letter which the emperour wrote to his neighbour mercurius , a marchant of samia : instructing men in those daungers , which ensue by traffique on the seas , and the couetousnes of them that trauell by land. chap : the conclusion of the emperours letter , reprouing mercurius , because he tooke thought for the losse of his goods : shewing him the nature of fortune , and conditions of couetous men . ch : fol : that princes and noble-men ought to consider the miserie of mans nature : and that brute beasts are in some pointes ( reason excepted ) to bee preferred with men : chapt . . fol. a further comparison of the miseryes of men , with the liberty of beasts , ch : . a letter of the emperour m. aurelius , to domitius , a cittizen of capua , comforting him in his exile : being banished for a quarrell betweene him and an other , about the running of a horse . comfortable for such as haue bin in great fauour , & afterward falne into disgrace . ch . fo . that princes and noble men ought to be aduocates for widdowes , fathers of orphans , and helpes to the comfortlesse , chap. that the troubles , sorrowes and griefes of widdows are much greater then those of widdowers : wherefore princes and noble men ought to haue more compassion vpon such women then men , ch . fol. of a letter which the emperour marcus aurelius wrote to a romane lady , named lauinia , comforting her in her husbands death , ch . a perswasion to widdowes to depend onely vpon gods will , and exhorting them to liue honestly . chap. that princes and noble men ought to despise the world , because there is nothing in it but plaine deceit . ch . : a vehement inuectiue against the deceites of the world , with a further proofe by strong and weightie reasons , perswading all men that liue in the world not to trust it , or any thing therein , verefied by a letter of the emperour to his friend torquatus , chap. . . . fol. . . princes and nobles ought not to beare with iuglers , iesters , parasites and cōmon players , nor with any such kind of rascals , and loyterers : and of the lawes which the romanes made especially on that behalfe , chap. how some iesters were punished by our graue ancients : and of the iesters & loyterers in our time , chap . of a letter which the emperour wrote to lambartus his friend then gouernour of hellespont , certifying him that hee had banished from rome all fooles and loy terieg players : a notable lesson for them that keepe counterfeit fooles in their houses , chap. marcus aurelius proceedeth on in his letter , declaring how he found the sepulchres in hellespont of many learned philosophers whereunto he sent all those loiterers , chap. the letters conclusion , relating the cause and time , why and when iuglers & iesters were admitted into rome . ch . . how princes and noble men ought to remember that they are mortall , and must die , with notable consolations against the feare of death , chap. . of the death of the emperour marcus aurelius and how there are few friendes that dare speake the truth to sicke men , chap. of the comfortable wordes which the secretarie panutius spake to the emperour at the houre of his death , ch . a continuation of the secretaries speeches ; admonishing all men to embrace death willingly , & vtterly to forsake the world , and his alluring vanities c. . the answer of the emperour marcus to his secretary panutiu , declaring that he tooke no thought to forsake the world : but all his sorrow was , to leaue behinde him an vnhappy sonne to enherite the empire , chap. the emperours conclusion of the matter in question , shewing that sundry yong princes , by being vicious , haue vndone themselues , and impouerished their realmes , chap. of the wordes which the emperour marcus aurelius spake to his sonne commodus at the houre of his death , very necessary for all young gentlemen to vnderstand , chap. other wholesome counsels giuen by the emperour to his sonne , and ( aboue all ) to keepe wise and learned men about him to assist him with aduise in all his affaires , chap. the emperours prosecution still in the same argument , with particular exhortations to his sonne ; well deseruing to bee engrauen in the hart of men ; ch . the good emperour marcus aurelius , concludeth both his purpose & life . and of the last words he spake to his son commodus , and the table of counsell he gaue him . chap. the fourth booke . the prologue of the worke , declaring what one true friend ought to do for another , a few precepts and counsels meet to be remembred by all such as are princes familiars , and affected courtiers . the argument of the booke entituled , the fauoured courtier , declaring the entent of the whole worke , how it is more necessary for the courtier ( abiding in court ) to be of liuely spirit and audacitie ; then it is for the souldier that goeth to serue in the warres , c. . of courtiers brawles & quarrels with harbingers for their ill lodgings , c. . how the courtier should entreat his host , or master of the house where hee lodgeth , chap. what courtier● must do to win their princes fauour , chap. . what manners and gestures do best become a courtier when hee speaketh to his prince , ch . . how a courtier should behaue himselfe , both to know , and to visite noblemen and gentlemen that are great with the prince , and continuing still in court , chap. what countenance and modesty becommeth a courtier for his behauiour at the princes or noble mans table , during the time of his meale , ch . what company the courtier should keepe , and how he ought to apparrel him selfe , chap. : in what manner the courtier should serue and honour ladies and gentlewomen : also how to satisfie and please the vshers and porters of the kings house , chap. , of the great paines and trauels which the courtier hath , being toiled in suites of law , and how he is to suffer , and carrie himselfe with iudges , chap. of them that are affected in court , admonishing them to bee pacient in their troubles , and that they bee not partiall in the affayres of the common wealth , chap. that officers , and such as are affected in court , should be very diligent & carefull in dispatching the princes affayres , & common-wealth : also , that in correcting , and reforming of seruants , they ought to bee as circumspect and aduised , chap. fol : that affected and esteemed courtyers ought to be warie , of beeing prowde , and high-minded : for lightly they neuer fall , but onely by meanes of that detestable vice . chap : fol. that it is not fit for courtyers to be ouer-couetous , if they mean to keepe themselues out of many troubles and dangers : chap : fol. that fauoured courtyers should not trust ouer-much to their fauour and credit in court , nor to the prosperitie of their liues . chap : fo . an admonition to such as are highly in fauour with princes , to take heede of the worlds deceyts : learning both to liue and dye honourably ; and to leaue the court , before age ouer take them , chapter . fol. what continencie ought to be in fauoured courtyers , alwayes shunning the company of vnhonest women : also to be carefull in the speedie dispatch of suters suing vnto them . chap : fol. that nobles , and affected of princes , should not exceede in superfluous fare , nor bee ouer-sumptuous in their dyet . chapt . . fol. that courtiers fauored of princes , ought not to be dishonest of their tongues , nor enuious in their wordes . chap. fo . a comendation of truth , which professed courtyers ought to embrace : and ( in no respect ) to be found defectiue , in the contrarie , reporting one thing for an other . chap. . fo . certaine other letters , written by m. aurelius . of the huge monster , seene in scicile , in the time of m. aurelius ; & of the letters he wrote with bloud vpō a gate . ch : . of that which chaunced vnto antigonus a cittizen of rome , in the time of marcus aurelius : chap : fol : how m. aurelius sought the wealth of his people , & how they loued him . c. . how at the intercession of manie , sent by the empresse , the emperour graunted his daughter lucilla licence , to sport herselfe at the feasts . chap : fo . of the sharpe words which m. aurelius spake to his wife , & his daughter . c . a letter sent by the emperor m. aurelius , to catullus censorius , concerning the newes then in rome . cha : m. aurelius his letter , written to the amourous ladyes of rome , ch . a letter sent by m. aurelius , to his loue boemia , because shee desired to goe with him to the warres , chap. the answer of boemia , to the emperor m. aurelius , expressing the great malice , & little patience in an euil womā . c. a letter of m. aurelius , to the romaine lady macrine , of whom ( beholding her at a window ) he became enamoured : declaring what force the beautie of a faire woman hath in a weake man , ch . an other letter , sent by him , to the same macrina , expressing the firie flames , which soonest consume gentle harts . ch : . a letter sent by him to the lady lauinia ; reprouing loue to be naturall : and affirming that the most part of philosophers and wise-men , haue beene ouercome by loue , chap : fol : . the ende of the table . the first booke of the diall of princes , with the famous booke of marcus aurelius , wherein hee entreateth what excellency is in a prince that is a good christian : and contrariwise , what euils doe follow him that is a cruell tyrant . chap. i. here the author speaketh of the birth and lynage of the wise philosopher and emperour marcus aurelius . and he putteth also at the beginning of this booke three chapterss , wherein hee entreateth of the discourse of his life : for by his epistles and doctrine , the whole course of this present worke is approued . after the death of the emperour antoninus pius , in the . years frō the foundatiō of rome , and in the . olimpiade : fuluius cato , and cneus patroclus , then being consuls : the fourth day of october , in the high capitoll of rome , at the sute of the whole romane people , & with the assent of the sacred senate , marcus aurelius antonius was proclaimed emperour vniuersall of the whole romane monarchie . this noble prince was naturally of rome borne , in the mount celio , on the sixt day before the calends of may , which ( after the latines account ) is the . day of aprill . his grandfather was called annius verus , and was chosen senatour in the time of the emperours titos and vespasian . his great grandfather was named annius verus , which was borne in spaine , in the free town of gububa , when the wars were most cruell betweene caesar and pompeius : at what time many spaniards fledde to rome , and many romaines ranne into spaine . by this meanes this emperour had a great grandfather , a romane , and a great grandmother , a spaniard . his father was named annius verus after his grandfather , and great grandfather , by reason whereof the ancient historiographers call him marcus antonius verus . and true it is , that the emperour adrian called him marcus verissimus , for that hee neuer forged lye , nor swarued at any time from the truth . these annti veri were a kindred in rome ( as iulius capitolinus reporteth ) which vaunted themselues to come of numa pompelius , and quintus curtius the famous romane : which ( to worke the romane people safety and his owne person euerlasting memory ) willingly threw himselfe into the gulfe , which afterwards was called curtius , which as then was seene in rome . this emperours mother was called domitta camilla , as recounteth cinna in the bookes that hee wrote of the romaine pedigrees . that stocke of camilli , was in those daies highly honoured in rome : for that they conuayed their discent from that camillus , which was the renowmed and valiant romane captaine , who deliuered rome when the gaules had taken it , and besieged the capitoll . the men that sprang of this linage , bare the name of camilli , for remembrance of this camillus . and the woman that came of the same stocke kept the name of camilla , in memory of a daughter of the said camillus . this camilla refused mariage , and chose to liue among the vastall virgins : and there long space remained , enduring a sharpe and hard life . and shee was so vertuous a romane , and precise in her life , that in the time of seuerus emperour of rome , her tombe was honoured as a relique , whereon was engraued this epitaph . camillus loe , doth here engraued rest , that onely was camillus daughter deere : twice twenty yeares and sixe she hath possest a couert life , vntoucht of any feere . the king of trinacry could not her moue to taste the sweet delight of wedlocks band : nor traine by sute her sacred mind to loue . inclosd● in brest so deepe did chastnesse stand , but oh , great wrong the crawling worms below , to gnaw on that vnspotted senselesse corse that rage of youth spent vndefiled so with sober life in spite of cupids force , and this was written in heroycall verse in the greeke tongue , with a maruellous haughty stile . but to our matter , yee shall vnderstand , that the romanes kept a certaine law in the . tables , the words whereof were these : wee ordaine and commaund , that all the romanes shall for euer haue speciall priuiledge in euery such place , where their ancestors haue done to the romane people any notable seruice . for it is reason that where the citizen aduentureth his life , there the city should doe him some honour after his death . by vertue of this law all the family of camilli euer enioyed the keeping of the high capitoll , for that ( by his force and policie ) he chased the french men from the siege . truly , it is not vnknowne , that this noble knight and valiant captaine camillus did other things as great , and greater then this ; but because it was done within the circuit of rome , it was esteemed aboue all his other acts and prowesse . and herein the romanes swarued not far from reason , for that , amongst all princely vertues , is esteemed to bee the chiefest and worthiest , which is employed to the profit of the common-wealth . the romane chronaclers with tears cease not to lament the ruine of their country , seing that variety of time , the multitude of tyrants , the cruelty of ciuill wars , were occasion that the ancient state of the romane gouernement , came to vtter destruction , and in steade thereof a new and euill trade of life to bee placed . and hereof no man ought to maruell , for it chanceth throughout all realmes and nations , by oft changing gouernours , that among the people dayly springeth new vices . pulto sayth , that for no alteration which befell to the common weale , for no calamity that euer rome suffered , that priuiledge was taken away from the linage of camilli , ( i meane the gouernment of the high capitoll ) except it were in the time of silla the consull , when this family was sore persecuted , for none other cause but for that they fauored the consull marius . this cruell silla being dead , and the pittifull iulius caesar preuayling , all the banished men from rome returned home againe to the common-wealth . as touching the auncestors of the emperour marcus aurelius , what hath beene their trade of life , estate , pouerty , or riches , standing in fauor or displeasure , what prosperity or aduersity they haue had or suffered , wee finde not in writings , though with great diligence they haue beene searched for . and the cause hereof was , for that the ancient writers of the romane histories , touched the liues of the emperors fathers ( specially when they were made princes ) more for the good merites that were in the children , then for the great estimation that came from the fathers ; iulius capitolinus sayth , that annius verus ( father of marcus aurelius ) was pretor of the rhodian armies , and also warden in other frontiers in the time of trayan the good , adrian the wise , and anthony the mercifull . which emperours trusted none with their armies , but discreet & valiant men . for good princes chose alwayes such captaines , as can with wisdom guide the armie , and with valiantnes giue the battell . though the romanes had sundry wars in diuers places , yet chiefly they kept great garrisons alwayes in foure parts of the world . that is to say , in bizantium ( which now is constantinople ) to resist the parthiens : in gades , ( which now is called galizia ) to withstand the portugales : in the riuer of rein to defend themselues from the germaines : and at colossus ( which now is called the i le of rhodes ) for to subdue the barbarians . in the moneth of ianuarie , when the senate distributed their offices , the dictator being appointed for sixe monethes , and the two consuls chosen for one yeare : incontinently in the third place , they chose foure of the most renowmed persons to desend the said foure daungerous frontiers . for the romanes neyther feared the paines of hell nor trusted for reward in heauen : but sought by all occasions possible in their life time to leaue some notable memory of them after their death . and the romaine was counted most valiant , and of the senate best fauoured , to whom they committed the charge of the most cruell and dangerous warres . for their strife was not to beare rule , and to be in office , or to get money : but to be in the frontiers , to ouercome their enemies . in what estimation these foure frontiers were , wee may easily perceyue , by that wee see the most noble romanes haue passed some part of their youth in those places as captaines , vntill such time that ( for more weighty affaires ) they were appointed from thence to som other places . for at that time there was no word so grieuous and iniurious to a citizen , as to say , goe thou hast neuer beene brought vp in the wars : and to proue the same by examples . the great pompey passed the winter season in constantinople : the aduenturous scipio in colonges , the couragious caesar in gades , and the renowmed marius in rhodes . and these foure were not only in the frontiers aforesaid in their youth , but there they did such valiant acts , that the memory of them remaineth euermore after their death . these thinges i haue spoken to proue , sith wee finde that marcus aurelius father was captain of one of these . frontiers : it followeth , that he was a man of singular wisdome and prowesse . for as scipio sayd to his friend masinissa in affrike , it is not possible for a romane captaine to want eyther wisdome or courage , for thereunto they were predestined at their birth . wee haue no authenticke authorities , that sheweth vs frō whence , when , or how , in what countries , and with what persons this captaine passed his youth . and the cause is , for that the romane chroniclers were not accustomed to write the things done by their princes , before they were created , but onely the acts of yong men , which from their youth had their hearts stoutly bent to great aduentures : and in my opinion it was well done . for it is greater honour to obtaine an empire by policy and wisdome , then to haue it by discent , so that there be no tyranny . suetonius tranquillus in his first booke of emperours , counteth at large the aduenturous enterprises taken in hand by iulius caesar in his yong age , and how far vnlikely they were from thought , that he should euer obtaine the romane empire ; writing this to shew vnto princes , how earnestly iulius caesars heart was bent to win the romane monarchy , and likewise how wisdom fayled him in behauing himselfe therin . a philosopher of rome , wrote to phalaris the tirant , which was in cicilia , asking him , why hee possessed the realme so long by tyranny ? phalaris answered him againe in another epistle in these few wordes . thou callest mee tyrant , because i haue taken this realme , and kept it . yeares . i graunt then , ( quoth hee ) that i was a tyrant in vsurping it : for no man occupyeth another mans right , but by reason he is a tyrant : but yet i will not agree to be called a tyrant , sith it is now xxxii . yeares since i haue possessed it . and though i haue atchieued it by tyranny , yet i haue gouerned it by wisdome . and i let thee to vnderstand , that to take another mans goods , it is an easie thing to conquere , but a hard thing to keepe an easie thing : for to keepe them , i ensure thee it is very hard . the emperour marcus aurelius married the daughter of antoninus pius , the . emperour of rome , and she was named faustina , who as sole heyre had the empire , and so through marriage marcus aurelius came to be emperour . this faustine was not so honest and chast , as shee was faire and beautifull . shee had by him two sonnes , commodus and verissimus . marcus aurelius triumphed twice , once when he ouercame the parthians , and another time when hee conquered the argonants . he was a man very well learned , and of a deepe vnderstanding . hee was as excellent both in the greeke and latine , as hee was in his mothers tongue . hee was very temperate in eating and drinking , hee wrote many things full of good learning and sweete sentences . he dyed in conquering the realme of pannonia , which is now called hungarie . his death was as much bewayled , as his life was desired . and hee was loued so deare and entirely in the city of rome , that euery romane had a statue of him in his house , to the end the memory of him ( among them ) should neuer decay . the which was neuer read that they euer did for any other king or emperour of rome , no not for augustus caesar , who was best beloued of all other emperours of rome . hee gouerned the empire for the space of eighteene yeere with vpright iustice , and died at the age of yeeres with much honor , in the yeere climatericke , which is in the . years wherein the life of man runneth in great perill . for then are accomplished the nine seuens , or the seuen nines . aulus gelius writeth a chapter of this matter , in the booke de noctibus atticis . marcus aurelius was a prince , of life most pure , of doctrine most profound , and of fortune most happy of all other princes in the world , saue only for faustine his wife , and commodus his sonne . and to the end we may see what marcus aurelius was from his infancy , i haue put here an epistle of his , which is this . chap. ii. of a letter which marcus aurelius sent to his friend pulio , wherein he declareth the order of his whole life : and amongst other things , he maketh mention of a thing that happened to a romane censor , with his host of campagnia . mareus aurelius , only emperour of rome , greeteth thee his old friend pulio , wisheth health to thy person , & peace to the common-wealth . as i was in the temple of the vestall virgins , a letter of thine was presented vnto me , which was written long before , and greatly desired of me : but the best therof is , that thou writing vnto me briefly , desirest that i should write vnto thee at large : which is vndecent for the authority of him that is chiefe of the empire , in especiall , if such one be couetous : for to a prince there is no greater infamy then to be lauish of words , and scant of rewards . thou writest to me of the griefe in thy leg , and that thy wound is great : and truly the paine thereof troubleth me at my heart , and i am right sorry that thou wantest that which is necessary for thy health , and that good that i do wish thee . for in the end , all the trauels of this life may be endured , so that the body with diseases be not troubled . thou lettest me vnderstand by thy letters , that thou art arriued at rhodes and requirest me to write vnto thee , how i liued in that place when i was yong , what time i gaue my minde to study , and likewise what the discourse of my life was , vntill the time of my being emperor of rome . in this case truly i maruell at thee not a little , that thou shouldest aske me such a question , and so much the more , that thou didst not consider , that i cannot with out great trouble and paine answere thy demand . for the doings of youth in a yong man were neuer so vpright & honest , but it were more honest to amend them , then to declare them . annius verus my father , shewing vnto me his fatherly loue ( not accomplishing yet fully . years ) drew me frō the vices of rome , and sent mee to rhodes to learn science , howbeit better accompanied with books , then loden with money , where i vsed such diligence , and fortune so fauored me that at the age of . years , i read openly natural and moral philosophy , and also rhetoricke : and there was nothing gaue mee such occasion to study , and reade books , as the want of money ; for pouerty causeth good mens children to be vertuous , so that they attaine to that by vertue , which others com vnto by riches . truely friend pulio , i found great want of the pleasures of rome , especially at my first comming into the isle ; but after i had read philosophy x. yeares at rhodes , i tooke my selfe as one born in the countrey . and i think my conuersation among them caused it seeme no lesse . for it is a rule that neuer faileth , that vertue maketh a stranger grow naturall in a strange country , and vice maketh the naturall a stranger in his owne countrey , thou knowest well , how my father annius verus was . years a captain in the frontiers against the barbarous by the commandement of adrian my lord and master , and antoninus pius my father in law , both of them princes of famous memory : which recommended mee there to their olde friends , who with fatherly counsell exhorted me , to forgette the vices of rome , and to accustome my selfe to the vertues of rhodes . and truely , it was but needfull for mee : for the naturall loue of the country oft times , bringeth damage to him that is borne therein , leading his desire still to returne home . thou shalt vnderstand , that the rhodians are men of much courtesie , and requiting benenolences , which chanceth in few isles : because that naturally they are persons deceitfull , subtill , vnthankefull , and full of suspition . i speake this , because my fathers friends alwaies succored me with counsel & mony : which things were so necessary , that i could not tell which of them i had most need of . for the stranger maketh his profite with money , to withstand disdainefull pouerty , & profiteth himself with counsel to forget the sweet loue of his country . i desired then to reade philosophie in rhodes , so long as my father continued there captaine . but that could not bee , for adrian my lord , sent for me to return to rome , which pleased me not a litle , albeit ( as i haue said ) they vsed me as if i had beene borne in that iland , for in the end , although the eyes bee fedde with delight to see strange things , yet therefore the heart is not satisfied . and this is all that touched the rhodians . i will now tell thee also , how before my going thither , i was borne and brought vp in mount celio ( in rome ) with my father from mine infancie . in the common wealth of rome , there was a law vsed , and by custome well obserued , that no citizen which enioyed any liberty of rome ( after their sonnes had accomplished tenne yeares ) should bee so bold or hardy , to suffer them to walke the streetes like vacabonds . for it was a custome in rome , that the children of the senators should sucke till two yeares of age , till foure they should liue at their own willes , till sixe they should reade , till eight they should write , til ten they should study grammer , and ten years accomplished they should then take some craft or occupation , or giue themselues to study , or goe to the warres : so that throughout rome , no man was idle . in one of the lawes of the twelue tables were written these words . wee ordaine and commaund , that euery citizen that dwelleth within the circuite of rome , or liberties of the same , from ten yeares vpwards , to keepe his son well ordered . and if perchance the child being idle , or that no man teaching him any craft or science , should thereby peraduenture fall to vice , or commit some wicked offence , that then the father ( no lesse then the sonne ) should bee punished . for there is nothing so much breedeth vice amongst the people , as when the fathers are too negligent , and the children bee too bold . and furthermore , another law sayde . wee ordaine and commaund , that after tenne yeares bee past , for the first offence that the child shall commit in rome , that the father shall bee bound to send him forth some where else , or to bee bound surety for the good demeanour of his sonne . for it is not reason , that the fond loue of the father to the sonne , should bee an occasion why the multitude should bee slaunred : because all the wealth of the empire consisteth , in keeping and maintaining quiet men , and in banishing , and expelling seditious persons . i will tell thee one thing ( my pulio ) and i am sure thou wilt maruell at it , and it is this . when rome triumphed , and by good wisdome gouerned all the world , the inhabitants in the same surmounted the number of two hundred thousand persons , which was a maruellous matter . amongst whom ( as a man may iudge ) there was a hundred thousand children , but they which had the charge of them kept them in such awe and doctrine , that they banished from rome one of the sonnes of cato vticensis , for breaking an earthen pot in a maydens hands which went to fetch water . in like manner they banished the sonne of good cinna , only for entring into a garden to gather fruit . and none of these two were as yet fifteene yeeres old . for at that time they chastised them more for the offences done in iest , then they do now for those which are don in good earnest . our cicero sayth in his booke de legibus , that the romanes neuer tooke in any thing more pains , then to restrain the children ( as well olde as the young ) from idlenes . and so long endured the feare of their law , and honour of their common wealth , as they suffered not their children like vagabonds idlely to wander the streetes , for that country may aboue all other bee counted happy , where each one enioyeth his owne labour , and no man liueth by the sweate of another . i let thee know , my pulio , that when i was a child ( although i am not yet very old ) none durst bee so hardy to goe commonly through rome without a token about him of the craft and occupation hee exercised , and wherby hee liued . and if any man had beene taken contrary , the children did not onely crie out of him in the streets as of a foole ; but also the censour afterwards condemned him , to trauell with the captiues in common workes . for in rome they esteemed it not lesse shame to the child which was idle , then they did in greece to the philosopher which was ignorant . and to the end thou mayest see this , i write vnto thee to be no new thing , thou oughtest to know , that the emperour caused to bee borne afore him a burning brand , and the councel an axe of armes , the priests a hatte , in manner of a coyse : the senatours a crusible on their armes : the iudges a little balance , the tribunes maces , the gouernours a scepter , the bishoppes hattes of flowers : the oratours a booke , the cutler 's a sword , the goldsmith a pot to melt gold : and so forth of all other offices , strangers excepted , which went al marked after one sort in rome : for they would not agree , that a stranger should be apparrelled and marked according to the children of rome . o my friend pulio , it was such a ioy then to behold the discipline and prosperity of rome , as it is now at this present such a griefe to see the calamitie thereof , that by the immortall gods i sweare to thee , and so the god mars guide my hand in wars , that the man which now is best ordered , is not worth so much as the most dissolute person was then . for then ( amongst a thousand ) they could not find one man vicious in rome , and now amongst twenty thousand they cannot find one vertuous in all italy . i know not why the gods are so cruell against me , and fortune so contrary , that this forty yeares i haue done nothing but weepe and lament , to see the good men dye , and immediately to be forgotten : and on the other side , to see wicked men liue , and to be alwayes in prosperity . vniuersally , the noble heart may endure all the troubles of mans life , vnlesse it bee to see a good man decay , and the wicked to prosper ; which my heart cannot abide , nor yet my tongue dissemble . and touching this matter , my friend pulio , i will write vnto thee one thing which i found in the booke of the high capitoll , where hee treateth of the time of marius and silla , which truely is worthy of memory , and that is this . there was at rome a custome , and a law inuiolable , sith the time of cinna , that a censour ( expresly commāded by the senate ) should goe , and visite the prouinces which were subiect vnto it throughout all italy , and the cause of those visitations was for three things . the first , to see if any complained of iustice . the second , to see in what case the common-weale stood . the third , to the end , that yearely they should render obedience to rome . o my friend , pulio , how thinkest thou ? if they visited italie at this present , as at that time they suruaied rome , how ful of errours should they finde it ? and what decay should they see therin , thinkest thou ? truely , as thou knowest , they should see the common wealth destroyed , iustice not ministred , and moreouer rome not obeyed , and not without iust cause . for , of right ought that common-wealth to be destroyed , which once of all other hath beene the flower , and most beautified with vertues , and after becommeth most abhominable , and defiled with vices . the case was such that two years after the wars of silla and marius , the censour went yeerly to nola ( which is a place in the prouince of campania ) to visite the same country as the custome was . and in those dayes , the time and season being very hote , and the prouince quiet , not disturbed with warres , and perceyuing that none of the people came to him . the censour said to the host which lodged him : friend , i am a iudge sent from the senatours of rome to visite this land . therefore goe thy wayes quickly , and call the good men hither which be among the people : for i haue to say vnto them from the sacred senate . this host , ( who peraduenture was wiser then the romane iudge , although not so rich ) goeth to the graues of the dead , which in that place were buried , and spake vnto them with a loude voyce saying , o yee good men , come away with mee quickly , for the romane censour calleth you . the iudge perceyuing they came not , sent him againe to call them : and the host as he did at the first time , so did he now at the second . for when he was at the graues , with a loud voice he sayd , o yee good men , come hither , for the censour of rome would talke with you . and likewise they were called the third time with the selfe same words . and the censour seeing no body come , was maruellous angry , and sayde to the host : sith these good men disdain to come at my commandement , and shew their allegiance to the sacred senate of rome that were aliue , and not those that are dead : the host made answere , o thou romane iudge , if thou wert wise , thou wouldest not maruell at that that i haue done . for i let thee vnderstand , in this our city of nola , all the good men , ( all i say ) are now dead , and lye here buried in these graues . therefore thou hast no cause to maruell ) nor yet to bee displeased with my aunswere : but i rather ought to bee offended with thy demaund , willing me to enquire for good men , and thou thy selfe dost offend with the euill dayly , wherefore i let thee know ( if thou bee ignorant thereof ) if thou wilt speake with any good man , thou shalt not finde him in all the whole world , vnlesse the dead bee reuiued , or except the goas will make a new creation . the consull silla was fiue moneths our captaine in this our city of nola in campania , sowing the fruit which ye other romaines gathered , that is to say , he left children without fathers , fathers without children , daughters without mothers , and husbands without wiues , wiues without husbands , vncles without nephewes , subiects without lords , lords without tenants , gods without temples , temples without priestes , mountaines without heards , and fieldes without fruites . and the worst of all is , that this wicked and cursed silla dispeopled this our city of good and vertuous men , and replenished it with wicked and vitious persons . ruine and decay neuer destroyed the walles so much , neyther the mothes euer so many garments , nor the worme rotted so much fruit , nor yet the hayle beate downe so much corne ; as the disorder and vices of sylla the romane consull did harme , which hee brought vnto this land of campania . and although the mischiefe and euils that hee did heere to the men were manifold great , yet much greater herein was that which he did to their customes and manners . for in the end the good men which hee beheaded , are now at rest with the dead : but the vices which hee left vs in this land , there are none but proude and arrogant men that delight to commaund . in this land there are none other but enuious men , that know nought else but malice . in this land there are idle men , which doe nothing but loose their time . in this land there are none but gluttons , which doe nothing but eate . in this land there are none but theeues , which entend nought else but robberies . in this land there are none but rebels , that do nothing but stirre sedition . and if thou and all the romanes esteeme these men for good , tarry a while , i will goe to call them all to thee . for if wee should kill and put into the shambles all the euill men , and weigh them as wee doe the flesh of sheepe , or other like be asts : all the neighbours and inhabitants of italy should haue meate sufficient for to eate . behold censour , in this land of campania , they call none good but those which are quiet , sober , wise , and discreet men . they call none good but the patient , honest , and vertuous men . finally i say , that wee call none good , but these men which will doe no harme , and will occupie themselues in good workes . without teares i speake not that which i will say , that is , if wee seeke for any of them , wee shall find none but in their graues . for the iust iudgement of god it was , they should repose themselues in the entrailes of the earth , whom the publike weale deserued not to haue aliue . thou commest to visite this land , where thou shalt immediately be serued with the wicked , and to hide their faults , their desolute life , and their vices , thou shalt not be a little solicited . beleeue mee , if thou wilt not vndoe thy selfe , and be deceyued . trust thou rather these rotten bones , then their deceitfull hearts . for in the end , the examples of the dead that were good , doe profite men more to liue well , then the counsell of the liuing that bee wicked , doe interre and bury all those that be now liuing . chap. iii. marcus aurelius concludeth the letter , and declareth at large the sciences he learned , and all the masters which he had . and in the end , hee reciteth fiue not able things , in the obseruance of which the romanes were very curious . i haue recited these things vnto thee , my friend pulio , to the end thou shouldest know , what an infinit number there is of the wicked sort in the world , and how small & scant a number there is in italy of the good ; and this proceedeth of none other thing , but because the fathers doe not bring vp their children as our ancesters did . it is vnpossible a yong child should be vicious , if with due correction he had been instructed in vertues . annius verus my father , in this case deserueth as much prayse , as i doe reproach . for whiles i was young , he neuer suffered me to sleepe in bed , to sit in chayre , to eate with him at his table ; neyther durst i lift vp mine eies to looke him in the face . and oftentimes he sayde vnto mee ; marcus , my sonne , i had rather thou shouldest bee an honest romane , then a dissolute philosopher . thou desirest mee to write vnto thee , how many masters i had , and what sciences i learned in my youth . know thou , that i had many good masters , though i am become an euill scholler . i learned also diuers sciences , though presently i know little ; not for that i forgot them , but because the affaires of the empire of rome , excluded mee from them , and caused me to forsake them . for it is a general rule ; that science in that place is neuer permanent , where the person is not at liberty . i studyed grammer with a master called euphermon , who sayde he was a spaniard borne , and his head was hoare for age . in speech he was very temperate , in correction somewhat seuere , and in life exceeding honest . for there was a law in rome , that the childrens masters should bee very old : so that if the disciple were ten yeares of age , the master should bee aboue fifty . i studyed a long time rethoricke , and the law , vnder a greeke called alexander , borne in lycaonya , which was so excellent an oratour , that if hee had had as great a grace in writing with his pen , as he had eloquence in speaking with his tongue : truly hee had beene no lesse renowmed among the grecians , then cicero was honored among the romans . after the death of this my maister ( at naples ) i went to rhodes , & heard rhetoricke again of orosus of pharanton , & of pulio , which truly were men expert , and excellent in the art of oratorie , and especially in making comedies , tragedies , & enterludes , they were very fine , and had a goodly grace . commodus calcedon was my first maister in naturall phylosophy . he was a graue man , and in great credite with adrian , he translated homer out of greeke into latin. after this man was dead , i tooke sextus cheronensis for my maister , who was nephew to plutarch the great , which plutarch was traianus maister . i knew this sextus cheronensis at . yeares of age , at what time i doubt , whether there hath beene any phylosopher that euer was so well esteemed throughout the romane empire as he . i haue him here vvith me , and although hee be fourescore years old , yet continually he vvriteth the histories and gests done of my time . i let thee know my friend pulio , that i studyed the law two yeers , and the seeking of the lawes of many nations , was occasion that i knew many antiquities : and in this science volucius mecianus vvas my master , a man vvhich could reade it vvell , and also dispute of it better . so that on a time hee demaunded of me merily , and said . tel mee marke , doest thou thinke there is any law in the world that i knovv not ? and i answered him ; tell mee master , is there any lavv in the world that thou obseruest . the sift yeere that i vvas at rhodes there came a marnellous pestilence , vvhich vvas the occasion of the dissolution of our schoole , vvhich vvas in a narrovv and little place , and being there a certaine painter , painting a rich and excellent worke for the realme of palestine , i then ( for a truth ) learned there to dravv and paint , and my master vvas named diogenetus , vvho in those dayes vvas a famous painter . he painted in rome sixe worthie princes in one table , and . other tirannous emperours in an other . and amongst those euill , nero the cruel was painted so liuely that he seemed aliue to all those that savv him , and that table vvherein nero vvas so liuely dravvne , vvas by decrees of the sacred senate commanded to be burnt . for they sayde , that a man of so wicked a life deserued not to be represented in so goodly a table . others sayde , that it was so naturall and perfect , that hee made all men afrayde that beheld him , and if he had been left there a few dayes , that hee would haue spoken as if he had been aliue . i studyed the art of necromancy a while , with all the kindes of gyromancy and chiromancie . in this science i had no particular master , but that sometimes i went to heare apolonius lecture . after i was married to faustine , i learned cosmography in the city of argelata , which is the chiefest towne of illyrta , and my masters were iunius rusticus , and cyna catudus , chroniclers & councellours to adrian my master , and antoninus my father in law. and becaused i would not be ignorant in any of these things , that mans abilitie might attaine to , being at the wars of dalia , i gaue my selfe to musicke , and was apt to take it , and my master was named geminus comodus , a man of a quicke hand to play , and of as pleasāt a voice to sing , as euer i heard romane tongue prompt to speake . this was the order of my life , and the time that i spent in learning . and ( of good reason ) a man so occupied cannot chuse but bee vertuous . but i sweare and confesse to thee , that i did not so much giue my selfe to studie , but that euery day i lost time enough . for youth and the tender flesh desireth liberty , and although a man accustome it with trauels , yet he findeth vacant time in it also for his pleasures . although all the ancient romaines were ( in diuers things ) very studious ; yet notwithstanding , amongst all ouer , and besides these , there were fiue things whereunto they had euer a great respect : and to those that therein offended , neyther requests auayled , rewards profited , nor law ( olde nor new ) dispensed , truly their good wils are to be commended , and their diligence to bee exalted . for the princes that gouern great realms ought to employ their harts to make good lawes , and to occupie their eyes to see them duely excuted throughout the common-wealth . these fiue ●eings were these . the first , they ordayned , that the priests should not be dishonest . for in that realme where priests are dishonest , it is a token that the gods against the people are angry . the second , it was not suffered in rome , that the virgines vestals should at their pleasure stay abroad . for it is but reason , that shee which of her owne free will hath heretofore promised openly to bee good , should now ( if shee change her mind ) be compelled in secret to bee chast . the third , they decreede that the iudges should bee iust and vpright . for there is nothing that decayeth a common wealth more then a iudge who hath not for all men one ballance indifferent . the fourth was , that the captaines that should goe to the warres , should not bee cowards : for there is no like daunger to the common-wealth , nor no like slaunder to the prince , as to commit the charge of men to him in the field , who will be first to commaund , and last to fight . the fifth was , that they which had charge of bringing vp of children , should not be vicious . for there is nothing more monstrous and more slanderous , then he that is a master of children , should bee subiect and seruant to vices . how thinkest thou , my friend pulio , when all these things were obserued in rome : thinkest thou that the youth was so dissolute , as at this present ? thinkest thou indeed , that it is the same rome , wherein ( in times past ) were so notable , good and auncient men ? beleeuest thou that it is that rome , wherein ( in the golden age ) the old men were so honest , and the children so wel taught , the armies well ordered , and the iudges and senatours so vpright and iust ? i call god to witnesse , and sweare to thee , that it is not rome , neyther hath it any likenesse of rome , nor yet any grace to be rome , and hee that would say that this rome was the olde rome , knoweth little of rome . the matter was this , that the auncient and vertuous romans being dead , it seemeth to the gods , that we are not yet worthy to enioy their houses . so that eyther this is not rome , or else we bee not the romanes of rome . for considering the prowesse and vertuous deedes of the auncient romanes , and weighing also our dissolute liues , it were a very great infamy for them to call vs their successors . i desired my friend pulio , to write vnto thee al these things , to the end thou mayest see what we were , and what wee are . for great things haue need of great power , and require a long time before they can grow , and come to their perfection , and then afterward at one moment , and with one blow , they fall down to the ground . i haue beene more tedious in my letter then i thought to haue beene , and now i haue tolde thee that , which with diligence ( by reason of my great affaires ) in three or foure times , i haue written of that that wanteth in thine , and is too much in mine . we shall make a reasodable letter , and since i pardon thee for being too briefe , pardon thou mee also for being too long . i saw thee once enquire for vnicornes horne in alexandry , wherefore now i send thee a good peece , and likewise i send thee a horse which in my iudgement is good . aduertise mee if thy daughter drusilla bee aliue , with whom i was wont to laugh , and i will helpe her to a marriage . the immortall gods keepe mee , o my pulio , thy wife , thy stepmother , and thy daughter , and salute them all from me , and faustine . marke of mount celio , emperour of rome , with his owne hand writeth vnto thee . chap. iiii. of the excellency of christian religion , which manifesteth the true god , and disproueth the vanity of the ancients hauing so many gods. and that in the olde time , when the enemies were reconciled in their houses , they caused also , that the gods should embrace each other in the temples . he that is the onely diuine word begotten of the father , lord perpetuall of the hierarchies , more auncient then the heauens , prince of all holinesse , chiefe head from whom all had their beginning , the greatest of all gods , and creator of all creatures , in the profoundnesse of his eternall sapience , accordeth all the harmony and composition of christian religion . this is such a manner of sure matter , and so well layed , that neyther the miseries , which spring of the infections of naughtie christians can trouble , nor yet the boisterous windes of the heretiques are able to moue . for it were more likely that heauen and earth should both perish , then it should suspend for one day , & that there should be no christian religion . the ancient gods which were inuentors of worldly things , as the foundation of their reproued sects was but a flying sand , and an vnstable ground , full of daungerous and erroneous abuses , so some of those poore wretches , looking perhaps like a ship running vpon a rocke , suspecting nothing , were drowned , other like ruined buildings were shaken in sunder , and sell down dead , finally , these gods which only bare the name of gods , shall be for euermore forgotten . but hee onely shall bee perpetuall , which in god by god , and through god hath his beginning . many and sundry were the multitude of the nations which haue been in times past . that is to wit , the sirians , the assyrians , persians , medians , macedonians , grecians , cythians , arginians , corinthians , caldeans , indians , athenians , lacedemonians , africans , vandales sweuians , allaines , hungarians , germaignes , britons , hebrews , palestines , gentiles , iberthalides , maurians , lucitanians , gothes and spaniards . and truly , in al these looke how great the difference amongst them in their customes and manners was , so much diuersity was of the ceremonies which they vsed , & their gods which they honoured . for the gentiles had this errour , that they sayd , one alone was not of power sufficient to create such a multitude as were created . if i were before all the sages that euer were , they would not say the contrary , but without comparison the gods whom they worshipped and inuented were greater in multitude then the realmes and prouinces which they conquered and possessed . for by that folly the auncient poets durst affirme in their writings , that the gods of one nation and country were mortall enemies vnto the gods of another prouince . so that the gods of troy enuied the gods of greece more then the prince of greece enuied the prince of troy. what a strange thing was it to see the assyrians in what reuerence they worshipped the god belus . the egyptians the god apis. the caldeans the god assas the babilonians the deuouring dragon . the pharaones the statue of gold . the palestines belzebub . the romans honoured the god iupiter . the affricans the god mars the corinthians the god apollo . the arabians god astaroth . the arginians the sun. those of acaia the moone . the cidonians belphegorn . the amonites balim . the indians baccus . the lacedemonians , osiges . the macedonians did sacrifice to mercurie . the ephesians to their goddesse diana . the greekes to iuno . the armenians to liber . the troians to vesta . the latines to februa . the tarentines to ceres . the rhodians , ( as sayth apolonius thianeus ) worshipped the god ianus , and aboue all things , wee ought to maruell at this , that they striued oftentimes amongst themselues , not so much vpon the possessions and seignories of realmes , as vpon a certaine obstinacie they had to maintaine the gods of the one , to bee of greater power then the others : for they thought if their gods were not esteemed , that the people should be empouerished , vnfortunate , and persecuted . pulio in his second booke de dissolatione regionum orientarum , declareth that the first prouince that rebelled against the emperour helius adrianus ( which was the fifteenth emperour of rome ) was the land of palestine , against which , was sent a captaine , named iulius seuerus , a man of great courage , and very fortunate , and aduenturous in armes . this captaine did not onely finish the warres , but hee wrought such an outragious destruction in that land , that he besieged . cities , and razed them to the ground , and burned . villages , and slew so many in battell skirmish , and by iustice , that amounted to the number of . persons . for vnto the proud and cruell captaines victory can neuer bee glorious , vnlesse they water the ground with the bloud of their enemies . and furthermore , in the cities and townes besieged , the children , olde men and women , which dyed through hunger and pestilence , were more in number , then those which were slaine in the wars . for in wars the sword of the enemies lighteth not vpon all , but pestilence , and famine , hath no respect to any . after this warre of the palestines was ended , immediately after arose a more crueller betwixt the alleynes , and armenians . for there are many that see the beginning of the troubles and miseries which arise in realmes ; but there are few that consider the end , and seeke to remedie the same . the occasion of this warre was , as they came to the feast of the mount olimpus , they fell in disputations , whether of their gods were better , and which of them ought to bee preferred before other . whereof there sprang such contradictions , and such mortall hatred , that on euery part they were furiously moued to warres , and so vnder a colour to maintaine the gods which they honoured , both the common wealthes were brought into great pouerty , and the people also into great misery . the emperour helius adrianus , seeing such cruell warres to arise vpon so light occasion , sent thither the captaine aboue named , iulius seuerus , to pacifie the allaines and armenians , and commaunded him that he should persecute those with warres , which would not be ruled by his arbitremēt & sentence . for those iustly deserue the sword , which with no reasonable conditions will condiscend vnto peace . but iulius seuerus vsed such policy that he made thē good friends , and neuer touched them , nor came neare them . which thing was no lesse acceptable to the emperour , then profitable to the realmes . for the captaine which subdueth the country by entreatie , deserueth more honor then he which ouercommeth it by battell . the agreement of the peace was made vpon such condition , that the allaines should take for their gods the armenian gods , and the armenians on the contrary , the gods of the allaines . and further , when the people should embrace and reconcile themselues to the senate , that then the gods should kisse the one the other , and to be reconciled to the temple . the vanity of the ancients was such , and the blindnesse of mortall men so great , & so subiect were they to diuelish deuises , that as easily as the eternall wisedome createth a true man now a dayes : so easily then a vain man might haue inuented a false god. for the lacedemonians had this opinion , that men had no lesse power to inuent gods , then the gods had to create men . chap. v. how the philosopher bruxellus was greatly esteemed amongst the ancients for his life , and the words which hee spake vnto the romanes at the houre of his death . pharasmaco in his booke de libertate deorum ( whereof cicero maketh mētion in his booke , de natura deorum ) sayth , that when the gothes tooke rome , and besieged the high capitoll : there came amongst them a philosopher called bruxellus , the which ( after the gothes were repulsed out of italy ) remained with camillus at rome . and because at that time rome wanted philosophers , this bruxellus was had in great veneration amongst all the romanes , so that hee was the first stranger of whom ( being aliue ) a statue was euer made in the senate : the romanes vsed to make a statue of the romanes being aliue , but not to strangers till after their death , the age of this bruxellus was . whereof . hee had been an inhabitant of rome . and among other things they recite . notable things of his life . the first , that in . yeeres , no mā euer saw him issue out of the wals of rome . for in the olde time the sages were little esteemed , if in their behauiours they were not iust and vpright . the second , that in . yeares no man heard him speake an idle word : for the words that are superfluous doe greatly deface the authoritie of the person . the third , that in all his time they neuer saw him lose one houre of time . for in a wise man there is no greater folly , then to see him spend a moment of an houre idely . the fourth , that in all his time , hee was neuer detected of any vice . and let no man thinke this to bee a small matter . for few are they of so long life , which are not noted of some infamy after their death . the fifth , that in all the . years he neuer made quarrell , nor striued with any man ; and this thing ought to be no lesse esteemed then the other . for truly hee that liueth a long time without offering wrong to another , may be called a monster in nature . the sixt , that in . or . yeares hee neuer issued out of the temple , and in this case this philosopher shewed him selfe to be a good man. for the vertuous man ought not to content himselfe only to be void of vices : but he ought also to withdraw himselfe from the vicious . the seuenth and last , that hee spake more often with the gods then with men . this philosopher now drawing neere to the houre of death , all the graue senators came to visite him , & to thanke him for that he had liued so long amongst them in so good conuersation , and that so willingly hee cared and watched for the wealth of rome . and likewise all the people of rome were right sorry for his sicknesse , and that they should loose the company of so excellent and vertuous a man. the good philosopher in the presence of them al spake these words vnto the senate . chap. vi. of that the sage philosopher bruxellus spake to the senate of rome , at the houre of his death . since you are wise ( o worthy senatours ) mee thinketh you should not lament my death , sithens i my selfe so ioyfully doe receiue it . for wee ought not to lament the death weo take , but the wicked life wee leade . the man is very simple that dreadeth death , for feare to lose the pleasures of life . for death ought not to bee feared for losse of life , but because it is a sharpe scourge of the wicked life . i dye ( noble senatours ) in ioy and pleasure . first , because i doe not remember that euer i did any euill in all my life , or displeasure to any of the common-wealth . and i am certaine that the man which did no euill to men in his life , the gods will doe him no harme at the houre of his death . secondarily , i dye ioyfully , to see all rome lament the losse of my life . for that man is very wicked and vnhappy whose life the people lament , and at whose death they doe reioyce . thirdly , i dye ioyfully , onely to remember that the threescore yeers which i haue beene in rome , alwayes i haue trauelled for the common wealth . for the iust gods told mee , that there is no death with paine , but where life is without profite . fourthly , i dye ioyfully , not so much for the profit i haue done to men , as for the seruice i haue done to the gods. for regarding to how many profitable things we employ our life , we may say , wee liue onely the time which is employed to the seruice of god. ceasing to speake further of my person , i will ( worthy senatours ) disclose vnto you a highsecret which toucheth your common wealth , and this it is . that our father romulus founded rome , numa pompilius erected the high capitoll , aeneus marcius enclosed it with wals , brutus deliuered it from tyrants , the good camillus droue out the frenchmē , quintus scicinnatus augmented her power : but i leaue it peopled with gods , which shall defend rome better then walles or men . for in the end , the feare of one god is more worth the the strength of all men . when i came to rome it was a confusion to see how it was peopled with men , and vnfurnished of gods. for there was but fiue gods , that is to say , iupiter , mars , ianus , berecinthia , and the goddes vesta . but now it is not so . for there remaineth for euery one a priuate god . me thinketh it an vniust thing that treasuries should bee full of gold , and the temples voide of gods. as there is . housholds , so you may account your selues happy , that i leaue you gods : by the vertue of the which i coniure you o romanes , that each of you bee contented with the god of his house , and haue no care to apply to himselfe the gods of the common wealth . for he that emproprieth to himselfe that which ought to be cōmon to al , is to be blamed of god , & hated of men . this shall bee therefore the order that you shall keepe and haue towards the gods , if you wil not erre in their seruice . that is to vnderstand , that yee shall keepe the mother berecinthia , to pacifie the ire of the gods : yee shall keepe the goddesse vesta , to turne from you the wicked destinies . yee shall keepe the god iupiter , and shall commit vnto him the gouernment of your commonwealth . and also yee shall keepe him for the god aboue all gods in heauen and earth . for if iupiter did not temper the ire , which the gods about haue against you : there should bee no memory of men heere beneath in earth . of other particular gods which i leaue you , vse your particular profite . but yet notwithstanding in the meane season ( romanes ) take you heede to your selues , and if at any time fortune should hee contrary , let no man be so hardy to speake euill of the god which hee hath in his house . for the gods tell mee , that it was sufficient enough to dissemble with them which serue them not , and not to pardon those that offend them . and doe not deceiue your selues in saying that they are priuate gods , and not able to help themselues . for i let you know , that there is not so little a god , but is of power sufficient to reuenge aniniury . o romanes , it is reason , that all from henceforth liue ioyfully , and in peace , and furthermore , thinke your selues assured not to he ouercome by your enemies , because now your neighbours of you , and not you of them , shall desire to borrow gods , and because yee shall see mee no more , yee thinke i must dye , and i thinke because i dye , i shall beginne to liue . for i goe to the gods , and leaue among you the gods , because i depart . chap. vii . how the gentiles thought that one god was not able to defend them from their enemies , and how the romanes sent throughout all the empire to borrow gods when they fought against the gothes . in the yeere of the foundatiō of rome . which according to the count of the latines , was . from the incarnation ( as paulus orosus in the sixt booke , de machina mundi sayth , and paulus diaconus in the . booke of the romane histories , ) the gothes ( which as spartian sayeth , were called otherwise gethules , or messagethes ) were driuen out of their country by the huns , and came into italy to seeke new habitations , and became naturall and built houses . at this time there was an emperour of rome named valentine , a man of small reputation and courage in warres , and endued with few good conditions , for that hee was of arian his sect . the kings of these gothes were two renowmed men , whose names were randagagismus and alaricus . of the which two , randagagismus was the chiefest and most puissant , and he had a noble minde , and a very good wit. he led with him at the least . gothes , the which all with him , and he with them made an oath , to shedde as much bloud of the romanes as they could , and offer it to their gods. for the barbarous people had a custom , to noint the god ( which was at that time in the temple of venus ) with the bloud of their enemies , whom they had slain the newes of the comming of this cruel tyrant was published throughout all italy . whose determination was not onely to raze the wals of rome downe to the earth , batter towers , dungeons , houses , walles , and buildings : but also he purposed to abolish , and vtterly to bring to nought the name of rome , and likewise of the romanes . of this thing all the italians were in very great and maruellous feare and the most puissant and couragious knights and gentlemen , agreede together presently to retire within the walles of rome , and determined to dye in the place to defend the liberty thereof . fot amongst the romanes there was an ancient custome , that when they created a knight , they made him to sweare to keepe . things . first , he sware to spend all the dayes of his life in the wars . secondarily , hee sware that neyther for pouerty nor riches , nor for any other things , hee should euer take wages but of rome onely . thirdly , hee sware , that hee would rather chuse to dye in liberty , then to liue in captiuity . after all the romanes ( scattered abroad in italy ) were together assembled in rome , they agreede to send letters by their purseuants , not onely to their subiects , but also to all their confederates . the effect whereof was this . chap. viii . of a letter sent from the senate of rome to all the subiects of the empire . the sacred senate , and all the people of rome , to all their faithfull and louing subiects , and to their deare friends and confederates , wisheth health and victory against your enemies . the variety of time , the negligence of you all , and the vnhappy successe of our aduentures . haue brought vs in processe of time , that wheras rome conquered realms , and gouerned so many strange seignories , now at this day commeth strangers to conquere and destroy rome ; in such sort , that the barbarous people ( whom we were wont to keepe for slaues ) sweare to become our lords and masters . wee let you know now , how all the barbarous nations haue conspired against rome our mother , and they with their king haue made a vow , to offer all the romanes bloud to their gods in the temples . and peraduenture their pride and fiercenesse beeing seene , & our innocency knowne , fortune will dispose another thing . for it is a geuerous rule , that it is vnpossible for a prince to haue the victory of that warre which by malice is begunne , and by pride and fiercenesse pursued . it hath seemed good vnto vs ( since their cause is vniust , and ours righteous ) to endeuour our selues by all meanes how to resist this barbarous people . for oft times that which by iustice was gotten , by negligence is lost . for the remedy of this mischiefe to come the sacred senate hath prouided these things following , and for the accomplishing thereof your fauour , and aide is necessary . first of all , wee haue determined to repayre with all diligence our ditches , walles , gates , and bulwarkes , and in these places to arme all our friends . but to accomplish that , and diuers other for the necessity of warfare , we lacke money ; for yee know well inough , that the warre cannot bee prosperous where enemies abound , and money is scarce . secondarily , wee haue commaunded , that all those which bee sworne knights and souldiers of rome , repayre immediately to rome , and therefore yee shall send vs all those which are vnder the age of . and aboue the age of . for in great warres auncient men giue counsell , and young men and lusty to execute the same are required . we haue agreede and concluded , that the city bee prouided of victuals , munition , and defence at the least for two yeares . wherefore we desire yee , that yee send vs from you the tenth part of wine , the fift part of flesh , & the third part of your bread : for we haue all sworne to die , yet we meane not to dye for famine , assieged as fearefull men : but fighting in plain field , like valiant romanes . fourthly , wee haue prouided , ( since the vnknowne barbarous come to fight with vs ) that you bring vs to rome strange gods to helpe and defend vs. for you know well inough , that since great constantine , we haue been so poore of gods , that we haue not but one god , whom the christians do honour . therefore we desire you , that you wil succor vs with your gods in this our extreame necessity : for amongst the gods wee know no one alone sufficient , to defend all the romane people from their enemies . the wals therefore being well repayred , and all the young and warlike men in garrison in the city , the batteries well furnished , and the treasure house well replenished with money , and aboue all , the temples well adorned with gods , wee hope in our gods to haue the victory of our enemies . for in fighting with men , and not against gods , a man ought alwayes to haue hope of victory : for there are no men of such might , but by god and other me may be vanquished . fare ye wel , &c. after this letter was sent through all the dominion of the romaines , not tarrying for answere of the same , they forthwith openly blasphemed the name of christ , and set vp idols in the temples , vsed the ceremonies of the gentiles , and that which was worse then that , they sayde openly that rome was neuer so oppressed with tyrants , as it hath beene since they were christians . and further they sayde , if they called not againe all the gods to rome , the city should neuer bee in safeguard , for that they haue dishonored and offended their gods , and cast them out of rome , and that those barbarous people were sent to reuēge their iniurie . but the diuine prouidēce which giueth no place to human malice to execute his forces , before the walles were repayred , and before the messengers brought answere , and before the strange gods could enter into rome , randagagismus king of the gothes , with . of barbarous , ( without the effusion of christian bloud ) suddenly in the mountains of vesulanes , with famine , thirst , and stones which fell from heauen , lost all his armie , not one left aliue but himselfe , who had his head strucken off in rome . and this thing the eternal wisdome brought to passe , to the end the romanes should see , that iesus christ the true god of the christians , had no need of strange gods to defend his seruants . chap. ix . of the true and liuing god , and of the maruailes wrought in the olde law , to manifest his diuine power , and of the superstition of the false gods. o grosse ignorance , & vnspeakable obstinacy , o iudgements of god inscrutable . what thinke these gentiles by the true god ? they searched the false gods to helpe them , and had a liuing god of their owne : they sought gods full of guile and deceit , and worse then that they thought it necessary , that that god ( which created all things ) should be accompanied with their gods , to defend them which could make nothing . let now all their gods come forth into the fieldes on the one side , and i will goe forth alone in godly company , that is to say with the high god on th' other part : and we will compare the deedes and proue the aydes of their false god , against and with the last worke of our true god. and they shall cleerely perceiue their falsehood and our truth . for the tongue that speaketh of god can neuer beare with any lye , and that which speaketh of idols , can neuer disclose any truth . if they esteeme him much for creation of the world with his might : is it any lesse to preserue and gouerne it by his wisdome ? for many things are done in a moment , for the preseruation wherof long times is requisite , and much painefull trauaile necessary . i demand further what god of the gentiles could do that which our god hath done ? that is to know , within one arke to make quiet the lyon with the leoperd , the wolse with the lambe , the beare with the cow , the the tigar with the crocodill , the stoned horse with the mare , the dogge with the catte , the foxe with the hennes , the hounds with the hares , and so of other beastes : whose enmitie is greater th one against thother , then that of man is against men . for the enmity amongst men proceedeth of malice , but that of beasts proceedeth of nature . also i demaund , what god ( if it were not the true god so mighty ) could slay and drowne ( in one houre and moment ) so many men , women , and beasts : so that all those which were in the world ( eight onely excepted ) perished in the deluge of noe. the iudgement of god by ordinance , and their offences deserue this so maruellous a dammage . for god neuer executed any notable punishment , but first it came through our wicked offences . and if this be counted for a great thing , i will that an other thing bee had in great estimation : which is , that if god shewed his rigorous iustice in this punishment , incontinently hee shewed his might and clemency in remedying it , in that of these eight persons ( which were but few ) the generation did multiply in so great a number , that they did replenish many and great realmes : whereon a man ought to maruell , for according as aristotle sayth , great things are easily put to destruction , and brought to nought , but with great difficultie they are remedied and repaired againe . and further i demaund , what god of the gentiles was so puissant to do this , which the god of the hebrewes did , in that ancient and opulent realme of the egyptians ? that is to witte , when hee would , and when it pleased him , hee made the riuers run bloud , infected the flesh , darkned the ayre , dryed the seas , and slew the first begotten , obscured the sunne , and did wonders in canaan , and other wonderfull things in the redde sea. finally , hee commaunded the sea to drowne the prince aliue with all his egyptians , and that he should let the hebrewes passe by . if one of these false gods had done any one of these things , it had beene to be maruelled at : but the true god doing it , wee should not maruell at it . for , according to our little vnderstanding , it seemeth a great thing , but in respect of that the diuine power can do it is nothing . for where god putteth to his hand , there are no men so mighty no beasts so proud , nor heauen so hie , nor sea so deepe that can resist his power . for as he gaue them power , so can hee take it from them at his pleasure . further , what god of the gentiles ( although they were assembled together ) could haue had the power to haue destroyed one man onely , as the true god did , the which ( in the time of king zedechias ) made an hundred and fourescore thousand of the campe of the assyrians die , the hebrewes being a sleepe which were their mortall enemies . and truly in this case , god shewed to princes , and great lords , how little their money and their subtle wits preuayle them in feates of warre , when god hath determined another thing for their deserts . for in the end , the first inuention of warres proceedeth of mans ambition , and worldly malice , but the victory of them proceedeth of the diuine pleasure . what god of the gentiles could haue done that which our true god did ? when he brought vnder the feet of the renowmed captaine ioshua , two and thirty kings and realmes , whom he depriued not onely from their lands , but also bereft them of their liues , in tearing them in peeces , and diuiding the miserable realmes into twelue tribes . those realmes ( which in old time belonged vnto the hebrews ) were more then . yeeres kept of them in tyranny , wherefore god would , that by the hands of ioshua , they should bee restored . and though god deferred it a long time , it was to giue them grieuous torments , and not for that god had forgotten them . and although princes doe forgette many wrongs and tyrannies , yet notwithstanding , riuers of bloud cease not to runne before the face of the deuine iustice . if all the ancient gods had had power , would not they also haue holpen their princes ? since the gods lost no lesse in losing their temples , then men lost in losing their realmes : for it touched more the case of the auncients , to lose one little temple , then for men to lose a noble realme . we see that the gods of the troians could not resist the greekes , but that both men and gods , gods and men came into carthage , & from carthage into trinacria , and from trinacria , into italy , and from italy into laurentum , and from laurentum into rome . so they went about flying , declaring that the gods of troy , were no lesse conquered of the gods of greece , then the dukes and captaines of greece , were vanquishers of the captaines of troy , the which thing is hard to them that presume to be gods : for the true god doth not onely make himselfe feared , but also beloued and feared both , that we say of the one , that same we may wel say of the other . that is to know , that all the gods in the realms and temples , wherin they honoured and serued : but wee see the one destroyeth the other , as it is declared by the hebrewes , which was in bondage of the assyrians : the assyrians of the persians , the persians of the macedonians , the macedonians of the medes , the medes of the greekes , the greekes of the penians , the penians of the romanes , the romanes of the gothes , the gothes of the mores : so that there was no realme nor nation , but was conquered . neyther the writers can deny but they would haue exalted theyr gods and ceremonies , that the gods and their worshippers should not haue end . but in the end , both gods and men had all end , except the christian religion , which shall neuer haue end . for it is founded of that which hath neither beginning nor ending . one of the things which comforteth my heart most in the christian religion , is to see , that since the time the churches were founded , the kinges and princes most puissant haue been alwayes their enemies , and the most feeble and poore , alwayes greatest helpers , and defenders of the same . o glorious militant church , which now is no other then gold amongst the rust , a rose amongst the thorns , come amongst the chaffe , mary amongst the bones , margarites amongest the peble-stones , a holy soule amongst the rotten flesh , a phoenix in the cage , a shippe rocking in the raging seas , which the more shee is beaten , the faster shee sayleth . and there is no realme so little , nor no man of so little fauour , but when other doe persecute him , hee is by his friends , parents , and defendors fauoured and succoured , so that many times those which thinke to destroy are destroyed , and those which seeme to take their part , were their chiefest enemies . doth not that proceede of the great secret of god ? for though god suffered the wicked to be wicked a while , god will not therefore suffer that one euill man procure another to doe euill . the palestines and those of hierusalem , had not for their principall enemies but the chaldeans , and the chaldeans had for their enemies the idumeans , the idumeans the assyrians , the assyrians the persians , the persians the ariginians , the ariginians , the athenians , the athenians had for their principall enemies the lacedemonians , and the lacedemonians the sydonians , the sidonians the rhodians , and the rhodians the scythians , the scythians the hunnes , the hunnes had the alaines , the alaines the sweuians , the sweuians the vandales , the vandales the valerians , the valerians the sardinians , the sardinians the africanes , the africanes the romanes , the romans the dacians , the dacians the gothes , the gothes the frenchmen , the frenchmen the spaniards , and the spaniards the mores . and of all these realmes , the one hath persecuted the other . and not all one : but our holy mother the church hath alwayes been oppressed and persecuted with those realms , and hath beene succoured of none , but of iesu christ onely , and he hath euer succoured and defended it well : for the things that god taketh charge of although all the world were against thē , in the end it is impossible for them to perish . chap. x. how there is but one true god , and how happy these realmes are , which haue a good christian to their king , and how the gentiles affirme , that good princes ( after their death ) were changed into gods , and the wicked into diuels , which the authour proueth by sundry examples . although the common opinion of the simple people was , that there was many gods , yet notwithstanding , al the philosophers affirmed , that there was but one god , ( who of some was named iupiter ) the which was chiefe aboue all other gods others called him the first intelligence , for that hee had created all the world. others called him the first cause , because hee was the beginner of all things . it seemeth that aristotle vnderstood this thing , and was of this opinion , forasmuch as he sayth in his . booke of his metaphysickes . all superiour and inferiour things would bee well ordered , and many things much better by the arbitrement of one , then by the aduise of many . marcus varro in his booke , de theologia mistica , and cicero in his booke de natura deorum , although these were gentiles , and curious enough of the temples , yet they doe mocke the gentiles , which beleeued there were many gods , and that mars and mercury , and likewise iupiter , and the whole flocke of gods ( which the gentiles set vp ) were all mortall men as we are . but because they knew not , that there were good & bad angells , nor knew not that there was any paradise to reward the good , nor hell to torment the euill . they held this opinion , that good men after their death were gods , and euill men deuils . and not contented with these foolish abuses , the deuill brought them into such an errour , that they thought it consisted in the senates power to make some gods , and other deuils for when there dyed at rome any emperour , if he had been well affected of the senate , immediately hee was honoured for a god : and if hee dyed in displeasure of the senate , hee was condemned for a deuill . and to the end we doe not speake by fauour , but by writing . herodian saith , that faustine was the daughter of antoninus pius , and wife of marcus aurelius , which were emperours , the one after the other . and truely there were few eyther of their predecessors , or of their successors , which were so good as they were , and in mine opinion none more better : and therefore was shee made a goddesse , and her father a god. an emperour that coueteth perpetuall memory , must note . things which he should haue in his life . that is to say , pure in life , vpright in iustice , aduenturous in feates of armes , excellent in knowledge , and welbeloued in his prouinces : which vertues were in these two excellent emperours . this empresse faustine was passing fayre ; and writers prayse her beauty in such sort , that they sayd it was impossible for her to bee so beautiful , but that the gods had placed some diuine matter in her . yet notwithstanding , this added thereunto , it is doubtfull , whether the beauty of her face was more praysed , or the dishonesty of her life discommended . for her beauty maruelously amased those that saw her , and her dishonesty offended them much that knew her . yet after the emperour marcus aurelius had triumphed ouer the parthians , as he went visiting the prouinces of asia , that goodly faustine in foure dayes dyed at the mount taurus , ( by occasion of a burning feuer ) and so annealed , was caryed to rome . and since shee was the daughter of so good a father , and wife of so dearly beloued an emperour , amongst the goddesses , shee was canonized ; but considering her vnconstant , or rather incontinent life , it was neuer thought that the romaines would haue done her so much honour . wherefore the emperour reioyced so much , that he neuer ceased to render thankes vnto the senate . for truely , a benefit ought to be acceptable to him that receyueth it especially , when it commeth vnlooked for . the contrarie came to the death of tiberius , third emperour of rome , which was not onely killed , & drawne through the streetes by the romaines , but also the priests of all the temples assembled together , and openly prayed vnto the gods , that they would not receyue him to them : and prayed to the infernall furies , that greeuouslie they would torment him , saying : it is iustly required , that the tyrant which disprayseth the life of the good in this life , should haue no place amongst the good after his death . leauing the common opinion of the rude people , which in the old time had no knowledge of the true god , and declaring the opinion of aristotle , who called god the first cause : the opinion of the stoyckes , which called him the first intelligence : and the opinion of cicero , who vnder the colour of iupiter , putteth none other god but him : i say and confesse ( according to the religion of christian faith ) there is but one onely god , which is the creatour of heauen and earth : whose excellency and puissant maiestie is little to that our tongue cā speake . for our vnderstanding can not vnderstand , nor our iudgement can determine , neyther our memory can comprehend , and much lesse our tongue can declare it . that which princes and all other faithful ought to belieue of god , is , that they ought to know god to bee almightie , and incomparable , a god immortall , incorruptible , immoueable , great , omnipotent , a perfect and sempiternall god ; for all mans power is nothing , in respect of his diuine maiestie . i say that our lord god is the onely high god , that if the creature hath any good , it is but a mean good . for a man comparing well the good which hee possesseth , to the miserie and calamity which persecuteth him : without doubt , the euil which followeth after is greater then the good which accompanyeth him . also our god is immortall , and eternall , which like as he had no beginning , so shall hee neuer haue ending . and the contrarie is to the miserable man , which if some see him borne , other see him die . for the byrth of the children , is but a memory of the graue to the aged . and god only is incorruptible , the which in his beeing hath no other corruption , nor diminution : but all mortall men suffer corruption in their soules through vice , and in their bodies through wormes ; for in the end no mā is priuiledged , but that his body is subiect to corruption , and his soule to be saued or damned . also god is no changeling , and in this case though hee changeth his worke , yet hee changeth not his eternall counsell . but in men it is all contrarie : for they oftentimes beginne their busines with grauitie , and afterward change their counsell at a better time , and leaue it lightly . i haue now shewed you that god onely is incomprehensible , the maiestie of whom can not be attained , nor his wisedome vnderstanded , which thing is aboue mans intelligence . for there is no man so sage nor profound , but that an other in an other time is as sage and profound as he . also god onely is omnipotent : for that he hath power not onely ouer the liuing , but also ouer the dead : not only ouer the good , but also ouer the euil . for the man which doth not feele his mercie , to giue him glory , he will make him feele his wrath , in giuing him paine . oh ye princes of this world , truely it is both iust and necessarie , that you acknowledge subiection vnto the prince of heauen and earth , which in the end although yee be great , and thinke your selues to be much worth , although that you haue much , and can do much , yet in respect of that supreame prince , you are nothing worth , neither can you doe any thing . for there is no prince in the world this day , but can doe lesse then he would , & would more thē he hath . since all that wee haue spoken of before is true , let princes & great lords see how consonāt it is to reason , that sith all the creatures were not created but by one : why then doe they not honour one aboue all ? for as a prince will not suffer that an other be called king in his realme , so likewise god will not permit that any other should be honoured in this world but he onely . the father did a great benefite to vs , for to create vs without the desire of any man : and also the sonne to redeeme and buy vs without the help of any man : and aboue all the holie ghost to make vs christians without the deserts of any man. for all the good deeds and seruices which we are able to doe , are not sufficient to requite the least benefit that he shewed vnto vs. princes ought greatly to esteem such a gift , that god hath created thē men , & not beasts : and much more they should esteeme that they are made lords and not seruants : but most of all they ought to reioyce that god hath made them christians and not gentils , nor moores . for it profiteth them little to haue scepters and realms to condemne , if they shall not acknowledge the holy church , without the which no man may or can bee saued . oh diuine bountie ! how many paynims had bin better peraduenture then i : if thou hadst chosen them for the church ? and if thou hadst made me a paynime , i had bene worse then they . thou leauest them which haue serued thee , and hast chosen me a sinner which offend thee . oh lord god thou knowest what thou doest , and where thou art : but i know not what i doe , nor what i speake . for wee are bound to prayse the workes of god , & haue not licence to call them back . those emperours and painim kings which haue been good , ( as there hath been manie ) so much lesse they haue to answere , for that in time of charge they were not called . and likewise the contrarie to the wicked christian princes : the more goodnes they haue receyued without measure : so much the more torments shal be giuē them in eternall fire . for according to the ingratitude which they haue shewed , for the benefites by them receyued in this world : so shall the bitternesse of theyr paines bee , which they shall receyue in hell. princes are much bound to doe wel , because they were created of god reasonable men ; but they are much more bound , because they be christians , & more then others boūd , because they were made mightie , and placed in so high estate . for the greatest power is not for a prince to haue and possesse much , but to profite much . they doe not require of a little and weake tree much , but that hee beare his fruit in due time . for a great and high tree , is bound to giue wood to heate them that be a colde , shadow to refresh the weary trauellours , & fruit to comfort the needie , & also it ought to defend it selfe from all importunate windes . for the vertuous prince ought to bee a shadow and resting place , where the good may couer themselues beeing weary . the church doth moue vs to doe many things , and our conscience willeth vs to obserue more . but if the princes will promise me they will doe two things onely , ( that is to say ) that they wil be faithfull in the law of god , whom they honour , and that they wil not vse tyrannie against their people , whom they gouerne : from henceforth i promise them the glory & felicity which they desire . for that prince only dieth in safegard , which dieth in the loue of our saviovr iesvs christ , and hath liued in the loue of his neighbour . princes and great lords which presume to bee good christians , should watche greatly that all things might be done to the seruice of god , begunne in god , followed in god , and ended in god. and if they wil watch in this , i let them knowe , that as touching the exaltation of faith , they should watch so much , that all should know , that for the defence of the same they are readie to dye . for if the prince belieue that there is paine for the euill , and rewarde for the good in an other life : it is impossible but that hee amend his life , and gouerne well his common-wealth . thinke this for a surety , that where the princes feares not god , neyther themselues nor their realms can prosper . for the felicitie or miserie of realms , proceedeth not of the paines and trauells that the kings and people doe take : but of the merits which the kings & realms deserue . in great perill liueth that realm , whose prince is an euill christian : happie & sure is that cōmonwealth , wherof the prince hath a good conscience : for the man that is of a good conscience , will not do any euil thing to the cōmonwelth . chap. xi . of sundry gods which the ancients worshipped : of the office of those gods , how they were reuenged of them when they displeased them , and of the twentie elect gods. though to men of cleare iudgement , the works of god are great of themselues , without any comparison to others : yet that the white may be better knowne from the blacke , i will satisfie somwhat the curious reader , in reckoning vp a flocke of false gods , that by them and theyr power , men shall see how much the princes are bound to the true god. the ancient painyms had gods of diuers sortes : howbeit the chiefe of all were these , which they called diis electi . they would haue said gods of heauen : which gods ( as they thought ) sometime descended from heauen to earth . these gods were xx . in number : as ianus , saturnus , iupiter , genius mercurius , apollo , mars , vulcanus , neptunus , sol , orcus , vibar , tellus , ceres , iuno , minerna , luna , diana , venus , vesta . these viii . last rehearsed were goddesses , and xii . of the first were gods , no man might take any of those as his owne god , but as common and indifferēt to al. their office was to profit all . i mean al of any one realm , one prouince singular , or one noble citie . and first note , they had one god , whō they called candus , whom they honoured much , and offred vnto him manie sacrifices , to the ende that god might giue them wise children . and this if they had demanded of the true god , they should haue had reason . for the impostumation of humane malice , is swelled in such wise , that that man is in great jeopardie , whome god hath not indued with wise iudgement . they had also an other goddesse , whom they named lucina : to whom they did commend women , quicke , and great with childe , to sende them safe deliuery . and without the walles of rome , in a streete called salaria , she had a great church , wherein all the romane women conceiued with childe , did sacrifice to their goddesse lucina : and as fronten declareth , de veneratione deorum : there they remayned nine dayes , and nine nightes , making their vowe . numa pompilius built the church of this goddesse , which was plucked downe by the consull rutilius , because a daughter of his ( great with childe ) made her vow , & kept her nine vigilles , and vpon more deuotion was desirous to bee deliuered in the saide temple . such was her mishap , that her deliueric was not onely euill , but her death worse . whervpon rutilius in his rage , caused the tēple secretly to be burned . for we read many times , that whē the gentiles saw they were distressed , and in great necessity , they recommended themselues to their gods : and if they did not then succour them in their necessitie , immediately they tooke from them their sacrifice , beate downe their temples , or chaunged their gods. and further , the gentiles had another god called opis , which was called the god of the babe-newborne : euen as lucina was goddesse of the mother , which bare it . the custome was , that during all the nine monethes that the woman was quicke with childe , shee carryed the image of the god opis , hanging vpon her belly , tyed to her gyrdle , or sowed to her garments , and at the houre of her deliuerie , the mid-wife , tooke in her handes the layde image : and euen in the very byrth before herselfe layde handes vpon it , shee first of all touched the childe with the idoll . if the childe were well borne , the parents that day made great oblations to the idoll : but if it were euill , or dead borne , straight-wayes the parents of the childe did beate the image of the poore god opis to powder , or else burned it , or drowned it in the riuer . also the gentiles worshipped an other god , called vaginatus , and vnto him they did great sacrifice , because theyr children should not weepe much : and therefore they carryed the image of this god vaginatus hanged about their neckes , for the gentiles thought it an euil signe and token , when the babe wept much in his infancie , he should haue very euill fortune in his age. they had also another god called god guninus : him they honoured with sacrifices , to the ende that hee should be their patrone , for the safetie of theyr children , in their cradels . and those which were poore , had the god guninus , hanged vpon the cradels , but the rich had very sumptuous cradels , wherein were painted manie gods , gunini : herodian , and pulio , declareth in the life of seuerus , how that when the emperour seuerus was in the warre against the gaules , his wife ( whose name was iulia ) was deliuered of a daughter , which was his first . and it happened that a sister of this iulia , named mesa , natiue of persia , and of the cittie of mesa , sent vnto her sister at rome , a cradell , all of an vnicorns horne , and fine gold , and about the same was paynted many images of the god cuninus . the cradle was of so great value , that many yeares after it was kept in the treasurie of rome . though indeed the romanes kept those things , more for the desire of memorie , then for the loue of riches . the romaines had likewise an other god , whome they called god ruminus , which was as much to say , as god of sucking-babes , and to him , the matrones of rome offred diuers sacrifices , to the end he would keepe their breasts frō corruption , and giue them milke enough for their little children . and all the while they gaue the child sucke , they had the image of this god about their necks , hanging downe to their breasts . and euery morning before she gaue the child sucke , the mother sent a dishful of milk to offer the god ruminus : and if she happened to bee in such place where there was no church dedicated to the god ruminus , then she bathed her god ruminus , which she daily carryed with her , in milke . they had also another god , whom they called god stellinus , and him they impropered to their children , when they began to goe . to this god the matrones offred many gifts that their children might not be lame , dwarfes , nor impotent , or decrepite , but that they might be able to goe well . for among the romanes , those that were criples or dwarfs , were had in such cōtempt , that they could neyther beare office in the senate , nor be admitted priests in the temples . hercules in his third booke , de repub : saith , that cornelia , ( that worthy woman and mother of the gracchi , ) had her two first sonnes , the one lame , and the other a dwarfe . wherevpon supposing the god stellinus had beene wrath with her , shee built him a temple , in the twelfth region , neere to the fieldes gaditanus , amongst the gardens of detha : and this temple remained till the time of randagagismus , who besieging rome , destroyed the temples , and brake vp their gardens and buyldings round about rome . they had also an other god , called adeon , and his charge was , that when the childe could goe well , hee should goe to his mother , and make much of her . and albeit cicero in his booke , de natura deorum , putteth this god amongst the other gods , yet i do not remember , that i haue euer read that this god had any temple in rome , till the time of mammea , mother of the emperour antoninus . this excellent woman being left a widowe , and with two little children , desiring that they might be wel and vertuously brought vp , and that they should increase their loue towards her , she built to the god adeon , a sumptuous temple in the xii . region vaticanus , neer to the gardens of domicilius , and hard adioyning to that also , shee erected one other edifice called sacellum mammae , where she abode solitarilie for a time . for the manner and custome at that time was , that all widowes ( which would bring vp their children in good discipline ) should immediately seuer themselues farre from the dangerous pleasures of rome . the ancients had also an other god called mentallis , which was in effect god of wit. that is to wit , he had authoritie and power to giue children good or euill sence . and to this god the ancients did great sacrifices , especially the greekes , much more then the romanes . for as much as seneca saith , that he doth maruell nothing at all of that the greekes knew : but that which made him most to maruel , was of that they knewe not , since they had the temple of the god mentallis within their schooles . all the children whom they sent to learne philosophy , were by the lawes of athens bound to serue three yeeres in that temple . and to omit that which seneca spake of the greekes , i dare boldly say and affirme ( to many which at these dayes are liuing ) that if it bee true , he gaue sence and vnderstanding to men , that they would to day , rather then to morrow withdraw themselues to goe into those temples , and there offer their vowes . for nothing in the world hapneth to men more , then the want of witte and vnderstanding how to gouerne themselues , and liue in quiet . they had also another god volunus , and a goddesse called voluna , these two had the charge of affiance in wedlocke , and therefore they were two , because the one should helpe the man , and the other should helpe the woman . the manner vvas such , that during the time of their marriage , each of them vvare the image of their owne god about theyr necks , & those were of gold or siluer . and after they were married , the bridegroome gaue vnto his spouse , the goddesse voluna , and the bride vnto her husband the god volunus . at such times as the consuls were created at rome , and the kings banished , and before the comming of the emperours , a litle before the cornelians moued ciuill commotions in rome , there was one consul amongst all these whose name was balbus . it is sayde he was the first that builded the temple of volunus and voluna . it did stand in the ninth ward of the city , neere vnto the gate corinthia , and was called scripta balbi . and nigh vnto it was another building called theatrum balbi . all the consuls , senatours , noble and renowned barons were married in the temple , which balbus built . that night that pompey the great married iulius caesars daughter , there were some that sayd that pompey refused to marry her in the temple of the gods volunus , and voluna , whereupon they diuined straight that the marriage would not endure long betwixt them . as writeth publius victor in his third booke de nuptiis antiquorum . the auncient pagans honoured a god called agrestes , as much to say , as the god of fields and fruites : to him they offered no sacrifice but twice in the yeare that is to say , in seede time , and in haruest . the phrygians ( that is the troians and cicilians ) greatly obserued this god agrestes , and it was for that in those two countries , there was gathered such plenty of corne to make bread , that phrygia was the great garner of asia , and trinacria ( that was cicilia ) was the corne house of europe . they had another god called belus , which was patrone of men of warre . for euen as the christians , when they come to the point to giue battell , make their prayers vnto god : so likewise the auncients in the same point did kneele downe , and recommend themselues to god belus . liuie declareth , that in all other things which were done , and wherof the romane knights were accused in the battell of cannas against hannibal , was for that they did not recommend themselues at all to the god belus , when they should giue battell , saying the carthagians remained conquerours , because they a little before honoured the god mars , and the romaines were vanquished , for that they offered no sacrifice to god belus . when pirrus , king of the epirotes ( that is of albany ) came into italy , and that the romanes were aduertised , hee brought with him many engines , and subtill inuentions for the war , they decreed to build a tēple for god belus within the wals rome , in the ninth warde neere the gate carmentalle , and it was named edes beloe , in the front whereof was a maruellous sumptuous and stately piller , wherein was grauen the order of battell . the gentiles had another god called the god of victory , to whome the romanes ( more then any other nation ) did sacrifices , to the end they might obtaine victory of their enemies . of this god victoria , there was many magnificent temples in rome , but the chiefest and the greatest was adioyning to the gate venia , in the twelfth warde , in the place called della victoria . it was built in the yeare of the foundation of rome , foure hundreth , threescore and seuenteene . and it was for the occasion of the victory , that appius claudius , and quintus fabius had in sicill , the first time the romane people fought against the africanes , herones beeing king. of this warre and victory , rose the cruell , long , and perillous warres betweene rome and affricke . there was another god amongst the gods , whom the auncients called honorius , which had the charge that the inne-keepers should honor and gently entertaine pilgrimes and strangers : so that they should bee well handled through the prouinces and realmes whereby they passed . and there was a custome in rome , that euer when any romane should goe any voyage , his wife immediately should goe to the temple of god honorius to doe her sacrifices . in the . yeare after that hannibal passed into italy , the romanes knew by a prophesie , that as soone as they brought the image of the goddesse berecinthia ( mother of all the gods ) into rome : so soone hannibal should retire out of italy . and to bring this to passe , the romanes sent their ambassadors into phrygia , which is one part of asia , to the end they should bring the goddesse berecinthia vnto rome . and because their ambassadours should goe well and returne safe , and that in comming and going through the realms , they should entertaine them well , and doe them honour : they built a temple for the god honorius within the walles of rome , in the fourth ward , in a place which they called forum transitorium . chap. xii . of other more naturall and peculiar gods which the auncient people had . and because it should not be too tedious a thing to name all the gods which the gentiles worshipped , and semblably , in whose time and raigne they honoured the most , and what realms were more replenished then others : and furthermore , for what causes so many temples and buildings were ordayned and erected for them : i will make mention onely of these gods which were called naturall gods and particular gods , and declate why the gentiles honoured them . and this onely moueth mee to it , because that those which shall see this my writing , may know what a speciall grace god hath giuen to them , which are borne in the time of the christian law , know you therefore , that the god esculanus was the god of mines of gold and siluer . pecunia was the goddesse of mettalles , and they prayed vnto her , to giue them treasures and riches . fessoria was the goddesse of trauellers and pilgrimes , and they prayed to her , that shee would not suffer them to bee weary that trauelled on foot . pelonia was a goddesse , which had the charge to driue the enemies out of the land . esculapius was the god and patrone of sicke men , and if the maladie were great , they called vpon the god apollo , which was father to esculapius . spinensis was a god whome the auncients prayed to keepe the corn from thistles and thornes . rubigo , was a god which kept the vines from wormes , and the corne from locusts . fortuna was the goddesse of good fortune : and to her the auncient wiues of rome made a temple in the time of silla and marius . muta was the goddesse to whom the auncients prayed , that shee would not suffer their enemies to speak , when they would speake euill of them . genoria was a goddesse that had the charge to chase slothfulnes from them , that recommended themselues to her , & the greekes honoured her , especially the philosophers , when they entred into study and vniuersities . stimula was a goddesse which hastned thē of their businesse , to the end they should not forget any thing they had to doe . and her image was at rome ouer the gate of the senate house , for she was taken for an aduocate of the pleaders . murcia was a goddesse , and an aduocate for men and women which desired not to bee leane or weake of their bodies : and to this goddesse , the women of rome offered many gifts , to the end they might bee fat : for in rome , maydens and women are forsaken because they bee leane and slender , and not for that they be foule and fat , busina properly was a goddesse of the fields , and to her the ancients offered sacrifice , because she should looke to the grasse that grew in the fieldes . and the scithians were great worshippers of that goddesse , because they had no houses in towns , but kept the fieldes euen with theyr flockes , which if they wanted grasse , dyed immediately , and then they were vtterly vndone . iugatiuus was he that was called the cod of the high mount , and to him the ancients made a lodge and altars in the toppe of the highest mountaines , whereunto they went oftentimes to doe sacrifice , especially when it thundered and lightned . vallonia was the goddesse of the valleyes , and she had the charge to bridle the waters that descended frō the mountaines , to the end they should not endamage the medowes and milles whereby they passed . ceres was a goddesse of all nations honoured , for that shee was a goddesse of corne , and of other soueraigne seedes : and the ancients had a custome to offer her a loafe of all the seedes and corne that they sowed . her lodges and altars to doe sacrifice were in the fields , but besides those , shee had a temple in rome in the ninth warde , in the fields of mars . hard by the gardens of lucullus , and it is sayde , that out of this temple came first the fountaine of scipio . segecia was a goddesse that had the charge to make the seeds to grow after they were sowne . i doe not remember i haue read that shee had any temple in rome . tutillina was a goddesse , whose office was to entreat iupiter not to beate downe the corne with haylestones when it was ready for to bee reapt . and the auncients painted her in such sort , that it seemed iupiter did cause it to raine stones , and that this goddesse tutillina should gather them all . shee had a temple in rome in the tenth warde , in the market place of apollo , neere vnto the house of romulus . and at euery time when it thundered , immediately the romanes lighted a great number of candles in the temple to appease the goddesse that shee should keepe their corne and seed from hurt . flora was the mercifull goddesse of the vines , that preserued them frō frost . and those of capua were great worshippers of this goddesse , for they say that they were the first that planted vines in italy . matura was a goddesse that had the charge to ripe grapes : and the auncients vsed a custome , to offer the first grapes which were ripe , in the place where the goddesse was . and for the more part , euery man that had vines , made in the field a lodge and an altar to sacrifice vnto her . ruana was a goddesse and aduocate for them that gathered the corn and other graines , to the end they should doe no hurt in cutting away the eare , nor should marre the straw and that in cutting , the corne should not shake from the eare . and therefore the auncients painted her , holding in her right hand a handfull of straw , and the eares were whole . forculus was the god of locke-smithes , and the auncients sacrificed to him , because he should locke fast the dores , and should not suffer them to bee broken open , nor picked , nor adultered keyes to bee made : the ancients painted this god , holding a chain in one hand , and two doores in the other : his image was ouer the gate of trigemine , and especially ouer their doores that had enemies . limentimen , was god of the hammers of the gates . i could not finde what the intention was to inuent this god , but as i thinke ( not for that i haue found it written ) they prayed this god , that when there should come any enemy of theirs to the house , that hee should cause thē stumble , and fall before the doore , if perhappes by negligence it were left open . fortulus was the god of the gates , and the ancients did paint him with two gates in his hands , and did sacrifice to him , because no man should open the gates to the enemies when they slept : and to him the romains did sacrifice in all the gates of rome , and those which had enemies , would paint him in the gates of their house . cardea was a goddesse of the bars and hinges of the gates , and the cause why the auncients did sacrifice to her , was that no man should breake the gates , nor lift vp the hinges , and that if they went about to put to their hands , immediately the hinges should make a noyse to awake the master of the house , that hee might heare it , and know that his enemies were at the gate . there was another god who was called siluanus , and was most honored among the auncients , especially among all the romanes . this god had the charge to keepe those from perill and misfortune that went for their pleasures and recreation to the gardens , as plinie sayth in an epistle he wrote to rutilius . the first that built a temple for the god siluanus , was mecenas , which was in the time of augustus . and hee desired aboue all other men , to make feasts and banquets in gardens . this temple was in the eleuenth warde , in the field of the goddesse venus , neare vnto the house of murcea , which was destroyed in the time of the emperour antoninus pius , through an earthquake , whereby many buildings and houses fell in rome . iugatiuus was the god of marriages , who had charge to make the loue which begunne in youth , to endure till the olde age . it was wonderful to see how the women newly married went on pilgrimage for deuotion vnto this god , and what gifts and presents they offered in his temple . suetonius tranquillus sayeth , that there was a temple of this god , but i finde not in writing by whom it was built , saying that helius spartanus sayeth , that the emperour heliogabalus found much riches in the temple of iugatibus , the which hee tooke away to maintaine his wars . bacchus was the god of drunkards , and the custome in rome was , that only mad men and fooles celebrated the feast of this god , and if there were found any of wit and vnderstanding ( were it neuer so little ) they thrust him forthwith out of the temple , and sought in his steade another drunkard . the temple of bacchus was in the . warde , in the meadowes which they call bacchanales , without the city , in the way of salaria , by the altars of the goddesse februa , and it was built by the gaules when they besieged rome in the time of camillus . februa was a goddesse for the feuers , and they vsed in rome when any was taken with the feauer , immediately to send some sacrifice vnto her . this goddesse had no temple at all , but her image was in pantheon , which was a temple , wherein all the gods were , and in this place they sacrificed vnto her . pauor was the god of feare , who had the charge to take feare from the romanes hearts , and to giue them stoute courage against their enemies . the temple of this god pauor was in rome , in the sixth ward - , in the place of mamuria , neare to the olde capitoll : and euer when they had any enemies , the romaines forth with offered in this place sacrifices , and there was in the same temple a statue of scipio the affricane , all of siluer , which hee offered there , when hee triumphed ouer the carthagenians . meretrix was the goddesse of dishonest women , and as publius victor sayeth , there was in rome , forty streetes of common women , in the middest whereof the temple of this meretrix was . it chanced in the time of ancus martius ( the fourth king of the seuen romane kinges ) that there was in rome a curtezan , natiue of laurento , which was so fayre , that with her body shee gained great riches , wher of shee made all the romane people partakers . wherefore in the memory of her the romanes built there a temple , and made her goddesse of all the common women in rome . cloatina was goddesse of the stoole , and to this goddesse all those commended themselues which were troubled with the collycke , to the ende shee would helpe them to purge their bellies . quies was the goddesse of rest , and to her the romanes did offer great sacrifices , because that she should giue them pleasure and rest , especially on that day , when there was any triumph or solemnitie in rome , they gaue in this temple many gistes , because shee should preserue the glory and ioy of the triumphes . numa pompilius second king of the romaines , built the temple of this goddesse , and it was without the city , for to note that during the life of man in this world , hee could neyther haue pleasure nor rest . theatrica was a goddesse , which had the charge to keepe the theaters and stages , when the romanes celebrated their playes : and the occasion of inuenting of this goddesse was , because when the romaines would set foorth theyr tragedyes , they made so solemne theaters , that there might well stand twentie thousand men aboue , and as manie vnderneath , for to behold the spectacle . and sometime it hapned , that for the great weight of them aboue , the wood of the theaters and stages brake , and killed all those which were vnderneath : and so after this sort all their pastime turned into sorrow . the romanes ( which vvere prouided in all things ) agreed to doe sacrifice vnto the goddesse theatrica : to the ende shee should preserue them , from the dangers of the theaters , and built her a temple in the ninth ward , in the market-place of cornelia : neere to the house of fabij . domitian the twelfth emperour of rome , destroyed this temple , because in his presence one of the theaters brake , and killed manie people . and for that the goddesse theatrica had not better preserued them : hee made this temple to be beaten down . peraduenture those that haue read little , shall finde these things now ynough : but let them reade cicero in his booke de natura deorum : ihon bocchas of the genealogie of gods , and pulio , of the auncients gods : and saint augustine in the first , the eleuenth , and the eighteenth booke of citie of god : and they shall finde a great number more , then is heere spoken of . chap. xiii . ¶ how tiberius the knight was chosen gouernour of the empyre , and afterwards created emperour , onely for being a good christian . and how god depriued iustinian the younger , both of his empyre and senses , for beeing an heretique . the fiftie emperour of rome , was tiberius constantinus : who succeeded iustinian the younger , which was a cruell emperour . and paulus dyaconus sayeth , that hee was an enemie to the poore , a thiefe to the rich , a great louer of riches , and an enemie to himselfe in spending them . for , the propertie of a couetous man , is to liue like a beggar all the dayes of his life , and to be found rich at the houre of his death . this iustinian was so exceeding couetous , that hee commaunced strong coffers and chests of yron to be made and brought into his pallace , to keepe in safety the euil-gotten treasures that he had robbed . and of this you ought not to maruell : for seneca saith , that couetous princes do not only suspect their subiects , but also themselues . in those daies the church was greatly defiled by the heresie of the pelagians , and the maintayner of that sect , was this wicked prince iustinian : so that for himselfe hee procured riches , and for the diuel he cheapned soules . for , those that are once forsaken of the hand of god , doe not onely become seruaunts of the deuills , but also labour to bring others to hell. wherefore sithence the sinnes of men are diuers , and the judgements of god kept secrete , and yet the liuing god is , so mercifull , that notwithstanding his mercy would saue the soules , he will also with iustice chastice the bodies . and therefore seing the obstinacy of this emperour to bee such , that the longer he liued , the more hee augmented his damnation , the wrath of god lighted vpon him , & suddenly without any grudge or token of sicknesse , this emperour iustinian was bereued of his sences , and became a foole , and because the matter was so sodaine , it caused in rome great feare and admiration , for that the prince was a foole , and all the empire chaunged . and indeed this emperour was so strucken , that his life and folly ended both in one day . for the diseases which god sendeth to princes , commeth not through fault of humours , but through the corruption of manners . also there is no medicine that can resist it , not yet any other thing that can remedy it . the people perceyuing how the emperour through his sinnes was ( according to the diuine pleasure ) become a foole , agreede ( sith there was no remedie for his disease ) to choose some good person , to whom the charge of the publike weale might be giuen : for truely a man needeth great patience and wisdome to gouerne an other mans , thē for that which is his own proper . the lot befell to a knight , tiberius so called , a man for truth , both chast , iust , profitable , sage , vertuous , hardy , mercifull , charitable , in feates of armes aduenturous , and aboue all a good christian . and let not this thing bee little regarded , that the prince be a good christian : for there is no state so happy as that which is gouerned by a prince of a good and faithfull conscience , and because hee wanted no vertues to adorne a prince , hee was both feared of many , and beloued of all . which thing ought not lightly to bee esteemed ; for it is the chiefest thing that belongeth to princes , that is to say , for their gentle conuersation to bee beloued , and for their vpright iustice to be feared . this emperour iustinian had a wife , whose name was sophia augusta , which was beautifull and sage , and as touching her person of good renowne sufficient . for women must take great respect , lest they giue strāgers occasion to speake of them , but notwithstanding all these things , this dame was noted of couetousnesse : for shee toyled alwayes to hoarde vp money , and delighted to see and tell it , but to spend or giue it , was alwaies her greatest griefe : for couetous persons little regard to shorten their life , so that they may augment their riches . tiberius constantine , as gouernour of the empire ( seeing the empresse sophia augusta rich , and desiring more the profite of the common-wealth , then the enrichment of himselfe or of any other ) did nothing else but build monasteries , repaire hospitals , marry orphanes , and redeeme captiues . for speaking according to the christian lawes , because that a man hath more then nenessary , ought to bee employed to the vse of the poore , and to works of mercy . finally , this vertuous prince did that which christian princes should doe , and not as tyrants doe , which made him of great excellency . for the property of a tyrant is to heape great treasures of other mens goods , and afterward to spend and consume them viciously : but tiberius found them gathered together by one , and hee dispersed them to many . sophia augusta , seeing iustinian become a foole , & not knowing how to gette more money of the people , nor how to robbe the rich , and that tiberius spent her riches without compassion , partly to satisfie her sorrowfull heart , and partly to see , if in time to come , shee could remedy it , called one day tiberius a part , and spake vnto him these words in secret . chap. xiiii . of the words the empresse sophia spake vnto tiberius constantinus then being gouernour of the empire , which onely tended to reproue him for that hee lauishly consumed the treasure of the empire gotten by her . thou remembrest well tiberius , that thogh thou art now after iustinian gouernor of the empire : yet when thou wast in alexandrie , thou thoughtest very little to deserue it , and if thou diddest , thou thoughtest thou couldest not attaine vnto it . for thou art a wise man , and the sage man ( according to the little or much which fortune giueth him ) doth not raigne or slacke alwayes the bridle of his thoughts . those which haue a vaine hope , and thorow power only will inforce fortune to bee fauourable vnto them , shall liue alwayes a troubles me life . for there is nothing that shortneth more the life of man then vain hope and idle thoughts . thou beeing such a man as thou art , and so well willed and beloued of iustinian my husband , art demaunded of the romane people , and chosen by the senate , receyued by the souldiers , and all the empire reioyce at thy election . and thou oughtest not a little to regard it . for the willes of all doe not alwayes fauour one . i let thee to vnderstand tiberius , that it did not displease mee thou shouldest bee emperour of rome , sith iustinian was deposed , and if i had perceyued that which i doe perceyue , or had knowne that which i doe know , i am certaine that i had neyther sayde with it , nor against it . for wee women are of so little credite , that it preuayleth vs more to approue the least of that which other say , then it doth to speake very well of our selues . sith fortune hath brought thee to so high an estate , i beseech thee , admonish thee , & aduise thee , that thou know how to keepe and gouerne thy selfe therein . for to arise to honour , it sufficeth the body to sweate water , but to maintaine it , it is necessary that the heart weepe bloud . thou knowest right well , that to commaund more , to doe more , and to haue more then other ( as touching the affayres of princes ) oftentimes is giuen more thorow worldly care , then for the desert of the person . and this god suffereth very often , to the end wee may see those discend , and fall thorow infamy , whom we saw mount and prosper by pride . thou art a man , and i a woman : thou hast wisdome and knowledge , but i haue large and long experience , and if thou knowest much , i haue seene in the world enough , but in faith for that i haue said i tell thee , that men of thy sort are vndone in the pallace of princes , by two wayes . the one , if they thinke they deserue much , and they can doe little . for haughty minds bring alwayes alteration in the heart , the other is , that one alone will command the emperour and the empire , whereunto if any man come , it is by great trauell , and hee shall sustaine it with danger , and shall possesse it but a short time . for it is impossible that to a man of much arrogancy , fortune should bee too long faithfull . though thou be wise and sage , i counsell thee alwayes to profite with another mans counsell , chiefly in things concerning the gouernement of the estate . for to know how to obey , and to know how to commaund , differ much . for to know how to obey , commeth by nature : but to know how to command , commeth by long experience , take this of me for a generall rule , that whereas thou seest thy prayer to be acceptable , neuer take vpon thee commaundement : for by commandement thou shalt bee feared , and by prayer thou shalt be beloued : know thou tiberius , the things that content them worst , which are in the courts of princes : are to doe little , to haue little , and to be little worth . for the man that is without fauour , in his heart , is halfe dead . for the contrarie , the thing which most perilleth the fauorites of princes , and maketh them loose theyr friendship , is to bee of great power , and great in authoritie , and moreouer then this , to profite more of will then knowledge , of authoritie then of reason . for a man cannot liue long in friendship , which doth what he will , in the commonwealth . i haue spoken all this , to the ende thou shouldest knowe that i greatly maruell at thy prudence , and haue no lesse wonder of my patience . to see that the treasours which iustinian heaped together by great trauell , kept and preserued with great care , thou wastest without respect what thou doest . wherefore doe not maruell at this ; for there is no patience can suffer to see the proper goods wasted and spent by the handes of an other , which with so great care hath bene gathered together . i let thee to know tiberius , that now wee haue neyther money to keepe , nor to giue to others : which thing is very perillous for the pallaces of princes . for the same to haue great store of treasurs , occasioneth princes to keep their enemies in feare . it is necessary for princes to be stoute and also rich , for by their stoutnes they may gouerne their owne , and by their riches , they way represse theyr enemyes . it is not onely necessarie that the prince bee not poore , but also it is requisite that his common-wealth be rich . for where people are poore , of theyr enemyes they are nothing regarded . and where the common-wealth is rich , the prince cannot be greatly poore . i will not denie but that it is well done to helpe the poore , and succour the needy : but yet i say , that no man ought to giue the treasour vnto any one in particular , which is and hath been long kept in store , for the preseruation of all . for oftentimes the prince which is too liberall in giuing of his owne , is afterwards ( through necessitie , ) compelled ●o become a tyrant , and so to take from others . i let thee know tyberius , that thou shalt finde few princes , but are eyther prowd , malignant , or vicious . for of a truth , wantonnes , libertie , youth , and riches , are commonly most cruell enemyes to honestie . notwithstanding , i will not say that all princes haue beene euill , but i will say ( according to the old prouerbe ) that there hath been too few good : and that those which of gods mercifull gift , eyther are or will be good and vertuous , ought to be greatly honoured . for no time ought to be called happy , but that wherein vertuous princes doe raigne . and furthermore i say to thee tiberius , if princes become tyrants for want of riches , so doe they become vicious , through aboundance of treasures : and in this case vicious princes are chastened in the same vice . for auarice hath such power ouer them , that it suffereth them not to taste theyr owne delight . againe , i let thee know tiberius , that there are many princes which are of good nature , & yet becom tyrants , for nothing else but because they be oppressed with pouertie . for truely the noble heart resuseth no danger , seeing himselfe assaulted with pouertie . therefore i demaund of thee which is better , or otherwise which of these two euils is least : that the prince bee poore , and with that a tyrant , or that he be rich , and therewith vicious . in mine opinion it were much better to be rich and vicious , then a tyrant and poore , for in the end if he do euill by vice , hee should bee euill vnto no man but to himselfe : by riches he should profite all the people . and if he be poore and a tyrant , hee should doe great euill to many , and by pouerty hee could profit no man. for the poore prince cannot maintaine the rich , and much lesse succour the poore , without comparison it is much more profitable to the common-wealth , and more tollerable to men , that the prince bee an euill man , and therewithall a good prince : then an euil prince , and therewithall a good man. for as plato sayeth , the athenians would alwayes rather seeke a profitable then a stout prince : and the lacedemonians did erre , in willing rather a stoute prince then profitable . therefore see tiberius , it is more sure and profitable for the common wealth , that princes haue treasures to giue liberally among their seruants , then that they should bee poore and enforced to oppresse the people with taxes and subsidies . for princes oft times through pouerty take occasion to leuy great subsidies in their realmes & seigniories . chap. xv. the answer of tiberius vnto the empresse sophia augusta , wherein hee declareth that noble princes need not boarde vp great treasures : and of the hidden treasure this good emperour found by reuelation , in the pallace where he remained . tiberius heard very patiently the admonition of the empresse , wherefore with great reuerēce hee aunswered , and with sweet and gentle words hee spake to her in this sort . i haue heard and vnderstood what you haue tolde mee , most noble princesse sophia , and alwayes augusta , and doe receyue your , gentle admonitions , most humbly thanking you for your louing counsell , which principally you giue me in so high a stile . for oftentimes sicke men abhorre not meates , not for that the meates are not good , but because they are not well dressed . if it were gods pleasure , i would i knew aswell how to doe these things , as you know how to speake them . and doe not maruell , though i make hereof a doubt ; for wee greatly desire to prayse vertuous workes , but to put them in practise , wee are very slow . speaking therefore with such reuerence , ( as is due vnto so high a lady ) to euery one of these thinges which your excellency hath tolde mee , i will aunswere in one word . for it is reason sith you haue spoken that which you perceiue of my deedes , that i speake that which i gather of your wordes . you tell me that when i was in alexandrie , i thought not to bee gouernour of the empire after iustinian , & that i thoght not my selfe worthy to deserue it , nor yet looked to come vnto it . to this i answere , that though by reason i gouerned my selfe at that time , yet i ought not to thinke to deserue such a dignitie , nor to come to so high an estate . for those which by vertues deserue great dignities are but fewe : and sewer are those which attaine vnto them , though they deserue them , but if this matter be iudged according to sensualitie , i tell you truely ( dame augusta , ) that i thought not onely to deserue it , but also i thought to come vnto it . and hereof maruell not , for it is an infallible rule ; where least desert is , often-times there is most presumption . you say you esteemed mee for a wise man , and that by wisedome i could ouer-come any difficult , or disordinate appetite . to this i answere , that you knewe my wisedome , either in mine owne busines , or else in other mens affaires . if in other mens affaires , ( where it did cost mee nought ) i was alwayes a louer of iustice , for there is no man in the world so euill , that doth not desire ( if it bee without his owne cost ) to be counted liberall . but if you iudge mee ( dame augusta , ) on mine owne businesse , giue not too light credit . for i will that you know , there is no man so iust , nor of so cleare a iudgement , that doth not shewe himselfe fraile in matters which touch his owne interest . you say that men which haue their thoughts high , and their fortunes base , liue alwayes a pensiue life . truely it is as you say , but in mine opinion , as the members of the bodyes are but instruments of the minde , so is it necessary for men to haue quicke and sharpe wittes , if they will not be negligent . for if alexander , pyrrhus , iulius caesar , scipio , and hanniball , had not beene high minded , they had neuer bene ( as they were ) so famous , noble , and stoute princes . i let you vnderstand , most noble princesse , that men are not to be esteemed as lost , for hauing theyr thoughtes high , nor yet for hauing their hearts couragious , neither for being hardie and stout : but they are vndone , because they beginne things through folly , pursue them without wisedome , and atchieue them without discretion . for , noblemen enterprising great things , ought not to employ theyr force as their noble heart willeth , but as wisedome and reason teacheth . you say , you maruell why i waste the treasures without care , which iustinian and you gathered together with great paine ? now to this i answere , you ought not to maruell , if all the treasours you heaped together of so long time , were spent and consumed in one day . for there is an ancient malediction on riches hidden , and treasours buryed , which epimenides casteth out , saying these words : all the treasours hoorded vp by the couetous , shall bee wasted by the prodigall . you say , through that i wast in fewe dayes , you shall haue neither to giue , to waste , nor yet to eate at the yeares ende . to this i answere ( most gracious princesse , that if you had beene as ready to relieue the poore , as you and iustinian were diligent to robbe the rich , then you should iustly haue complained , and i worthily might well haue had iust cause to repent . till now wee haue not seene , but that of the rich you haue made poore : and notwithstanding this , yet you haue not gotten enough to builde an hospitall for the poore . you say that princes , to resist theyr enemyes had neede of great treasures . to this i answer , if princes be proud , greedy , and of strange realmes , ambicious it is most certaine , that they had need of great substances and treasours to accomplish and maintaine theyr disordinate appetties . for the enae of a tyran nous princ●●s , that he careth not whether by hooke or by crooke hee make himselfe rich in his life . but if the prince be or will be a man reposed , quiet , vertuou , patient peaceable , and 〈◊〉 couetous of the goods of an other man , what need hath he of great treasurs ? for to speake truly , in princes houses there is more offence in that which aduaunceth , then in that which wanteth . i will not waste many wordes in answering , sith i am much more liberal of deeds then of wordes : but to conclude , that there is no prince which in vertuous deedes wasteth so much , but if hee will , hee may spend much more . for in the ende , princes become not poore , for spending their goods and treasours vpon necessaries : but for making waste vpon things superfluous . and take this word for all , that for this hee shall not be the poorer , but rather the richer . for most certainely , it is a generall rule in christian religion , that god will giue more to his seruants in one houre , then they will waste in . yeares : iustinian beeing emperour , yeares , who ( being a foole , and very obstinate in the heresie of the pelagians ) dyed to the great offence of the romaine people ; whose death was as much desired , as his life abhorred . for the tyrannous prince , that maketh many weeping eyes in his life , shall cause many reioycing bearts at his death . iustinian being dead , tiberius was elected emperour , who gouerned the empire , through so great wisedome and iustice , that no man was able to reproue him , if the hystories in his time , did not deceyue vs. for it seldome happeneth to a prince to be as he was , vpright in iustice , pure in life , and cleane in conscience . for fewe are those princes which of some vices are not noted . paulus diaconus in his . booke of the romaine gests , declareth a thing both strange and maruellous , which besel vnto this emperour at that time , and very worthie to recite at this present . and it was , that in the cittie of constantinople , the romaine emperours had a pallace very sumptuous , and beseming the authoritie of the imperiall maiestie , which was begun in the time of constantine the great , and afterwardes , as the succession of good and euil emperors was , so were the buyldings decayed or repayred . for it is the deede of a vertuous prince , to abolish vices of the common-wealth , and to make great and sumptuous buildings in his countrey . this emperour tiberius had spent much of his substance and treasour , for the redeeming of poore captiues , to build hospitals , to erect monasteries , to marry and prouide for the orphares , to sucour poore people , and widdowes ; in this and such like , hee was so prodigall , that it came almost to passe , that hee had nothing to eate in his pallace , and truely this was a blessed necessity . for catholike princes ought to think that wel imployed , which in the seruice of christ is bestowed . and hereof this emperour was not ashamed , but he thought it a great honour , and that which onely grieued him was , to see the empresse reioyce so much at his misery . for the high and noble hearts which feele themselnes wounded , do not so much esteeme their owne payne , as they do to see their enemyes reioyce at theyr griefe . god neuer forsooke them that for his sake became poore , as appeareth by this . it chanced one day that euen as the emperor tiberius walked in the middest of his pallace , he saw at his feete a marble-stone , which was in forme of the crosse of the redeemer of the world . and because it had bin too vniust a thing ( as hee thought , ) to haue spurned it with his feet , wherewith we trust from our enemies to bee desended : he caused the stone to bee taken vp , not thinking any thing to bee there vnder , and immediately after they found another , wherein likewise was the forme of the crosse , and this beeing taken vp , they found an other in like manner , and when that was pluckt vp from the bottome . there was found a treasure , which contained the summe of two millions of duckets ; for the which the good emperour tiberius gaue vnto almighty god most high thankes , and whereas before hee was liberall , yet afterwards hee was much more bountifull . for all those treasures hee distributed amongst the poore & needy people . let therefore mightie princes and great lords , see , reade , & profite by this example , and let them thinke themselues assured , that for giuing almes to the poore , they need not feare to become poore : for in the end the vicious man cannot call himselfe rich , nor the vertuous man cannot count himselfe poore . chap. xvi . how the chiefetaine narsetes ouercame many battailes , onely for that his whole confidence was in god. and what hapned to him by the empresse sophia augusta : wherein may be noted the vnthankefulnesse of princes towards their seruants . in the yeare of the incarnation of christ , . iustinian the great , being emperour , who was the sonne of iustines sister his predecessor in the empire ) the histories say , in especially paulus diaconus in the . booke de gestis romanorum : that there was a knight of greece in rome , who from his tender yeares had bene brought vp in italie . hee was a man of meane stature , of a cholericke complexion , and in the law of christ very deuout : which was no small thing . for at that time not onely many knights , but almost all the bishops of italie were arrians . this knights name was narsetes , and because he was so valiant in arms , and so aduenturous in warres , he was chosen chieftaine generall of the romane empire . for the romanes had this excellencie , that when they had a valiant and stout captaine ( although they might haue his weight of golde giuen them ) they would neuer depart from his person . hee enterprised so great things , he ouercame such mightie realms , and had such notable victories ouer his enemyes , that the romanes said , he had in him the strength of hercules , the hardinesse of hector , the noblenes of alexander , the pollicie of pyrrhus , and the fortune of scipio . for manie of the vaine gentiles held opinion , that as the bodyes did distribute their goods in the life , so did the soules part theyr gifts , after the death . this narsetes was a pittifull captain , and very constant in the faith of christ , liberall to giue almes , effectuous to build newe monasteryes , and in repairing churches , a man very carefull . and truly it was a rare thing : for in great warres ( vpon smal occasions ) captains vse to beat down churches : & that which was greatest of all was , that he feared god deuoutly , visited the hospitals , said his deuotions with penitent teares , and aboue all , be resorted very often to the churches in the night . and this excellencie was no lesse then the other . for the captaines in such an houre are readier to kill men in their campe , then to bewaile their sinnes in the church . finally , hee was a christian , and so deuoure , that god gaue him the victories more through the prayers which hee vsed , then through the weapons wherewith hee fought . for there was neuer man that saw him shed the bloud of his enemies in battell before he had shed the teares of his eyes in the temple . and to the end christian princes and captaines may see how much better it is to pacific god by teares and prayers , then to haue their campe full of souldiers and riches : of many of his doings i will declare part as heere followeth . iustinian the emperour beeing in alexandrie , totila king of the gothes , did many mischiefes , and great dammages throughout all italy , so that the romaines durst not goe by the way , nor could bee in safeguarde in their houses . for the gothes in the day kept the wayes , and in the night robbed and spoyled all the people , wherefore iustinian the emperour , not knowing the matter , sent the noble narsetes captaine generall against the gothes , who being arriued in italy , immediately confedered with the lumbardes , the which at that time had their mansion in hungarie , and sent his messengers to king albonius , ( at that time their king ) for ayde against the gothes and in so doing , hee sayde hee should see how faithfull a friend hee would be to his friends , and how cruell an enemie to his enemies . albonius hearing the message of narsetes was very glad , and without delay armed a great and puissant army , which by the adriatical sea came into italy : so that the aunswere and the offer came both at one time with effect , and so together arriued in one day ( for the succour of narsetes ) the two armies that is to say , that of the romanes , and of the lumbardes , the which assembled all in one , and marched vnder the banner of their captaine narsetes . wherefore totila king of the gothes beeing aduertised , ( as one that had not proued the happy fortune of narsetes , nor the force of the lumbardes ) sent to offer them the battell , which was giuen in the fields of aquileia , and it was of both parts so fierce and cruell , that infinite were they that dyed : but in the end totilla king of the gothes was ouercome , and neyther hee , nor any of his hoast escaped aliue . the good captaine narsetes , after the battell gaue many and noble gifts to the lumbardes , and so with riches and victory they returned into hungarie towards their king albonius . and truly this narsetes did as he was bound to doe , for the friend cannot bee recompenced by riches , when for his friend he putteth his life in ieopardy . when the lumbards were gone , narsetes caused all the spoile of his campe to bee deuided amongst his souldiers , and that which belonged vnto him , he gaue it wholly to the poore monasteries : so that by this victory narsetes got triple renown , that is to say , very bountifull , in that hee gaue to the lumbardes , charitable , in that hee gaue to the poore , and valiant in that he vanquished so puissant enemies . dagobert king of france beyond the alpes , being a couragious young prince , and very desirous of honour , ( for no other cause but to leaue of him some memory ) determined himselfe in person to passe into italy , although hee had no iust title thereunto . for the hearts puffed vp with pride little passe though they war of an vniust quarrell . his mishap was such , that the same day he passed the riuer of rubico , where the romanes in old time limited the marches of italy , newes came to him that his own country was vp , and those which were there , one rebelled against the other , that which was not without the great permission of god. for it is but reason that that king should lose his own realm by diuine iustice , which will take other mens only through mans folly . the king dagobert assembling all the chiefest of his realme to counsell , it was agreede and concluded by all , that hee alone in person should returne into france , and for his reputation should leaue al the army in italy . whereof remayned captains , buccelinus and amingus . for itis better for a prince to defend his country by iustice , then to conquer another by tyranny . as this army of buccelinas was great , so was he couragious and wrought mapy and great dammages in italy , especially in the land of campagnia . and worse then that , al the riches that hee had sacked , and al the captiues he had taken , hee would neyther restore , nor yet suffer them to be ransomed : but so soone as hee tooke them , he sent them vnto the king , as one that shewed himselfe more desirous to rob and spoile , then to fight and wage battell . this captaine buccelinus then being in campagnia , retired into a place called tarentum with all his army because of winter . narsetes suddenly came vpon him , & gaue him battell , that was between them very cruell , wherein buccelinus was vanquished , and left dead in the field amongst the other captaines of gaule . which newes brought to amingus eares beeing the other captaine of the gaules , and seeing his companion dead , hee confedered with auidinus captaine of the gothes , and they together came against the romaines , which thing was not vnknowne to narsetes , to giue the battel neer to caietto , wheras those captains were conquered , and taken aliue . of whom amingus was beheaded by the commandement of narsetes : & auidinus was sent by him prisoner to the emperour of constantinople . the captaine narsetes wan another battell against syndual king of britons , which came into italy with a huge multitude of people , to recouer the realme of partinopilis , which now we call naples : for he said it appertained vnto him of right , as to one of the lynage of hercules , who in ancient time was king of that realme . this king sindual within a time became friend vnto narsetes , and behaued himselfe outwardly as a friend and confederate : but in secret conspired against the romaines , and would haue beene king of the romanes , and raigned alone in italy , through the which there sprang betweene him and narsetes cruell wars , wherein fortune was a long time variable : for there is not so aduenturous a captaine , to whom in long warres fortune is alwayes prosperous . finally , the king sinduall and narsetes agreed to hazard their men , and also their liues in one day vnto the disctetion of fortune , so that both the armies ioined together , and fought betweene verona and terento , where king sindual was conquered , and taken aliue , and the same day with out any delay was hanged openly , and because that narsetes was not acustomed to vse such cruelty against those that were ouercome , and especially against kinges and worthy knights , he commanded his title to bee set on the gibbet , whereon the king hanged , which said this : a simple cord here stopt king synduals breath , by faultlesse doome of hie narsetes hest , not that hee sought by warlike deedes his death , but that in peace he did a traytorrest . such and many other battels and victories had this aduenturous and good captaine , not onely in the borders of italy , but also in asia , where for many yeares hee had the gouernment of the country . and as hee was a good christian , so almighty god in all his affayres did prosper him . after all these warres past , iustinian the yonger sent him to the kingdome of constantinople to bee chiefe gouernour of all those prouinces , & although hee did well in warlike affayres : yet hee did much better in the administration of the common-wealth : for men that are accustomed to trauell in wars , haue a good learning how to gouerne the people in peace . for this occasion ( amongst all mortall men ) narsetes was praysed and esteemed , that is , for his valiantnesse in the battells which hee ouercame , for his riches through the spoyles that hee tooke , and for the iustice he ministred to all men where he ruled . narsetes because hee was a grecian borne , was enuied of the romanes , & chiefly , because hee dayly encreased both his honour and riches . for truly , vertue , honour and riches in a man are but a brand to light enuie to all the world . and this was the occasion . one day there came many noble romaines to the emperour iustinian , and to the empresse sophia augusta , to complaine of narsetes , and of his behauiour and gouerning , and sayde these wordes vnto him . wee let you know , most noble prince , and soueraigne lady , that wee had rather ( of the two ) to serue the gothes , then to obey the greekes : and wee speake this , because that the eunuch commaunded vs more to his owne seruice , then hee doth to that of yours , and the worst is , that you know it not , and if you know it , at the least you doe not remedie it , chuse therefore one of these two things , whether you wil deliuer vs from the gouernment of the greeke , or suffer that wee put rome and our selues into the hands of the gothes : for it is lesse griefe for the romaines to be subiect to a puissant king , then to an effeminate eunuch and tyrant . narsetes being present , hearing those quarrels ( as they say ) said thus : o noble prince , if i haue committed any euill , it is vnpossible for mee to finde one that will doe mee good : but if i haue done well , no man shall be able to do me wrong . the empresse sophia of long time before had hated narsetes : som sayde it was because he was an eunuch , other thinke it was because he was rich , and some other iudge , because hee was in greater authority in the empire then shee . wherefore perceyuing shee had good occasion and opportunity for the same , shee spake a word much to his reproach : which was this . sith thou art an eunuch , narsetes , and not a man , it is not fitte for thee to haue a mans office , therfore i commaund thee to worke with my handmaides , and there thou shalt serue to spin and weaue clothes . narsetes tooke this word heauily , and truely it was with great spight spoken . wherefore he stoutly and couragiously spake vnto the empresse sophia these wordes , and sayde : i had rather most exccellent princesse , thou hadst chastised me as a noble dame , then to haue reproued mee with a word , as a simple woman : but since it is so that you haue liberty and authority to commaund mee , know you also that i haue the selfe same to obey you , and therefore i take my leaue , and now i goe to weaue my webbe , which perhappes your selfe whilest you liue , shal neuer vntwine . narsetes immediately went his way , and came into itaty , vnto the city of naples , ( chiefe and head of campagnia ) and from thence he dispatched his ambassadours immediately to the king of hungarie , where the lumbards at that time had theyr mantion place , counselling them to forsake that land , so euil tilled , so barren , cold and little , and that they should come and enhabite italy , which was a plaine country , fertile and ample , temperate and very rich , and that now or neuer they should conquer it . and narsetes therewith not contented , ( but to prouoke his friends the more , and make them the more couetous ) sent them part of euery good thing that was in italy , that is to say , light horses , rich armour , sweet , pleasant and daintie fruites , fine mettals , and may kindes of ointments very odoriserous , silkes , and marchandises of many and diuers sorts . the ambassadors arriued in pannony , which now is called hungarie , were honourably receyued , and the lumbardes seeing that there were such , and so many goodly things in italy , determined to leaue pannonia , and goe spoyle and conquer italy , although it belonged to rome , and were at that season friends with the romanes : yet notwithstanding they had little respect to this . and hereat no man ought to maruell , for in that place there is neuer perfect friendship , where he that commandeth is constrayned to demaund helpe of others . the lumbards determined for to passe into italy , and at that time there was seene of the italians visibly in the ayre sundry armies of fire , that one cruellie killed the other . which thing greatly feared the hearts of the people . for by this they knew that within a short space much of theyr bloud & of their enemies also should be shed : for it is an olde ancient custome , that when any great matter doth chance to any realme , first the planets and elements do declare the same by secret tokens : the ingratitude of the emperour iustinian against narsetes his captaine , and the euill words which sophia spake vnto him , were the occasion that the lumhards inuaded and destroied all italy , which thing valiant princes ought well to note , to keepe themselues from ingratitude towards their seruants , who hath done them great seruice . for it is a generall rule , that the ingratitude of a great benefite maketh the seruants despayre of recempence , or of a faithfull jeruant , maketh him become a cruell and mortall enemie . and let not princes trust men , because they bee natiue of their realms , brought vp & nourished in their pallaces , and alwayes haue been faithfull in their seruices , that therefore they will not of good subiects be turned to euill , nor yet of faithfull become disloyall . for such imagination is vaine . for the prince that in his doings is vnthankfull , cannot keepe nor retaine any honest man long in his seruice . one thing the noble iustintan did with narsetes , whereof all noble and sage princes ought to beware , that is to know , hee did not onely giue eare vnto his enemies , and beleeued them : but also before them he did dishonour him , and shame him to his power , which thing made him vtterly to despayre . for there is nothing that spiteth a man more then to haue before his enemies any iniury or dishonour done vnto him of his superiour . the empresse sophia therefore deserued great reproach for speaking such dishonest words to narsetes , to send him to thread the needles in that occupation where the damsels wrought . for it is the duety of a noble princesse to mitigate the yre of princes when they are angry , and not to prouoke thē further to anger . narsetes then alwayes doubting the empresse sophia , neuer after returned into naples , where shee was , but rather came from naples to rome , a yeare before the lambards came into italy , where hee receyued all the sacraments , and like a deuout christian hee dyed . his body was carried to alexandria in a cossin of siluer , all set with precious stones , and there was buried . and a man cannot tell whether the displeasure were greater that all asia had not to see narsetes aliue , or the pleasure that sophia had to see him dead . for the vnpatient heart , especially of a woman , hath no rest , vntill shee see her enemie dead . chap. xvii . of a letter the emperour marcus aurelius sent to the king of sicilie , in which he recordeth the trauels they endured together in their youth , and reproueth him of his small reuerence towards the temples . marcus aurelius sole emperour of rome borne in mount celio , called the old tribune , wisheth health and long life to thee gorbin , lord and king of sicilie . as it is the custome of the romane emperours , the first yeare of my raigne i wrote generally to all the isle : the second yeare i wrote generally vnto thy court and pallace , and at this present i write more particularlie to thy person . and although that princes haue great realmes , yet they ought not therefore to cease to communicate with their olde friendes . since i tooke my penne to write vnto thee , i stayed my hand a great while from writing , and it was not for that i was slothfull , but because i was ashamed to see all rome offended with thee : i let thee to know , most excellent prince , that in this i say , i am thy true friend ; for in my hart i feele thy trouble , and so sayd euripides , that which with the heart is loued , with the heart is lamented . but before i shew thee the cause of my writing , i will reduce into thy memory some thinges past of our youth , and thereby we shall see what wee were then , and what we are now : for no man doth so much reioyce of his prosperity present , as hee which calleth to mind his miseries past . thou shalt call to mind , most excellent prince , that wee two together did learne to reade in capua , and after we studyed a little in tarentum : and from thence wee went to rhodes , where i reade rhethorike , and thou heardest philosophy . and afterwardes in the end of ten yeares , wee went to the wars of pannonia , where i gaue my selfe to musicke , for the affections of young men are so variable , that dayly they would know strange realmes and change offices . and in all those iournies with the force of youth , the sweete company , with the pleasant communication of sciences , and with a vaine hope wee did dissemble our extreame pouerty which was so great , that many times and often we desired not that which many had , but that little which to few abounded . doest thou remember , that when wee sayled by the gulfe arpin , to goe into hellespont , a long and tempestuous torment came vpon vs , wherein we were taken of a pirate , and for our ransome hee made vs row about nine moneths in a galley , whereas i cannot tell which was greater , eyther the want of bread , or the aboundance of stripes which wee alwayes endured ? hast thou forgotten also that in the city of rhodes , when wee were besieged of bruerdus , puissant king of epirotes , for the space of fourteene monethes , wee were ten without eating flesh , saue onely two cats , the one which wee stole , and the other which wee bought ? remember that thou and i ( beeing in tarent ) were desired of our host to go to the feast of the great goddesse dtana , into the which temple none could enter that day , but those which were new apparrelled . and to say the truth , we determined not to goe thither , thou because thy garments were torne , and i because my shoes were broken , and that both the times wee were sicke in capua , they neuer cured vs by diet ; for our diseases neuer proceeded of excesse but of extreame hunger . and oftentimes retropus the physition , for his pleasure spake to vs , in the vniuersity & sayd : alas children , you dye not through surfetting and much eating . and truely hee sayde truth , for the country was so deare , and our mony so scarce , that wee did neuer eate vntill the time we could endure no longer for famine . doest thou not remember the great famin that was in capua , for the which cause wee were in the war of alexandria ? wherein my flesh did tremble , remembring the great perils which wee passed in the gulfe of theberinth . what snowes at winter , what extreame heate all summer , what generall famine in the fields , what outragious pestilence amongst the people ? and worst of all , what persecution of strangers , and what euill will we had of ours ? remember also that in the city of naples , when wee made our prayer , the prophetesse flauia , shee tolde vs what should become of vs , after vvee left our studies . shee tolde mee that i should bee an emperour , and sayde that thou shouldest be a king. to the which answere wee gaue such credite : that wee tooke it not onely for a mocke , but also for a manifest iniury . and now i do not maruell , in that then we both maruelled wonderfull much . for enuious fortune practised her power more in plucking downe the rich , then in setting vp the poore . beholde ( excellent princes ) the great power of the goddesse , the wheele of fortune , and the variety of times : who would haue thought when i had my hands all rough and scuruy with rowing in the galley , that betweene those hands the scepter of the romane empire should haue been put ? who vvould haue thought , when i was so sicke for lacke of meate , that i should euer haue surfetted by too much eating ? who vvould haue thought when i could not bee satisfied vvith cattes flesh , that i should haue then glutted with too much dainty meates ? who vvould haue thought at that time , when i left going into the temple , because my shooes were broken , that another time should come when i should ride triumphing in chariots , and vpon the shoulders of other men ? who would haue thought that that which with my eares i heard of the prophetes in campagnia , i should see heere with my eyes in rome . o how many did hope ( at the time we were in asia ) to be gouernours of rome , & lords of sicille , which not onely fayled of the honour that they desired , but also obtayned the death , which they neuer feared : for oftentimes it chaunceth to ambitious men , that in their greatest ruffe , and when they thinke their honour spun and wouen , then their estate with the webbe of their life in one moment is broken . if at that time one had demaunded the tirant laodicius ( aspiring to the kingdome of sicille ) and ruphus caluus who looked to be emperour of rome , what they thought of themselues : assuredly , they would haue sworne their hope to haue been as certaine , as ours was doubtfull . for it is naturall to proud men , to delight themselues , and to set their whole mind vpon vaine deuises . it is a strange thing and worthy of memory , that they hauing the honour in their eyes fayled of it , and wee not thinking thereof in our hearts should obtaine it . but herein fortune shewed her might , that shee prouided hope for those which looked for least : and despayre for others that hoped for most , vvhich thing grieued them at the very heart . for no patience can endure to see a man obtaine that without trauell , which hee could neuer compasse by much labour . i cannot tell if i should say , like a simple romane , that those things consist in fortune : or if i should say , like a good philosopher , that all the gods doe ordaine them : for in the end , no fortune nor chaunce can doe any thing without the gods assent . let the proud and enuious trauell asmuch as they will , and the ambitious take as much care as they can : i say and affirme , that little auayleth humane diligence to attaine to great estates , if the gods bee theyr enemies . suppose that euill fortune doe ordaine it , or that the god and gods doe suffer it , i see those which haue their thoughts high , oftentimes are but of base estate : and so in fine , to come to mischiefe or extream pouerty , & those that haue their thoghts low , are humble of heart , and for the more part are greatly exalted by fortune . for many oftentimes dreame that they are lords , and men of great estate , which when they are awake , finde themselues slaues to all men . the condition of honour is such , as i neuer read the like : and therfore such as haue to doe with her , ought to take good heed : for her conditions are such , shee enquireth for him whom she neuer saw , and she runneth after him that flyeth from her , she honoureth him that esteemeth her not , and she demaundeth him which willeth her not , she giueth to him that requireth her not , and she trusteth him whom she knoweth not . finally , honour hath this custome , to forsake him that esteemeth her : & to remaine with him which little regardeth her . the curious trauellers aske not what place this , or that is , but doe demand what way they must take to leade them to the place they goe . i meane the princes and noble men ought not directly to cast their eyes vpon honour : but in the way of vertue , which bringeth them to honour . for dayly wee see many remaine defamed , onely for seeking honour : and others also exalted and esteemed for flying from her . o miserable world , thou knowest i know thee well , and that which i know of thee is , that thou art a sepulchre of the dead , a prison of the liuing , a shoppe of vices , a hangman of vertues , obliuion of antiquity , an enemy of things present , a pittefall to the rich , and a burden to the poore , a house of pilgrimes , and a denne of theeues , finally o world , thou art a slaunderer of the good , a rauenour of the wicked , and a deceyuer and abuser of all , and in thee o world , to speake the trueth , it is almost impossible to liue contented , and much lesse to liue in honour . for if thou wilt giue honour to the good , they thinke themselues dishonoured , and esteeme thy honour as a thing of mockerie . and if perchance they bee euill and light , thou sufferest them to come often to honour by way of mockery , meaning infamy & dishonour vnto them . o immortall gods , i am oftentimes troubled in my thought , whose case i should more lament , eyther the euill man aduanced without desert , or the good man ouerthrowne without cause . and truely in this case , the pitifull man will haue compassion on them both . for if the euill liue , hee is sure to fall , and if the good fal , wee doubt whether euer hee shall rise againe . if all falles were alike all would bee healed and cured him one salue : but some fall on then feet , some on their sides , others stumble , and fall not , and other fall downe right , but some do giue them a hand . i meane some there are which fall from their estate , and lose no more but their substance : others fall , and for very sorrow lose not onely theyr goods , but their liues withall . other there are who fall , who neyther lose their liues nor goods , but their honour onely . so according to the discretion of fortune , the more they haue , the more still he taketh from thee , & i greatly muse why the gods doe neuer remedy it : for when fortune once beginneth to ouerthrow a poor man , shee doth not onely take all that hee hath from him , but all those which may and will succour him . so that the poore man is bound more to lament for another mans euil , then for his owne proper . there is a great difference betweene the mishappe of the good , and aduentures of the euill . for of the ill we cannot say , that he discendeth , but that he falleth , and of the good , we may onely say , that he discendeth and falleth not . for in the end , true honour doth not consist in the perfection and dignity that a man hath , but in the good life that hee leadeth , it is a misery for to see the vaine men of this world , when they goe about to get any thing , and to compasse any great matter of importance , to marke their earely rising in a morning , their late going to bed at night , and the looke which they cast vpon other men , to note how importunate they are to some , and how troublesome they are to others , and afterward ( notwithstanding their long sure and great paine ) an other man which ●ittle thought thereof , commeth to that honour , reioysing and without trauell , which he before by so great pairs , and with so great expences of money hath sought : so that in seeking honour by trauell , he commeth to infamy with shame . for i my selfe haue seen sundry things lost by negligence , and many moe by too much diligence . chap. xviii . the emperour proceedeth in his letter , to admonish princes to bee fearefull of their gods , and of the sentence which the senate gaue vpon this king , for pulling downe the church . al these things ( most excellent prince ) i haue tolde thee , and for none other cause but to aggrauate this case , and to shew the perill thereof . for the good phisitian ( to take away the bitternesse of the pille ) ministreth some sweete sugar to delight the patient withall . the . day of the moneth of ianuary ( here before the senate ) was presented a long and large information of thee , and it was sent by the consull , which went to visite that isle of cicilla , which as thou knowest is an old order of rome , from three moneths to three moneths , to visite all the land and countrey subiect to the same . for those princes are vniust , which haue more care to take vp their rentes , then diligence to knowe if theyr people bee well ordered by iustice . of the information taken of thee and thy person ( if my memorie deceyue me not ) this was the effect : that thou art temperate in eating , moderate in expences : pittifull to widdowes , father to orphanes gentle to those that serue thee , patient with those that offend thee , diligent to keepe and maintaine peace , and faithfull , to obserue league , and thou art accused onely to bee negligent in the seruice of god. by one little gate left open , oftentimes a great citie besieged is lost : by one onely treason , the infinite seruices past are not esteemed . i meane ( most excellent prince ) that it little preuayleth to thinke much of worldly matters , and to forget all diuine seruices . for the good prince ought first to shut the gate against vices , that they enter not into his subiects , before he doth fortifie the walles against his enemies . let euery man bee as hee will , and say what hee list , i for my part , thinke it sure , that the man which is not a studious seruer of the gods , all his vertues shall be turned into vices , ànd esteemed as slaunders . for it it is a generall rule in high philosophie , that a worke is not called vertuous , because i worke it onely , but it is vertuous , because it is acceptable to the gods , oh excellent prince , doest not thou know that there is no man so wise , neither so sage , but erreth more through ignorance , then he doth good by wisdome ? and dost not thou know that there is no man so iust , but wanteth much to execute true iustice ? and finally ( i say , ) that there is no vertue so vertuous , but it wanteth more then it hath , to be perfite . wherfore all our iustice ought to be made perfit to the diuine iustice : and the vertue which we lacke , ought to be supplyed vnder the great perfection , wherewith the gods abound . and therefore amongst vs romains we haue this law , ( which is the chiefe of all the philosophers ) that here amongst mortall men , nor of mortall men , nor with mortall men , any thing is perfite , vnlesse it bee by the gods confirmed . since men are feeble and frayle , it can not bee chosen but they should commit many frailtyes . and in such case the sage princes ought & should beare with all the fraylties that men commit : those excepted which are not iniurious to the gods , whom ( if it were possible , ) vnwares ought to be punished . for the prince should not be called a prince , but a tyrant , that is desirous to reuenge his owne iniurie , and in chastening those which are against the gods , sheweth himselfe negligent . let them thinke what they list , and complaine what they will , that prince which will enlarge his dominions , and giue occasion that the seruice of god be diminished : such a man we wil not call a king that gouerneth , but a tirant : if wee call him a tyrant that spoyleth the people , sleeth the men , persecuteth the innocent , dishonoureth virgines , and robbeth realmes . tell mee ( most excellent prince , ) what lacketh hee of a tyrant , that plucketh downe churches , and little esteemeth the gods : there is no token more manifest , that the prince is a tyrant , then when hee taketh vpon him any thing which is distastfull , or any way contrarie to the will of the gods. for he hath but small regard towardes men , that so little feare the gods. lycurgus that most famous king of the lacedemonians , saith in one of his ancient lawes these words . wee ordaine and commaund that no lacedemonian presume to receyue mercy or fauour of the prince , which will not enforce himselfe to serue the gods. for he is not onely euill , but of all other most wicked . o excellent king , o glorious world , o fortunate realme , wherein those ancients would their prince should bee so iust , that the gifts were not esteemed , vnlesse their liues were honest : for they thought that of no value which by the handes of euil men was giuē . thou hast done one thing very dishonest ( most noble prince ) the which to write vnto thee , i am ashamed , which is , for to enlarge thy new palace , thou hast plucked down an old temple , the which thing thou shouldest neyther haue done , nor yet haue thought : for in the end , though the stones of the temple be of small importance , yet the gods to whom they were dedicated were of much value . pardon me ( excellent prince ) though i et thee vnderstand that this fact hath beene done in such sort , that thereby i was amased , and all rome also offended , the sacred senate thou hast greatly vexed , and further , all iudge thee a dissolute man , and all men procure that thou mayst be extreamly punished , and hereof maruell not : for in rome they beleeue , that the prince which dareth plucke downe temples , doth little feare the gods. for that thou art a noble prince , and an olde friend of mine , i haue trauelled to bring thee in fauour with the senate , and because thou hast no means to excuse thy errour committed , they doe not determine to forgiue thee this fault , before they see in thee a token of amendment . and of truth me thinketh they haue reason : for there is nothing that troubleth poore men more , then to see that they , and not the rich for theyr offences are chastised and punished : that which the sacred senate hath ordayned is , that forthwith thou begin to build the temple a new , and that it should be more large , hie , beutifull , and richer then euer it was . so that thou take as much of thy pallace to enlarge the temple , as thou tookest of the temple to beautifie thy pallace . after thou hast performed this , though now thou thinke thy selfe halfe dishonoured , thou wilt then thinke thy selfe very happy . for not thou of the gods , but the gods of thee shall haue taken thy house to make their temple . i beleeue well it will be great cost and charges vnto thee before thou hast finished the temple : wherefore i send thee . thousand sexterces to helpe thy building , & to the end it should be more secret , i send thee them by my secretary panuntius , to whom , in all , and for all , thou shalt giue credite . i send thee likewise a coller of gold , which one brought me from the riuer of nyle , and because it was too narrow for mee , i suppose it will be fit for thee , one hath brought me moyles out of spaine , whereof i send thee two . panuntius my secretary bringeth with him a very good moyle , the which hee esteemeth much : so that there is no man that can eyther buy her , or borrow her . i delight in her so much that i desire thou cause her eyther to be bought or stollen , and sent vnto mee here in rome , my wife faustine saluteth thee , & to the excellent queene thy wife : of her part and mine , as much as is possible , do our commendations , & these popingeyes , faustine presenteth vnto her . marcus the romane emperour writeth to thee with his owne hand . chap. xix . how the gentiles honoured these which were deuout in the seruice of the gods. the ancient romane historiographers agree , that at the beginning there were seuen kinges , which gouerned rome for the space of . yeares . the second whereof was named pompilius , who amongst all the other was most highly esteemed , for none other cause , but for that hee was a great worshipper of the gods , and a sumptuous builder of the temples . for the romane princes were as much beloued for seruing the gods , as they were honoured for vanquishing their enemies . this mā was of such sort , that he allowed rome wholy for the gods , & made a house for himselfe without the city . for it was an ancient law in rome that no man should bee so bolde to dwell in any house consecrated for the gods . the fift king of the romanes was tarquinius priscus . and as tarquinius superbus was vicious and abhorred of the people , so was this vertuous , and welbeloued of the gods , & was greatly praysed in all his doings , because hee feared god , and continually visited the temples , and not contented with those which were finished , but built also in the high capitoll the sacred temple of iupiter : for no prince could build any house in rome for himselfe , vnlesse first hee made a temple for the gods of the common-wealth . this temple was had in so great reuerence , that as the romanes honored iupiter for the god aboue all other gods , so was that temple esteemed aboue all other temples . in the warres betweene the ●alisques , & the carpenates , two romane captaines were vanquished , or the which . the one named 〈◊〉 dyed : whereupon rose such a great 〈◊〉 among thē , that many flying 〈…〉 the warres , came backe againe to rome . for the victorious hath alwayes this priuiledge , that though they bee fewe , yet they are alwayes feared of them that be ouercome . this occasion m●ued the romanes to chuse new captaines , and truely they did like wise men . for oftentimes it ha●neth by 〈◊〉 the captaines of the warres , fortune likewise chaungeth her doings . and the captaine that was elected for the wars , was marcus purius camillus , who though he were stout and hardy , yet before he went to the wars , he offered great sacrifices to the gods , and made a vow that if hee returned to rome victorious , hee would build a solemne temple . for it was the custome in rome , that immediately when the romane captaine would enterprise to doe any notable thing , he should make a vow to build temples . now when camillus returned afterwards victorious , hee did not onely build a temple , but also furnished it with all manner of implements thereunto belonging , which he got by spoyle , and vanquishing his enemies . and sith he was for this reprehended of some , saying that the romane captaines should offer theyr hearts to the gods , and diuide the treasures among the souldiers : hee answered these words . i like a man did aske the gods but one triumph : and they like gods did giue mee many : therefore considering this , it is but iust , s●th i was 〈◊〉 in promising , that i should be large in perso●●ing for euen as i did thanke them for . that they gaue me double , in respect of that i demaunded : so likewise shall they esteeme that which i doe giue , in respect of that which i promised . at that time when the cruell war was betwixt rome , and the city of neye , the romanes kept it besieged . yeares together , and in the end by policie tooke it . for it chaunceth sundrie times in warre , that that city in short time by policie is won , which by great strength a long time hath been defended . marcus furius , dictator of rome , and at that time captaine , commanded a proclamation to be had throgh his host , that incontinently after the city was taken , none should be so hardy as to kill any of the citizens , but those which were found armed . which thing the enemies vnderstanding , vnarmed themselues , and so escaped . and truly this example was worthy of nothing : for as the captaines ought to shew themselues fierce and cruell at the beginning : so after the victorie had of their enemies , they should shew themselues meeke and pittifull . this dictator camillus , for an other thing hee did , was much commended aboue the residue . that is to say , hee did not onely not consent to robbe the temples . nor dishonour the gods ; but hee himselfe with great reuerence tooke the sacred vessels of the temples , and the gods which were therein , ( especially the goddesse iuno ) and brought them all to rome . for amongst the auncients there was a law , that the gods of them which were vanquished , should not come by lot to the captaines being conquerours : therfore hee made in the mount auentino a sumptuous temple , wherein hee placed all the gods together , with all the holy reliques which hee wanne . for the greater triumph the romans had ouer their enemies , so much the better they handled the gods of the people vanquished . also you ought to know , that the romaines after many victories , determined to make a crowne of golde very great & rich , and to offer it to the god apollo : but sith the common treasure was poor , ( because there was but little siluer , and lesse golde to make that crowne ) the romane matrons defaced theyr iewels and ouches of golde and siluer , to make the crowne there withall . for in rome there neuer wanted money ( if it were demanded ) for the seruice of gods to repayre temples , or to redeeme captiues . the senate esteemed the well willing hearts of these women in such sort , that they graunted them three things : that is say , to weare on their heades garlands of flowers , to goe in chariots to the common places , and to goe openly to the feasts of the gods. for the auncient romanes were so honest , that they neuer ware gold on theyr heades , neyther went they at any time to the feasts vncouered . a man ought not to maruell that the romanes granted such priuiledges vnto the ancient matrones of rome : for they vsed neuer to bee obliuious of any benefite receyued , but rather gentle , with thanks and rewards to recompence the same . an other notable thing chanced in rome , which was , that the romanes sent two tribunes , the which were called caulius and sergius , into the isle of delphos with greate presents to offer vnto the god apollo . for as titus liuius sayeth , rome yeerely sent a present vnto the god apollo , and apollo gaue vnto the romanes counsell . and as the tribunes went out of the way , they fell into the hands of pirates and rouers on the sea , which tooke them with their treasures , and brought them to the cittie of liparie . but the citizens vnderstanding that those presents were consecrated to the god apollo , did not onely deliuer them all their treasure againe : but also gaue them much more , & guides therewith to conduct them safely , ( both going and comming ) from all peril and danger . the romaines beeing aduertised of theyr genltenesse , by the messengers , which were come safe and aliue , did so much reioyce , that they ordayned in rome , that the nobles of liparie should bee made senatours of rome , and all the others should be confederates and of aliance vnto them . and they caused further that two priests of liparie should alwayes remaine in the temple of iupiter , which priuiledge was neuer granted to any other strangers but to them onely . for the romanes had so great zeale , and loue to their gods , that in the seruices of the temples , they trusted none , but those which were natiue & ancient of rome , and also were both wise and vertuous . when quintus fabius and publius decius were in the warres against the samnites and tuscanes , and likewise against the vmbres , manie maruellous and terrible signes were seene in rome , which things did not only feare those that sawe them , but also those which heard of them . vpon which occasion the romaines and the romane matrones ( both night and day , ) offered great sacrifices to the gods . for they sayd , if we can pacifie the wrath of the gods in rome , we shall neuer need to feare our enemies in the field . the thing was this , that as the romane matrons went visiting the temples , to appease the ire of the gods , many senators wiues came to the temple of chastitie , to offer sacrifice . for in the time of the puissant power of the romanes , the women did sacrifice in the temples of the gods. at that time virginea , the daughter of aureus virgineus , the consul plebeian , the which was forbidden to doe sacrifice , for that shee was none of the senators wiues , but a plebeian ; as much to say , as a crafts-woman , and no gentlemans-daughter borne . for the noblewomen were had in so great veneration , and so highly esteemed , that all the other seemed ( in respect of them ) but hand-maydes and slaues . the noble romane virginea , seeing her to be so repulsed and disdained of the other matrones , made of her own house a temple , to the goddesse of chastitie , and with much deuotion and reuerence honoured her . the which thing being published abroade throughout rome , manie other women came thither , to doe sacrifice likewise . for fortune is so variable , that oftentimes those which of pride haue forbidden vs theyr houses , come after by humilitie , to doe vs seruice at ours . for this cause , this virginea the foundresse was so greatly praysed , that the romaines in her life made her patrice , ( that is , a noble romane ) and after her death caused her image and statue to be made and set vp in the high capitoll : and about this image were ingrauen certain greeke characters , the effect whereof was this . patrice the great this image doth present , that in her life , did giue with minde deuout the gods her house , & therefore to them went when liuely breath , by death was chased out . of all these hystories aboue-named , titus liuius maketh mention , in his first decade : the second , fifth , and ninth book , and though he declareth them more at large , yet this shall suffice for my purpose , i haue sought amongst the gentiles these fewe examples , to reprooue christian princes ; onely to the ende they might see how studious and seruent our fathers were in the seruice of their idols , & contrariwise how cold and negligent we are to honour and serue our true and liuing god. it is a shame to tell how the ancient romanes with all their hearts , did serue the gods without any vnderstanding , and how those which are christians ( for the most part ) serue the true god , not in truth , but with hypocrisie and dissimulation . for the children of this world will take no paines , but for to prouoke the pleasures of the body . many wondred for what occasion god did so much for them , and they did nothing for god ? to this may bee answered , that if they had known one true god , all the sacrifices they had done to their other gods , they would haue done to him onely , and as god is iust , so hee rewarded them in their temporall prosperities , not for that they did well but for that they desired to doe well . for in our diuine law , god doth not regard what wee are , but what wee desire to hee . christian princes maruell much what the occasiō should be , that they are not so fortunate as the gentiles were . to this may bee aunswered , that eyther they bee good or euill . if they bee good , truly god should do them wrong , if for the payment of their faithfull seruices , hee should recompence them with these worldly vanities : for without doubt , one onely louing countenance of god in the world to come , is more worth then all the temporall goods of this world present . but if these such great lords bee euill in their persons , ambitions in gouerning their dominions , not pittifull to widdowes and father lesse , not fearefull of god , nor of his threatnings , and moreouer , neuer to haue mind to serue him , but onely when they see themselues in some great ieopardy , in such case god will not heare them , and much lesse fauour them . for without doubt the seruice is more acceptable , which of free will proceedeth , then that which of necessity is offered . chap. xx. for fiue causes princes ought to be better christians then their subiects . in mine opinion , princes ought , and are bound to bee vertuous for fiue causes . i say vertuous , in that they should loue , & fear god : for hee onely may bee called vertuous , which in the catholike faith of the church , and in the feare of god hath alwayes remayned constant . first princes should feare , loue , serue , and loue one only god whom they worship , for that they acknowledge him onely , and none other to bee the head both of heauen & earth . for in the end , there is nothing so puissant but it is subiect to the diuine power . and truely that prince is in great perill of damnation of his soule , if in his gouernement he hath not alwayes before his eyes the feare and loue of the supreame prince , to whom wee must render of all our doings an account . for the prince hath great occasion to bee vicious , thinking that for the vice hee shall not be chastised . i haue read in diuers and sundry writings , and i neuer found one ancient prince to bee contented with one onely god , but that they had and serued many gods. iulius caesar carriedfiue gods painted in a table , and scipio the great carried seuen purtraied in mettall . and furthermore , they were not contented to haue many : but yet in sacrifices and seruices , they offered vnto them all . the christian princes which keepe and haue but one very true and omnipotent god , are so vnthankefull , that they thinke it much to serue and giue acceptable seruice vnto him . and though peraduenture some say , that it is more painefull to serue one true god , then all these false gods. to this i aunswere , that to serue them it is both trauell and paine : but to serue our god , it is both ioy and felicity . for in seruing those , it is costly , and without profite : and in seruing god great profite ensueth . for those gods require great and rich sacrifices , and our god demaundeth nothing but pure and cleane hearts . secondarily , princes should be better christians then others , because they haue more to loose then al : and hee that hath more to lose then any other , ought aboue all other to serue god : for euen as hee alone can giue him , so likewise hee alone , and none other can take from him . and if a subiect take any thing from his neighbour , the prince whome hee serueth , maketh him render it again : but if the prince bee iniuried with any other tyrant , hee hath none to complaine vnto , nor to demaunde helpe of , but onely of his mercifull god : for in the end , one that is of power cannot bee hurt , but by an other which is likewise mighty . let princes behold how the man that will make any great assault , first hee commeth running a farre of as fast as he can . i meane , that the prince which will haue god mercifull vnto him , ought to bee content with his onely god. for he in vaine demandeth helpe of him , to whom before he neuer did seruice . thirdly , princes ought to be better christians then others , and this shall bee seene by that they succour the poore , prouide for those that are vnprouided , and visite the temples , hospitals and churches , and endeanour themselues to heare the diuine seruice , and for all these things they shall not onely receiue rewards , but also they shall receyue honour . for through their good example , others will doe the same . princes not fearing god ; nor his commandements , cause their realmes and subiects to fall into great misery : for if fountains bee infected , it is vnpossible for the streames ( that issue thereof to bee pure , we see by experience that a bridle mastereth a horse and a sterne ruleth a shippe . i weane , that a prince ( good or bad ) will leade after him all the whole realme . and if he honor god , all the people do likewise , if hee serue god , the people also serue him , if he prayse god , the subiects also prayse him , & if he blaspheme god , they likewise will doe the same . for it is vnpossible that a tree shoulde bring forth other leaus or fruits , then those which are agreeable to the humour that are in the roots . princes aboue all other creatures haue this preheminence , that if they bee good christians , they shall not only receiue merite , for their own works , but also for all those which others shall doe , because they are occasion that the people worke well . and for the contrary , they shall not only be punished for the euill which they shall do , but also for the euill which by occasion of their euill examples others shal commit . o princes that now liue , how do i wish that ye should speake with some one of those princes which now are dead , especially with those that are condemned to eternal flames , thē yee should see that the greatest torments which they suffer , are not for the euils that they did commit , but for the euils which through their occasion were done : for oftentimes princes and prelates sinne more , because they dissembled with others , then for that they do commit themselues . o how circumspect ought princes and great lords to be in that they speake , and how diligently ought they to examine that they doe : for they serue not god onely for themselues , but they serue him also generally for their subiects . and contrariwise princes are not onely punished for their owne offences , but also for the sinnes of theyr people : for the shepheard ought grieuously to bee punished , when by negligence the rauening wolfe deuoureth the innocent lambe . fourthly , princes ought to bee better christians then others because that to god onely they must render account of their estates ; for as much as we are sure that god , to whom we must render account is iust , so much the more we should trauell to bee in his fauour , because whether hee find or not find in our life any fault , yet for loue and pitty sake hee may correct vs. men one with another make theyr accounts in this life , because they are men , and in the end count they well or euill , all passeth amongst men : because they are men : but what shall the vnhappy princes doe , which shall render no account but to god onely , who will not bee deceiued with words , corrupted with gifts , feared with threatnings , nor answered with excuses . princes haue their realms full of cruell iudges , to punish the frailetic of man : they haue their courts full of aduocates to plead against them that haue offended : they haue their pallaces 〈…〉 and promoters , that note the offences of other men : they haue through all theyr prouince , auditours , that ouersee the accounts of their routs , and besides all this , they haue no remembrance of the day so strict , wherein they must render an account of their wicked life . me thinkes ( since all that which princes receyue commeth from the hands of god ) that the greatest part of the time which they spend , should bee in the seruice of god , and al their trade in god , and they ought to render no account of their life but vnto god : then sith they are gods in authority which they haue ouer temporall things they ought to shew themselues to resemble god more then others by vertues , for that prince is more to be magnified which reformeth two vices among his people , then hee which conquereth ten realmes of his enemies . but we wil desire them from henceforth , they presume not any more to bee gods on the earth , but that they endeuour themselues to bee good christians in the commonwealth : for all the wealth of a prince is , that hee bee stout with strangers , and louing to his owne subiects . fiftly , princes ought to bee better christians then others , for , the prosperity or aduersity that chanceth vnto them , commeth directly from the hands of god onely , and none other : i haue seene sundry times princes , which haue put their whole trust and confidence in other princes , to be on a sodaine discomfited : and for the contrary , those which haue litle hope in men , and great confidence in god haue alwayes prospered , when man is in his chiefest brauery , and trusteth most to mens wisedome , then the secret iudgement of god soonest discomforteth him . i meane , that the consederates and friends of princes , might helpe and succour them , but god will not suffer them to be holpen nor succoured , to the ende they should see their remedy proceedeth not by mans diligence , but by diuine prouidence . a prince that hath a realme , doth not suffer any thing to bee done therein without his aduice : therefore since god is of no lesse power in heauen , then princes are on the earth : it is reason that nothing bee done without his consent , since he taketh account of all mens deedes , and as hee is the end of all things , so in him , and by him all things haue their beginning . o princes , if you knew how small a thing it is to bee hated of men , and how great a comfort to be beloued of god , i sweare , that you would not speake one word ( althogh it were in iest ) vnto men , neyther would you cease , night nor day , to commend your selues vnto god : for god is more mercifull to succour vs , then wee are diligent for to call vpon him . for in conclusion , the fauour which men can giue you , other men can take from you : but the fauour that god will giue you , no man can resist it . all those that possesse much should vse the company of them which can doe much : and if it bee so , i let you princes know , that all men cannot thinke so much together as god is able to doe alone : for the crye of a lyon is more fearefull then the howling of a wolfe . i confesse , that princes and great lords may sometimes gaine , and winne of them selues : but i aske them whose fauour they haue neede of to preserue and keepe them : we see oftentimes that in a short space many come to great authority , the which neyther mans wisedome sufficeth to gouerne , nor yet mans force to keepe . for the authority which the romanes in sixe hundred yeares gained , fighting against the gothes , in the space of three yeares they lost . wee see daily by experience , that a man for the gouernment of his owne house onely , needeth the counsell of his friends and neighbours : and doe princes and great lords thinke by their own heades onely , to rule and gouerne many realmes and dominions . chap. xxi . what the philosopher bias was : of his constancy when hee lost all his goods , and of the ten lawes hee gaue , worthy to bee had in memory . among all nations , & sorts of men , which auaunt themselues to haue had with them sage men , the grecians were the chiefest , which had and thought it necessary to haue , not onely wise men to reade in theyr schooles : but also they chose them to bee princes in their dominions . for as plato sayeth , those which gouerned in those dates were philosophers or else they sayde , and did like philosohers . and laertius writeth in his second booke , de antiquitatibus graecorum that the grecians auaunted themselues much in this , that they had of all estates persons most notable , that is to say , seuen women very sage , seuen queenes very honest , seuen kings very vertuous , seuen captaines very hardy , seuen cities very notable , seuen buildings very sumptuous , and seuen philosophers , very well learned , which philosophers , were these that follow . the first was tales milesius , that inuented the carde to sayle by . the second was solon , that gaue the first lawes to the athenians . the third was chilo , who was in the orient for ambassadour of the athenians . the fourth was pittacus quintilenus , who was not onely a philosopher , but also captaine of the mitilenes . the fifth was cleobolus , that discended from the ancient lynage of hercules . the sixt was periander , that long time gouerned the realme of corinth . the seuenth was bias prieneus , that was prince of the prieneans . therefore as touching bias , you must vnderstand , that when romulus raigned at rome , and ezechias in iudea , there was great warres in grecia betweene the metinences , and the prieneans : and of these prieneans , bias the philosopher was prince and captaine , who because hee was sage , read in the vniuersity , and for that hee was hardy , was chiefetain in the warre : and because hee was wise , he was made a prince , and gouerned the common-wealth . and of this no man ought to maruell : for in those daies the philosopher that had knowledge but in one thing , was little esteemed in the common-wealth . after many contentions had betweene the metinenses and prienenses , a cruel battell was fought , whereof the philosopher bias was captaine , and had the victory , and it was the first battell that euer any philosopher gaue in greece . for the which victory greece was proud to see their philosophers so aduenturous in wars , and hardy of their hands , as they were profound in their doctrine , and eloquent in their tongues . and by chance one brought him a number of women , and maides to sell , or if hee listed to vse them otherwise at his pleasure : but this good philosopher , did not defile them nor sell them , but caused them to bee apparrelled , and safely to bee conducted to their owne natiue countries . and let not this liberty that he did , be had in litle estimation to deliuer the captiues , and not to defloure the virgins . for many times it chaunceth , that those which are ouercome with the weapons of the conquerours , are conquered with the delights of them that are ouercome . this deede amongst the greekes was so highly commended , and likewise of their enemies so praysed , that immediatly the metinences sent ambassadors to demaund peace of the prienenses . and they concluded together a perpetuall peace vpon condition , that they should make for bias an immortall statue , sith by his hands , and also by his vertues , hee was the occasion of the peace , and ending of the wars betweene them . and truely they had reason , for hee deserueth more prayse which winneth the hearts of the enemies in his tents by good example : then hee which getteth the victory in the field by shedding of bloud . the hearts of men are noble , and wee see dayly , that oftentimes one shal sooner ouercome many by good , then many ouercome one by euill : and also they say that the emperour seuerus spake these words . by goodnesse the least slaue in rome shall leade mee tyed with a hayre whether hee will : but by euill the most puissant man in the world cannot moue mee out of italy for my heart had rather bee seruant to the good , then lord to the euill . valerius maximus declareth , that when the city of priene was taken by enemies , and put to sacke the wife of bias was slaine , his children taken prisoners his goods robbed , the city beaten downe , and his house set on fire , but bias escaped safe , and went to athens . in this pittifull case the good philosopher bias was no whit the sadder , but rather sang as he went by the way , and when hee perceyued that men maruelled at his mirth , hee spake vnto them these words . those which speake of mee for wanting my city , my wife , and my children , and loosing all that i had , truely such know not what fortune meaneth , nor vnderstand what philosophie is . the losse of children and temporall goods , cannot bee called losse , if the life bee saued , and the renowne remaine vndefiled . whether this sentēce be true or no , let vs profoundly consider , if the iust god suffer that this city should come into the hands of the cruell tyrants , then this prouision is iust : for , there is nothing more conformable vnto iustice , then that those which receiue not the doctrine of the sages , should suffer the crueltite of the tirants . also though my enemies haue killed my wife , yet i am sure it was not without the determination of the gods , who after they had created her body , immediately appointed the end of her life . therfore why shuld i bewayle her death , since the gods haue lent her life , vntill this day ? the great estimation that we haue of this life , causeth that death seemeth vnto vs sodayne , and that the life vnwares with death is ouertaken : but these are words of the children of vanitie , for that by the will of the gods , death visiteth vs , and against the willes of men , life for saketh vs. also my children bee vertuous philosophers , and albeit they be now in the hands of tirants , we ought not therefore to call them captiues , for a man may not call him a captiue which is laden with yrons , but him which is ouerwhelmed with vices . and although the fire haue burnt my house , yet i know not why i ought to be sad : for of truth it was now olde , and the winde did blowe downe , he tiles , the wormes did waste the wood , and the waters that ranne downe perished the walles , and it was olde and like to fall , and perchaunce would haue done greater displeasure . for most commonly enuie , malice , and old houses suddenly without any warning or knocking at the dore , assaulteth men ▪ finally , there came the fire which quited mee of many troubles : first , of the trouble that i should haue had in repayring ● : secondarily , it saued mee money in plucking it downe . thirdly , it saued me and mune heyres frō much cost and many daungers . for ofentimes that which a man consumeth in repayring an old house , would with aduantage buy him a new . also those which say that for the taking away of my goods , i lacke the goods of fortune ; such haue no reason so thinke or say : for fortune neuer giueth temporall goods for a proper thing , but to those whom shee list , & when shee will dispose them : therefore when fortune seeth that those më whom shee hath appointed as her distributers , do hoarde vp the same to them , and to theyr heyres : then shee taketh it from them , to giue it to another . therfore by reason i should not complaine that i haue lost any thing : for fortune recommendeth vnto any other the temporall goods : but i carrie patience and philosophie with me , so that they haue discharged me from all other , and haue no more charge but for my selfe alone . laertius declareth in his fifth booke of the sayings of the gretians : that this byas determined to goe to the playes of the mount olympus , wherevnto resorted people of all nations : and he shewed himselfe in this place of so high an vnderstanding , that hee was counted supreame and chiefe of all phylosophers , and wonne the name of a true phylosopher . other philosophers then being in the same playes ( called olymp calles , ) asked him many questions , of diuerse and sundry matters : where of i will make mention here onely of some of the chiefest . the questions demaunded of the phylosopher byas . the first question was this : tell mee who is the vnhappiest man in the worlde ? byas answered ; hee is most vnhappie , that is not patient in aduersitie . for , men are not killed with the aduersities they haue , but with the impatience which they suffer . the second was , what is most hardest and most troublesome to iudge : he aunswered . there is nothing more difficult , then to iudge a contention betwixt two friends . for to iudge between two enemyes : the one remaineth a friende : but to iudge betweene two friendes , the one is made an enemie . the third was , what is most hardest to measure ? wherevnto byas answered ; there is nothing that needeth more circumspections , then the measuring of time : for the time should bee measured so iustly , that no time should want to doe well , nor any time should abound to doe euill . the fourth was : what thing is that , which needeth no excuse in the accomplishment thereof ? byas answered , the thing that is promised , must of necessitie be performed . for otherwise , hee that doth loose the credite of his word , should lose more then he that should lose the promise to him made . the fifth was , what thing that is , wherein the men ( as well good as euill ) should take care ? then byas answered : men ought not in any thing to take so great care , as in seeking counsell , and counsellours : for the prosperous times cannot bee maintained , nor the multitude of enemyes resisted , if it be not by wise men , and graue counsells . the sixt was , what thing that is wherein men are praised to be negligent ? and that is , in choosing of friendes . hee answered . in one thing onely men haue licence to be negligent . slowly ought thy friends to bee chosen , and they neuer after for any thing ought to be forsaken . the seuenth was , what is that which the afflicted man doth most desire ? byas answered , it is the chaunce of fortune : and the thing which the prosperous man doth most abhorre , is , to thinke that fortune is somutable . for the vnfortunate man hopeth for euery chaunge of fortune to be made better , and the wealthy man feareth through euery change to be depriued of his bouse . these were the questions which the philosophers demaunded of byas , in the playes of the mount olympus , in the . olympiade . the phylosopher byas liued about . yeares , and as he drewe neere his death , the prienenses ( shewing themselues to be maruellous sorrowfull for the losse of such a famous man ) desired him earnestly to ordayne some lawes , whereby they might know how to choose captaines , or some prince , which after him might guide and gouerne the realme . the phylosopher byas ( vnderstanding their honest and iust requests , he ( with his best counsell and aduisement ) gaue them certaine wholsome lawes , in fewe wordes , which followe . and of these lawes the diuine plato maketh mention in his booke de legibus , and likewise aristotle , in the booke of oecenomices . the lawes which bias gvue to the prienenses . wee ordayne and command , that no man bee chosen to bee prince among the people , vnlesse hee bee ( at least ) forty yeares of age . for gouernours ought to be of such age , that neyther youth nor small experience should cause them to erre in their affayres , nor weakenesse thorow ouermuch age should hinder them from taking paines . wee ordayne and commaund , that none bee chosen amongst the prienenses gouernour , if hee bee not well learned in the greeke letters : for there is no greater plague in the publike weale , then for him to lacke wisedome which gouerneth the same . wee ordayne and commaund that there bee none amongst the prienenses chosen gouernour , vnlesse hee hath beene brought vp in the warres ten yeares at the least : for hee alone doth know how precious a thing peace is , which by experience hath felt the extreame miseries of warre . wee ordayne and commaund , that if any haue beene noted to bee cruell , that hee bee not chosen for gouernour of the people ; for that man which is cruell , is likely to be a tyrant . wee ordaine and commaund , that if the gouernor of the prienenses bee so hardy , or dare presume to breake the auncient lawes of the people , that in such case hee be depriued from the office of the gouernour , and likewise exiled from the people : for there is nothing that destroyeth sooner a publike-weale , then to ordaine new and fond lawes , to breake the good auncient customes . wee ordaine and commaund that the gouernour of the prienenses doe worship and honour the gods , and that hee bee a louer of the sacred temples . for otherwise hee that honoureth not god , will neuer minister equall iustice vnto men . wee ordaine and command that the prince of prienenses bee contented with the warres which his auncesters left him , and that he doe not forget newe matters to inuade any other strange countries : and if perchance he would , that no man in this case bee bound neyther with money , nor in person to follow or serue him . for the god apollo told mee , that that man which wil take another mans goods from him by force , shall loose his owne iustice . wee ordaine and command that the gouernour of the prienenses go to pray and worship the gods twice in the weeke , and likewise to visite them in the temples , and if hee doe the contrary , he shall not onely bee depriued of the gouernement , but also after his death he shall not bee buried . for the prince that honoreth not god in time of his life , deserueth not his bones should bee honoured with sepnlture after his death . chap , xxii . how god from the beginning punished men by his iustice , and especially those princes that despise his church , and how all wicked christians are parishioners of hell. when the eternall creatour , ( who measureth all the things by his omnipotency , and weigheth them by his effectuall wisedome ) created all things aswell celestiall as terrestriall , visible as inuisible , corporate as incorporate , not onely promised to the good which serued him , but also threatned the euil with plagues which offended him : for the iustice and mercy of god , goe alwayes together , to the intent the one should encourage the good , and the other threaten the euill . this thing seemeth to bee true : for that wee haue but one god , which hath created but one world , wherein hee made but one garden , in the which garden there was but one fountaine , and neere to that fountaine he appointed onely one man , one woman , and one serpent : neere vnto which was also one tree only forbidden , which is a thing maruellous to speake , and no lesse fearefull to see , how god did put into the terrestriall paradise ( the same day that the creation of the world was finished ) both a sword and a gybet . the gybet was the tree forbidden , whereof they did eate : wherefore our fathers were condemned . and the sword was the penishment , wherwith wee all ( as miserable children ) at this day are beheaded : for truely they did eate the bitternesse of theyr fault : and we doe feele the griefe of their paine . i meane to shew how our god by his power doth rayse vp that which is beaten downe , how with his wisedome he guideth those which are blind , how by his will hee dissembleth with the euill doers ; neyther wil i tell how hee through his clemency pardoneth the offences , and through his light lightneth the darkenesse , nor how through his righteousnesse , hee amendeth that which is broken , and through his liberality payeth more then wee deserue . but i will here declare at large , how our omnipotent god through his iustice chastiseth those which walke not in his pathes . o lord god how sure may thy faithfull seruants be , for their small seruices to receyue great rewards : and contrary , the euill ought alwayes to liue in as great feare , lest for their hainous offences thou shouldest giue them cruell punishments : for though god of his bounty will not leaue any seruice vnrewarded , nor of his iustice will omit any euill vnpunished : yet for all that wee ought to know , that aboue all , and more then all , hee will rigorously chastice those , which maliciously despise the catholike faith . for christ thinketh himselfe as much iniured of those which persecute his church , as of those that layd handes on his person , to put him to death . we reade that in times past , god shewed sundry grieuous and cruell punishments , to diuers high lords and princes , besides other famous & renowned men . but rigour had neuer such power in his hand , as it had against those which honored that infamed idoll , and violated the sacred temples . for to god this is the most haynous offence , to forsake the holy catholike faith in his life , and to despaire in his mercy , at the houre of his death . would to god wee had so much grace to acknowledge our offences , as god hath reason to punish our sins . for if it were so , then wee would amend in time to come , and god would graunt vs a general pardon for all that is past . i see one thing wherin ( as i thinke ) i am not deceiued , which is this : that the fraylties and miseryes which we cōmit , wee thinke them naturall , and in the satisfaction and amendment of the same , wee say they are strange . so that we admit the fault , and condemne the paine which thereby we doe deserue . the secret iudgements of god doe suffer it , and our offences do deserue it : i doe not denie , but that the euill may holde and possesse this life at their pleasure : but i sweare vnto them , when they shall least thinke of it , they shall lose theyr life , to their great displeasure : for the pleasures of this life , are so vnconstant , that wee scarce beginne to taste them , when they fade out of our sight . it is a rule infallible , which both of the good and euill hath bin proued : that all naturallie desire , rather to abound then to want : & all that which greatly is desired with great diligence is searched , and through great trauell is obtained : and that thing which by trauell is attained , with loue is possessed , & that which by loue is possessed , with much sorrow is lost , bewailed , & lamented . for in the end wee cannot deny , but that the watry eies do manifestly shew the sorrowfull harts . to the fine wits and stout harts , this is a continuall torment and endles paine , and a worme that alway gnaweth : to call to minde that he must lose the ioyfull life , which he so entirely loued : & tast the fearfull death , which so greatly he abhorred . therfore to proue this matter which i haue spoken of before , it is but reason that princes knowe ( if they doe not know ) that men as the diuine prouidence exalteth them to high estates , they not deseruing them : so likewise his rigorous iustice will bring thē to nought , if they bee vnthankfull for his benefits . for the ingratitude or benefits receiued , maketh that man not worthy to receyue any moe . the more a man throgh benefits is bound , the more grieuous punishment ( if he be vnthankfull ) hee deserueth . all wise men should finde ( if they apply their mindes therevnto ) that in chastising god calleth those offences first to his minde , which are furthest from the thoughts of men . for before the tribunall of god our secret faults are alwayes casting out bloud , to the end hee should execute on our person open iustice . and further ( i say ) that in this case i do not see that the prince is exempted more , though hee liue in great felicitie , then the poore labourer , who liueth in extreame miserie . and also we see it eft-soones by experience , that the sudden lightning , tempests , and terrible thunder , forsaketh the small and lowe cottages , and battereth forthwith the great and sumptuous buyldings . gods will and determination is , that foras-much as hee hath exalted them aboue all others , so much the more they should acknowledge him for lord aboue all others : for god did neuer create high estates , because they should worke wickednes : but he placed them in that degree , to the end they should thereby haue more occasion to doe him seruice . euery prince that is not a good christian , a seruent louer of the catholike faith , nor wil haue any respect to the diuine seruice : let him be assured that in this world hee shall lose his renowme , and in the other he shall hazard his soule . for that all euill christians are the parishioners of hell. chap , xxiii . the anthour proueth by twelue examples that princes are sharpely punished , when they vsurpe boldly vpon the churches , and violate their temples . why the children of aaron were punished . it is now time that wee leaue to perswade with wordes and reasons , and to beginne to proue that which we haue sayd , by some excellent histories , and notable examples : for in the end , the hearts of men are stirred more through some little examples , then with a great multitude of words . in the first booke of leuiticus the . chapter , is declared , how in the time of moses , the sonne in law of iethro the priest , ( that was of media ) who was chiefe prince of all the lynage of seph , with whom the brother of mary the leper , had charge of the high priesthood . for among all the lawes where god at any time put his hands vnto ; hee prouided alwayes that some had the gouernement of ciuill affayres , and others the administration of the diuine misteries . this high priest then had towe children , whose names were nadab , and abihu , which two were yong and beautifull , stout and sage , and during their infancie serued their father , & helped him to doe sacrifice . for in the old law they suffered that priests should not onely haue wiues & children , but also that their children should succeed them in their temples , and inherite their benefices . there came a great mischance for the two children being apparrelled in white , their bodies bound with stolles , their hands naked , in one hād holding a torch , and in the other the sencer , being negligent to light the new fire , and contrary to that the law had ordayned , and taking coales which were prohibited , a maruellous thing was seene in the sight of the people , which was , that sodenly these two childrē fel flat on the earth dead , and all their sacrifice burned . truly the sentence was maruellous , but it was iust in ough . for they well deserued to loose their liues , sithence they durst sacrifice the coales of an other . this thing seemed to be true , for these young children saued theyr soules , and made satisfaction of the fault with their liues : but other wicked men god permitteth to liue a short time , because they shall loose their soules for euer . the cause why the azotes were punished . the realme of palestine being destitute of a king , at that time an honorable olde man gouerned the realme , which was father to two knights , named albino and phinides ; for at that time the children of israel were not gouerned by kings that did molest them by iniuries : but by sage men which did maintaine them by iustice . it chaunced that the azotes made warre against the palestines , and were a kind of the arabians , stout and warlike , the which fought so couragiously , that the palestines and hebrewes were constrained to bring their arke into the middest of the battell : which was a relicke , ( as a man should haue put the holie sacrament ) to deuide a great multitude of people . but fortune shewed her countenaunce vnto them so frowningly , that they were not onely ouer-come , but also were spoyled of the arke , which was their chiefe relicke . and besides that , there were . palestines slaine . the azotes carryed away the arke , full of relickes vnto their temple , in the cittie of nazote , and set it by dagon , theyr cursed idoll . the most high & true god ( which will not suffer any to be coequall with him in comparison , or in anie thing that hee representeth ) caused this idol to be shaken , thrown downe , and broken in pieces , no man touching it . for our god is of such power , that to execute his iustice he needeth not worldly helpe . god not contented thus ( though the idoll was broken in pieces , but caused those to bee punished likewise which worshipped it : in such sort , that al the people of azotes , ascalon , geth , acharon , and of gaza , which were fiue auncient and renowmed citties ) were plagued , both man and woman inwardly , with the disease of the emerodes : so that they could not eate sitting , nor ride by the wayes on horse-backe . and to the end that all men might see that their offences were grieuous , ( for the punishment they receyued by the diuine iustice ) he replenished their houses , places , gardens , seedes , and fields , full of rats ; and as they had erred in honouring the false idol , and forsaken the true god , so hee would chastice them with two plagues , sending them the emerodes , to torment their bodyes , and the rats , to destroy their goods . for to him that willingly giueth his soule to the diuel , it is but a small matter , that god ( against his will ) depriue him of his goods . this then being thus , i would now gladly knowe , whether of them committed most offence ? eyther the azotes , which set the arke in the temple , which ( as they thought , ) was the most holiest : or the false christians , which with a sacrilegious boldnesse , dare attempt ( without anie feare of god , ) to robbe and pill the church goods , to theyr owne priuate commoditie in this world . truely the law of the azotes differed as much frō the christians , as the offence of the one differeth from the other . for the azotes erred not , beleeuing that this arke was the figure of the true god ; but we beleeue it , and confesse it , and without shame cōmit against it infinite vices . by this so rare and seuere a sudden punishment , mee thinks the princes & great lords , should not only therefore acknowledge the true god , but also reuerence and honour those things which vnto him are dedicated . for mans lawes ( speaking of the reuerence of a prince , ) doe no lesse condemne him to die , that robbeth his house , then him which violently layeth hands on his person . ¶ the cause why prince oza was punished . in the booke which the sonne of helcana wrote , that is the second booke of the kings , and the vi . chapter , hee saith : that the arke of israel with his relikes ( which was manna , the rodde , and two stones ) stood in the house of aminadab , which was the next neighbour to the citie of gibeah , the sonne of esay , ( who at that time was king of the israelites ) determined to transpose the relikes into his cittie and house : for that it seemed to him a great infamy , that to a mortal prince , a house should abound for his pleasures , & to the immortall god there should want a temple for his reliques . the day therefore appointed when they should carrie the relique of gibeah to bethlehem , there met thirty thousand israelites , with a great number of noble men which came with the king , besides a greater number of strangers . for in such a case those are more which come of their owne pleasure , then those which are commaunded . besides all the people they say , that all the nobility of the realme was there to the end the relique should bee more honoured , and his person better accompanied . it chanced that as the lords and people went singing and the king in person dancing , the wheele of the chariot began to fall , and go out of the way , the which prince oza seeing , by chance set to his hand , and his shoulder against it , because the arke where the relique was should not fall , nor breake : yet notwithstanding that , suddenly and before them all , hee fell downe dead . therefore let this punishment be noted for truly it was fearefull , and ye ought to thinke , that since god , ( for putting his hand to the chariot to holde it vp ) stroke him with death , that a prince should not hope ( seeking the destruction and decay of the church ) that god will prolong his life . o princes , great lords , and prelates , sith oza with such diligence lost his life , what doe yee hope or looke for , sith with such negligence yee destroy and suffer the church to fall ? yet once againe , i doe returne to exclaime vpon you . o princes and great lords , sith prince oza deserued such punishment , because without reuerence hee aduanced himselfe to stay the arke which fell , what punishment ought yee to haue , which through malice , helpe the church to fall . why king balthasar was punished , darius king of the perses and medes besieged the auncient city of babylon in chaldea , whereof balthasar sonne of nabuchodonozar the great was king and lord : who was so wicked a child , that his father being dead , hee caused him to be cut in . peeces , & gaue him to . hawkes to be eaten , because hee should not reuiue againe , to take the goods & riches from him which he had left him . i know not what father is so foolish , that letteth his son liue in pleasures , and afterwards the entralles of the hauke wherewith the sonne hawked , should be the wofull graue of the father , which so many men lamented , this balthasar then beeing so besieged , determined one night to make a great feast and banquet to the lords of his realme that came to ayde him ; and in this he did like a valiant and stout prince , to the end the perses and medes might see , that hee little esteemed their power . the noble and high hearts do vse when they are enuironed with many trauels , to seeke occasions to inuent pleasures ; because to their men they may giue greater courage , and to their enemies greater feare . he declareth of pirrus king of the epirotes , when hee was besieged very straightly in the city of tharenta , of the romane captaine quintus dentatus , that then hee spake vnto his captaines in this sort : lordes and friendes bee yee nothing at all abashed , since i neuer here before saw ye afraid , though the romans haue compassed our bodies yet we haue besiged their harts for i let you to know , that i am of such a complection , that the straighter they keepe my body , the more my heart is at large . and further i say , though the romanes beate downe the walles , yet our hearts shall remaine inuincible . and though there bee no wall betweene vs , yet wee will make them know that the hearts of greekes are harder to ouercome , then the stones of tarentine are to be beaten downe . but returning to king balthasar . the banquet then being ended , and the greatest part of the night beeing spent , belthasar the king being very well pleased that the banquet was made to his contentation ( though he was not the sobrest in drinking wine ) commaunded all the cups of gold & siluer with the treasure hee had , to be brought and set on the table , because all the bidden guests should drinke therein . king balthasar did this , to the end the princes and lords , with al his captains , should manfully helpe him to defend the siege , and also to shew that hee had much treasure to pay them for their paines . for to say the truth , there is nothing that encourageth men of warre more , then to see their reward before their eyes : as they were drinking merily ( at the banquet ) of these cups which nabuchodonozar had robbed from the temple of hierusalem , suddenly by the power of god , and the desert of his offences , there appeared a hand in the wall without a body or arme , which with his fingers wrote these words , mane , thetel , phares , which signifieth : o king balthasar , god hath seene thy life , and findeth that thy malice is now accomplished . hee hath commaunded that thou and thy realme should bee weighed , and hath found that there lacketh a great deale of iust weight , wherfore he commaundeth , that thy life for thine offences bee taken from thee , and that thy realme bee put into the hands of the persians and medes , which are thine enemies . this vision was not frustrare , for the same night without any longer delay , the execution of the sentence was put in effect by the enemies . the king balthasar dyed , the realme was lost , the treasures were robbed , the noble men taken , and al the chaldeans captiues , i would now know , sith balthasar was so extreamely punished onely for giuing his concubines & friends drinke in the sacred cups , what paine deserueth princes and prelates then , which robbe the churches for prophane things ? how wicked soeuer balthasar was , yet hee neuer chaunged , gaue , sold , nor engaged the treasures of the synagogue : but what shall wee say , and speake of prelates , which without any shame , waste , change , sell and spend the church goods ? i take it to be lesser offence to giue drinke in a chalice , as king balthasar did to one of his concubines , then to enter into the church by symony , as many do now a daies . this tyrant was ouercome more by folly then by couetousnesse , but these others are vanquished with folly , couetousnes and symony what meaneth this also , that for the offence of nabuchodonozar in ierusalem , his sonne balthasar should come and bee punished ? for this truely mee thinke not consonant to reason , nor agreeable to mans lawe , that the father should commit the theft , and the sonne should requite it with seuen double . to this i answer , that the good child is bound to restore all the goods that his father hath left him euill gotten . for hee that enioyeth the theft , deserueth no lesse punishment , then hee that committeth the theft . for in the end both are theeues , and deserue to bee hanged on the gallows of the diuine iustice . why king ahab was punished . in the fifth booke of malachie , that is to say , in the third booke of kings , the . chapter . it is declared , that asa being king of iudea , and prophesying in ierusalem , at the time omri was king of israel , and after him succeeded ahab his sonne , being of the age of , yeares . this ahab was not onely young of yeares , but younger of vnderstanding , and was numbred among the wicked kings : not onely euill , but too euil : for the scriptures doe vse to call them by names infamed , whose liues deserued no memory . the vices of this king ahab were sundry and diuers , whereof i will declare some as hereafter followeth . first of all , hee followed altogether the life and steps of the king ieroboam , who was the first that entised the children of israel to commit idolatrie : which thing turned to great reproach and infamy . for the prince erreth not imitating the pathes of the good ; but offendeth in following the wayes of the euill . secondarily , this king ahab married the daughter of the king of the idumeans , whose name was iezabel , which was of the stocke of the gentiles , and he of the hebrewes . and for a truth the marriage was vnaduisedly considered : for sage princes should take wiues conformable to their lawes and conditions , vnlesse they wil repent themselus afterwards . thirdly , hee built againe the city of hierico , which by the commaundement of god was destroyed , and cōmanded that vpon grieuous pains it should not bee reedefied againe : because the offences that were therein committed were so great , that the inhabitants did not onely deserue to lose their liues , but also that in hierico there should not one stone remaine vpon another . fourthly , king ahab built a sumptuous temple to the idol baal , in the city of samaria , and consecrated a wood vnto him , which he had very pleasant , and set in the temple his image of fine gold : so that in the raign of this cursed king , baal the wicked idol was so highly esteemed , that not onely secretly , but also openly , they blasphemed the true & liuing god. the case was such , that one day ahab going against the king of syria , to take him and his city called ramoth gilead , being in battell was shot into the brest with an arrow , wherewith he not onely lost his life , but also the dogges did lap vp his bloud that fell to the earth . o princes and great lords , if you will giue credite vnto mee you shall haue nothing more in recommendation then to bee good christians : sith yee see that as this prince in his life , did serue strange idols : so it was reason , that after his death , his bloud should bee buried in the entrals of rauenous dogs . why king manasses was punished . the king manasses was the sonne of ezechias , and father of amō , which were all kinges . and truly they differed so much in manners and conditions , that a man could scarcely iudge , whether the vertues and prowesses of the father , were more to be desired : or the vice and wickednesse of the children to bee abhorred . this manasses was a wicked prince , for as much as he built new temples to baal , and in the cities made hermitages for the idols , and in the mountaines repayred all the altars that heretofore were consecrated to the deuill . hee consecrated many forrests and woods to the idolls , he honoured the starres as the gods , & did sacrifice to the planets and elements : for the man that is abandoned by the hand of god , there is no wickednesse that his obstinate heart doth not enterprise . so that hee had in his pallace all manner of false prophets , as southsayers , prophesiers , witches , sorcerers , enchaunters , and coniurers , the which dayly hee caused to giue sacrifice to the idols : and gaue such credite to sorcerers and inchaunters , that his seruants were all for the most part sorcerers , and in them was his chiefe delight and pleasure . and likewise he was skilfull in all kind of mischiefe , and ignorant in all vertues . he was so cruell , and spilt so much innocent bloud , that if it had beene water put together , and the bodies of them that he slew layd on heapes , it would both haue couered their carkases , and also haue drowned the liuing : yet hee not contented with that i haue spoken off , set in the temple of the lord an olde idoll that stood in the wood : for the punishment of which fact , god suffered his seruants to kill his eldest sonne . and afterward god would not suffer these such sundry mischiefes of mans malice , but of his diuine iustice caused these words to bee proclaimed in hierusalem . sith the king manasses hath beene so bolde to contemne mee , and himselfe alone to commit the offences of all , i will chastice him alone with the same correction that hee hath shewed vnto others . by these words let princes note here , how the diuine vengeance extendeth no further , then our offences deserue , so that if our fault bee litle , the punishment which hee giueth vs is very temperate : but if the prince bee stubborne and obstinate in his wickednesse , let him be sure that the punishment shall be extreame . why iulius , pompeius , xerxes , catilina , germanicus , and brennus were punished . when pompeius the great passed into the orient , with all the host of the romaine people , and after he had subdued all siria , mesopotamia , damasco , and arabia : hee passed into the realme of palestine , which otherwise was called iudea , where he committed diuers and sundry euils , so that many of the romanes and hebrues dyed there . finally , by force of armes hee tooke the puissant city of hierusalem , which as plinie sayeth , was the best of all asia : and strabo sayeth of the situation of the world , that rome was the chiefe of all italy , and of affricke the principall was carthage , of spaine numantia : of germany , argentine : of caldea , babylon : of egypt , thebes : of greece , athens : of phenice , tira : of cappadocea , cesare : of thrace , constantinople : and of palestine , hierusalem . pompeius therefore not contented to kill all the auncients of that warre , to imprison the youth , to behead the elders , to force the mothers , to defile the virgins , to teare in peeces the children , to beat down buildings , and to rob the treasure● : but encreasing euill vpon euill , and putting all al the people to destruction , he made of the temple a stable for his horses : which before god was abominable , that where alwayes heretofore he had beene a conquerour , and triumphed ouer twenty two kinges , euer after he was vnluckie , and ouercome in battell . the famous rebell catilina ( as salust affirmeth ) had neuer beene ouercome , as if it had not beene for the robbing and destroying of the temples , which were consecrated to the gods. the noble marcuus marcellus ( to whome no romaine is to bee compared in vertues ) the same day hee caused the temple of the goddesse februa to be burnt , was himselfe slaine in battell . the noble romaine captaine drusius germanicus , that was so well willed and beloued , because hee gaue a calfe meate to eate ( which was the god of the chaldeans ( being prohibited and forbidden ) within a moneth after dyed , whose death was greatly lamented in rome . suetonius sayeth , that after iulius caesar , had robbed the temple of the gawles ; the gods alwayes made him afrayde in the night . and xerxes , which was the sonne of king darius , when he passed into italy to wage battell , before all other things hee sent foure thousand horsemen to delphos ( where the temple of god apollo was , ) to beate it downe : for the pride of xerxes was so great , that hee would not only subdue men , but also conquer the gods : it chanced , that euen as they approached neere the temple to beate it downe , a sodaine tempest fell vpon them , so that with stones and thunderbolts they were all killed in the fields , and so dyed . brennus was one of the renowned captaines of the gothes , who sith hee had conquered and subdued the greekes , determined also to robbe the treasures of the temples , saying that gods should giue vnto men , & not men vnto gods , and that it was great honour to the gods , that with their goods , men should bee made rich : but as they beganne to robbe the temple , there fell a multitude of arrowes from heauen , that the captaine brennus dyed there , and all his men with him , not one left aliue . after that sextus pompeius was vanquished in the battell by sea , neare vnto sicilie , by octauus augustus , hee retired himselfe into the arkes lacinii , where there was an auncient temple consecrated to the goddesse iuno , endowed with maruellous treasures . and it chaunced one day , that his souldiers asking him money , and he being then without , he commaunded them to beate down the temple of the goddesse iuno , and to pay themselus with the spoyle of her treasure . vhe historiographers say , that within a while after it chanced , sextus pompeius to be taken of the knights of marcus antonius , and when hee was brought before titus generall of the army , he spake vnto him these words i will you know sextus pompeius , i doe not condemne thee to dye for the offences thou hast committed against my lord marcus antonius : but because thou hast robbed and beaten downe the temple of the goddesse iuno . for thou knowest , that the good captaines ought to forget the offences against men , and to reuenge the iniuries done . the gods. chap. xxiiii . how valente the emperour because hee was an euill christian , lost in one day both the empire and his life , and was burned aliue in a sheepecote . when iulian the apostate was emperour of rome , hee sent to conquer hungary , of no iust title hee had to it , more then of ambition to vnite it to the romane empire , for tirannous princes vse all their force to vsurpe other realms by crueltie , and little regard whether they may doe it by iustice . and because the romane empire was of great force , this ambitious emperour iulian , had in that warres a mighty and puissant armie , which did wonderfull much harme through all the coūtries they came . for the fruites of warres is , to bereaue the enemies of life , and to spoyle the men of theyr goods . it chaunced one day as fiue knights went out of the campe , to make a rode , they found a youngman that carried a halter in his hand , and as they would haue taken it away from him , to haue tyed theyr horses to let them feede , hee was so hardy and so stout , that hee defended himselfe from them all : so that he had more strength alone then they fiue altogether . the romane knights amazed to see this young man defend himselfe from them all so stoutely , very instantly desired him to goe to the romane campe with them , and they promised him hee should haue great entertainement : for the romanes were so diligent , that they should omit no good thing for want of money , so that it were for the publike weale . this young man was called gracian , and was borne and brought vp in the country of pannonia , in a city they called cibata : his lynage was not of the lowest sort of people , nor yet of the most esteemed cittizens , but were men that liued by the sweate of their browes , and in loue of the common people . and truly it is no small benefit that god had made him of a mean estate , for to be of base lynage , maketh men to bee despised , and not regarded : and to come of a noble bloud and high lynage , maketh men to be proud and lofty . this young man being come into the romaine campe , the fame was immediately spred , how that he alone had vanquished . knights . and his strength and courage was so highly esteemed , that within a while after he was made pretour of the armie . for the romaines , not according to fauour , but according to the ability of men , diuided the offices and degrees of honour in warres . time therefore working his nature , and many estates being decayed , after this young gracian was made pretour of the armie , and that hee was sufficiently tryed in the warres , fortune , which many times bringeth that to passe in a day , that mans malice cannot in many yeares , raysed this gracian to be emperour of rome : for truly one houre of good successe is more worth , then all worldly fauour . this gracian was not onely singular in strength , couragious in battell , fortunate in all his affayres : but also hee was luckie of children : that is to say , hee had two sonnes , which were emperors of rome , the one was called valente , the other valentinian . in this case the children might glory to haue a father so stout : but the glory of the father is greater to haue sonnes of such nobility : for there is no greater felicity in this world ; then during life , to come to honour and riches : and after death , to leaue good children to enioy them . the eldest of the two sonnes was the emperour valente , who ruled in the orient for the space of foure yeeres , and was the nine and thirtieth emperour of rome from iulius caesar , though some doe beginne at the time of octauian , saying , that hee was vertuous , and that iulius caesar vsurped the empire like a tyrant . this valente was beautifull of person , but poore of vertues : so that hee was more beautifull then vertuous , more couragious then mercifull , more rich then charitable , more cruell then pittifull . for there are many princes that are very expert to deuise new orders in a common wealth , but there are few that haue stoute hearts to put the same in execution . in those dayes the sect of arrian the cursed heretike flourished , and the emperour valente was greatly blinded therein : insomuch that hee did not onely fauour the arrians , but also hee persecuted the christians , which was shewed for so much as he killed , and caused to be killed ( for that occasion ) many lay men , and tooke many clerkes , and banished many bishops , ouerthrew many churches , robbed the goods of the christians , and did infinite other mischiefes in the common welth : for the prince which is infected with heresie , and liueth without feare of the church , there is neither mischiefe nor treason but he will commit . in the deserts of egypt in the mountaines of armenia , and in the cities of alexandrie , there was a great multitude of fryers and religious men , amongst whom were many wisemen , and pure of life , constant in the defence of the church , and patient in persecutions . for hee is a true religious man , that in time of peace is charitable to teach the ignorant , and bolde in the time of schismes to confound the heretikes , the emperour valente was not onely a friend vnto the arrians , and and an enemie to the christians , but also hee was a persecuter of the deuoute and religious fryers . for hee commaunded proclamations to be hid through all his realmes and domions , that all the religious that were young in yeares , whole of their bodies , and sound of their limmes , should immediately cast off theyr cowles and hoodes , leauing theyr monastery , and take souldiers wages in the campe : for hee sayde monasteries were inuented for nothing else but to maintaine those that were deformed , blinde , lame and maymed ; and vpon this occasion , hee shewed great tyranny : for many monasteries were left naked , many notable constitutions were broken , many hermites were martyred , many fryers whipped , many notable barons banished , and many good men robbed of their goods . for the vertuous men desired rather the bitter life of the monastery then the sweete and pleasant liberty of the world . this wicked emperour yet not contented with these things , as by chance his wife commended vnto him the beauty of a romane called iustinia , without any more delay hee married her , not forsaking his first wife , and immediately made a law throughout all his empire , that without incurring any danger , each chrian might haue two wiues , and marry with them by the law of matrimonie : for the tyrannous princes ( to cloake their vices ) make and establish the lawes of vices . the shame was not little that the emperour valente ( against the commaundement of the church ) would marry with two women at one time : but the lesse shame hee had , the greater was his iniquitie to put it in execution , and to cause it to bee published through his realm as a law : for a particular vice corrupteth but one alone , but a generall law destroyeth all . at that time the puissant gothes were in the parties of the orient , the which were in feates of armes very valiant and couragious : but in things of faith they were euil brought vp , although the greatest part of them were baptized : for then the church was very poore of prelates , howbeit those that they had were very notable men . after the gothes were baptized , and the fury of the warres somwhat appeased , they sent ambassadours to the emperour valente , desiring him that immediately , and forth with hee would send them holy catholike bishoppes , by whose doctrine they might be instructed , & brought to the christian faith : for it was supposed that the emperour of rome could haue no bishops in their countryes vnlesse they were vertuous : this wicked emperour , sith hee was now entangled with heresie , and that hee had peruerted the customes of good emperours ( that is , for hauing about him euill bishoppes ) as he was now enuironed with al euils and mischiefes , so hee sent to the gothes a bishop called eudoxius , the which was a ranke arrian : and brought with him many bishoppes , which were heretikes , by the which the kinges and princes of the gothes were arrians , for the space of two hundred yeares , the catholike princes ought to take great care to watch , and in watching to be warie and circumspect , that they , their realmes , neyther their subiects should in theyr time bee defiled with heresie : for the plague of heretikes and heresies , is not of light occasion banished the place where once it hath raigned . wee haue declared of the small faith that this emperour had in iesus christ , and of the great mischiefes he did to the church . let vs now see what was the end of his miserable life . for the man of wicked life seldome commeth to good end . the matter was this , that as the gothes were driuen out of the realme by some of the hunnes , they came immediately to the realme of thracia , which then was subiect to the romanes . and the emperour valente without any couenant receiued them into his land , wherein hee committed great folly , and vsed little wisedome : for it is a generall rule , where rebels , vagabonds , & strangers come to inhabite , there the realme and dominions is destroyed . the gothes remained certain yeares among them , without any dissention or quarrelling against the romaines : but afterwards through the couetousnes of maximus chiefe captain of the romaines , who denyed the gothes of their prouision , which so long time remained friendes , arose betweene them so cruell warres , that it was the occasion of the losse and vtter vndoing both of rome and of all italie . for truly there is no enmity doth somuch hurt , as that of friends when they fall out at discord , the warres now being kindled , the gothes were scattred through the kingdome of thrace , and they left no forte but they battered downe , they came to no townes , villages , nor cities but they sacked and spoyled : they tooke no women but they forced , and rauished , they entred into no house but they robbed . finally , the gothes in short time shewed the poison that they had against the romans : & let no man maruell that the gothes committed so many cruel and hainous facts , sith we that are christians doe commit dayly greater offences . for among rebels it is a common errour , that that which they rob in the warres , they say they are not bound to restore in peace . the emperor valente was then in the citie of antioch , and sith he had assembled there a great armie , and had great aide out of italy , he determined himselfe in person to goe into the campe of the romans , and to giue the onset against the gothes , wherein hee shewed himselfe more bold then wise for a prince in battael cā do no more then one man , nor fight more then one man , and if he die , he is the occasion of the death and destruction of them all . when both the hosts of the romaines and the gothes ioyned , there was betweene them a cruell and mortall fight : so that in the first brunt the gothes shewed themselues so valiant , that they put to flight the romans horsemen , leauing their footemen alone in great ieopardie , the which in short space after were discomfited and slaine , not one left aliue . for the barbarous sware that that day the gothes should all die , or else vtterly they would destroy the name of the romanes . and in this first charge the emperour valente was mortally wounded , who perceyuing he had his deathes wound , and that the battell was lost , hee determined to flye and saue himselfe ; but when fortune beginneth to persecute any man , shee leaueth him not vntill shee see him dead , or beaten downe without recouery . therefore as this wicked emperour ( thinking to saue himselfe ) came into a sheepecote , the enemies seeing him , in the end set fire on the shepecote , and burnt him aliue . so in one day hee loft his person , his life , his honour , and his empire . for it is meete that princes and great lords should lift vp their eyes to consider well the historie of valente , that they stray not from the catholike faith , that they dishonour not gods ministers and maintaine heresyes . for as this accursed emperour valente for his wicked doings was condignely punished by the hands of almighty god so let them be assured , the selfe same god will not pardon their offences . for it is a rule infallible , that that prince which is not a good christian , shal fall into the hands of his cruell enemies . chap. xxv . of the emperor valentinian and gracian his sonne , which raigned in the time of saint ambrose , which because they were good christians , were alwayes fortunate , and that god giueth victory vnto princes , more through the teares of them that pray , then thorow the weapons of those that fight . ialentinian and valent were brethren , and the eldest of them was valentinian who succeeded in the empire ( after the death of his father ) to bee pretor of the armies . for amongst the romaines there was a law in vre , that if the father dyed in the fauour of the people , of right the sonne without any other demand was heyre . this valentinian was a lusty yong man , of a sanguine complexion , and of his body well shaped , and aboue all hee was a good christian , and of all the people generally welbeloued : for nothing adorneth the noble man more , then to bee counted ciuill and courteous of behauiour . at that time when the emperour iulian persecuted most the christians : valentinian was pretour of the armies ; and when iulian was aduertised that valentinian was a christian , hee sent vnto him , and bad him doe sacrifice to the idols of the romane emperor , or else to forsake the office of his pretorship . iulian would gladly haue killed valentinian but he durst not : for it was a law inuiolable amongst the romanes , that no citizen should be put to death without the decree of the senate , valentinian receyuing the message of this emperour iulian , aduertised of his will ( which was to renounce his faith , or to leaue his office ) hee did not onely resigne his office , but therewithall forgaue the emperour all the money hee ought him for arrerages of his sernice . and because hee would liue with a more quiet conscience he went from rome into a cloyster , where hee banished himselfe for two yeares and a halfe ; & for this hee was highly esteemed and commended . for it is a good signe , that man is a good christian , which of his owne free will renounceth worldly goods . shortly after it happened that iulian the emperour went to conquere the realme of persia , where in a battell hee was very sore wounded , and fell downe dead in the present place . for to the mishaps of fortune , the emperour with all his estate and pleasures is as much subiect , as is the poorest man that lieth in the streetes . when the newes came to rome that iulian was dead , by the consent of all , valentinian was created emperour ; so that hee being banished for christs sake , was called againe , and crowned prince of the romane empire . let no man care to loose all that hee possesseth , let no man weigh to see himselfe despised for christes sake : for in the end men cannot in a thousand yeeres so much abase vs , as god in one houre can exalt vs. in the same yeare , which was from the foundation of rome ● in a city called atrobata , it rained very fine wooll , so that all the city became rich . in the same yeare , in the city of constantinople , it hayled such great stones , that they killed many men , & left no heards in the fields aliue . at that same time there came an earthquake throughout italy , and so likewise in sicille , that many houses fell , and slew sundry persons , and aboue all , the sea rose in such sort , that it drowned many cities nigh thereunto . paulus diaconus in the . booke de legibus romanorum , sayeth , that the emperour valentinian was of a subtill wit , of graue countenance , eloquenr in speech , yet hee spake little stout in his affaires , and diligent in his businesse , in aduersities patient , and a great enemie of the vicious , temperate in eating & drinking , and a friend of religious persons ; so that they sayde , hee resembled the emperour aurelius . for after that the emperour marcus aurelius dyed ( with whom the felicitie of the roman empire ended ) they euer vsed thēcefoorth in rome to compare and liken the yong and new come princes to the ancient emperours their anrecessors . that is to say , if the prince were couragious , they sayde hee was like iulius caesar , if he were vertuous , they sayde he was an other octauian : if he were fortunate , that hee was tiberius , if hee were rash , they say de he was caligula , if he were cruell , they compared him to nero , if hee were mercifull , they said he was like to traian , or antoninus pius , if he were beaucifull , they likened him to titus , if idle they compared him to domitian , if he were patient , they called him vespasius , if he were temperate they likened him to adrian , if he were deuout to their gods , then he seemed aurelianus . finally , he that was sage and vertuous , they compared him to the good marcus aurelius . this emperour valentinian was a good christian , and in all his affaires touching the empire , very wise and circumspect , and yet he was noted for one thing verie much , and that was , that hee trusted and fauoured his seruants so much , and was so led by his friends , that through their occasion , ( they abusing his loue and credite , ) there arose many dissentions amongst the people . seneca saide once vnto the emperour nero , i will that thou vnderstand ( lorde ) that there is no patience , can suffer , that two or three absolutely commaund all , not for that they are most vertuous , but for that they are most in fauour with thee . o yee noble princes and great lords , if you were as i am , i know not what you would doe : but if i were as you bee , i would behaue my selfe in such sorte to them of my house , that they should be seruants , to serue and obey mee : and not to boast themselues , to bee so farre in fauour as to commaund mee : for that prince is not sage , that to content a fewe getteth the hatred of all . the emperour valentinian dyed in the fiue and fiftie yeare of his byrth , and the eleuenth yeare of his empire , languishing of a long sicknes , that his vaynes were so dryed vppe , that they could not drawe one drop of bloud out of his bodie . and at the day of his funeralles , where the dead corps was greatly bewayled . saint ambrose made an excellent sermon , in commendation of him . for in those dayes , when any noble prince departed , that loued and succoured the church , all the holy bishops met together at his buryall . the two brethren beeing emperours , that is to say , valentinian and valent , through the desire of the father in law of gracian , who was father to his wife , and desirous to haue one of his daughters childrē , chose valentiniā to bring vp , who had a sonne named gracian , which was created emperor so young , that as yet he had no beard . and truly the senate would not haue suffered it , if the father had not bin vertuous , and the childe sage . but the senate would haue done this , and more also for valentinian , because hee did deserue it well of the romaine people . for it is reason in distributing of the offices , that princes haue more repsect to the deserts of the fathers , then to the tender age of the children . this young gracian began to be so temperate , and was so good a christian in fauouring the church , that it was much quiet , and great pleasure to the romaine people to haue chosen him : and greater ioy to the father , ( being aliue ) to haue begotten him : so that he left for him after his death , an immortall memorie of his life . for the childe that is vertuous , is alwayes the memorie of the father after his death . in the yeare of the foundation of rome , a thousand , an hundred , thirtie and two , the said gracian the younger was created sole heyre of the whole empire , his vnckle valent and his father being departed the world . and after gratian came to the empire , many bishops which were banished in the time of his vnckle valent , were restored to the church againe , and bannished all the sect of the arrians out of his region . truely he shewed himselfe to bee a very religious and catholike prince . for there is no better iustice to confound humain malice , then to establish the good in theyr estate . in the first yeare of the raigne of gracian emperour , all the germanes and the gothes rebelled against the romane empire , for they would not onely not obey him , but also they prepared an huge army to inuade his empire : imagining that sith gracian was young , hee neyther had the wit , nor yet the boldnesse to resist them : for where the prince is young , there oftentimes the people suffered much wrong , and the realme great misery , newes came to rome , how that the gaules and germaines were vp , the emperour gracian wrote to all the catholike bishops , that they should offer in their churches great sacrifices with prayers vnto god , and in rome likewise it was ordayned , that generally processions should be had , to the end almighty god should moderate his ire against his people : for good christians first pacifie god with prayers before they resist their enemies with weapons . this good prince shewed himselfe to be no lesse warlike in his outward affayres , then a good christian in his religion : for god giueth victories vnto princes more through tears then through weapons . these things thus finished , and his affayres vnto god recommended , the noble emperour gracian determined to march on , and himselfe in person to giue the battell . and truly as at the first hee shewed himselfe to bee a good christian : so now he declared himselfe to bee a valiant emperour : for it were a great infamy and dishonour , that a prince by negligence or cowardnes should lose that which his predecessors by force of armes had gotten . the army of the enemies exceeded farre the romane army in number , and when they met together in a place called argentaria , the romaines being inferiour to their enemies in number , were afraide : for in the warres the great multitude of enemies and their puissant power , maketh oft-times the desired victorie to be doubtful . this thing seene of the romanes , and by them considered , importunately they besought the emperour not to charge the battell , for they sayde hee had not men sufficient : and herein they had reason : for the sage prince should not rashly hazard his person in the warre : nor yet should lightly put his life in the hands of fortune . the emperour gracian not changing countenance , nor stopping in his words , to all the knights which were about him , answered in this wise . chap. xxvi . of the godly oration which the emperour gracian made to his souldiers before hee gaue the battell . valiant knights & companions in warre , most thankefully i accept your seruice , in that you haue solde your goods , and do offer your liues here to accompany mee in the warres , and herein you shew your duties : for of right you ought to loose your goods , and to venture your liues , for the defence and surety of your country . but if i giue you some thanks for your company , know you that i giue much more for your good counsell which presently you giue me : for in great conflicts seldome is found together , both good counsell and stout hearts . if i haue enterprised this battell in hope of mans power , then you had had reason that wee should not giue the battell seeing the great multitude that they haue , and the small number that wee are ; for as you say , the weighty affayres of the publike weale should not vnaduisedly bee committed to the incertainety of fortune . i haue taken vpon mee this daungerous and perillous warres : first trusting that on my part iusticeremaineth , and sith god is the same onely iustice , i trust assuredly hee will giue mee the victory in this perillous conflict : for iustice auayleth princes more that they haue , then the men of warre doe which they lead . wherfore sith my cause is iust , and that i haue god the onely iudge therof on my side , me thinketh if for any worldly feare i should cease to giue the battell . i should both shew my selfe to be a prince of small faith , and also blaspheme god , saying hee were of small iustice . for god sheweth most his power there , where the frailenesse of man hath least hope . then sith i beginne the warre , and that by mee the warre is procured , and for mee you are come to the warre , i haue determined to enter into the battell , and if i perish therein , i shall bee sure it shall bee for the memory of my person , and the saluation of my soule : for to dye through iustice is not to dye , but to change death for life . and thus doing , if i lose my life , yet therefore i lose not my honour , and all this considered i doe that which for the common-wealth i am bound , for to a prince it were great infamy and dishonour , that the quarrell being his owne , should by the bloud of others be reuenged . i will proue this day in battell whether i was chosen emperour by the diuine will or not : for if god this day causeth my life to bee taken frō me , it is a manifest token he hath a better in store for me , and if through his mercy i be preserued , it signifieth that for some other better thing he granteth me life . for in the end the sword of the enemy is but the scourge of our offences . the best that i see therefore in this matter to bee done is , that till three dayes be passed the battell bee not giuen , and that wee confesse our selus this night , & in the morning prepare our selus to receiue our redeemer , and besides this , that euery man pardon his christian brother , if he haue had any wrong or iniury done him : for oft times though the demaund of the war bee iust , yet many mishaps befall therein , through the offences of those which pursue & follow the same . after that three dayes are past , & each thing according to my sayings before accomplished in euery point as behoueth , then let god dispose all things as hee shall see good , for now i am fully determined to aduenture my life in battell ▪ wherefore my valiant and stout warriours , doubt not at all , for this day i must eyther vanquish mine enemies , or else suffer death : and if i dye , i doe that which needes i must . wherefore i will now cease to exhort you any more , desiring you to consider that , whereunto your duties leadeth you , remembring that you are come as knights , and in the defence of your country , you wage battell : for now we are come to that pinch , that deedes must more auaile vs then words : for peace ought to be maintained by the tongue , but wars ought to be atchieued by sword . al these words then ended , and three dayes past , the emperour in person gaue the battell , where the conflict & slaughter on both sides was very terrible : yet in the end the emperour gracian had the victory ouer his enemies , and there dyed in that conflict . thousand gothes and almaines , and of the romanes there were not slaine but fiue thousand : for that army only is preserued , which to the diuine will is conformable . let all other princes take example by this noble prince : let thē cōsider how it behoueth thē to be good christians , and that in great warres and conflicts they neede not feare the great number of their enemies : but they ought greatly to see that the wrath of god bee pacified : for the heart is more dismaied with the secret sinnes , then it is feared with the open enemies . chap. xxvii . that the captaine theodosius which was father of the great emperour theodosius , dyed a good christian : and of the king hismarus , and the bishop siluanus . and of a councell that was celebrated , with the lawes which they made and established in the same . the two brethren being emperours , that is to say , valentinian and valente , in the coastes of africke , & the realme of mauritania , a tyrant vsurped the place of a king against the romanes , who was named thyrmus , a man hardy in trauels , and in daungers stout : for the aduenturous hearts oftentimes doe commit many tyrannies . this tyrant thyrmus by much crueltie came possessed of the realme of mauritania : and not contented therewith , but also by tyranny possessed a great part of affricke , and prepared as ( hannibal did ) an huge armie to passe into italy , to dye in challenging the empire of rome . this was a renowmed tyrant that neuer tooke pleasure in any other thing so much , as to spoyle and robbe others of their goods . the romaines that in all their doings were very sage , and of the tyranny of tyrants , sufficiently monished , immediately prepared a great army to passe into affricke , and to spoyle the realme , and to destroy the tyrant by the commandement and decree of the senate , and that for no pact or couenant the tyrant should liue . and without doubt this commaundement was iust : for to him that is a destroier of the common-wealth , it is not punishment inough to take away his life . at that time there was a knight in rome , whose name was theodosius , a man well strucken in yeares , and yet better approued in warres , but he was not the richest : howbeit hee vaunted himselfe ( as truth was ) to bee of the bloud of traian the great emperour , vpon which occasion , he was greatly honoured and feared in rome , for the commons were so noble & gracious towards their princes , that all those which from the good and vertuous emperour descended , were of the whole common-wealth greatly esteemed . this noble theodosius was of yeers so auncient , and so honoured in his olde age for his gray hayres , so noble of lynage , and so approued in warres , that he was by the authority of the emperour valentinian , by the consent of al the senate , and by the good wils of the whole people , chosen to to goe to the conquest of affricke , & truely their reason was good : for theodosius desired much to fight against that tyrant thyrmus , and all the people were glad that such a captaine led the armie , so this theodosius imbarked with the army , departed from rome , and in fewe dayes arriued at bona , which was a city greatly replenished with people , situated in a hauen of the sea in affricke : and as he and his army was landed , the tyrant thyrmus forthwith encamped his army in the field in the face of the romaines , and so all being planted in the plame , the one to assault , and the other to defend : immediatly the two armies ioyned , and the one assaulting the other fiercely , on both sides was great slaughter . so that those which to day were conquered , to morrow did conquere : and those which yesterday were conquerours , afterward remained conquered . for , in long warres fortune chaungeth . in the prouince of mauritania , there was a strong cittie called obelista , and as the captaine theodosius , by his force occupyed all the fielde , the tyrant thyrmus fortified himselfe in the citie , the which valiantly being assaulted of the captain theodosius , and almost with his men , entring into the same : the tyrant thyrmus , ( because hee would not commit himselfe vnto the faith of other men , ) slewe himselfe with his proper handes . for the propertie of prowde and disdainefull hearts , is rather to dye in libertie , then to liue in captiuitie . at that time the emperour valent , by the arte of nigromancie , wrought secretly , to knowe what lucke should succeede in the romane empire . and by chaunce a certaine woman , ( being an enchaunteresse , ) had answer of the diuel , that that name which with these letters should bee written , should be successor to the empire , and the letters were these , t. e. o d : the emperour valent diligently enquired of all the names , which with these iiij . letters could be named ? and they found that those signified the theodotes , the theodores , and the theodoses : wherefore valent forthwith put all those to the sword that were of that name . such was the wickednes of the emperour valent , supposing they would haue taken the empire from him beeing aliue . for the tyrannous prince liueth euer in iealousie and suspition . the excellent captaine theodosius , ( the tyrant thyrmus being dead , and hauing subdued all affricke to the romane empire ) was burdened that hee was a secret traytour to the empire , and that hee compassed to winne the same by tiranny . for this cause therefore , the emperour valent gaue sentence he should be beheaded . and this was done , he neuer hearing of it , and much lesse culpable thereof : for all princes that are wilfull in their doings , are very absolute of theyr sentence . this came to the eares of theodosius , and seeing that he was condemned to be beheaded , hee sent incontinent for the byshop of carthage , of whom hee demaunded the water of holy baptisme , and so being baptised , and in the faith of christ instructed , was by the hangman put to execurion . of this so grieuous , outragious , and detestable fact , euery man iudged this theodosius , to suffer as an innocent , and that the emperour valent had iudged euill , and like a tyrant . for the innocencie of the good , is the great enemy of the euill . at the same time , when theodosius demaunded baptisme , ( according to the saying of prosper in his chronicle ) he said vnto the bishop , which should baptise him , these words ; o bishop saint roger , i doe coniure thee , by the creatour which made vs , and doe desire thee for the passion of iesv christ , who redeemed vs , to giue me the water of baptisme : for i haue made a vowe to become a christian , if god graunted mee victorie , wherefore i will accomplish my vowes , for those things which necessitie causeth vs to promise , our owne free will , ought to accomplish . i am sorrie with all my heart that being a christian , i can liue no longer , and sith it is so , i offer my life for his sake , and into his mercifull hands i commend my soule , i leaue a sonne of mine who is called theodosius , and if the fatherly loue beguyle me not , i thinke he will proue a vertuous and stout young man , and besides that he will bee wise , and sith by thy handes hee hath beene baptized , i require thee holy father , that thou through thy wisdom wilt bring him vp in the true faith : for if hee be a good christian , i trust in god hee wil be a great man in the empire . this theodosius was the father of the great emperor theodosius ; so that the father was a christian , and the sonne a christian . not long after the emperour valent had caused theodosius ( which was father to the great emperour theodosius ) to bee executed , valent by the commandement of god was by the gothes persecuted , and in the end put to death , and truely this was the iust iudgement of god. for he of right should suffer death himselfe , which vniustly procureth the death of others rufinus in the second booke of his histories , saith , that after the tyrant thirmus was put to death by the captaine theodosius , and that the emperour valent had caused this theodosius to be put to death , and that the same valent was slaine of the gothes , the romaines created a king in africke , whose name was hismarus , called for a right christian in that time , which was from the building of rome , . there was in the city of carthage a holy bishop called silunaus , a man in humane and diuine letters excellently well learned , and sith the king was so iust , and the bishop so holy , both the faith encreased , and also the affayres of the common weale prospered : for commonly the warres beginne rather through the pride of the highest , then through disobedience in the lowest . therefore this holy bishoppe and good christian king , being desirous in their time to giue good examples to the subiects , & for the time to come to leaue good precepts , they celebrated in the city of bona a councell , with all the bishops of affrikce , in the which king hismarus was in person : for in ancient councels the kings were not onely there in persons , but also all the lords and high estates of theyr realmes . amongst many excellent things which rufinus mentioneth that were ordayned in this place , it seemed good vnto me to remēber heere these few , to the end christian princes now present , may see what deuoute christians those kings were in times past . a collection or purport of the counsell of hyponense . these were the thinges which in the sacred councell of hyponense were ordayned , where there was in person the catholike king hismarus , and the religious bishoppe siluanus , and in that which was ordained , the king spake in some of them , and doth counsell in other some : because in such semblable affayres , it is both meete and requisite , that the royall preheminence be reuerenced , and the authority of the church not diminished . we ordaine that from two yeares to two yeares , all the bishoppes , abbots , and prelates of our realme doe assemble , and celebrate a prouinciall counsell , and that in this counsell there be no temporall matters spoken of , but of the disorders and misgouernances of churches : for the church is not lost for the lacke or scarsitie of money , but for the too great aboundance of riches . we ordaine , that all prelates which are now and shall be hereafter , wee desire that when they will call any counsell in our realmes , that before the celebration of the same they certifie vs , lest vnder that colour or cloake of a holy counsel , there should some suspicious assemblie bee had . wee ordaine that from henceforth the princes and great lords be bound to repaire to the sacred counsell , with all the company of the holy bishops . for it were more meete they should come to destroy false heretickes , in winning their soules , then to fight against their enemyes , in losing theyr liues . wee ordaine that the prince which commeth not to the counsels through negligence , that vnto him the sacrament of the bodie of christ be not ministred , vntill the next counsell be celebrated . and if perchance hee refuse not to come through negligence , but through malice , wee will that they proceed against him as a suspect person in the faith of christ , for the christian prince that of malice only committeth an offence is not perfite in the holie catholike faith. wee ordaine , that at the first assemblie of the counsell , all the prelates together openly , and afterwards eache one by himselfe priuately shall say the creede singing , the which thing finished , the king himselfe alone shall say the creede likewise . for if the prince be suspected of the holy catholike faith , it is vnpossible that his people should bee good christians . wee ordaine , that in this counsell the prelates haue libertie and authortie to say vnto the king that that is comely and decent : and the king likewise to say in the counsell what he thinketh best , so that the prelates might tell the king without feare of his little care , he hath in destroying the heretickes , and heresies of his realme : and likewise the king might tell the prelates their negligence that they vse in the charge of their flocke . for the end and intention of counsells ought not to be any otherwise then a scourge for offences past , and a reformation of the euils to come . we ordaine , that all the princes of affricke , immediately before they doe any other thing in the morning , doe openly and diligently come to morning prayer . and wee will also , that there be present all his courtiers , and priuate counsellors , which with thē ought to enter into counsell . for that creature cannot giue any good counsell , who hath not reconciled himselfe vnto god before wee ordaine that the archbishops , bishops , and abbottes , continually , during the time of the counsell , doe euery day confesse themselues to almighty god , seruing him deuoutly : and that one of them doe preach vnto the people gods word . for if euery prelate bee bound to giue good example alone , then beeing all together , they shall giue it much better . wee ordaine , that princes ( as much as lyeth in them ) doe giue vnto their subiects good examples , and that on the sabboth day in especiall and other feastiualldayes , they repayre vnto the cathedrall church , to heare diuine seruice : and there reconciling themselues to god , that they do publikely , in the presence of the congregation , receyue the holy communion and supper of the lord. for it would bee a great slander to princes , which ought to reprehend others of theyr faultes , that a man should neuer see them come to the church , and be partakers of the holy sacrament . wee ordaine , that al easter chiefly princes doe goe to the church cathedrall , and that the metropolitane bee there in person , to celebrate the holy communion : and the gospell beeing said , the prince himselfe shal be bound to say with a lowde voyce the creede , confirmed in the sacred counsell of nicene : for that good princes ought not only in theyr hearts to befaithful vnto iesvs christ , but are also bound openly with theyr mouthes to confesse it before the people . wee ordaine , that princes be not so hardie , to haue in their court aboue two bishops : the one to giue him ghostly counsell , and the other to preach vnto him the word of god. and those we will that the councell assigne vnto him , and that they bee bound to finde two persons of the most ancient and vertuous , which shall remaine in the court no more but two yeares , and that afterwards others be placed there in their steades : for there is nothing more monstrous , then to see the church long without prelates chap. xxviii . what a godly thing it is to haue but one prince to rule the publike weale : for there is no greater enemie to the common weale , then hee which procureth many to commaund therein , as by reasons following it shall be proued , oft times with my selfe alone i consider , that sith the diuine prouidence , which dooth all things by weight & measure , and that of her , and none other all creatures are ruled and gouerned , and that furthermore with god , there is no exception of persons ; for hee maketh the one rich , and the other poore : the one sage , and the other simple : the one whole , and the other sicke , the one fortunate , and the other vnlucky : the one seruant , and the other master : and let no man maruell though i muse thereat : for the variety of time is the beginner of dissentions among the people . in mans iudgement it seemeth , that it were better all were alike in apparrell , all equall in commaunding , none greater then others in possessions , all to content themselues with one kind of meate , and that the names commaunding and obeying were vtterly abolished & brought to naught . so that if the miseries of the one , and prosperities of the other , were put out from that day forward , i protest there should bee no enuy in the world. laying aside mans opinion ( which ought not to be compared to the diuine mystery ; ) i demand now what reason sufficed to thinke , that of two brethren ( that is to say , iacob and esau , both children of holy and deuout persons ) the diuine prouidence would the one should be chosen , and the other despised , that the one should commaund and the other obey , the one to be disinherited beeing the eldest , and the other to inherite being the youngest ? that which chaunced to iacob with esau , the same chaunced to the children of iacob and ioseph : who being partaker and chosen , god prouided and ordayned that to ioseph beeing the youngest , his brethren should serue and obey him . this thing was repined at of all the eleuen brethren , howbeit their intentions auayled not : for it is vnpossible for mans malice to disorder that , which the diuine prouidence hath appointed : wee see dayly nothing else but that which man decreeth in a long time god disposeth otherwise in one moment . truly it is not euill done , but well ordained . for in the end , sith man is man , in few things hee can be eyther certaine or assured : and sith god is god , it is vnpossible that in any thing hee should erre . it is a great benefite of the creator , to bee willing to reforme and correct the words of the creatures . for if god would suffer vs to doe after our owne mindes , wee should bee quite contrary to his pleasure . god without a great mistery did not ordayne , that in one family there should bee but one father , among one people there should be but one cittizen that should commaund , in one prouince there should be but one gouernour alone , and also that one king alone should gouerne a prowde realme , and also that by one onely captaine a puissant armie should be ledde . and furthermore and aboue all , he willeth that there bee but one monarchiall king and lord of the worlde : truely all these things are such , that wee with our eyes doe see them , and know them not : wee heare them with our eares , and vnderstand them not : we speake them with our tongues , and knowe not what wee say . for truely mans vnderstanding is so dull , that without doubt he is ignorant of more then he knoweth . appolonius thyaneus compassing the most part of asia , affrike , and europe : that is to say , from the bridge of nilus , where alexander was , vnto gades where the pillers of hercules were , hee beeing one day in ephese , in the temple of diana , the priestes asked him , what thing hee wondered at most in all the world ? for it is a general rule , that men which haue seene much , alwayes doe note one thing aboue another . although the phylosopher appolonius greatlyer esteemed the workes , then the speaking of them that demanded the question , yet foorthwith hee made them this answere . i let you know priests of diana , that i haue bin throughout france , england , spayne , germanie , through the laces and lydians , hebrues & greeks , parthes & medes , phrygians , and corinthiās , and so with the persians , & aboue in all the great realme of india : for that alone is more woorth then all these realms together . i will you vnderstand that all these realmes in many and sundry things doe differ , as in languages , persons , beasts , mettals , waters , flesh , customs , lawes , lands , buildings , in apparell , and forts , and aboue all , diuers in their gods and temples , for the language of the one differeth not so much from the language of the other , as the gods of europe , differ from the gods of asia , and the temples and gods of asia and europe , differ from them of affricke . amongst all things which i haue seene , of two onely i did maruell , which is , that in all the parts of the world wherein i haue trauailed , i haue seene quiet men troubled by seditious persons : the humble , subiect to the proude : the iust , obedient to the tyrant . i haue seene the cruell , commaunding the mercifull : the coward ruling the hardie , the ignorant teaching the wise : and aboue all , i saw that the most thieues did hang the innocent on the gallowes . the other thing whereat i maruelled , was this , that in all the places and where i haue bene , i knowe not , neyther could i finde any man that was euerlasting , but that all are mortall , and in the end both high and low haue an ende : for manie are layd too night in theyr graue , which the next day following thought to bè aliue . leaue aside the diuine iudgement , in that hee spake , hee said highly , and like a philosopher : for it seemeth to bee a pleasant thing , to see how men gouerne the world. therefore now to the matter : it is but reason we know the cause of this so ancient a noueltie , which is , that god willeth and ordayneth , that one onely command all , and that all together obey one . for there is nothing that god doeth ( although the cause thereof bee vnknowne vnto vs ) , that wanteth reason in his eternall wisedome . in this case ( speaking like a christian , i say ) that if our father adam had obeyed one onely commaundement of almightie god , which was forbidden in the terrestriall paradise , we had remained in liberty vpō the earth , and should haue bin lords and maisters ouer all ; but sith hee would not then obey the lord , wee are now become the abiects and slaues of so many lords . oh wicked sinne , accursed be thou , sith by thee onely the worlde is brought into such a bondage : without teares i cannot speake that which i would , that through our first fathers , ( which submitted themselues to sinne ) we their childrē haue lost the seignoric of the world . for sith they were prisoners vnto sinne in their soules little auaileth the libertie of their bodies . there was great diuersitie betwixt the opinions of pythagoras , and the opinions of socrates , for so much as those of socrates schoole said : that it were better all things should be common , and all men equall . the other of pythagoras schole saide the contrarie : and that the common-wealth were better , wherein each one had his owne proper , and all should obey one , so that the one of them did admitte and graunt the name of seruants , and the others did despise the name of lords , as laertius in his first booke of the lise of phylosophers , saide : that the phylosopher demosthenes was also of the same opinion , that to the ende the people should be well gouerned , hee would two names should be vtterly abolished , and taken away : that is to say , lords and subiects , maisters and seruants : for , the one desirous to rule by fiercenesse , and the others not willing to obey to tyrannie , would shed the bloud of the innocent , and would be violent against the poore : they would destroy the renowmed , and famous people , and tyrannie would waxe stoute , the which things should be taken away , if there were no seignorie , nor seruitude in the world : but notwithstanding these things , the philosopher in his first booke of his pollitiques , saith : that by foure naturall reasons wee may prooue it to be very necessarie , that princes doe commaund , and the people obey . the first reason is , of the parts of the elements , simple , and mixt . for wee see by experience , that the elements doe suffer , ( to the ende they would be ioyned together ) the one to haue more power then all : the which is shewed by experience . forasmuch as the element of the fire , the element of the ayre , and the element of the water doe obey , the element of the earth doth commaund . for against their nature he bringeth them all to the earth . but if all the noble and chiefest elements were obedient to the most vile element , only to forme a bodie mixt , it is a greater reason , that all obey to one vertuous person , that the common-wealth might therby the better be gouerned , the second reason is , of the bodie and the soule , in the harmonie wherof the soule is the mistresse which commaundeth , and the bodie the seruant , which obeyeth : for the bodie neyther seeth , heareth , nor vnderstandeth without the bodie . the sage philosopher by this inferreth , that the sage men should naturally be lords ouer others . for in the world there is nothing more monsterous , then that fooles should commaund , and wise men obey . the third reason taketh his ground on beasts : for wee see by experience , that diuers beasts by the onely knowledge of men are gouerned : therefore it is but meete that many men , which are more liker beastes then the beasts themselues , do suffer themselues to be gouerned and ruled by wise men . for the commonweale is more profited by a brute beast , then it is by witles men . the . reason proceedeth of women : for we see , that they being created to the image of god , god cōmandeth & ordaineth , that they should be subiect to man , presupposing their knowledge not to be so great , as the knowledge of men . therefore if this thing bee thus , why could not diuers mortasl men ( who without comparison know lesse then women ) take themselues for happy , that one alone would commaund and gouerne them : so that such a one were a sage and vertuous person . sith man is naturally politique , which is to bee a friend of company : the company engendreth enuie , and afterwardes discord nourisheth war , and warre bringeth in tyranny , and tyranny destroyeth the common-wealth : and the common-wealth being lost , all men thinke their liues in perill . therefore it is very necessary , that in the common-wealth many bee gouerned by one alone : for to conclude , there is no common-wealth well gouerned but by one alone . the great trauels and inconueniences which the auncients found in times past , were the occasision that it was ordayned in the publike weale , that all should obey one : sith that in a campe one onely captaine is obeyed , and in the sea one pilot followed , in the monastery all obey one prelate , and in the church all obey one bishoppe ; and since in a hiue of bees , one bee onely leadeth all the rest : it were not reason that men should bee without one king , nor the common-wealth without a gouernour . these men that will not haue a king in a common-wealth , are like vnto drones and waspes , which without trauell eate the sweate of others . and my opinion in this case should be , that euery man that will not bee commanded , as an abiect of the common weale should bee expulsed and cast out thereof : for in a common-wealth there can bee no greater enemie then hee that desireth that many should rule therein . in that publike weale , where one alone hath care for all , and all obey the commandements of one onely , there god shall bee serued , the people shall profit , the good shal bee esteemed , and the euill despised , and besides the tyrantes shall bee suppressed . for a gouernance of many is not profitable , vnlesse they refer themselues to the iudgement of a few , and to the arbitrement of one alone . oh how many people & realms ( because they would not obey their princes by iustice ) haue since by cruell tyrants been gouerned with tyranny : for it is euen a iust plague , that they which desire the scepters of righteous princes , should feele and proue the scourge of cruell tyrants . alwaies it was , and shall be , that in the world , there was one to command , another to obey , one to gouerne , and another to be gouerned . in this case let no man say , i am excepted : for vntill this day there hath no prince nor knight bin seene , but hath trauelled vnder this yoake : i warne and pray , and importunately require you all , that you be loyall , and faithfull seruants , to the end you may deserue to haue louing lords : for the prince that is wicked causeth his subiects to rebel , & the seditious subiect maketh his lord becom a tyrant . it is a great thing to the people , their princes be good or euill : for there are no princes so stable , that alwayes wil disemble the euill : nor there is no gouernor so very a tyrant , but somtimes will acknowledge the good . oftentimes god suffereth that there be emperors in the empire , kings in realms , lords in cities , and prelates in churches , not all only as the common wealth desireth , nor as the good gouernment requireth , but as the offence of the multitude deserueth : for we see many that haue the charge of soules , which deserue not to keepe the sheepe : that to be true , plainly appears : for such doe not gouerne but disorder , they doe not defend but offend : they doe not resist the enemies , but engage and fell the innocent : they are no iudges but tyrants : they are not gentle pastors but cruell hangmen : they are not encreasers of the common-wealth , but destroyers of iustice : they are not ordayners , of the lawes but inuentors of tributes : their hearts wake not to good , but to inuent and worke all mischiefe . and finally , god sendeth vs such prelates and gouernours , not for that they should bee ministers of his lawes , but for that they should bee scourgers of our offences . chap. xxix , that in a publike weale there is no greater destruction then where princes dayly consent to new orders , and change olde customes . in the first booke of the kings , the . chapter , of the holy and sacred scripture is sayde : that samuel ( when hee was olde ) in his stead placed his two sonnes to gouerne the people , whose names were iohel and abiah , for that naturally the fathers are desirous to aduance their childrē to honour . the sonnes of samuel were resident and held the iudgement in the city of beersheba , which was the furthest part of iudea , and the olde samuel went to dwell in the city ramah . the honourable and most auncient men , ( among the people of ierusalem ) assembled together , and decreede to send ambassadours to samuel , which should bee the wisest men of all the synagogue : for the ancients in those dayes were so circumspect , that they neuer committed any affayres in the common wealth into the handes of young men . the ancients then being arriued at ramah , spake these words vnto samuel . samuel , thou art now olde , and for thy yeares thou canst not gouern the people , therefore thou like a pittifull father hast committed the gouernement of the people into the hands of thy children . wherfore we let thee know in this case , that thy children are couetous . first , they doe receyue bribes of the suters . and secondarily , they doe great iniurie to the people : therefore wee are come to require thee to giue vnto vs a king that may gouerne vs , and that might leade vs in battell : for we will no more iudges to iudge vs , but kings for to gouerne vs. the aged samuel hearing the ambassage , was ashamed of that the ancients of iudea had tolde him : first seeing his children to bee euill : secondarily , because they would take their offices from them , and truely herein samuel had iust occasion , both to bee ashamed , and also sorry . for the enormities , vices and wickednesse of the young children are swords that passe through the hearts of the old and auncient fathers . samuel seeing that the hebrewes were determined to depriue them of their office , and gouernement of the people , had none other remedy but euen to make his mone to god of his griefe , and god hearing his complaints , said vnto him : samuel . be not sad , nor lament not , for their demaunding a king ( as they doe ) they doe not mislike thy person , but they disprayse my prouidence , and maruell not though they forsake thy children , for they are somewhat too young , sith they haue forsaken mee their god , and worship false idols . sith they demaund a king. i haue determined to giue them one , but first tell to them the conditions of the king , which are these . the king whom i will giue you , shall take your children , with your charriots and beasts , and shall send them loaden with burdens . and yet therewith not contented , hee shall make your children poastes by the way , tribunes and centurions in his battells , and shal make them labourers and gardeners in his gardens , he shal make them sow his seeds , & paste his bread , and furbish his harnes , and armor . you shall haue besides both delicate and tender daughters , the which you shall little enioy : for the king that i will giue you , shall commaund them to keepe and attend those that are wounded in the wars , hee shall make them cookes in his pallace , and caters of his expences . the king that i will giue you , if hee handle your sonnes and daughters euil , much worse hee will handle your goods . for on the beasts and fertile fieldes that you haue his heard shall feede , he shal gather the best grapes of your vines , he shall choose of your oliue trees the best olyues and oyles . and if any fruit afterwards remaine in your fieldes , hee will they shall bee gathered , not by you , but of his workemen : and afterwards the king that i wil giue you shal oppresse you much more . for of euery pecke of corne , you shal giue him one , of ten sheepe you must needes giue him one : so that of all things which you shal gather against your wils , you shal giue the tenth . of your slaues the king shall be serued sooner then you : and he shall take all your oxen that labour , and trauaile in your owne possessions , and shall bring them to plough in his owne ground and tenements . so that you shall pay tribute , & the king shall take his owne profit , for the wealth and commoditie of his pallace . and all this which i haue rehearsed before , the king shall haue whom i will giue you . the historie which here i haue declared , is not ouid , nor yet the eglogges of virgil , nor yet the fayning of homer ; but it is the sentence and the very word of god. o mortall ignoraunce , that wee demaund and know not why nor wherefore , to whom nor where , neither whē wee demaund , which causeth men to runne into sundry errours . for fewe men are so wise that they offend not in choosing , and that they can aske with reason . the hebrewes asked ( as they thinke ) the better , and god giueth them the worse , they aske one to gouern them , and god giueth them a tyrant to destroy them : they aske one that should maintaine them in iustice , and hee threatneth them with tyrannie : they require one that shuld giue them , and hee giueth them one which robbeth them : they require one to deliuer them from bondage , & hee ordaineth one to keepe them as slaues . and finally , the hebrewes trusting to be deliured of their iudges , which ruled not according to their appetits . god shal giue thē a king that shal take away their goods from them by force . oh how many times ought wee to pray vnto god , to giue vs princes in our common-wealth , and prelates in our churches , which doe knowe how to gouerne vs , and minister vnto vs : not according to the weight of our soule , but according to the measure of his mercie ? plato saith in the first booke of lawes , that one of the most excellent lawes which the siciones had in theyr prouince , was , to keepe their cities , that they should not chaunge nor alter any thing therein . truely those barbarous were sage , in theyr doing : and plato was very discreete to commende them therein ; for nothing destroyeth a common-wealth sooner then to suffer chaunges ofttimes therein . all these things seemed to bee true in the hebrues , the which in their gouernment were very rash and vndiscrete . for first they gouerned themselues by patriarckes , as abraham was . after they were gouerned by prophets , as moses . by captaines , as iosuab : by iudges , as gedeon : by kings , as dauid : and after they gouerned themselues by byshops , as abdias was , and in the ende the hebrewes not contented with all these , god suffered that they should fal into the hāds of antichus , ptholomeus , & herodes , all tirants . this punishment fell ( according to the iust iudgement of god ) vpon them for theyr offences : for it was euen meete , that they that would not enioy the pleasant libertie of iudea , should taste the cruell seruitude of babylon . the condition which chaunced in the gouernment , to the vnconstant hebrewes , the same happened vnto the proud romains . the which in the beginning of their empire were gouerned by kings : afterwards by x. men : then by the consuls : so by the dictators : by the censors : and afterwards , by the tribunes , and senators : and in the ende , they came to be gouerned by emperours , and tyrannous princes . the romaines inuented all these alterations in their gouernmēts , for none other cause , but to see whether they could be deliuered from the commaundement of another . for the romains in this case were so proud harted , that they had rather dye in libertie , then liue in captiuitie : god had so ordained it , and their wofull case did so promise it , when they were aboue all other kings and realmes of the earth , that then the slaue should be obedient to his yrons , and the subiect should acknowledge the homage to his master . and though that subiects doe moue warres , though kings also do winne realms , and emperors conquer empires : yet wil they , or nill they , both great and small , should acknowledge themselues for seruants . for during the time of our fleshly life , we can neuer withdraw our selue from the yoke of seruitude . and say not you princes , for that you are puissant princes , that you are exempted from seruitude of men . for without doubt it is a thing more vntollerable , to haue theyr hearts burdened with thoughts , then their necks loden with yrons . if a slaue be good , they take from him some yrons : but to you that are princes , the greater you are , the greater cares you haue . for the prince that for his common-wealth taketh care , hath not one momēt of an houre quiet . a slaue hopeth to be deliuered in his life , but you cannot looke to be deliuered till after your death . they lay yrons on the slaue by weight , but thoughts burden you without measure . for the wofull hart is more burdened with one houre of care , then the body is pressed with twēty pound of yron . a slaue or prisoner if hee be alone , many times fyleth off his yrons but you princes when you are alone , are more grieuously tormented with thoughts : for solitary places are arbours and gardeins , to wofull and heauie hearts . a slaue hath nothing to care for but himselfe alone : but you that be princes haue to satisfie and please all men , for the prince should haue a time for himselfe , and also for those which are about him . the diuine plato said well , that hee that should haue the least parte of a prince , and belonging to a prince , ought to be the prince himselfe . for to that ende the prince should bee all his owne , he ought to haue no part in himselfe . though a slaue work & trauel in the day , yet he sleepes without care in the night : but you princes passe the time in hearing importunate suites , and the nights in fetching innumerable sighs . finally , i say , that in a slaue ( be it well , or be it euill ) all his paine is finished in one yeare , or is ended at his death ; but what shall a wofull prince doe when he dyeth . if he were good there is but a short memory of his goodnesse : and if hee hath beene euill , his infamy shall neuer haue end . i haue spoken these things to the end that great and small , lords and seruants should confesse and acknowledge , the true seigniory to be onely vnto him , who for to make vs lords aboue , became a seruant heere beneath . chap. xxx . when the tyrants beganne to ratgne , and vpon what occasion commaunding , and obeying first begann . and how the authority which the prince hath , is by the ordinance of god. ceasing to speake any further of the poeticall histories , and auncient faynings , and speaking the truth , according to the diuine histories , the first that did liue in this world , was our father adam , who did eate of the fruite forbidden , and that not so much for to trespasse the commaundement of one , as for not to displease his wife eue : for many now a dayes , had rather suffer theyr conscience a long time to bee infected : then one onely day to see theyr wiues displeased . the first homicide of the worlde was caine : the first that dyed in the world was abel : the first that had two wiues in the world was lamech . the first city of the world was by enoch built in the fields of edon : the first musition was tubalcaim : the first which sayled in the world , was noe : the first tyrant of the world was nembroth : the first priest was melcrisedech : the first king of the world was anraphel : the first duke was moyses : the first which was called emperour in the world , was iulius caesar . for vntill this time , they which gouerned , were called consuls , censors and dictators . and from iulius caesars hitherto haue beene called emperours . the first battell that was giuen in the world ( as wee reade ) was in the wilde valleyes , which now they call the dead and salt sea : for a great part of that , that then was the maine land is novv the dead sea . the holy scriptures cannot deceyue vs , for it is full of all truth , and by them it is declared , that eighteene hundred yeares after the world beganne , there was no battell assembled , nor company that met to fight in the field : for at that time when they had no ambition nor couetousnesse , they knew not what battell meant . it is reason therefore that in this writing we declare the cause , why the first battell was fought in the world , to the end princes may thereof bee aduertised , and the curious reader remaine therein satisfied . the manner was this , that bassa being king of sodome , bersa king of gomorrhe , senaab king of adamee semebar king of seboime , and vale king of segor , were all fiue tributaries to chodor lanmor king of the elamites , which fiue kings conspired against him , because they would pay him no tribute , and because that they would acknowledge no homage vnto him . for the realmes paying tribute , haue alwayes rebelled and sowed sedition . this rebellion was in the , yeare of the raigne of chodor laomor , king of the elamites , and immediately the yeare following , anraphel king of sernaar , arioch king of ponte , and aradal king of the allotali , ioyned with chodor laomor . all which together beganne to make warres , to destroy cities and countries vpon their enemies . for the olde malice of the warre is , that where they cannot haue their enemies which are in the fault , they put to sacke and destroy those which are innocent and guiltlesse . so the one assaulting , and the other desending , in the end all come to the field , they gaue battell as two enemies , and the greatest part was ouercome of the fewest , and the fewest remayned victorious ouer the greatest , which thing god would suffer in the first battell of the world , to the end princes might take example , that all the mishappes of the warres come not , but because they are begun of an vniust occasion . if chodor laomor had helde himselfe contented as his predecessors did , and that hee had not conquered realmes in making them subiect , and had not caused them to pay tribute , neyther they vnto him would haue denyed reason : nor hee with them would haue waged battell . for thorow the couetousnesse of the one , and the ambition of the other , enmities grew betweene the people . this considered which wee haue spoken of sygnorie , and of those which came into contentions for signories . let vs now see from whence the first originall of seruitude came , and the names of seruantes and lordes which were in the old time , and whether seruitude was by the discorde of vertuous men , first brought into the world , or else inuented by the ambition of tyrants : for when the one commaundeth , and the other obeyeth , it is one of the nouelties of the world , as the holy scripture declareth vnto vs in this manner . the holy patriarch noah had three sons , which were sam , ham , and iaphet : and the second sonne ( which was ham ) begot cusn , and this cusn begotte nimrod , nimrod made himselfe a hunter of wilde beasts in the woodes and mountaines : hee was the first that beganne to play the tyrant amongst men , enforcing their persons and taking their goods : and the scripture called him oppressor hominum , which is to say , an oppressor of men : for men of euill life alwaies commit much euill in a common-wealth . he taught the chaldeans to honor the fire , hee was the first that presumed to be an absolute lord , and the first that euer required of men homage and seruice . this cursed tyrant ended his life in the golden world , wherein all things were in common , with the common-wealth : for the auncients vsed their goods in common : but their wils onely they reserued to themselues . they ought not so thinke in a light matter , for his persō to haue been a tyrant , but they ought to think it a greater matter , to haue beene a rebel in a common-wealth : & much more they ought to esteeme it as an euill matter in him , which hath beene ( as hee was ) a disturber of the good customes of his country : but the most vniust of all is , to leaue behind him any euil custom brought into the common wealth : for if hee deserue great infamy which worketh euil in his life : truly he deserueth much more , which trauelleth to bring that euill in vre after his death . eusebius seemeth to affirm , that after nimrod had destroied the realm of chaldea by his plagues , came to italy with . sons , & built the of camesa , which afterwards , in saturnes time was called valentia , and in the time of romulus it was called as it is at this present , rome . and sith this thing was thus , a man ought not to maruell , that rome in auncient time was possessed with tyrants , and with tyrants beaten downe , since by so so famous and renowmed tyrants it was founded . for euen as hierusalem was the daughter of the patient , and the mansion of the quiet kinges in asia : so was rome the mother of proude princes in europe . the histories of the gentiles , ( which knew not the holy scripture ) declare in an other sort the beginning of signorie and seruitude , and when they came into the world : for the idolaters not onely did not know the creator of the world , but also they were ignorant of many things which beganne in the world . they therfore say , that the tyrant nimrod ( amongst the others ) had a sonne called belus , and that this belus was the first that raigned in the land of syria , and that hee was the first that inuented warres on the earth , and that hee set vp the first monarche among the assyrians , and in the end hee dyed after hee had raigned . yeares in asia , and left the world in great wars . the first monarchie of the world , was that of the assyrians , and continued . yeares . the first king was belus , and the last king was sardanapalus , whome ( at that time when he was slain ) they found spinning with women , hauing a distaffe in his hand , wherewith they vse to spinne : and truly his vile death was too good for such a cowardly king : for the prince ought not to defend that with the distaffe , that his predecessors had wonne with the sword . as wee haue sayde nimrod begat belus , who had to wife semyramis , which was the mother of ninus , which ninus succeeded his father in tyranny , and in the empire also : and both the mother and the sonne not contented to bee tyrants , inuented statues of new gods : for mans malice pursueth rather the euill , which the wicked doe inuent , then the good which vertuous men begin . we would haue shewed you , how the grandfather , and the father , the mother and the sonne , were idolaters and warlike , to the end princes and great lords might see , that they beganne their empires , more for that they were ambitious persons , then for that they were good , patient , or vertuous men . albeit that nimrod was the first that euer committed any tyranny , and whether it bee true or not that belus was the first that inuented warres , and that chodor laormor was the first that inuented battels , and that there bee others , wherof the writings make no mention , euery man taking for himselfe , and afterwards all together : those vvere occasions of euil enough in the world to agree vnto those thinges . our inclination is greatly to bee blamed : for those which haue credite for their euill , are many : and those which haue power to doe well , are but very few . chap. xxxi . of the golden age in times past , and worldly misery which we haue at this present . in the first age , and golden world , all liued in peace , each man tooke care for his owne landes , euery one planted & sowed their trees , and corne , euery one gathered his fruites , and cut his vines , knedde their bread , and brought vp their children , and finally , all liued by their own proper sweate and trauell ; so that they all liued without the preiudice or hurt of any other . o worldly malice , o cursed and wicked world , that thou neuer sufferest things to remaine in one estate , and though i call thee cursed , maruell not thereat : for when wee are in most prosperity , then thou with death persecutest vs most cruelly . without teares , i say not that i will say , that two thousand yeares of the world were past before we knew what the world meant : god suffering it , and worldly malice inuented it , ploughes were turned into weapons , oxen to horses , goades vnto launces , whips to arrowes , slings to crossebowes , simplicity into malice , trauell into idlenesse , rest to paine , peace to warre , loue to hatted , charity to cruelty , iustice to tyranny , profite to dammage , almes to theft , and aboue all , faith into idolatry . and finally , the swet they had to profite in their owne goods , they turned to bloud-shedding , to the damage of the common-wealth . and herein the world sheweth it selfe to bee a world : herein worldly-malice sheweth it selfe to bee malicious , in so much as the one reioyceth , and the other lamenteth : the one reioyceth to stumble , to the end that other may fall and breake their neckes , the one reioyceth to bee poore , to the end the other may not bee rich : the one reioyceth to bee dispraysed , to the end the other may not be honoured : the one delighteth to bee sad , to the end the other should not bee merry : and to conclude , wee are so wicked , that wee banish the good from our owne house , to the end the euill might enter in at the gates of an other man. when the creator created the whole world , hee gaue to each thing immediately his place : that is to say , hee placed intelligence in the vppermost heauen : hee placed the starres in the firmament , the planets in the orbes : the birdes in the ayre : the earth on the center , the fishes in the water , the serpents in the hoales , the beasts in the mountaines : and to all in generall , he gaue place to rest themselues in . now let princes and great lords bee vaine-glorious , saying , that they they are lords of the earth : for truly of all that is created , god onely is the true lord thereof ; because the miserable man for his part hath but the vse of the fruit : for if wee thinke it reasonable that wee should enioy the profite of that which is created : then were it more conuenient wee should acknowledge god to be the lord thereof . i doe not deny , but confesse , that god created all things , to the end they should serue man vpon condition , that man should serue god likewise : but when the creature ryseth against god , immediately the creator resisteth against man. for it is but reason that hee bee disobeyed , who one onely commandement will not obey . o what euill fortune hath the creature , onely for disobeying the commandement of his creator : for if man had kept his commaundement in paradise , god had conserued to the world the signorie : but the creatures whom he created for his seruice are occasion to him of great troubles : for the ingratitude of benefite heapeth great sorrow to the discreet heart . it is great pity to behold the man that was in paradise , and that might haue been in heauen : and now to see him in the world , and aboue all to bee interred in the entrals of the earth : for in terrestrial paradise he was innocent , and in heauen he had been blessed ; but now he is in the world , enuironed with cares , and afterwards he shall bee throwne into his graue , and gnawne of the wormes . let vs now see the disobedience wee had in the commaundement of god , and what fruit we haue gathered in the world . for hee is very simple that dare commit any vice , taking no delight nor pleasure thereof in his body . in my opinion through the sinnes which our forefathers committed in paradise , the seruitude remaineth in vs their children which are on the earth . for so much as if i enter into the water , i drowne , if i touch the fire i burne , if i come neare a dogge , hee biteth mee , if i threaten a horse , hee easteth mee , if i resist the winde it bloweth me downe , if i persecute the serpent , hee spoyleth me , if i smite the beare hee destroyeth me , and to be briefe i say , that the man that without pitty eateth men in his life , the worms shall eate his entrals in his life after his death . o princes and great lords , lode your selues with cloth of gold , heape vp your great treasures , assemble many armies , inuent iusts and turneis , seeke pastimes and pleasures , reuenge your selues of your enemies , serue your selues with your subiects , marry your children to mighty kings , and set them in great estate : cause your selues to bee feared of your enemies , imploy your bodies to all pleasures , leaue great possessions to your heyres , rayse sumptuous buildinges to leaue memory of your persons : i sweare by him that shall iudge mee , that i haue more compassion to see your sinfull soules , then i haue enuy to see your vicious liues : for in the end all pastimes will vanish away , and they shall leaue you for a gage to the hungry wormes of the earth . o if princes did consider ( though they haue beene borne princes , created and nourished in great estates ) that the day they are borne , death immediately commeth to seeke the end of their life , and taketh them here and there when they are sicke , now tumbling , then rising ; hee neuer leaueth them one houre vntill their wofull buriall : therefore sith it is true , ( as indeed it is ) that that which princes possesse in this life is but small , & that which they hope in the other is so great : truely i maruell why princes , the which shall lye so straight in the graue , dare lye in such and so great largenesse in their life . to be rich , to be lords , and to haue great estates , men should not thereof at all bee proude , since they see how frayle mans condition is : for in the end life is but lone , but death is enheritage . death is a patrimony and heritage , which successiuely is inherited : but life is a right which dayly is surrendered . for death counteth vs so much his own , that oft times vnawares , hee commeth to assault vs : & life taketh vs such strangers , that oft times we not doubting thereof , it vanisheth away if this thing then bee true , why will princes and great lords presume to commaund a strange house , which is this life , as in their owne house which is the graue ? leauing aside the sayd opinions , i say that for sinne onely scruitude came to dwell in vs , and entered into the world : for if there had beene no sinners , wee ought to beleeue there had beene no lords , nor seruants . for asmuch as seruitude generally entreth into this world through sinne : i say that the seigniory of princes is by the diuine commaundement ; for he sayeth : by mee the king doth gouerne , and by mee the prince doth minister iustice . i conclude in this sort , with this reason : that since it is true , princes are sent by the hands of god for to gouerne vs , wee are bound in all , and for all to obey them : for there is no greater plague in a publike weale , then to be disobedient to the prince . chap. xxxii . how king alexander the great , after hee had ouercome king datius in asia , went to conquer the great indea , and of that which happned vnto him with the garamantes , and how the good life hath more power then any force of warre . in the yeare of the creation of the world , . in the first age of the world , and in the . yeares of the foundation of rome , iado being high priest in hierusalew , decius and mamilius at rome consuls , in the third yeare of the monarchie of the greekes , alexander the great ( sonne to philip king of macedonia ) gaue the last battell to darius king of persia , wherein king alexander escaped very sore wounded , and darius slaine , so that the whole empire of the persians came vnder the gouernment of the greeks : for the vnfortunate princes do not onely lose their liues with which they came into the world , but also the realmes which they did inherite . after that darius was dead , and alexander saw himselfe lord of the field , and that the persians and medes were become subiect to the grecians , though many kings and lords dyed in those cruell batailes : yet it seemed to alexander a trifle to be gouernor of all asia , wherefore he determined in person to goe conquere the great india . for , proude and stoute hearts obtayning that which they desire , immediately beginne to esteeme it as little . all his armies repayred , and placing gouernours in all the realme of asia , alexander departed to conquere the great india : for hee had promised & sworne to his gods , that through all the world there should be but one empire , and that that should be his : and moreouer that hee would neuer passe thorow any strange realme or country , but it should giue obedience vnto him , or else forthwith hee would destroy it : for tyrannous harts haue neuer any regard to the damage of another , vntill they haue obtained their wicked desires . alexander then going to conquer realmes , and destroy prouinces : by chance one sayde vnto him , that on the other side of the mountaine riphei ( towards the partes of india ) was a barbarous nation which were called garamantes , as yet neuer conquered by the persians and medes , romaines , nor greekes , neyther any of them euer triumphed ouer them : for they had no weapons , nor esteemed them not , sith they had no riches . king alexander , ( who for to conquer and subdue realmes and strange countreys was very diligent & hardy and to see new things very desirous , ) determined , not onely to send to see that countrey , but also to goe himselfe in person , and in that place to leaue of him some memoriall : which thing forthwith he accomplished . for hee left them altares , as hercules left in gades , pillars . for mans heart is so stout , that it trauelleth not onely to compare with manie , but also to excell all . the embassadours of alexander were sent to garamantes , to aduertise them of the comming of king alexander the great , & of the terrible and cruell battells , which he in the warres had ouercome : and to declare vnto them how the puissant k : darius was slayne , and that all asia was vnder his subiection , and how euery citie did yeelde themselues : against whom he neyther lifted speare nor sword , because all yeelded to his cōmandment . with these and such other like things they would haue feared them , for that words oft times maketh men more afraide , especially when they are spoken of braue stoute men , then doe the swords of cowards . lucius bosco saith , in his third booke of the antiquityes of the grecians , ( of whom the originall of this hystorie is drawne ) that after the embassadours of alexander had spoken to the garamantes , they were nothing at all troubled for the message , neither did they fly away from alexander , nor they prepared any warre , neyther tooke they in hand any weapon , nor yet they did resist him , yea , and the chiefest of all was , that no man of the countrey euer departed out of his house . finally , they neyther answered the ambassadors ( of alexander , ) to theyr right message , nor yet spake one word vnto them , concerning their coming . and truly the garamantes had reason therein , and did in that right wisely : for it is but meere follie for a man to perswade those men with words who enterprise any thing of will. it is a maruellous matter to heare reported the hystories of these garamantes , ( that is to say ) that all theyr houses were of equall height , all men were apparelled alike , the one had no more authority then another , in feeding they were no glouttons , in drinking wine they were temperate , concerning pleas and debates , they were ignorant , they would suffer no idle man to liue among them , they had no weapons , because they had no enemyes : and generally , they spake few words , but that which they spake was alwayes true . king alexander being somwhat informed of those garamantes , and their life , determined to send for them , and called them before his presence , and instantly desired them ( if they had any wise men among them , to bring them vnto him , and by writing or by word of mouth , to speake somewhat vnto him . for alexander was such a friend to sage men , that all the realms which he ouercame , immediately he gaue to his men , excepting the sages , which he kept for his owne person . quintus curtius , by king alexander sayth , that a prince doth wel spende his treasors to conquer many realms , only to haue the conuersation of one wise man. and truely he had reason : for to princes it is more profit in their life to bee accompanied with sages : then after their deaths , to leaue great treasours to their heires . certaine of those garamantes thē being come before the presence of alex : the great , one among them ( as they thoght the most ancientst ) himselfe alone ( the residue keeping silence , ) in the name of them all spake these words . chap. xxxiii . of an oration which one of the sages of garamantia made vnto king alexander , a goodly lesson for all ambitious men , it is a custome , king alexander , amongst vs garamantes , to speake seldome one to another , & scarsely neuer speake to strangers , especially if they be busie and vnquiet men : for , the tongue of an euil man is no other but a plaine demonstration of his enuious heart . when they tolde vs of thy comming into this countrey , immediately wee determined not to goe out to receyue thee , nor to prepare our selues to resist thee , neyther to lifte vp our eyes to beholde thee , nor to open our mouthes to salute thee , neyther to moue our hands to trouble thee , nor yee to make warre to offend thee . for greater is the hate that we beare to riches and honours , which thou louest , then the loue is that thou hast to destroy men , and subdue countreyes , which we abhorre . it hath pleased thee we shuld see thee , not desiring to see thee , and wee haue obeied thee , not willing to obey thee , and that we should salute thee , not desirous to salute thee : wherewith wee are contented , vppon condition , that thou be patient to heare vs. for that which we will say vnto thee , shall tend more vnto amendmēt of thy life , then to disswade thee frō conquering our countrey . for it is reason that princes which shal come hereafter doe know , why wee liuing so little , esteeme that which is our owne : and why thou dying , takest such paines to possesse that which is another mans . o alexander , i aske thee one thing , and i doubt whether thou canst aunswer me thereunto or no ? for those hearts which are proud , are also most commonly blinded . tell me whether thou goest ? from whence thou commest ? what thou meanest ? what thou thinkest ? what thou desirest ? what thou seekest ? what thou demandest ? what thou searchest ? and what thou procurest ? and further , to what realms & prouinces thy disordinate appetite extendeth ? without a cause do i not demand thee this question , what is that thou demandest and what it is that thou seekest : for i think thou thy selfe knowest not what thou wouldest ? for proud and ambicious hearts know not what will satisfie them . sith thou art ambitious , honor deceiueth thee : sith thou art prodigall , couetousnes beguyleth thee : sith thou art yong , ignorance abuseth thee : and sith thou art proude , all the world laugheth thee to scorne : in such sort , that thou followest men and not reason : thou followest thine owne opinion , and not the counsell of an other , thou embracest flatterers , and repulsest vertuous men . for princes and noble men had rather bee commended with lyes , thē to be reproued with truth . i cannot tell to what ende you princes liue so deceyued , and abused , to haue & keepe in your pallaces more flattrers , iuglers , and fooles , then wise and sage men . for in a princes pallace if there bee any which extolleth theyr doings , there are ten thousand which abhorre their tyrannies . i perceiue by these deeds ( alexander ) that the gods will sooner end thy life , then then wilt end thy wars . the man that is brought vp in debates , discentions , and strife , all his felicitie consisteth in burning , destroying , and bloud shedding : i see thee defended with weapōs , i see thee accōpanied with tirants , i see thee rob the tēples . i se thee without profit wast the treasors , i see thee murder the innocent and trouble the patient , i see thee euill willed of all , and beloued of none , which is the greatest euill of all euils . therefore how were it possible for thee to endure such and so great trauels , vnlesse thou art a foole , or else because god hath appointed it to chastice thee . the gods suffer oftentimes that men being quiet . should haue some weighty affayres , and that is not for that they should be honoured : at this present , but to the end they should be punished for that which is past . tell mee i pray thee , peraduenture it is no great folly to empouerish many , to make thy selfe alone rich ? it is not ( peraduenture ) folly that one should commaund by tyranny , and that all the rest lose the possession of their seigniory . it is not folly perchance to loue ( to the damnation of our soules ) many memories in the world of our body . it is not folly perchance that the gods approue thy disordinate appetite alone , and condemne the will and opinion of all the world beside : peraduenture it is not folly , to winne with the tears of the poore , and comfortlesse widdowes ) so great and bloudy victories : peraduenture it is no folly , willingly to wet the earth with the bloud of innocents , onely to haue a vaine glorie in this world ? thou thinkest it no folly peraduenture ( god hauing diuided the world into so many people ) that thou shouldest vsurpe them to thee alone ? o alexander , alexander , truly such workes proceede not from a creature nourished among men on the earth : but rather of one that hath beene brought vp among the infernall furies of hell : for wee are not bound to iudge men by the good nature they haue : but by their good and euill works which they do . the man is cursed ( if hee haue not been cursed , hee shal be cursed ) that liueth to the preiudice of all others in this world present , onely to be counted couragious , stoute , and hardie , in time to come . for the gods seldome suffered them to enioy that quietly in peace , which they haue gotten vniustly in the warres . i would aske thee , what insolencie moued thee to reuolte against the lord k. darius ? after whose death thou hast sought to conquer all the world ? and thus thou doest not as a king that is an inhertitor , but as a tyrant , that is an oppressor , for him properly we cal a tirant , that without iustice & reason taketh that which is another mans . eyther thou searchest iustic , or thou searchest peace , or else thou searchest riches , and our honor ? thou searchest rest , or els thou searchest fauour of thy frends , or thou searchest vengeance of thine enemies . but i sweare vnto thee ( alex : ) that thou shalt not find any of all these things , if thou seekest by this meanes , as thou hast begun : for the sweet sugar is not of the nature of the bitter gumbe . how shall wee belieue thou searchest iustice , sith against reason and iustice , by tiranny thou rulest al the earth ? how shal we belieue thou searchest peace , sith thou causest them to pay tribute which receiue thee : and those which resist thee , thou handlest thē like enemies ? how can we belieue that thou searchest rest , sith thou troublest all the world ? how can wee belieue thou searchest gentiles , sith thou art the scourge and sword of humaine frailnes ? how can we belieue that thou searchest riches , sith thine owne treasures suffiseth thee not : neyther that which by thee vāquished cōmeth into thy hands , nor that which the conque rors offer thee ? how shall we belieue thou searchest profit to thy friēds , sith that of thy old friends , thou hast made new enemies ? i let thee vnderstand ( alex : ) that the greatest ought to teache the least , & the least to obey the greatst and friendship is onely amongst equalls . but thou , ( sith thou sufferest none in the world to bee equall and like vnto thee , looke not thou to haue any friend in the world . for princes oftentimes by ingratitude loose faithfull friends : and by ambition winne mortall enemies . how shall we belieue thou searchest reuēge of thine enemies , sith thou takest more vengeance of thy selfe , beeing aliue , then thine enemyes would take of thee , if they tooke thee prisoner ? though perchance in times past they vsed thy father philip euill , and haue now disobeyed thee his sonne : it were farre better counsel for thee to make them thy friends by gentlenes , then to confirme them enemyes by crueltie . for the noble and pitifull harts when they are reuenged of any , make of themselues a butcherie . wee cannot with truth say , that thy trauells are well employde to winne such honor , sith thy conuersation and life is so vnconstant ? for truely honour consisteth not in that flatterers say , but in that which lords doe . for the great familiaritie of the wicked , causeth the life to be suspected . honour is not gotten by liberall giuing of treasours at his death , but by spending it well in his life : for it is a sufficient profe , that the man which esteemeth renowme , doth little regard money : and it is an apparant token , that man who little esteemeth money , greatly regardeth his renowme . a man winneth not honor by murdering innocents , but by destroying tyrants : for all the harmony of the good gouernment of princes is , in the chastising of the euil , & rewarding the good . honour is not wonne in taking and snatching the goods of an other , but in giuing and spending his owne . for there is nothing that beautifieth the maiestie of a prince more , then for to shew his noblenes in extending mercie and fauour vnto his subiects , and giuing gifts and rewards to the vertuous . and to conclude , i will let thee know who hee is , that winneth true honour in this life : and also : a perpetuall memorie after his death : and that is not hee which leadeth his life in warres , but hee that taketh his death in peace . o alexander , i see thou art young , and that thou desirst honour , wherefore i let thee vnderstand , that there is no man farther from true honor , then hee which greedily procureth and desireth the same . for the ambitious men , not obtaining what they desire , remaine alwaies defamed , and in winning and getting that which they search , true honour notwithstanding will not follow them . belieue mee in one thing alexander , that the most truest honor ought through worthie deedes to bee deserued , and by no meanes to bee procured : for all the honour which by tyrannie is wonne , in the ende by infamy is lost . i am sorrie for thee alexander : for i see thou wantest iustice , since thou louest tyrannie : i see thou lackest peace , because thou louest warre : i see thou art not rich , because thou hast made all the world poore : i see thou lackest rest , because thou seekest contention and debate : i see thou hast no honour , because thou winnest it by infamie : i see thou wantest friends , because thou hast made them thine enemies . finally , i see thou doest not reuenge thy selfe of thine enemyes , because thou art ( as they wold be ) the scourge to thy selfe . then since it is so ; why art thou aliue in this world , sith thou lackest vertues , for the which life ought to be desired ? for truely that man , which without his owne profite , and to the dammage of an other leadeth his life , by iustice ought forthwith to lose his breath . for there is nothing that sooner destroyeth the weale publike , then to permit vnprofitable men therein to liue . therefore speaking the truth , you lords and princes are but poore , i beleeue thou conquerest the world , because thou knowest not thy superiour therein : and besides that , thou wilt take life from so many , to the end that by their death thou mayest win renowne . if cruell and warlike princes ( as thou art ) should inherite the liues of them whom they slay , to augment & prolong their liues , as they doe inherite goods to maintaine their pride , although it were vnmeete , then warre were tollerable , but what profiteth the seruant to lose his life this day , and his masters death to bee differred but vntill the morrow ? o alexander , to be desirous to commaund much , hauing respite to liue but little : mee thinketh it were a great folly and lacke of wisdome . presumptuous and ambitious men which measure their works not with the few dayes they haue to liue , but with the arogant and haughty thoughts they haue to command : they leade their life in trauell , and take their death with sorrow . and the remedy hereof is , that if the wise man cannot obtaine that which hee would , hee should content himselfe with that which hee may . i let thee to know alexander , that the perfection of men is not to see much , to heare much , to knowe much , to procure much , to come to much , to trauell much , to possesse much , and to bee able to do much : but it is to bee in the fauour of the gods. finally , i tell thee , that that man is perfect , who in his owne opinion deserueth not that hee hath , and in the opinion of another , deserueth much more then that hee possesseth . wee are of this opinion amongst vs , that hee is vnworthy to haue honour , who by such infamous meanes searcheth for it . and therefore thou , alexander , deseruest to be slaue vnto many , because thou thinkest to deserue the signory ouer all . by the immortall gods i sweare , i cannot imagine the great mischiefe which entred into thy brest , so vnrighteously to kill king darius ( whose vassall and friend thou wast onely ) because thou wouldest possesse the empire of the whole world ? for truly seruitude in peace is more worth then signiory in warre . and hee that shall speake against that i haue spoken , i say he , is sicke , and hath lost his taste . chap. xxxiiii . the sage garamante continueth his oration , shewing that perpetuitie of life cannot be bought with any worldly treasure . among other notable matters hee maketh mention of the seuen lawes which they obserued . thou wilt not deny me alexander , but that thou werte more healthfull when thou wast king of macedo●●● then thou art now being lord of all the earth : for the excessiue trauell bringeth men out of all order . thou wilt not deny me alexander , that the more thou gettest , the more thou desirest : for the heart which with couetousnesse is set on fire , cannot with wood and bowes of riches , but with the earth of the graue be satisfied and quenched . thou wilt not deny me ( alexander ) but the aboundance that thou thy selfe hast , seemeth vnto thee litle , and the little which an other man possesseth , seemeth vnto thee much : for the gods , to the ambitious , and couetous harts gaue this for penance that neyther with inough , nor with too much they should content them selues . thou wilt not denie mee ( alexander ) if in deed thy heart bee couetous , that first the pleasures of life shall end before thy couetousnesse : for where vices haue had power long time in the heart , there death , onely , and none other hath authority to plucke vp the rootes . thou wilt not deny mee ( alexander ) that though thou hast more then all , yet thou enioyest least of any : for the prince that possesseth much , is alwayes occupied in defending it : but the prince that hath little , hath time and leasure in quiet to enioy it . thou wilt not deny me ( alexander ) though thou callest thy self lord of all , yet thou hast but onely the name thereof , and others thy seruants and subiects haue all the profites : for the greedy and couetous hearts doe trauel and toyle to get , and in wasting that which they haue gotten , they pine away . and finally ( alexander ) thou wilt not deny me , that all that which thou hast in the long conquest gotten , is little , and that which of thy wisedom and quietnes thou hast lost , is much : for the realms which thou hast gotten are innumerable , but the cares , sighes and thoughts which thou hast heaped vpon thy heart , are innumerable . i let thee know one thing , that you princes are poorer then the poore subiects : for hee is not rich that hath more then hee deserueth , but he that desireth to haue lesse then possesseth . and that therefore princes you haue nothing : for though you abound in great treasurs , yet notwithstanding , you are poore of good desire . now alexander , let vs come to the poynt , and cast account , and let vs see vs see to what ende thy conquest will come ? either thou art a man , or thou art a god ; and if thou bee anie of the gods , commaunde , or cause that wee be immortall : and if thou canst doe any such thing , then take vs and our goods withall . for perpetuity of the life , can by no riches be bought . o alexander , i let thee vnderstand , that therefore wee seeke not to make warre with thee : for we see that both from thee , and also from vs , death will shortly take away the life . for hee is a very simple man , that thinketh alwayes to remaine in another mans house as in his owne . it thou alexander , couldst giue vs , ( as god ) euerlasting life , eache man would trauell to defend his owne house ; but sith we know we shall dye shortly , we care little whether to thee or any other , our goods and riches remaine . for if it be follie to dwell in an other mans house as his owne , it is a greater follie to him that loseth his life , in taking thought and lamenting for his goods . presuppose that thou art not god , but a man ; i coniure thee then , by the immortall gods , and doe require thee that thou liue as a man , behaue thy selfe as a man , and couet no more then an other man , neyther desire more nor lesse then a man : for in the ende thou shalt dye as another man , and shalt be buryed as another man , and thou shalt bee throwne into the graue , and then there shal be no more memorie of thee . i tolde thee before that it greeued mee to see thee so hardy and couragious , so apt and so young , and now it grieueth mee to see thee so deceyued with the world : and that which i perceyue of thee is , that then thou shalt know thy folly when thou shalt not be able to finde any remedy . for the proude young man before hee feeleth the wound hath alreadie the ointment . you which are grecians call vs barbarous , because wee enhabite the mountaines . but as touching this i say , that we reioice to be barbarous in our speech and greekes in our doings : and not as you which haue the grecian tong , and doe barbarous workes . for hee that doth well , and speaketh rudely , is no barbarous man : but he which hath the tongue good , and the life euill . sith i haue begun to that end nothing remaine vnspoken , i will aduertise thee of our laws and life , and maruell not to heare it , but desire to obserue and keepe it : for infinite are they which extoll vertuous workes , but few are they which obserue the same . i let thee know ( alexander ) that wee haue short life , wee are few people , wee haue little lands , wee haue little goods , wee haue no couetousnes , we haue few lawes , we haue few houses , and we haue few friends , and aboue all we haue no enemies : for a wise man ought to be friend to one , and enemie to none . besides all this , wee haue amongst vs great friendshippes , good peace , great loue : much rest , and aboue all , wee holde our selues contented : for it is better to enioy the quietnesse of the graue , then to liue a discontented life . our lawes are few , but in our opinions they are good , and are in seuen words onely included as here followeth . wee ordaine that our children make no more lawes then wee their fathers doe leaue vnto them : for new lawes maketh them to forget good and ancient customes . we ordaine that our successors shall haue no moe gods then two , of the which the one god shall bee for the life , and the other for the death : for one god well serued is more worth , then many not regarded wee ordaine that all bee apparrelled with one cloath , and hosed of one sort , and that the one haue no more apparrell then the other : for the diuersity of garments engendreth folly among the people . wee ordaine that when any woman which is maried hath had three children that then shee bee separated from her husband , for the aboundance of children causeth men to haue couetous hearts . and if any woman hath brought forth any mo children , then they should bee sacrificed vnto the gods before her eyes . we ordaine that all men and women speake the truth in all things , and if any bee taken in a lye , committing no other fault , that immediately hee bee put to death for the same : for one lyer is able to vndoe a whole multitude . we ordaine that no woman liue aboue forty yeares , and that the man liue vntil fifty , and if they dye not before that time that then they be sacrificed to the gods : for it is a great occasion for men to bee vicious , to thinke that they shall liue many yeares . chap , xxxv . that princes ought to consider , for what cause they were made princes , and what thales the philosopher was , of the . questions asked him , and of his answere he made vnto them . it is a common and olde saying ( which many times by aristotle the noble and vertuous prince hath beene repeated ) that in the end all thinges are done to some purpose : for there is no worke neyther good nor euil● but he that doth it , meaneth to some end . if thou demaundest the gardener to what end he watereth so oft his plants , hee will answere thee , it is to get some money for his hearbes . if thou demaundest why the riuer runneth so swift , a man will answere thee , that it his to the end it should returne from whence it came . if thou demaundest why the trees budde in the spring time , they will answere , to the end they may beare fruite in haruest . if wee see a traueller passe the mountaines in the snow , the riuers with perill , the woods in feare , to walke in extreame heate in sommer , to wander in the night time in the colde winter : and if by chance a man doth aske one of them saying : friend , whether goest thou , wherefore takest thou such paines ? and hee aunswereth , truly sir , i know no more then you to what end , neyther can i tell why i take such paines . i aske thee now , what a wise man would answere to this innocent traueller ? truly ( hearing no more ) hee would iudge him to bee a foole : for he is much infortunate , that for all his trauell looketh for no reward . therefore to our matter , a prince which is begotten as an other man , borne as an other man , liueth as an other man , dyeth as an other man : and besides all this commaundeth all men , if of such a one wee should demaund , why god gaue him signiory , and that he should answere hee knoweth not , but that he was borne vnto it . in such case let euery man iudge , how vnworthy such a king is to haue such authority . for it is vnpossible for a man to minister iustice , vnlesse hee knew before what iustice meaneth . let princes and noble men heare this word , & imprint it in their memory , which is , that when the liuing god determined to make kings and lords in this world : hee did not ordaine them to eate more then others , to drinke more then others , to sleepe more then others , to speake more thē others , nor to reioyce more then others : but hee created them vpon condition , that sith he had made thē to commaund more then others , they should be more iust in their liues thē others . it is a thing most vniust , and in the common wealth very slaunderous , to see with what authority a puissant man commandeth those that bee vertuous : and with how much shame , himselfe is bound to all vices . i know not what lord he is that dare punish his subiect for one onely offence committed , seeing himselfe to deserue for euery deede to bee chastised : for it is a monstrous thing , that a blinde man should take vpon him to leade him that seeth . they demaunded great cato the censor what a king ought to doe , that he should be beloued , feared , and not despised ; he answered , the good prince should be compared to him that selleth tryacle , who if the poyson hurteth him not , hee selleth bis triacle well , i mean therby , that the punishment is takē in good part of the people , which is not ministred by the vitious man : for hee that maketh the tryacle shall neuer bee credited , vnlesse the proofe of his triacle bee openly knowne and tryed : i meane that the good life is none other then a fine triacle to cure the common-wealth . and to whome is he more like , which with his tongue blazeth vertues , and imployeth his deedes to all vices : then vnto the man , who in the one hand holdeth poyson to take away life ; and in the other triacle to resist death ? to the end that a lord bee wholy obeyed , it is necessary that all that he commaundeth bee obserued , first in his owne person : for no lord can nor may withdraw himselfe from vertuous works . this was the answere that cato the censor gaue , which in mine opinion was spoken more like a christian then any romane . when the true god came into the world , he employed . yeares onely in workes , and spent but two yeares and a halfe in teaching : for mans heart is perswaded more with the worke hee seeketh , then with the word which hee heareth . those therfore which are lords , let them learne and know of him which is the true lord , and also let princes learne why they are princes : for he is not a pylot which neuer sayled on the seas . in mine opinion , if a prince will know why he is a prince , i would say to gouern well his people , to command well , and to maintaine all in iustice , and this should not bee with words , to make them afrayde , neyther by works which should offend them : but by sweet words which should encourage them , and by the good workes that should edifie them : for the noble and gentle heart cannot resist , him , that with a louing countenance commaundeth , those which will rule and make tame , fierce , and wilde beasts , do threaten and rebuke them a hundred times , before they beate them once : and if they keepe them tyed , they shew them sundrie pleasures : so that the wildnesse of the beast is taken away , onely by the gentle and pleasant vsage of the man , therfore sith wee haue this experience of brute & sauage beasts ( that is to say ) that by their well doing , and by the gentle handling of them , they voluntarily suffer themselues to bee gouerned : much more experience we reasonable men ought to haue , that is to know , that being right and well gouerned , wee should humbly , and willingly obey our soueraigne lords : for there is no man so hard hearted , but by gentle vsage will humble himselfe . o princes and noble men , i will tell you in one word , what the lorde ought to doe in the gouernement of his common-wealth . euery prince that hath his mouth full of truth , his hands open to giue rewards , and his eares stopped vnto lyes , and his heart open to mercy , such a one is happy , and the realme which hath him , may well bee called prosperous , and the people may call themselues fortunate : for where as truth , liberality , and clemency ruleth in the hart of a prince , there wrongs , iniuries , & oppressions do not raigne . and contrariwise , where the prince hath his heart fleshed in cruelty , his mouth full of tyrannies , his hands defiled with bloud , and enclineth his eares to heare lyes : such a prince is vnhappy , and much more the people the which by such a one is gouerned : for it is vnpossible that there is peace and iustice in the common wealth , if hee which gouerneth it , bee a louer of lyes and flatteries . in the yeare . before the incarnation of christ , which was in the year . of the foundation of rome : darius the fourth being king of persia , and brutus and lucius at rome consuls , thales the great philosopher flourished in greece , who was prince of the seuen renowmed sages : by the which occasion , all the realme of greece had , and recouered renowne : for greece boasted more of the seuen sages which they had , then rome did of all the valiant captains shee nourished . there was at that time much contention betweene the romanes and the greekes , for so much as the greekes sayd , they were better , because they had more sages , and the romanes said the contrary , that they were better , because they had alwayes more armies . the greekes replyed againe , that there were no lawes made but in greece . and the romanes to this aunswered , that though they were made in greece , yet they were obserued at rome . the greekes sayde , that they had great vniuersities to make wise men in . and the romanes said , that they had many great temples to worship their gods in : for that in the end they ought to esteeme more one seruice done to the immortall gods , then all the other commodities that might come vnto men . a thebane knight was demaunded , what hee thought of rome and greece : and hee answered , mee thinketh the romanes are no better then the greekes , nor the greekes then the romanes : for the greekes glory in their tongues , and the romanes in their launces : but we referre it to vertuous works : for one good worke is more worth , then eyther the long staues of the romanes , or the eloquēt tongues of the greekes , therfore touching my matter , this philosopher thales was the first that found the pole ( called the north starre ) to sayle by , and the first that found the deuision of the yeares , the quantitie of the sun and the moone , and the first that sayde soules were immortall , and that the world had a soule . and aboue all , hee would neuer marry ; for the care to content a wife , and the thought to bring vp the children , doth much dull the wits of wise men . this philosopher thales was very poore , wherefore ( some disdayning him for his pouerty ) to declare and shew that he was more rich then all they : hee bought the next yeare all the oliues hee could get : for by astronomy hee knew that in the thirde yeare there would be a great want & scarsitie thereof throughout all the country : wherefore all were compelled to come to him for oliues , which at his owne price he solde : & in this sort he shewed them that mocked him , that he willingly despised riches , and louingly embraced pouertie : for , he that willingly in this world is poore , ought not to be called poore . this philosopher thales was a mirror amongst the sages of greece , and was greatly reuerenced of al the kings of asia , and highly renowmed in rome . and further he was so wise , and had so ready a wit , that to all sodaine questions hee was demaunded , hee gaue present aunswere forthwith , which thing declared him to bee of a maruellous wit , and truely it was a great matter : for the most part of mortall men cannot tell how to answere , nor what to demaund . many and diuers questions wee asked him , as diogenes laertius affirmeth , in the answering whereof hee shewed great wisdome , the treasure of memory , and subtilty of vnderstanding . first , he was asked , what god was ? thales answered ; of all the most antiquities , god is the most auncient thing . for all the ancients past neyther sawe him take beginning , nor those which shal come , shall see him haue ending . secondarily , hee was asked , what thing was most beautifull : he answered , the world : because no artificiall paynting could make the like . thirdly he was asked , what was the greatest thing : to that hee answered , place , wherein all things doe stand . for the place which containeth all , of necessitie must be greater then all . fourthly , it was asked him , who knoweth most : he answered , that no man was wiser then time , because time alwayes onely inuented new things ; and is he which renueth the olde . fiftly , they asked him , what was the lightest thing ? hee answered , the wit of man , because that without trauel and danger it passeth the sea , to discouer and compasse all the whole earth . sixtly , they asked him , what was the strongest thing : he said , that man that is in necessitie : for necessitie reuiueth the vnderstanding of the rude , and causeth the coward to be hardy in perill . seuenthly , they asked him , what was the hardest thing to know ? hee answered , for man to know himselfe : for there should bee no contentions in the world , if man knew himselfe . eightly , they asked him , what thing was sweetest to obtaine : hee answered , desire : for the man reioyceth to remember the paines past , and to obtayne to that he desireth present . ninthly , they asked him , when the enuious man is quyet : he answered , when he seeth his enemy dead , or vtterly vndon for truely the prosperity of the enemie is a sharpe knife to the enuious heart . tenthly , hee was asked , what man should doe to liue vprightly ? hee answered , to take the counsell to himselfe , which hee giueth to another . for the vndoing of all men is , that they haue plentie of counsell for others , and want for themselues . the eleuenth question was , they asked him , what profite he hath that is not couetous ? whereunto hee answered : that such a one is deliuered from the torments of his auarice , and besides that hee recouereth friends for his person : for riches tormenteth the auaricious , because hee spendeth them not . the twelfth , they asked him , what the prince should doe to gouerne others ? hee answered , hee ought first to gouerne himselfe , and then afterwards to gouerne others . for it is vnpossible the rod should bee right , where the shadow is crooked . by the occasion of this last answer , i did bring in here all these questions , to the ende princes and rulers might see , how that euery one of them is as the rod of iustice , and that the common-wealth is none other but a shadow of them , which in all , and for all , ought to be right . for immediatly it is perceiued in the shadow of the comon-wealth , if the iustice or life of him which gouerneth , bee out of his order . therfore concluding that all i haue spoken before , if a prince would aske mee why he is a prince : i would tell him in one word onely : that hee which is the high prince , hath made you a prince in this world , to the ende you shuld be a destroyer of heretikes , a father of orphanes , a friend of sages , a hater of malicious , a scourge of tyrants , a rewarder of good , a defender and protector of churches , a plague of the wicked , a onely louer and friend of the commonwealth , and aboue all you ought to bee an vpright minister of iustice : beginning first with your owne person and pallace : for in all things amendment is suffered , except in iustice , which ought to bee equall , betweene the prince and common-wealth . chap. xxxvi . what plutarch the philosopher was : of the wise words hee spake to traian the emperour : and how the good prince is the head of the publike-weale . in the time of traiana the emperour , there flourished in his court a philosopher named plutarch , a man very pure , and of good life , wise in science , and well esteemed in rome . for traian the emperor desired greatly to haue wise men in his companie , and to make notable and sumptuous buyldings in euery place where he came . it was hee which wrote the liues of many noble greekes and romanes , and aboue all hee made a booke entituled the doctrine of princes , which hee offered to the emperour traian : in the which hee sheweth his vertues , the zeale which he had to the common-wealth , the highnes of his eloquēce , & the profoundnes of his knowledge . for he was elegant in writing , and pleasant in speaking : and among all other things which hee wrote in his booke , were these words following : most worthie to be noted , and written in golden letters ; and they are such : i let thee to know lord traian , that thou and the empire are but one mysticall bodie , in manner and forme of a liuely bodie : for they should , and ought to be so correspondent and agreeable , that the emperor should reioyce to haue such subiects , and the empire ought to be gladde to haue such a lord. and to the ende wee may describe the mysticall bodie , which is the empyre , in the forme and shape of a natural man , you shall vnderstand that the head which is aboue all , is the prince which commaundeth all : the eyes whereby we see , are the good men in the commonwealth whom we followe : the eares that heare what wee say , are the subiects , which doe what wee commaund them : the tongue wherewith we speake , are the sages , of whom we heare the lawes and doctrines : the hayres which growe on our heads , are those which are vexed and gricued , and that demaund iustice of the king : the handes and armes , are the knights , which resist the enemyes : the feet which sustaineth the mēbers , are the tyllers of the ground which giueth meate to all estates : the hard bones that sustaineth the feeble and soft flesh , are the sage men , which endure the burden and trauell of the common-wealth : the hearts which we see not outwardly , are the priuie councellours , finally , the necke that knitteth the bodie with the head , is the loue of the king , combined with the whole realme , which make a common-wealth , all the words abouenamed spake plutarch the great , vnto traian the emperour . and truly the inuention and grace of him , proceeded of an high and deepe vnderstanding ; for the head hath three properties , which are very necessary for the gouernor of the common-wealth . the first is , that euen as the head is of all other members of the body the highest , so the authority of the prince exceedeth the estates of all others . for the prince onely hath authoritie to commaund , and all others are bound to obey , admit there be many that are stout , rich , and noble men in the common-wealth : yet all ought to knowe and acknowledge seruice to the lorde of the same . for the noble and worthie princes doe daily ease many of diuers seruices , but they will neuer exempt any man from their loyaltie and allegeance . those which are valiant and mighty in a realme , should content themselues with that wherewith the battlements doe vpon a castle ( that is to know ) that they are hier then the rampers wherein men walke on the wals , and lower then the pinnacles which are on the toppe : for the wise man of high estate , ought not to regard the prince which is the high pinnacle , but ought to looke on the alleis , which are the poore comfortlesse . i would speake a word , and it greeueth me ( that is ) whereas great lords desire in the commonwealth to commaund , is like vnto him that holdeth his armes and hands ouer his heade : for all that i haue heard , and for all that i haue reade , and also for all that hath chanced in my time , i counsell , admonish , and warne all those which shall come after this time , that if they will enioy their goods , if they will liue in safeguard , and if they will bee deliuered from tyranny , and liue quiet in the common-wealth , that they doe not agree to haue in one realme aboue one king and one lord : for it is a generall rule , where there are many rulers in a common-wealth , in the end both it and all must perish . wee see by experience , that nature formed vs with many sinewes , many bones , with much flesh , with many fingers , and with many teeth : and to all this one only body had but one head : wherefore though with many estates the common-wealth is ordayned : yet with one prince alone it ought to bee ruled . if it consisted in mens hands to make a prince they would then also haue the authority to put him down : but being true , as it is most true indeede , that the prince is constituted by god , none but god alone ought to depriue & depose him of his estate , but thinges that are measured by the diuine iudgment , man hath no power with razour to cut them . i know not what ambition the mean can haue ? neither what enuie the lowest can haue , nor what pride the highest can haue , to command , and not to obey , since wee are sure , that in this mysticall body of the common-wealth , hee which is most worth , shal be no more esteemed , then the fingers , or paring the nailes , or the falling of an haire from the head . let euery man the fore liue in peace in his common-wealth , and acknowledge obedience vnto his prince : and he that will not do so , away with him : for euen as the onely offence proceedeth of him , so let the onely paine rest vpon him . for it is an old saying , that hee that taketh vp the sword against his maister , will shortly after lay his head at his feete . the second condition is , to compare the king to the head , because the head is the beginning of mans life . the most part of things that euer god created , according to their natures , worke their operations , as in growing high , and towards the heauens . we see the vapors ascend high , the trees budde out on high , the sourges of the sea mount high , and the nature of fire is alwayes to ascend & mount on high : onely the miserable man , groweth downwards , and is brought low , by reason of the feeble and fraile flesh , which is but earth , & commeth of earth , and liueth on earth : and in the ende returneth to earth againe , from whence he came . aristotle saith well , that man is as a tree , planted with the rootes vpwardes : whose roote is the head , and the stocke is the bodie : the braunches are the armes , the barcke is the flesh , the knoties are the bones , the sappe is the heart : ( which with the braine , is the seate of the soule , first liuing , and last dying : ) the rottennes is malice , the gumme is loue , the flowers are wordes : and the fruites , are the good workes . to make the man to goe vprightly , his head should be where his feet are , and the feete where the head is , sith the head is the root , and the feet are the bowes : but in this case i sweare that we are correspondent to our beginning : for it our flesh bee planted contrariwise , so much more contrary we haue our life ordered . therefore concerning our matter , i say , that the realme hath no lesse his beginning of the king , then the king of the realme : which thing is plainely seene , for that the king giueth lawes and institutions vnto a realme , and not the realme to the king. the gifts and benefits which the king giueth , cōmeth to the realm and not from the realme to the king. to inuent wars , to take truce , to make peace , to reward the good , and to punish the euill , proceedeth from the king to the realme , and not to the contrary . for it appertaineth only to the maiesty of a prince , to commaund and ordaine : and to the common wealth to authorize and obeye him . as in a great sumptuous building it is more dāgerous , where one stone of the foundation doth fall , thē when ten thousand tiles fall from the toppe : so he , ought more to bee blamed for one onely disobedience committed and done to the king , and his iustice , then for fiue thousand offences against the common wealth : for wee haue seene of a little disobedience , a great slander arise in a cōmon wealth . o it is a goodly matter for a prince to be beloued of his subiects , and a goodly thing also for the realme to be fearefull of their king : for the king that is not loued of his subiects , cannot liue in peace or quiet : & therealm that is not fearefull of their king cannot be well gouerned . the realme sicilia had alwayes mighty princes and gouernors : for in ancient time it was gouerned by vertuous princes , or els by cruell and malicious tyrants . in the time of seuerus the emperour , there raigne● in cecil , a king called lelius pius , who had so many good things in him , that throughout all the empire hee was very well esteemed , and chiefly for foure lawes amongst others , he ordayned in that realme , which were these following . wee ordaine , that if amongst equall persons there bee any iniuries offered , that they be punished , or else that they be assembled : for where enuy is rooted betweene two , it profiteth more to recōncile their good willes , then to punish their persons . wee ordaine , that if the greatest bee offended by the least , that such offence bee little reproued , and well punished : for the audacite and little shame , and also the disobedience of the seruant to the master , ought not to be reformed , but by grieuous punishment . we ordaine , that if any resist or speake against the commandement of a prince , that presently ( without delay ) he suffer death before them all : for they may boldly by the way of supplication , reuerently declare their griefes , and not by slaunder rebelliously disobey their lords . wee ordaine , that if any rayse the common wealth against the prince , hee that can first strike off his head , may lawfully without fearing any daunger of punishment : for his head is iustly taken from him , that would there should be many heades in the common weale . of all this before spoken , herianus is the authour , in his fourth booke of the kinges of sieile , where hee putteth many and singular lawes and customes , whith the auncients had to the great confusion of those that be present for truely the auncients did not onely exceede those that bee present in their works & doings : but also in speaking profound wordes . therefore returning to our matter , mans life greatly trauelleth alwayes to defend the head , in such sort that a man would rather suffer his hand to bee cut off , then to suffer a wound to bee made in his head , by this comparison : i meane that a fault in a common-wealth , is a cut which cankereth and festereth , but the disobedience to a prince is a wound which forthwith killeth . if a man did aske mee what vnion princes should haue with their common wealth , i would answere them in this sort , that the wealth of the king and realme consisteth herein . that the king should accompany with the good , and banish the euill . for it is vnpossible that the king should bee beloued of the common-wealth , if the company hee hath about him be reputed vicious . hee should also loue his realme without dissimulation , and the realme should serue him vnfaynedly : for the common-wealth which knoweth it to bee beloued of their prince , shall not finde any thing too hard for his scruice . further , that the king vse his subiects as his children , and that the subiects serue him as a father : for generally the good father cannot suffer his children to bee in danger , neyther the good children will disobey their father . also the king ought to bee iust in his commaundements , and the subiects faithfull : for if it bee a good thing in their seruices , to liue vnder a iust law , it is much better to liue vnder a iust king. also the king ought to defend his subiects from enemies , and they ought well to pay him his tribute : for the prince who defendeth his people from enemies and tyranny , worthily deserueth to be lord of all their goods , also the king ought to keepe his common-wealth in quiet , and ought not to be presumptuous of his persō : for the prince which is not feared , & well esteemed , shall neuer be obeyed in his commandement . finally , i say , that the good king ought to do his realme pleasure , and the faithfull subiects ought to endeauour themselues , neuer to displease their king. for that prince cannot be called vnfortunate , who of his common-wealth is loued and obeyed . chap. xxxvii . as there are two sences in the head , smelling and hearing : so likewise the prince which is the head of the common-weale , ought to heare the complaints of all his subiects , and should know them all , to recompence their seruices . wee haue shewed , how the prince is the commō welth . and now wee will let you vnderstand another notable thing which is this : that as all sences are in the head , so ought all estates to bee in princes : for the vertues which are in many spred and scattered should be in one prince found and gathered . the office of the feet is not to see but to goe : the hands office is not to heare , but to labour : the shoulders not to feele , but to beare : all these offices are not seemely for the members , which are his subiects , but appertaineth to the king alone to exercise them : for the head to haue eyes , & no other members , meaneth nought else , but that onely to the prince , and to none other , appertaineth to know all : for iulius caesar knew all those of his host , and named them by their proper names . i counsell , and admonish you , oh ye princes all , which shall heare , see , or read this thing , that yee do reioyce to visite , and to be visited : to see and to be seene : to talke , and to be talked with : for the things which with your eyes you see not , you cannot perfectly loue . a man ought also to know that the head only hath eares to note , that to the king , and to none other , appertaineth to heare all , and to haue the gates open for all them that haue any sutes : for it is no small matter to a commonwealth , to heare and obtaine of the prince easie audience . helius spartianus commendeth highly tratan the emperour , that when he was on horseback to go to the warre , alighted againe , to heare the complaint of a poore romaine . which thing was maruellously noted amongst all the romains : for if men were not vaine they should giue a prince more honour for one worke of iustice , then for the victorie in many battells . truely to a king it is no pleasure , but rather paine and griefe , and also for the common people annoyance , that their prince alwayes should be enclosed and shut vp . for the prince which shutteth his gates against his subiects . causeth them not to open their hearts willingly to obey him . how manie and great slaunders doth there arise in the commonwealth , only for that the prince sometime will not speake ? iulius caesar was emperour , and the head of all the empire , and because hee was musing of weightie matters , and would not hearken to him which would haue reuealed the treason conspired against him , was the same day , with . wounds in the senate murdered . the contrarie is read of marcus aurelius the emperor , who was so familiar with all men , that howbeit hee was chiefe of all , and that the affaires which now are diuided to manie , depended then onely of him : yet he neuer had porter of his gate , nor chamberlain of his chamber : and for many affaires that euer hee had to d ee with many men ( were they neuer so great ) hee was neuer longer then one day about thē . for truely ( if i may say it ) a prince is not worthy to be beloued , that is scarse of his words , vnto those which faithfully serue him with works : for wise princes should be quicke in hearing , and graue in determining . for manie come to speake with princes , which thinke that their counsells shall not bee accepted , nor their reuestes graunted , yet they desire importunatly to be heard , and of truth the prince ought to heare them : for the heauie heart with sorrowes burdened , when it is heard , is greatly lightned . i would faine know why the sence of smelling is onely in the head , and not in the feete , nor in the handes , neither in any other part of the bodie ? truly it signifieth nought else , but that it appertaineth to the prince ( which is the head of all ) to heare , and know all , and therefore it is necessary hee be informed of all their liues . for the prince cannot gouerne his commonwealth well , vnles he knoweth the particularities thereof . it is necessary that the prince know the good , to the ende he may preferre them : for that commonwealth is greatly slandred , wherein the euill are not punished , nor the good honored . it is necessary that the prince know the sage , to counsel with them : for the ancient romaines neuer admitted any for coūsellors , but those which with phylosophie were adorned . it is necessary he know the euill for to correct them : for there is a great disorder in the commonwealth , where without any shame the wickednes of the wicked is cloked & vnpunished . it is necessary the prince do know those that are able to teach , for in the court of the romaine princes , there were alwayes captaines , which taught and shewed how to handle their weapōs , and wise men , which taught and instructed them sciences , it is necessarie the prince knew the poore of his realme , for to ayde and succour them : for the prince should so gouerne the common-wealth , that among the rich nothing should abound : nor amōg the poore any thing should want . it is necessary the prince know the presumptuous and malicious , for to humble them : for the poore by enuie , and the rich by pride , heretofore haue detstroyed great commonwealths . it is necessarie the prince know the peacekeepers , for to keepe and maintaine them in peace : for it is the duty of a prince to plucke downe the stout stomackes of the prowde , and to giue wings of fauour to the humble . it is necessary that the prince know them which haue done him seruice , to the end they may be rewarded , according to theyr merites : for the stoute and noble hart for little fauour shewed vnto him , bindeth himselfe to accomplish great things . it is necessary the prince know the noble-men of his kingdome , to the ende that when time of need shall require , he might retaine and take them into his seruice : for it is but meete , that that man which is adorned with vertue and nobilitie , should bee preferred aboue all others in the common-wealth . finally ( i say ) it is necessary , that the prince should know the murmurers , neuer to credit them : and likewise to know those that tell the truth , alwayes to loue them . for none shuld be more familiar , thē the wise man to giue him coūsell , & the vpright man , to tell the truth . and contrariwise , none ought to bee more abhorred of the prince , then the flatterer and ignorant man. o how necessarie it is for a prince to know & vnderstand all things in his realme , to the end no man might deceyue him , as they doe now a dayes . for the most part of princes are deceiued , for none other cause , but for that they will not be counselled , and informed by wise and discreet men . for , many crout●h vnto princes with faire wordes , ( as though they meant him good seruice ) but theyr intent is contrarie , by deceyt to get an office , and secke their owne profite . helius spartianus saith , that alexander seuerus ( the xxv . emperour of rome ) was a man very stoute , and vertuous , and amongst all other things , they greatly commēded him , because in his chamber he had a familiar booke , wherein he had written all the nobles of his realme and empire , and when any office was voyde , they saide nothing else to him , but that it is voyde : for the emperour did not graunt it to him that sought it , but ( by the secrate information of his booke ) to him that best deserued it . i will and may sweare , and all other princes shal wel affirme the same , that though they erre in distributing theyr offices , they do not erre for that they would erre : yet they cannot denie , but that they erre grieuously , for that they will not be enformed , and thogh they bee informed , yet it were better they were not informed at all : for he shall neuer giue the prince good nor perfect counsell , which ( by that counsel ) intendeth to haue some proper interest . the chiefest thing for princes , is to knowe how to choose the best in prosperitie , and how to auoyde the worst in aduersitie , and to know how to reward the good men liberally . and truly in this case noble princes should haue more consideration towards them which haue done them the worthiest and loyalst seruice , then to the importunate sutes of his familiar friendes : for hee shall thanke the seruant that procureth it , but not the prince that geueth it . all that wee speake is to no other purpose , but to perswade , that sith the prince is lord of all , it is reason , that hee bee enformed of the state & condition of all : for otherwise hee shall bee deceyued by a thousand malicious hearts which are in the common wealth . therefore to conclude i say , if the prince bee not enformed of the life of all , the skinne will seeme flesh , the brain meate , the straw corn , the brasse golde , the gall honey , and the dregs good wine : i meane in diuiding his offices , thinking to hit the white , he shall oft times mil●e the butte . chap. xxxviii . of the great feast the romanes celebrated to the god ianus , the first day of ianuary , and of the bounty and liberality of the emperour mareus aurelius the same day : among the solemne feasts which the ancient romanes vsed , this was one to the god ianus , the which they celebrated the first day of the year , which now is the first of ianuary . for the hebrewes beganne their yeare in march , and the romanes beganne at ianuarie . the romanes painted this god with two faces , signifying thereby the end of the yeare past , and the beginning of the yeare present . to this god ianus was dedicated in the city of rome a sumptuous temple , which they called the temple of peace , and was in great reuerence throughout all the city : for the citizens on this day offered great gifts and sacrifices , because hee should defend them from their enemies : for there is no nation nor people to whom warre euer succeeded so prosperously , but that they had rather liue in peace then in warre . when the romane emperours went to the warres , or came from the warres , first they visited the temple of iupiter , secondarily , the temple of the vestall virgins , and thirdly , they visited the temple of the god ianus : because there was a law in rome , that the emperour should at his going forth to the warres visite the temple of iupiter last of all , and at his return againe , the temple of ianus first . and let them that be desirous of antiquities here know , that when the emperour should goe to the warres in the temple of the goddesse vesta , they put vppon his shoulders the royall mantell , and in the temple of iupiter all the senators kissed his foote , and in the temple of ianus the consuls kissed his arme . for since the time that the cruell sylla caused three thousand neighbours to dye which kissed his right hand , they neuer after kissed the hands of any emperour in rome : therefore sith the gentiles would not issue out of rome before that first they had taken the benediction of those vaine gods : how much more ought christian princes to doe it , which know well that their temples are consecrated to the true god , and ordained for his seruice onely . for the man that forgetteth god , and committeth his affayres to men , shall see how his businesse will thriue at the hands of men . therefore proceeding forth , the day wherein the feast of the god ianus was celebrated , euery man left his worke , and reioyced through all the streetes of rome , no more then lesse then in the feasts of iupiter , mars , venus , berecinthia : for the feasts of the other gods ( sith they were many in number ) were not celebrated , but in certaine places in rome . the romanes on that day , put on their best apparrell , for they had a custome in rome , that hee which had not that day change of apparrell to honor the feast , should eyther goe out of rome , or else keepe himselfe locked in his his house . that day they set on their houses many lights , & made great bonefires before their dores , and had sundry and many playes and pastimes : for the feasts of vain men are more to delight their bodies then to reforme their minds . they watched all the night in the temples , and also they deliuered al the prisoners which were imprisoned for debt , and with the common treasures payd their debts . furthermore , they had a custome in rome , that they should sustaine all the senators ( which were fallen into pouerty ) with the goods of the commōwealth . they had that day tables set before their dores , furnished with all sorts of meates , so that that which remayned and was left , was more worth then that which was eaten , for vaine glorious men auant themselues more of that which in bankets and feastes is left , then they doe of that which is eaten . they sought all that day for poore men , because they should be prouided of all things : for it was an auncient law , that none should bee so hardy to make any open feast , except first hee had prouided for all them of his streete . the romanes thought that if they spent liberally that day , the god ianus would deliuer them from pouerty , because he was the god of temporall goods . and they sayd further , that the god ianus was a god very thankefull , and acknowledged the seruices that were done vnto him , and beleeued earnestly that if they spent freely for his sake , hee would requite it double . in the feast of this god ianus many processions were made , not altogether , but the senate went by themselues , the censors by themselues , the people by themselues , the matrones by themselues , the maidens by them ▪ the vestall virgins by themselues , and all the straunge embassadors went with the captiues in procession , there was a custome in rome that the same day the emperor shold weare the imperiall robe , all the captiues which could touch him with their hands were deliuered , and al the transgressors pardoned , exiles and outlawries were called againe . for the roman princes were neuer present in any feast , but they shewed some noble example of mercie , or gentlenes toward the peeple . at this time marcus aurelius was emperor of rome , and married with the beautifull lady faustina , ( who in the feast of ianus ) leauing in procession the company of the senators , came into the procession of the captiues , the which easily touched his robe , whereby they obtayned liberty , the which they so greatly desired : i say desired ; for truly the captiue is contented with a small thing . and because there is no good thing by any good man done , but immediately by the wicked it is repined at : this deede was so contrary to the euill , as ioyfull to the good : for there is nothing bee it neuer so good , not so well done , but forthwith it shall bee contraried of them that be euill . of this thing i haue seene by experience ( in this miserable life sundry examples ) that euen as among the good one onely is noted to be chiefe : so likewise among the euill , one is noted principall aboue the rest . and the worst i finde herein is , that the vertuous doe not so much glory of their vertue , as the euill and malitious hath shame and dishonour of their vice : for vertue naturally maketh a man to bee temperate and quiet , but vice maketh him to bee dissolute and retchlesse . this is spoken , because in the senate of rome , there was a senatour called fuluius , whose beard & hayres were very white , but in malice , hee was most cankered blacke : so that for his yeares hee was honoured in rome of many , and for his malice he was hated of all . the senator fuluius made friends in the time of adrian to succeede in the empire , and for this cause he had alwayes marcus aurelius for his competitor , and wheresoeuer hee came he alwayes spake euill of him , as of his mortall enemy . for the enuious heart can neuer giue a man one good word . this senators heart was so puffed with enuy that hee seeing marcus aurelius to obtaine the empire being so young , and that hee being so olde could not attaine thereunto : there was no good that euer marcus aurelius did in the common-wealth openly , but it was grudged at by fuluius , who sought alwayes to deface the same secretly . it is the nature of those which haue their hearts infected with malice , to spitte out their poison with wordes of spite . oft times i haue mused which of these two are greater , the duety the good haue to speake against the euil , or else the audacity the euill haue to speake against the good : for in the world there is no brute beast so hardy , as the euill man is , that hath lost his fame . oh would to god the good to his desire had as much power to doe good works , as the euill hath strength to his affection , to exercise wicked deedes : for the vertuous man findeth not one hand to helpe him in vertue to worke , yet after hee hath wrought it , hee shall haue a thousand euill tongues against his honest doings to speake . i would all these which reade this my writing , would call to memory this word ( which is ) that among euill men the chiefest euill is , that after they haue forgotten themselus to be men , and exiled both truth and reason , thē with all their might they goe against truth and vertue with their words , & against good deeds with their tongs : for though it bee euill to bee an euill man , yet it is worse not to suffer an other to bee good , which aboue all things is to bee abhorred , and not to bee suffered . i let you know and assure you , princes and noble men , that you in working vertuous deeds , shall not want slaunderous tongues , and though you bee stout , yet you must bee patient to breake theyr malice . for the noble heart feeleth more the enuie of another , then hee doth the labour of his owne body . princes should not be dismayed , neither ought they to maruell , though they bee tolde of the murmuring at their good works : for in the end they are men , they liue with men , & cannot escape the miseries of men : for there was neuer prince in the world yet so high , but hee hath beene subiect to malitious tongues . truly a man ought to take great pitty of princes , whether they bee good or euill : for if they bee euill , the good hate them , and if they bee good , the euill immediately murmureth against them . the emperour octauian was very vertuous , yet greatly persecuted with enuious tongues , who on a time demaunded ( since he did good vnto al men ) why he suffered a few to murmur against him ? hee answered : you see my friends , hee that hath made rome free from enemies , hath also set at liberty the tongues of malitious men : for it is not reason that the hard stones should be at liberty , and the tender stones tyed . truly , this emperour octauian by his words declared himselfe to bee a wise man , and of a noble heart , and lightly to waigh both the murmurings of the people , and also the vanities of their words , which thing truly a wise and vertuous man ought to doe : for it is a generall rule , that vices continually seeke defendors , and vertues alwayes getteth enemies . in the booke of lawes the diuine plato sayth well , that the euill were alwayes double euill , because they were weapons defensiue , to defend their malitious purpose : and also carry weapons offensiue , to blemish the good works of others . vertuous men ought with much study to follow the good , and with more diligence to flye from the euill : for , a good man may commaund all other vertuous men with a backe of his finger , but to keepe himselfe onely from one euill man , hee had neede both hands , feet and friends . themistocles the thebane sayde , that hee felt no greater torment in the world then this , that his proper honour should depend vpon the imagination of an other : for it is a cruell thing that the life and honor of one that is good , should be measured by the tongue of an other that is euill : for as in the forge the coales , cannot bee kindled without sparkes nor as corruption can not bee in the sinckes without ordure : so hee that hath his heart free from malice , his tongue is occupied alwayes in sweete and pleasant communication . and contrariwise out of his mouth , whose stomack is infected with malice , proceedeth alwayes words bitter and ful of poyson : for , if out of a rotten furnace the fire burneth , it is impossible that the smoake should be cleare . it is but a small time , that ( in prophane loue ) he that is enamored , is able to refraine his loue , and much lesse time is the wrathfull man able to hide his wrath : for the heauy sighes are tokens of the sorrowfull heart , and the words are those that disclose the malicious man. pulio sayeth in the first booke of caesars , that the emperor marcus aurelius was very vertuous in all his works , sage in knowledge , iust in iudgment , mercifull in punishment : but aboue all things he was wise in dissembling , and herein he was very discreet : for there was neuer patient man but prospered well in all his affayres . wee see that through patience and wisedome , many euill things become reasonable , & frō reasonable are broght to good , & from good to excellent . the contrary hapneth to them that are moued more then they need : for the man which is not patient , looketh not yet for any good successe in his affayres , thogh they are iust . the emperour marcus oft times was wont to say , that iulius caesar wan the empire by the sword , augustus was emperor by inheritance , caligula came to it , because his father conquered germany , nero gouerned it with tyranny , titus was emperor , for that he subdued iury , the good traian came to the empire by his clemency and vertue : but i ( sayeth he ) obtained the empire through patience onely : for it is a greater patience to suffer the iniuries of the malitious , then to dispute with the sage in the vniuersity . and this emperour sayde further , in the gouernment of the empire : i haue profited more through patience , then by science : for science only profiteth for the quietnesse of the person , but patience profiteth the person , and the commonwealth . iulius capitolinus saith that the emperor antoninus pius was a prince very pacient , and in such sort , that often times being in the senate , hee saw both those which loued him , and also those that were against him with the people when they did rebell : yet his patience was so great , that neither his friends for the vnthankefulnesse of themselues , remayned sad , neyther his enemies for any displeasure by him done , did at any time complain . meaning therefore in this chapter , to ioine the end with the beginning : i say , that as the emperour marcus aurelius put himselfe among the captiues , and that this deed in rome of all men was commended : the senatour fuluius could not refraine from speaking , for that he had not the wit to endure it , wherfore as it were scoffing he spake these words to the emperour . lord , i maruell why thou yeeldest thy selfe to all , which thing for the reputation of the empire cannot bee suffered , for that it is not decent for thy maiesty . the emperour marcus aurelius seeing & hearing that in the presence of them all , the senator fuluius spake vnto him these words , he tooke it patiently , & with pleasant countenance sayde , the questions which the senator fuluius propoundeth , let it bee for to morrow , because my answere may bee the riper , and his choller the quieter . therefore the next day following , the emperour marcus came into the high capitoll ( as pulio declareth in the life of marcus aurelius ) and spake these words . chap. xxxix . of the answer the emperour marcus aurelius made to the senatour fuluius before all the senate , being reproued of him for his familiaritie hee vsed to all , contrary to the maiestie and authoritie of the romane emperour , wherein he painteth enuious men . fathers conscript , and sacred senate , i would not yesterday answere to that which the senator fuluius spake vnto mee , because it was somewhat late , and for that wee were long in sacrifices , i thought that neyther time nor place was conuenient to answere thereunto . for it is a signe of a little wisdome , and of great folly for a man to answere sodenly to euery question . the liberty that vndiscreet men haue to demaund , the selfe same priuiledge hath the wise for to answere : for though the demaund proceed of ignorance , yet the answere ought to proceede of wisedome : truly wise men were well at ease , if to euery demaund they should answere the simple and malitious : who ( for the most part ) demaund more to vexe other men , then for to profite themselus , more for to proue then to know : wherefore wise men ought to dissemble at such demaundes : for the sages ought to haue their eares open to heare , and their tongue tyed because they should not speake . i let you know ( ancient fathers , and sacred senate ) that that little which i know , i learned in the isle of rhodes , in naples , in capua , and in tharente . and all tutors tolde mee , that the intention and end of men to study , was onely to know to gouern themselues amongst the malicious : for science profiteth nothing else , but to know how to keepe his life well ordered , and his tongue well measured . therfore i protest to god , that which i will say before your sacred presence , i will not speake it of any malice or ill will , but onely to answere vnto that which toucheth the authority of my person : for the things which touch the honour , ought first by word to be answered , and afterwards by sword to be reuenged . therefore now beginning my matter , and addressing my words to thee fuluius , and to that which thou spakest vnto me , asking why i shew my selfe so to all men : i answere thee : it is because al men should giue them selues to me . thou knowest well fuluius , that i haue beene a consul as thou art , and thou hast not beene an emperour as i am . therefore beleeue mee in this case , that the prince being despised , cannot bee beloued of his people : the gods will not , nor the lawes doe permit , neyther the commonwealth willingly should suffer , that all princes should bee lords of many , and that they should not communicate but with a few : for princes which haue beene gentle in their liues , the ancients haue made them gods after their deathes , the fisher , to fish for many fishes in the riuer , goeth not with one boate alone , nor the mariner to fish in the deepe sea , goeth not with one net onely . i meane , that the profound wills , which are deeply in the hearts , ought to bee won some by gifts , other by promises , other by pleasant words , and other by gentle entertainement : for princes should trauell more to winne the hearts of their subiects , then to conquere the realmes of strangers : the greedy and couetous harts care not , though the prince shutteth vp his heart , so that he open his cofers : but noble and valiant men little esteeme that which they locke vp in their cofers , so that their hearts bee open to theyr friends . for loue can neuer but with loue againe be requited . sith princes are lords ouer many , of necessitie they ought to bee serued with manie : and beeing serued with manie , they are bound to satisfie manie : and this is as generally , as particularly , they cannot dispence with their seruants . for , the prince is no lesse bound to pay the seruice of his seruant , then the maister is to pay the wages of the hyred labourer . therefore if this thing be true ( as it is ) how shall poore princes do , which keepe many realmes , and in keeping them they haue great expences , and for to defray such charges , they haue but little money ? for in this case , let euery man doe what hee will , and let them take what counsel they like best . i would counsell all others , as my selfe haue experimented , that is : that the prince shuld be of so good a conuersation , amongst those which are his , : and so affable and familiar with all , that for his good conuersation onely , they should thinke themselues well apaide . for with rewards , princes recompence the trauells of theyr seruants : but with gentle and faire words , they steale and robbe the harts of their subiects . wee see by experience , that diuers marchants had rather buye dearer in one shop , because the merchāt is pleasant , then to buy better cheap in an other , wheras the merchant is churlish . i meane that there are manie , which had rather serue a prince to gaine nothing but loue onely , then to serue an other prince for money . for there is no seruice better imploied , thē to him which is honest , good , and gracious : and to the contrary , none worse bestowed then on him which is vnthākfull and churlish . in princes pallaces there shall neuer want euill and wicked men , malicious and diuelish flatterers , which will seeke meanes to put into theyr lords heads how they shal raise their rents , leuy subsidies , inuent tributes , and borrow money : but there are none that will tell them how they shal winne the hearts and good willes of their subiects , though they know it more profitable to bee well beloued , then necessary to be enriched . he that heapeth treasure for his prince , and separateth him from the loue of his people : ought not to bee called a faithfull seruant , but a mortall enemy . princes and lords ought greatly to endeauour themselues to bee so conuersant among their subiects , that they had rather serue for good will , then for the payment of money : for if mony want , their seruice wil quaile : and hereof proceedeth a thousand inconueniences vnto princes , which neuer happen vnto those that haue seruants , which serue more of good will then for money : for hee that loueth with all his heart , is not proude in prosperity , desperate in aduersity : neyther complayneth he of pouertie , nor is discontented being fauourles : nor yet abashed with persecution : & finally , loue and life are neuer separated , vntill they come vnto the graue . wee see by experience , that the rablement of the poore labourers of sicill is more worth , then the money of the knight of rome : for the labourer euery time he goeth to the field , bringeth some profit frō thence : but euery time the knight sheweth himselfe in the market place , he returneth without money . by the comparison , i meane , that princes should bee affable , easie to talke with all , pleasant , mercifull , benigne , and stout : and aboue all , that they bee gratious and louing , to the end that through these qualities , and and not by money , they may learne to winne the hearts of their subiectes . princes should greatly labour to bee loued , specially if they will finde who shall succour them in aduersity , and keepe them from euill will and hatred , which those princes cānot haue that are hated : but rather , euery man reioyceth at their fall and misery : for each man enioyeth his owne trauel , and truly the furious and sorrowfull hearts take some rest , to see that others haue pitty and compassion vpon their griefes . princes also should endeauour themselues to bee loued and well willed , because at their death they may of all their seruants and friends bee lamented . for princes ought to bee such , that they may be prayed for in their life , and lamented and remembred after their death . how cursed is that prince , and also how vnhappy is that common-wealth , where the seruants will not serue their lord , but for reward : and that the lorde dooth not loue them but for theyr seruices : for there is neuer true loue where there is any particular interest . with many stones a house is builded , and of many men and one prince ( which is the head of all ) the common wealth is made : for hee that gouerneth the common wealth may be called a prince , and otherwise not : and the common-wealth cannot bee called or sayde a common wealth , if it hath not a prince which is the head thereof . if geometrie do not deceyue me , the lime which ioyneth one stone with an other , suffereth well that it bee mingled with sand , but the corner-stone that lyeth on the toppe ought to bee medled , with vnsl●ked lime . and it soundeth vnto good reason : for if the nether-stones seperate , the wall openeth : but if the corner stone should slippe , the building incontinently falleth . i suppse ( fathers conscript , ) you vnderstand very well to what end i applie this comparison . the loue of one neighbour with an other , may suffer to be cold but the loue of a prince to his people , should bee true and pure . i meane that the loue amongst frends may passe sometimes although it bee colde : but that loue betweene the king and his people , at al times ought to be perfect . for where there is perfect loue , there is no fayned wordes , nor vnfaithfull seruice . i haue seene in rome many debates and hurly-burlyes among the people , to haue bin pacified in one day : and one onely which betweene the lorde and the commonwealth ariseth , cannot be pacified vntill death : for it is a dangerous thing for one to striue with many , and for many to contend against one . in this case , where the one is proud , and the other rebelles , i will not excuse the prince , nor yet let to condemne the people . for in the end he that thinketh himselfe most innocent , deserueth greatest blame . and from whence thinke you commeth it , that lords now adayes commaund vniust things by furie ? and the subiects in iust matters will not obey by reason , i will tell you . the lord doing of will , and not of right , would cast the wills of all in his own braine , and deriue from himselfe all counsell . for euen as princes are of greater power then all the rest : so they thinke they knowe more then all the rest . the contrary hapneth to subiects , who ( beeing prouoked , i cannot tell you with what frensie ) despising the good vnderstanding of theyr lorde , will not obey that which their prince willeth , for the health of them all , but that which euery man desireth particularly : for men now a dayes are so fonde that euery man thinketh the prince should looke on him alone . truely it is a strange thing ( though it be much vsed among men ) that one man should desire that the garments of all others should be meete for him : which is as vnpossible , as if one mans armour should arme a whole multitude . but what shall we be ( fathers conscript and sacred senate ) sith our fathers left vs this world with such follie : and that in these debates and strifes , wee theyr children , are alwayes in dissention and controuersie , and in this wilfalnes , wee shall also leaue our children and heyres ? how many princes haue i seen and read of in my time , of my predecessors , which were vtterly vndon , by too much pride and presumption ? but i neuer read nor hearde of any , which were destroyed for being courteous , and louing to his subiects . i will declare by some examples , which i haue read in bookes , to the end that the lords may see what they win by theyr good conuersation , and what they loose by being too hautie . the realme of the sidonians was greater then that of the chaldeans in weapons , and inferiour in antiquitie , vnto that of the assyrians , . in this realme there was debastia , which was called a king of kings , that endured two hundred and xxv . yeeres , because all these kings were of a commendable conuersation . and another of debastia , endured no longer then forty yeares . and our ancients tooke pleasure of peace , wherof we are 〈◊〉 : and were ignorant of the 〈…〉 which wee now vse so much . alwayes they desired to haue kings , which should bee good for the common-wealth in peace , rather then valiant and couragious in the warre : as homere in his ilyades saith : the auncient egiptians called theyr kings epiphanes , and had a custom , that epiphanes should enter into the temples barefoote : and because it chanced the epiphane on a time to come into their church hoased , hee was immediately for his disobediēce depriued and expulsed the realme , and in his stead an other created . homere declareth here , that this king was prowde , and euill conditioned , wherfore the egyptians depriued him , and banished him the realme , taking oceasion that hee did not enter into the temple barefoot . for truely when lordes are euill-willed , and not beloued , for a little trifle and occasion the people will arise , and rebell against them . the said homer saide also , that the parthes called theyr kings assacides , and that the sixt of that name was depriued and expulsed the realme : for that of presumption hee bad himselfe to the marriage of a knight , and being bidden and desired , would not goe to the marriage of a poore plebeyan . cicero in his tusculanes , sayth , that in olde time , the people perswaded theyr princes to communicate with the poore , and that they should abstaine & flye from the rich : for among the poore they should learne to bee mercifull , and with the rich they shall learne nothing but onely to bee prowd . yee knowe right well ( fathers conscript ) how this our countrey was first called great greece , afterwards it was called latium , and then italie . and when it was called latium , they called their kings marrani , and truely although theyr borders were but narrow : yet at the least theyr stoutnesse was great . the annales of those times say , that after the thirde syluius , succeeded a marrine , who was proude , ambicious , and euill conditioned , in such sorte , that for feare of the people , alwaies he slept locked vp : and therefore they both depriued him , and banished him the realme : for the auncients sayd , that the king should locke his dores at no houre of the night against his subiects : neyther he should refuse in the day to giue them audience . tarquine which was the last of the seuen kings of rome , which was very vnthankfull towards his father in law , he was an infamie to his bloud , a traitour to his countrey , and cruell of his person , who also enforced the noble lucretia , and yet notwithstanding this they doe not call him vnthankfull , infamous , cruell , traitour , nor adulterer : but tarquine the proude : onely for that he was euill conditioned . by the faith of a good man , i sweare vnto you ( fathers conscript ) that if the miserable tarquin had bin beloued in rome , hee had neuer bin depriued of the realme , for committing adulterie with lucretia . for in the end if euery light offence , which in youth is committed , should bee punished within short space , there should be no common-wealth . all these euils both before and after tarquine , were committed by the ancients in the romaine empire , which were such as these , ( of this young and light prince ) and were nothing in comparison vnto thee . for truly considering the youth of the one , and the experience of the other : the greatest offence of the young , is but a counterfeit to the least that the olde committeth . iulius caesar last dictatour , and first emperour of rome , ( beeing a thing commendable both to senatours , to salute the emperour on theyr knees , and to the emperour , to rise against them , and resalute eache one according to this order ( because of presumption , and that he would not obserue this ceremonie , ) with xxiii . woundes they dispatched him of his life . tiberius was an emperour , whome they blame for drunkennes . caligula was an emperor also , whome they accuse of incest with his sisters , nero was an emperour , who ( for that hee slew his mother , and his maister seneca : ) hath for euer bin named cruell . sergius galba was a deuouring and a gluttonous emperor , for that he caused for one onely banket , seuen thousand bynds to be killed , domitian was an emperour , who was greatly noted of all euils . for all euils which in manie were scattered , in him alone were found . all these miserable princes in the ende were betrayed , hanged , and beheaded . and i sweare vnto ye ( fathers conscript ) that they died not for theyr vices , but because they were proud and euill conditioned . for finally , the prince for one vice onely , cannot much endamage the people : but for being too haultie and presumptuous , and of euill conditions , they may destroy a commonwealth : let princes and great lords be assured , that if they giue many occasions of euill example , afterwardes one onely-suffiseth , to stirre theyr subiects to destroy them . for if the lord shew not his hatred , it is for that hee will not , but if the subiect do not reuenge , it is for that he cannot . beleue me ( fathers conscript , & sacred senate , ) that euen as the physition with a little triacle purgeth many euil humors of the body , so the sage princes , with very litle beneuolence , draw out of theyr subiects , much rancour and inward filthinesse of heart : diuerting their euill wills into true and faithfull loue . and because the members should be agreable with the head , in mine opinion it behoueth the people to obey the commaundements of theyr prince and to doe honour , and to reuerence his person : and the good prince to bee iust and equall to all in generall , and gentle in conuersation with euery one . o happy commonwealth , wherein the prince findeth obedience in the people and the people in like manner loue in the prince , for the loue of the lord , springeth obedience in the subiect : and of the obodience of the subiects , springeth loue in the lord. the emperour in rome ; is , as the spyder in the midst of her cobweb : the which beeing touched with the needles point , by one of the threedes of the same ( bee it neuer so little ) immediately the spyder feeleth it . i meane , that all the worke which the emperor doth in rome , are immediately published throughout all the countrey . for in fine , since princes are the myrrour of all , they can not well cloake theyr vices . i see ( fathers conscript ) that i haue bin iudged here of worldly malice , because i accompanyed the captiues in procession , and also , because i suffered my selfe to bee touched with them , to the ende they might enioye the priuiledge of their libertie : and in this case i render most humble thanks vnto the immortall gods , because they made mee a mercifull emperour : to set those at libertie , that were in prison : and that they made me not a cruell tyrant , to set those in prison , which were at liberty . for the prouerb saith , that with one bean , a man may take . pigeons : euē so chanced the like herein yesterday . for the benefite was don for those miserable captiues : but the example of humanitie was shewed to all strange nations . and know ye not , that whē the prince vnloseth the irons frō the feet of the captiues , he bindeth the harts , goods , and lands of his subiects ? concluding therefore i say , that to the princes it were more safety , and to the common wealth more profite , to be serued in their pallaces by free hearts with loue : then by subiects which are kept vnder by feare . chap. xl. of a letter which the emperour marcus aurelius sent to his friend pulio , declaring the opinion of certaine philosophers concerning the felicitie of man. marcus aurelius emperour of rome , tribune of the people , high bishop , secōd consull and monarche of al the romane empire , wisheth to thee pulio his olde friend , health to thy person , and prosperitie against thy euill fortune . the letter that thou wrotest vnto mee from capua , i receyued here at bethinia , and if thou diddest write it with a good heart , i did reade it with willing eyes : wherof thou oughtest somewhat to content thee : for it is an olde saying of homer , that that which is well viewed with the eyes , is tenderly beloued of the heart . i protest vnto thee by the faith of the immortall gods , that i do not write vnto thee as a romane emperour , that is to say , from the lord to the seruant : for in this sorte , i should write vnto thee briefe , and touching the purpose : which thing ought not to bee done to the peculiar friend : for the letters of graue men should neuer beginne , and the letters of vs friends should neuer end . i write vnto thee my friend pulio , as to a priuate friend , to an olde companion of mine , and as to him , which is a faithfull secretary of my desires , and in whose company i was neuer displeased , in whose mouth i neuer found lye , and in whose promise there was neuer breach made . and the thing being thus . i shuld commit treason in the law of friendship , if i keepe secret from thee any of my inward conceites : for all the griefes which lye buried in the wofull heart , ought not to bee communicated but with a faithfull friend . doest thou thinke pulio , that the romane emperour hath little trauell to write vnto thee as emperour , to speake as emperour , to walke as emperour , and to eate as emperour : and finally , to bee as emperour indeed : certes i do not maruell hereat . for truely the life of the vertuous emperour , is but a dyall which ordereth or disordereth the common-wealth : and that whereof i maruell , is of the folly of rome , and vanity of the common wealth . for as much as all say , that the prince ( if he will seem graue , and be well esteemed of the people ) ought to goe softly , to speake little , & to write briefly : so that for writing of letters they will he be briefe , and for conquering of strange realmes , they doe not rebuke him although hee be long . wise men should desire that their princes be of gentle condition , to the end they fall not to tyranny , that they haue their mind vncorrupted to minister to all equall iustice , that their thought bee good , not to desire straunge realms , that they haue their hearts voide from wrath , that they bee sound within to pardon iniuries , that they loue their subiects to bee serued of them , that they know the good to honour them , and that they know the euill to punish them : and as for the surplus , we little regard whether the king go fast , whether he eate much , or write briefe . for the danger is not in that which is in the lacke of his owne person : but it is in the negligence that he vseth in the common-wealth . i haue receyued ( my friend pulio ) great comfort of thy letter , but yet much more i should haue receiued of thy presence : for the letters of auncient friends , are but as a remembrance of times past . it is a great pleasure to the mariner , to talke of the perils past ( being in the hauen , and to the captain to glorie of the battell , after the victorie . ) i meane aboue all pleasures this is the greatest to men , beeing now faithfull friends , to talke of the trauells & dangers which they had passed , when they were young men . belieue me in one thing , & do not doubt therof : there is no man that knoweth to speak , that knoweth to possesse , nor that cā iudge or take any pleasure , neyther that well knoweth how to keep the goods which the gods haue giuen him , vnlesse it be hee that hath bought it deerely , with great trauell . for with all our hearts wee loue that thing , which with our owne proper labour and trauell wee haue gotten . i aske thee one thing : who is hee that oweth most to the gods , or that is most esteemed amongst men ? of traian the iust , which was brought vp in the warres of dace , germanie , and spaine ? or of nero the cruell , which was nourished in all the deliciousnes of rome . truely the one was none other then a rose among bryers , and the other , was but a nettle amongst flowers . i spake this , because the good traian hath gouerned his life in such sorte , that alwayes they will smell the rose by the pleasant sauour : but the cruell nero hath left the sting the nettle of his infamie . i will not speake all , because many are , and were made good , but for the most part the princes which were brought vp deliciously ; gaue euery man occasion that al shuld be offended , for the euill gouernance of their liues in their realmes : and because they neuer experimented any kinde of trauell in themselues , they do little esteeme the paines of another . i will not that thou thinke my friend pulio , that i haue forgotten the time that is past , though the gods brought me to the empire present . for thogh we together were tossed with the torments of youth , yet now wee may repose our selues in the calmes of our age . i do remember , that thou and i did study in rhodes in letters , and after we had sowen weapons in capua , it hath pleased the gods that the seedes of my fortunes should ripen heere in rome : and to thee , and to others better then i , fortune would not giue one only eare . i doe not giue thee licence , that thy thought be suspicious of me , sith thou of my hart art made a faithfull friend : for if vnconstant fortune doth trust mee , to gather with trauell the grape , know thou that heere in my palace , thou shalt not want of the wine . the gods will not suffer , that now in this moment , thou shuldst find my heart shut from thee , whose gates i found alwaies ( for the space of twentie yeares ) open vnto mee . sith that my fortunes wrought me to the empire , i haue alwayes had two things things before mine eyes : that is to say , not to reuenge my selfe of mine enemies , neither to bee vnthankfull to my friends : for i pray to the gods daylie , rather then hereafter , through vnthankfulnes my renowm should be defamed : that euen now with forgetfulnes my bodie should be buryed . let a man offer to the gods what sacrifices he will , let him doe as much seruice to men as he can : yet if he be vnthankfull to his friend , hee ought in all , and for all , to bee vtterly condemned . because thou shouldest see my friend pulio , how greatly the auncient friend ought to bee esteemed , i will declare thee an example of a philosopher , the which to heare , thou wilt somewhat reioyce . the auncient histories of the grecians declare , that among the seuen sages of greece , there was one named periander , who was prince & gouernour a great while : and he had in him such liuelinesse of spirit on the one side , and such couetousnesse of worldly goods on the other side , that the historiographers are in doubte , whether was the greater , the philosophy that hee taught reading in the schooles , or the tyranny that hee vsed in robbing the common-wealth : for truly the science which is not grounded of truth , bringeth great damages to the person . in the second yeare of my empire , i was in the city of corinth , where i saw the graue which contained the bones of periander , where about was engrauen in greeke verses and old letter this epitaph . within the compasse of this narrow graue , wretched periander , enclosed lyes , whose cruel facts , could greece alone not haue so small a soyle his hunger could suffice . here lodgeth oke , loe periander dead , his filthy flesh , the hungry wormes doe eate , and liuing he , with orphelines good was fed his greedy guts did craue such dainty meate . the tyrant periander stayeth here , whose life was built , to hinder all the rest , and eke whose death , such profit large did bear as brought reliefe to him that had the least . here wicked periander , resteth now , his life did cause great peopled realmes decay : his death that forst , his liuing sprite to how , assurde them life , that stoode in brittle stay . the cursed periander heere doth lye , whose life did shed the poore and simple blood : and eke that clambe , to riches rule so hye , by others swette , they sought for wasting good . of corinth loe , here periander rest , to seeme for iust , that equall lawes did frame yet flitting from the square that they possest , by vertues doome , deserude a tyrants name , the catiue periander sleepeth here , that finisht hath his . years with shame , and though his life that thousands bought so deer be faded thus , yet bloometh stil his blame . there was more letters on the graue , but because it was alone in the fielde , the great waters had worne it , so that scarsely the letters could bee roade : and truely it was very olde , & in his time it seemed to bee a sumptuous thing , but the negligence of reparation lost it quite : and it is not to bee maruelleed at , for in the end time is of such power , that it causeth renowmed men to be forgotten and all the sumptuousbuildings to decay and fall to the earth . if thou wilt know , my friend pulio , in what time the tyrant this philosopher was , i will thou know , that when catania the renowned city was builded in cicilia , neere the mount ethna , and when perdica was the . king of macedonia , and that cardiced was the third king of the medes , and when candare was fift king of the libeans , and that assaradoche was ninth king of the assyrians , and when merodache was twelfth king of the caldeaus , and that numa pompilius raigned second king of the romanes : and in the time of those so good kinges , periander raigned amongst the assirians . and it is meete thou know an other thing also which is this , that this periander was a tyrant , not only in deede , but also in renowme : so that they spake of no other thing thorow greece , but it tended hereunto : though hee had euill works , hee had good words , and procured that the affayres of the common-wealth should bee well redressed . for generally , there is no man so good , but a man may finde somewhat in him to bee reproued : neyther any man so euill , but hee hath some thing in him to bee commended . i doe yet remember ( of my age , being neyther too yong , nor too old ) that i saw the emperour traian my lord , suppe once in agrippine : and it so chanced , that wordes were moued to speake of good and euill princes in times past , as wel of the greekes as of the romans , that all those which were present there , cōmended greatly the emperour octauian , and they all blamed the cruell nero : for it is an ancient custom to flatter the princes that are present and to murmur at princes that are past . when the good emperour traian was at dinner , and when he praied in the temple , it was maruell if any man saw him speake any word : and that day , since hee saw that they excessinely praysed the emperour octauian , and that the others charged the emperour nero with more then needed : the good traian spake vnto them these words . i am glad you commend the emperour octauian , but i am angry you should in my presence speake euill of the emperour nero , and of none other : for it is great infamy to a prince being aliue , to heare in his presence any prince euill reported after his death . truely the emperour octauian was very good , but yee will not deny me but hee might haue beene better : and the emperour nero was very euill : but you will graunt mee hee might haue beene worse . i speake this , because nero in his first fiue yeares was the best of all , and the other nine following he was the worst of all : so that there is both cause to disprayse him , and also cause to commend him . when a vertuous man will speake of princes that are dead before princes which are aliue , hee is bound to prayse onely one of their vertues that they had , and hath no licence to reueale the vices whereof they were noted : for the good deserueth reward , because he endeauoureth himselfe to follow vertue : and the euill likewise deserueth pardon , because through frailety he hath consented to vice . all these wordes the emperour traian spake , i being present , & they were spoken with such fiercenes , that all those which were there present both chaunged their colour , and also refrayned their tongues . for truly the shamelesse man feeleth not so much a great stripe of correction , as the gentle heart doth a sharpe worde of admonition . i was willing to shew thee these things , my friend pulio , because that since traian spake for nero , and that hee found in him some prayse , i doe thinke no lesse of the tyrant periander , whom though for his euill works hee did , wee doe condemne : yet for his good words that he spake , and for the good lawes which hee made , wee doe prayse : for in the man that is euill , there is nothing more easier then to giue good counsell , and there is nothing more harder then to work well , periander made diuers lawes for the common wealth of the corinthians , whereof here following , i wil declare some . wee ordaine and command , that if any by multiplying of wordes kill another ( so that it were not by treason ) that hee bee not therefore condemned to dye , but that they make him slaue perpetuall to the brother of him that is slaine , or to the next of his kinne or friendes : for a short death is a lesse paine then a long seruitude . wee ordaine and commaund , that if any thiefe bee taken , hee shall not dye , but with a hote yron shall bee marked on the forehead to bee knowne for a theefe : for to shamelesse men long infamy is more paine then a short life . wee ordaine and commaund , that the man or woman , which to the preiudice of an other shall tell any lye , shall for the space of a moneth carry a stone in their mouth : for it is not meete that hee which is wont to lye , should álwayes bee authorized for to speake . wee ordaine and commaund , that euery man or woman , that is a quarreller and seditious person in the common wealth , bee with great reproach banished from the people : for it is vnpossible that hee should be in fauour with the gods , which is an enemy to his neighbor . wee ordaine and commaund , that if there bee any in the common wealth , that haue receyued of an other a benefite , and that afterwards it is proued he was vnthankefull , that in such case they put him to death : for the man that of benefites receyued is vnthankefull , ought not to liue in the world among men . behold therefore my friend pulio , the antiquity which i declared vnto thee , and how mercifull the corinthians were to murtherers , theeues and pirates : and contrary , how seuere they were to vnthankefull people , whom they commaunded forthwith to be put to death . and truely in mine opinion the corinthians had reason , for there is nothing troubleth a wise man more , then to see him vnthankefull to him , whom heo hath shewed pleasure vnto . i was willing to tell thee this history of periander for non other cause but to the end thou shouldest see and know , that for as much as i do greatly blame the vice of vnthankefulnes , i will labour not to bee noted of the same : for hee that reproueth vice , is not noted to be vertuous : but hee which vtterly flyeth it . count vpon this my word that i tell thee , which thou shalt not thinke to bee fayned , that though i bee the romane emperor , i will be thy faithfull friend , and will not fayle to bee thankeful towards thee . for i esteeme it no lesse glory to know how to keep a friend by wisdome : then to come to the estate of an emperour by phylosophy . by the letter thou sentest , thou requiredst me of one thing to answere thee : for the which i am at my witts end : for i had rather open my treasure to thy necessities , then to open the books to answer to thy demands , although it be to my cost . i confesse thy request to be reasonable , and thou deseruest worthy prayse : for in the end it is more worth to know , how to procure a secret of antiquities past , then to heape vp treasures for the necessities in time to come . as the philosopher maketh philosophie his treasure of knowledge to liue in peace , and to hope , and to looke for death with honour , so the couetous ( being such a one as hee is ) maketh his treasure of worldly goods for to keepe and preserue life in this world in perpetual warres , and to end his life , and take his death with infamy . herein i sweare vnto thee , that one day employed in philosophy is more worth , then ten thousand which are spent in heaping riches : for the life of a peaceable man is none other then a sweet peregrination : and the life of seditious persons is none other but a long death . thou requirest me , my friend pulio , that i write vnto thee wherein the ancients in times past had their felicity : know thou that their desires were so diuers , that some dispraysed life , others desired it : some prolonged it , others did shorten it : som did not desire pleasure but trauels , others in trauels did not seeke but pleasures : that which variety did not proceede , but of diuers ends , for the tastes were diuers , and sundry men desired to tast diuers meates . by the immortall gods i swear vnto thee , that this thy request maketh me muse of thy life , to see that my philosophy answereth thee not sufficiently therein : for if thou aske to proue mee , thou thinkest mee presumptuous : if thou demaund in mirth , thou countest mee to bee too light , if thou demaundest it not in good earnest , thou takest mee to bee simple : if thou demaundest mee for to shew it thee , be thou assured i am ready to learne it : if thou demandest it for to know it , i confesse i cannot teach it thee : if thou demandest it because thou mayest be asked it , be thou assured that none will bee satisfied with my answere : and if perchance thou doest aske it , because sleeping hast dreamed it , seeing that now thou art awake , thou oughtest not to beleeue a dreame : for all that the fantasie in the night doth imagine , the tong doth publish it in the morning . o my friend pulio , i haue reason to complaine of thee , for so much as thou doest not regard the authority of my person , nor the credite of thy philosophy , wherefore i feare least they will iudge thee too curions in demaunding , and mee too simple in answering : all this notwithstanding , i determine to answere thee , not as i ought , but as i can , not according to the great thou demaundest , but according to the little i know , and partly i doe it to accomplish thy request , and also to fulfill my desire . and now i thinke that all which shal reade this letter , will bee cruell iudges of my ignorance . of the philosopher epicurius . in the olimpiade : . serges being king of perses , and the cruell tyrant lysander captaine of the peloponenses , a famous battell was fought betweene the athenians and lysander , vpon the great riuer of aegeon , whereof lysander had the victory : and truly vnlesse the histories deceyue vs , the athenians took this conflict grieuously , because the battell was lost more through negligence of their captaines then through the great number of theyr enemies . for truely many winne victories more through the cowardlinesse that some haue , then for the hardinesse that others haue . the philosopher epicurus at that time florished , who was of a liuely wit , but of a meane stature , and had memorie fresh , being meanely learned in philosophy , but he was of much eloquēce and for to encourage and counsell the athenians , he was sent to the warres : for when the ancients tooke vpon them any warres , they chose first sages to giue counseil , then captains to leade the souldiers . and amongst the prisoners the philosopher epicurus was taken , to whom the tyrant lysander gaue good entertainement and honoured him aboue all other : and after hee was taken , hee neuer went from him , but read philosophy vnto him , and declared vnto him histories of times past , and of the strength and vertues of many greekes and troians . the tyrant lysander reioyced greatly at these things : for truly tyrants take great pleasure to heare the prowesse and vertues of ancients past , and to follow the wickednesse and vices of them that are present . lysander therefore taking the triumph , and hauing a nauie by sea , and a great army by land , vpon the riuer of aegeon , he and his captaines forgot the danger of the wars , and gaue the bridle to the flothfull flesh , so that to the great preiudice of the common wealth they led a dissolute and idle life . for the manner of tyrannous princes is , to leaue off their ownt trauell , and to enioy that of other mens . the philosopher epicurus was alwayes brought vp in the excellent vniuersity of athens , whereas the philosophers liued in so great pouerty , that naked they slept on the ground : their drinke was colde water , none amongst them had any house proper : they despised riches as pestilence , and labored to make peace where discord was , they were onely defenders of the common wealth , they neuer spake any idle word , and it was a sacriledge amongst them to heare a lye : and finally , it was a law inuiolable amongst them , that the philosopher that should bee idle should bee banished , and he that was vicious should be put to death . the wicked epicurius forgetting the doctrine of his master , and not esteeming grauity ( whereunto the sages are bound ) gaue himselfe wholly both in words and deedes vnto a voluptuous & beastly kind of life wherin he put his whole felicity . for hee sayde , there was no other felicity for slothfull men , then to sleepe in soft beds : for delicate persons to feele neyther hote nor cold : for fleshly men to haue at their pleasure amorus dames : for drunkards not to want any pleasant wines , and gluttons to haue their fils of al delicate meats : for herein hee affirmed to consist all worldly felicity . i doe not maruell at the multitude of his schollers which hee had , hath , and shall haue in the world . for at this day there are very few in rome , that suffer not themselues to be mastered with vices : and the multitude of those which liue at their owne wils and sensuality , are infinite . and to tell the truth , my friend pulio , i do not maruell that there hath been vertuous , neither doe i muse that there hath beene vitious : for the vertuous hopeth to rest himselfe with the gods in an other world by his well doing : and if the vitious bee vitious , i doe not maruell , though he will goe and engage himselfe to the vices of this world , since he doth not hope , neyther to haue pleasure in this , not yet to enioy rest with the gods in the other . for truly the vnstedfast beleefe of an other life ( after this ) wherein the wicked shall bee punished , and the good rewarded causeth that now a dayes the victous and vices raigne so as they doe . of the philosopher eschilus . artabanus beeing the sixt king of persians , and quintus concinatus the husbandman beeing onely dictator of the romanes , in the prouince of tharse , there was a philosopher named aeschilus , who was euill fauoured of countenance , deformed of body , fierce in his lookes , and of a very grosse vnderstanding , but hee was fortunate of credite : for he had no lesse credite amongst the tharses , then homer had among the greekes : they say , that though this philosopher was of a rude knowledge , yet otherwise he had a very good naturall wit , and was very diligent in harde things , and very patient with these that did him wrong , hee was exceeding couragious in aduersity , and moderate in prosperities . and the thing that i most of all delighted in him was , that hee was courteous and gentle in his conuersation , and both pithie and eloquent in his communication . for that man onely is happy , where all men prayse his life , and no man reproueth his tongue . the auncient greekes declare in their histories , that this philosopher aeschilus was the first that inuented tragedies , and that got money to represent them : and sith the inuention was new and pleasant , many did not onely follow him , but they gaue him much of their goods . and maruel not thereat my friend pulio , for the lightnesse of the common people is such , that to see vaine things all will runne : and to heare the excellency of vertues , there is not one will goe . after this philosopher aeschylus had written many bookes specially of tragedies , and that he had afterward trauelled through many countries & realmes , at the last hee ended the residue of his life , neare the isles which are adioyning vnto the lake of meatts . for as the diuine plato saveth , when the auncient philosophers were young , they studied , when they came to be men they trauelled , and then when they were old they retyred home . in mine opinion this philosopher was wise to do as he did , and no lesse shall men now a dayes bee that will imitate him . for the fathers of wisdome are science and experience : and in this consisteth true knowledge when the man at the last returneth home from the troubles of the world. tell me , my friend pulio , i pray thee , what dooth it profite him that hath learned much , that hath heatd much , that hath knowne much , that hath seene much , that hath beene farre , that hath bought much , that hath suffered much , and hath proued much , that had much , if after great trauell he doth not retire to repose himselfe a little : truly hee cannot be counted wise but a foole that willingly offereth himselfe to trauell , & hath not the wit to procure himselfe rest : for in mine opinion , the life without rest , is a long death . by chance as this ancient philosopher was sleeping by the lake meatis , a hunter had a hare with him in a cage of woode to take other hares by : whereon the eagle seazed , which tooke the cage with the hare on high : and seeing hee could not eate it , hee cast it downe againe , which fell on the heade of this philosopher , and killed him . this philosopher aeschylus was demaunded in his life time , wherein the felicity of this life consisted ? hee answered , that in this opinion it consisted in sleeping , and his reason was this , that when wee sleepe the entisements of the flesh do not prouoke vs , nor the enemy persecute vs , neyther the friends do importune vs , nor the colde winter oppresse vs , nor the heate of long sommer doth annoy vs , nor yet wee are not angry for any thing wee see , nor wee take any care for any thing we heare . finally , when wee sleepe , wee feele not the anguishes of the body : neyther suffer the passion of the mind to come . to this end yee must vnderstand that when they were troubled , hee gaue them drinks , which caused them immediatly to sleepe , so that so soone as the man did drinke it , so soone hee was a sleepe . finally , all the study wherein the epicurians exercised themselues , was in eating and seeking meates : and the chiefe study of this aeschilus was in sleeping , and hauing soft beds , of the philosopher pindarus . in the yeare of the foundation of the city of rome , . darius the second of that name , king of persia , who was the sonne of histapsie , and in the lynage of kinges , the fourth king of persia , iunius brutus , and lucius collatinus being consuls in rome which were the first consuls that were in rome . there was in the great city of thebes in egypt , a philosopher named pindarus , who was prince of that realme . they write of this philosopher , that in philosophy he excelled all those of his time , and also in teaching , singing , and playing of musicke , hee was more excellent then any of all his predecessors : for the thebanes affirmed , that there was neuer any seen of such aptnes in speaking and so excellent deliuering of his fingers in playing , as pindarus was : and moreouer hee was a great morall philosopher , but not so excellent in naturall philosophy : for hee was a quiet and vertuous man , & could better worke then reach , which thing is contrary now a dayes in our sages of rome . for they know little , and speake much : and worst of all in their wordes they are circumspect , and in their deedes very negligent . the diuine plato in his booke that he made of lawes , mentioneth this philosopher , and iunius rusticus in his thebaide sheweth one thing of him , and that is , that an ambassadour of lides being in thebes , seeing pindarus to bee of a vertuous life , and very disagreeable in his words , hee spake vnto him in such words . o pindarus , if thy wordes were so limed before men , as thy workes are pure before the gods , i sweare vnto thee by those gods that are immortall , that thou shouldest bee as much esteemed in life , as promotheus was ; and shouldest leaue as much memory of thee after thy death in egypt , as the great homere left of his life in greece . they demaunded of this pindarus wherein felicity consisted ? hee aunswered : in such sort yee ought to know , that the inward scule followeth in many things ( for the most part ) the outward body : the which thing presupposed i say , that hee that feeleth no griefe in his body , may well bee called happy : for truly if the flesh bee not well , the heart can haue no rest . therefore according to the counsell of pindarus , the thebanes were aboue all other nations and people most diligent to cure the diseases of their bodies . annius seuerus sayth , that they were let bloud euery month for the great aboundance of bloud in their bodies . they vsed euery weeke vnmitations for the full stomackes . they continued the bathes for to auoide opilations . they carried sweet fauours about them against the euill and infected ayres . and finally , they studyed nought else in thebes , but to preserue and keepe their bodies as deliciously as they could inuent . of the philosopher zeno. in the olimpiade . cneus seruillus , and caius brisius then consuls in rome , which were appointed against the artikes in the moneth of ianuary , immediately after they were chosen : and in the . yeare of the raigne of ptolomeus philadelphus , this great prince ptolomeus built in the coast of alexandry a great tower which hee named pharo , for the loue of a louer of his named pharo dolouina . this tower was built vpon foure engines of glasse , it was large and high , made foure square , & the stones of the tower were as bright and shining as glasse , so that the tower being twenty foot of breadth , if a candle burned within , those without might see the light thereof . i let thee know my friend pulio , that the auncient historiograpers did so much esteeme his building , that they compared it to one of the seuen buildings of the world. at that time when these thinges flourished , there was in egypt a philosopher called zeno , by whose counsell and industrie ptolomeus built that so famous a tower , and gouerned his land . for in the olde time the princes that in their life were not gouerned by sages , were recorded after their death in the register of fooles . as this tower was strong , so hee had great ioy of the same , because he kept his dearely beloued pharo dolouina therein enclosed , to the end shee should bee well kept , and also well contented . he had his wiues in alexandria , but for the most part hee continued with pharo dolouina . for in the old time , the perses , siconians , and the chaldeans did not marry , but to haue children to enherite theyr goods : and the residue of their life , ( for the most part ) to leade with their concubines in pleasure and delight : the egyptians had it in great estimation that were great wrestlers , especially , if they were wise men , and aboue all things , they made great defiance against strangers : and all the multitude of wrastlers was continually greate : so there were notable masters among them . for truly he that dayly vseth one thing , shall at the last be excellent therein . the matter was thus : that one day amongst them , there were many egyptians , there was one that would not bee ouerthrowne , nor cast by any man vnto the earth . this philosopher zeno perceyuing the strength and courage of this great wrastler : thought it much for his estimation if he might throw him in wrastling , and in prouing he threw him dead to the earth , who of none other could euer be cast . this victory of zeno was so greatly to the contentation of his person , that hee spake with his tongue , and wrote with his penne , that there was none other ioy or felicity , then to know how to haue the strength of the armes to cast downe others at his feet . the reason of this philosopher was , that hee sayde it was a greater kinde of victory to ouerthrow one to the erth , then to ouerthrow many in the wars : for in the warres one onely wrongfully taketh the victory , since there bee many that doe winne it : but in wresiling , as the victory is to one alone , so let the onely victory and glory remaine to him , and therefore in this thing felicity consisteth : for what can bee more , then the contention of the heart . truly wee call him in this world happy that hath his heart content , and his body in health . of the philosopher anacharsis . when the king heritaches raigned among the medes , and that tarquin priscus raigned in rome , there was in the coasts of scithia a philosopher called anacharsis , who was borne in the city of epimenides . cicero greatly commended the doctrine of this philosopher , and that he cannot tell which of these two things were greater in him , that is to say , the profoundnesse of knowledge that the gods had giuen him , or the cruell malice wherewith he persecuted his enemies . for truely as pithagoras saith . those which of men are most euill willed , of the gods are best beloued . this philosopher anacharsis then being as he was of scithia ( which nation amongst the romanes was esteemed barbarous ) it chaunced , that a malitious romane sought to displease the philosopher in wordes : and truely hee was moued thereunto , more through malice then thorow simplicity : for the outwarde malitious words are a manifest token of the inward malitious hart . this romane therefore sayde to the philosopher : it is vnpossible anacharsis that thou shouldest bee a scithian borne : for a man of such eloquence cannot bee of such a barbarous nation ? to whome anacharsis answered : thou hast sayde well , and herein i assent to thy wordes , howbeit i doe not allow thy intention : for as by reason thou mayest disprayse mee to bee of a barbarous country , and commend mee for a good life : so i may iustly accuse thee of a wicked life , and prayse thee of a good country . and herein bee thou iudge of both , which of vs two shall haue the most praise in the world to come : neyther thou that art borne a romane , and leadest a barbarous life : or i that am borne a scythian , and leade the life of a romane : for in the end , in the garden of this life i had rather bee a greene apple-tree and beare fruit , then to bee a drie liban drawne on the ground . after that anacharsis had been in rome a long time , and in greece , hee determined for the loue of his country ( now being aged ) to return home to scythia , whereof a brother of his named cadmus was king , who had the name of a king , but in deede hee was a tyrant , since this good philosopher sawe his brother exercise the workes of a tyrant , and seeing also the people so desolate , hee determined to giue his brother the best counsell he could , to ordayne lawes to the people , and in good order to gouerne them : which thing being seene of the barbarous , by the consent of them all , as a man , who inuented new deuises to liue in the world , before them all , openly was put to death . for i will thou know o my friend pulio , that there is no greater token that the whole common wealth is full of vice : then when they kill or banish those which are vertuous therein : so therefore as they led this philosopher to death , he sayd hee was vnwilling to take his death , and loath to lose his life : wherefore one sayde vnto him these wordes : tell me anacharsis , sith thou art a man so vertuous , so sage , and so olde , me thinketh it should not grieue thee to leaue this miserable life : for the vertuous man should desire the company of the vertuous men , the which this world wanteth : the sage ought to desire to liue with other sages ; whereof the world is destitute : and the olde man ought little to esteeme the losse of his life , since by true experience hee knoweth in what trauels he passed his dayes : for truely it is a kind of folly for a man which hath trauelled and finished a dangerous and long iourney , to lament to see himselfe now in the end thereof , anacharsis answered him . thou speakest very good words my friend , and i would that thy life were as thy counsell is : but it grieueth mee that in this conflict i haue neyther vnderstanding , nor yet sense to taste , not that i haue time enough to thanke thee : for i let thee know , that there is no tongue can expresse the griefe which a man feeleth , when hee ought forthwith to dye . i dye , and as thou seest they kill me onely for that i am vertuous , i feele nothing that tormenteth my heart so much , as king cadmus my brother doth , for that i cannot bee reuenged : for in my opinion the chiefe felicity of man consisteth in knowing , and being able to reuenge the iniurie done without reason , before a man doth end his life . it is a commendable thing that the philosopher pardon iniuries ( as the vertuous philosophers haue accustomed to doe ) but it should bee also iust , that the iniuries which wee forgiue , the gods should therewith bee charged to see reuengement : for it is a hard thing to see a tyrant put a vertuous man to death , and neuer to see the tyrant to come to the like , mee thinketh my friend pulio , that this philosopher put all his felicity in reuenging an iniurie , during the like in this world . of the sarmates . the mount caucasus as the cosmographers say , doth deuide in the middest great asia , the which beginneth in indea , and endeth in scithia , and according to the variety of the people which inhabite the villages , hath this mount diuers names , and those which dwell towards the indians differ much from the others . for the more the countrey is full of mountaines , so much the more the people are barbarous . amongst all the other cities which are adiacent vnto the same , there is a kinde of people called sarmates , and that is the countrey of sarmatia , which standeth vpon the riuer of tanays . there grow no vines in the prouince , because of the great colde : and it is true , that among all the orientall nations there are no people , which more desire wine then they doe : for the thing which wee lacke is commonly most desired . these people of sarmatia are good men of warre , though they are vnarmed , they esteeme not much delicate meates , nor sumptuous apparrell : for all their felicity consisteth in knowing how they might fill themselues with wine . in the yeare of the foundation of rome , p . our auncient fathers determined to wage battell against those people , and other barbabarous nations , and appointed a consull called lucius pius . and sith in that warres fortune was variable , they made a truce , and afterwardes all their captaines yeelded themselues and their country into the subiection of the romane empire , onely because the consull lucius pius in a banquet ( that hee made ) filled them with wine . within this tombe lucius pius lyes , that whilom was a consull great in rome , and daunted eke ( as shame his slaunder cryes ) the sarmates sterne not by mauors his doome . but by reproofe , and shame of romane armes , he vanquisht hath , not as the romanes vse , but as the bloudy tirants , that with swarms of huge deceites , the fierce assaults refuse . not in the warres by biting weapons stroke , but at the boorde with sweet delighting foode , not in the hazard fight he did them yoke . but feeding all in rest , he stole their blood . nor yet with mighty mars , in open field , he rest their liues with sharpe ypersing speares , but with the push of drunken bacchus shield , home to hie rome , the triumph loe he beares . the sacred senate set this epitaph here , because all romane captaines , should take example of him : for the maiesty of the romanes consisteth not in vanquishing their enemies by vices and deliciousnesse , but by weapons and prayers , the romanes were very sore grieued with the and a city of this consull lucius pius , and not contented to haue beheaded him , and to haue set on his graue so defamous a title : but made proclamation forthwith thorow out all rome by the sound of a trumpet , how al that lucius pius had done , the sacred senate condemned for nothing , and should stand to no effect : for there was an auncient law in rome , when they beheaded any by iustice , they should also take away the authority hee had in rome . after the warres were ended , and all the land of sarmatia subiect , the consull lucius pius came to rome , & for reward of his trauell , required the accustomed triumph : the which was not onely denyed him , but also in recompence of his fact , hee was openly beheaded , and by the decree of all the senate , about his graue was written this epitaph . and not contented with these things the sacred senate wrote to the sarmates , that they did release them of their homage , making themselues subiects of the romanes : wherefore they restored them againe to their liberty . they did this thing because the custome among the stoute and valiant romanes was , not to gette nor winne realmes in making their enemies drunke with delicate wines , but in shedding their proper bloud in plaine field . i haue tolde thee this my friend pulio , because the consull lucius pius did perceyue that the sarmates put all their felicity to ingorge themselues with wine . of the philosopher chylo . in the . dinastia of the lacedemonians , and deodeus beeing king of medes , gigion being king of lides , argeus being king among the macedonians , and tullius hostilius king of the romaines : in the olympiade . there was in athens a phylosopher borne in greece , whose name was chylo : one of the seuen sages , which the greekes had in theyr treasurie . in that time there was great warres betweene the athenians , and the corinthians , as wee may perceyue by the greeks histories which we see written . since troy was ruinated and destroyed , there was neuer peace in greece , for the warres betwixte the greeks and troyans was neuer so great as that which afterwards they made among themselues . sith the greekes were now wise mē , they did deuide the offices of the commonwealth , according to the ability of euery person , that is to know , that to the stoute and hardy men they gaue the gouernment : to the sage they recommended the embasies of of strange countreys . and vpon this occasion the athenians sent the phylosopher chilo to the corinthians to treate of peace , who came vnto the cittie of corinth . by chaunce on that day there was celebrated a great feast , wherefore hee found all men playing at dice , the women solacing themselues in theyr gardens : the priestes shorte with theyr crosse-bowes in the temples : the senatours played in the consistory at tables : the maisters of fence played in the streetes : and to conclude , hee found them all playing . the philosopher seeing these things , without speaking to any man , or lighting off from his horse , returned to his countrey , without declaring his message : and when the corinthians went after him , and asked him why hee did not declare the cause of his comming , he aunswered : friends , i am come from athens to corinth , not without great trauell , and now i returne from corinth to athens not lattle offended : and yee might haue seene it , because i spake neuer a word to any of you of corinth : for i haue no commission to treate of peace with vnthrifty players , but with sage gouernours . those of athens commaunded mee not to keepe company with those that haue theyr hāds occupyed with dyce : but with those that haue theyr bodyes loden with harnes , and with those which haue theyr eyes dazeled with bookes . for those men which haue warres with the dyce , it is vnpossible they should haue peace with theyr neighbours . after he had spoken these words , he returned to athens . i let thee vnderstand my friende pulio , that the corinthians thinke it to be the greatest felicity in the world to occupy dayes and nights in playes : and maruel not hereat , neither laugh thou them to scorne . for it was told mee by a greeke being in antioche , that a corinthian esteemed it more felicitie to winne a game , then the romaine captaine did to winne a triumph . as they say the corinthians were wise and temperate men , vnlesse it were in playes , in the which thing they were too vicious . me thinke my friend pulio , that i answer thee more amply then thou requirest , or that my health suffereth , that which is little : so that both thou shalt be troubled to read it , and i here shall haue paine to write it . i will make thee a briefe summe of all the others which now come to my remembrance , the which in diuersethings haue put theyr ioy and chiefest felicities . of crates the philosopher . crates the philosopher put his felicity to haue good fortune in prosperous nauigation , saying , that hee which sayleth by sea , can neuer haue perfect ioy at his his heart , so long as hee confidereth that between death and life there is but one bourd : wherefore the heart neuer feeleth so great ioy , as when in the hauen he remembreth the perils which hee hath escaped on the sea . of estilpho the philosopher . estilpho the philosopher put all his felicity to bee of great power , saying , that the man which can doe little , is worth little , and he that hath little , the gods doe him wrong to let him liue so long : for hee onely is happy which hath power to oppresse his enemies , and hath wherewithall to succour himselfe , and reward his friendes . of simonides the philosopher . simonides the philosopher put all his felicity to bee well beloued of the people , saying , that churlish men and euill conditioned , should bee sent to the mountaines amongst brute beasts , for there is no greater happinesse or felicity in this life , then to bee beloued of all in the common-wealth . of archita the philosopher . archita the phylosopher , had all his felicitie in conquering a bartell , saying that naturally man is so much friend to himselfe , and desireth so much to come to the chiefe of his enterprise : that though for little trifles he played , yet he would not bee ouercome : for the heart willingly suffereth all the trauels of the life , in hope afterwardes to win the victory . of gorgias the philosopher . gorgias the philosopher put al his felicity to heare a thing which pleased him , saying , that the body feeleth not so much a great wound , as the heart doth an euill word : for truely there is no musicke that soundeth so sweete to the eares , as the pleasant wordes are sauourie to the heart . of chrysippus the philosopher , chrysippus the philosopher had all his felicity in this worlde , in making great buildings , saying , that those which of themselues left no memory , both in their life , and after their death deserued infacny : for great and sumptuous buildings , are perpetuall monuments of noble courages . of antisthenes the philosopher . antisthenes the philosopher put al his felicity in renowne after his death . for sayeth hee , there is no losse but of life , that flitteth without fame : for the wise man needeth not feare to die : so he leaue a memory of his vertuous life behinde him . of sophocles the philosopher . sophocles had al his ioy in hauing children , which should possesse the inheritance of their father : saying that the graft of him , that hath no children , surmounteth aboue all other sorrowes : for the greatest felicity in this life is to haue honour & riches , and afterwardes to leaue children which shall inherite them . of euripides the philosopher . euripides the philosopher had all his ioy in keeping a fayre woman , saying his tongue with wordes could not expresse the griefe which the hart endureth , that is accombred with a foule woman : therefore of of truth , hee which hapneth of a good & vertuous woman , ought of right in his life to desire no more pleasure . of palemon the philosopher . palemon put the felicity of men in eloquenee , saying and swearing that the man that cannot reason of all things , is not so like a reasonable man , as he is a brute beast : for according to the opinions of many , there is no greater felicity in this wretched world , then to be a man of a pleasant tongue , and of an honest life . of themistocles the philosopher . themistocles put all his felicity , in discending from a noble lynage , saying , that the man which is come of a meane stocke , is not bound to make of a renowmed fame : for truly the vertues and prowesses of them that are past , are not but an example to moue them to take great enterprises which are present . of aristides the philosopher . aristides the philosopher put all his felicity in keeping temporal goods saying , that the man which hath not wherwith to eate , nor to sustaine his life , it were better coūsell for him , of his free will to goe into the graue , then to do any other thing : for he onely shall bee called happy in this world , who hath no neede to enter into an other mans house . of heraclitus the philosopher . heraclitus put al his felicity in heaping vp treasure , saying that the prodigall man , the more begetteth , the more he spendeth , but he hath the respect of a wise man , who can keep a secret treasure for the necessitie to come . thou hast now sufficiently vnderstood my friend pulio that . moneths since , i haue been taken with the feuer quartaine , and i sweare vnto thee by the immortall gods , that at this present instant writing vnto thee , my hand shaketh which is an euident token , that the colde doth take mee , wherefore i am constrained to conclude this matter which thou demaundest mee although not according to my desire : for amongst true friendes , though the workes doe cease wherewith they serue : yet therefore the inward parts ought not to quaile , wherwith they loue . if thou doest aske mee my friend pulio , what i thinke of all that is aboue spoken , and to which of those i doe sticke : i answere thee : that in this world i doe not graunt any to bee happy , and if there be any , the gods haue them with them : because on the one side , chosing the plaine and drye way without clay , and on the other side all stony and myerie , wee may rather call this life the precipitation of the euill , then the safegard of the good . i will speake but one word onely , but marke well what thereby i meane which is , that amongst the mishaps of fortune wee dare say , that there is no felicitie in the world : and hee onely is happy from whom wisdome hath plucked enuious aduersity , and that afterwards is brought by wisedome to the highest felicitie . and though i would , i cannot endure any longer , but that the immortall gods haue thee in their custody , and that they preserue vs from euill fortune : sith thou art retired now vnto bethinie , i know well thou wouldest i should write thee some newes from rome , and at this present there are none , but that the carpentines and lusitaines are in great strife & dissention in spaine . i receiued letters how that the barbarous were quiet , though the host that was in ilium were in good case : yet notwithstanding the army is somwhat fearefull and timorous . for in all the coast and borders , there hath beene a great plague . pardon me my friend pulio , for that i am so sickly , that yet i am not come to my selfe : for the feuer quartane is so cruel a disease , that he which hath it , contenteth himselfe with nothing , neyther taketh pleasure in any thing . i send thee two of the best horses that can be found in al spaine : and also i send thee two cups of gold of the richest that can bee found in alexandria . and by the law of a good man i sweare vnto thee , that i desire to send thee two or three howers of those which trouble mee in my feuer quartane . my wife faustine saluteth thee and of her part , and mine also to cassia thy olde mother , and noble widdow we haue commended . marcus the romane emperour with his own hand writeth this , and againe commendeth him vnto his deere friend pulio . chap. xli . that princes and great lords ought not to esteeme themselues for being fayre , and well proportioned , in the time that ioshua triumphed amongst the hebrewes , and that dardanus passed from great greece to samotratia , and when the sons of egenor were seeking their sister europe , and in the time that siculus raigned in scicil , in great asia , in the realme of egypt , was builded a great city called thebes , the which k. busiris built , of whom diodorus siculus at large mentioneth . plinie in the . chapter of his naturall history , and homer in the second of his iliades , & statius in al the booke of his thebiade doe declare great maruels of this city of thebes , which thing ought greatly to bee esteemed , for a man ought not to thinke that fayned which so excellent authours haue written . for a truth they say , that thebes was in circuit forty miles , and that the walles were thirty stades hie and in bredth sixe . they say also that the city had a hundred gates very sumptuous and strong , and in euery gate two hundred horsemen watched . through the midst of thebes passed a great riuer , the which by milles and fish did greately profite the city . when thebes was in his prosperity , they say , that there was two hundred thousand fires , and besides all this , all the kings of egypt were buried in that place . as strabo sayeth , de situ orbis , when thebes was destroyed with enemies , they found therein seuenty seuen tombes of kings which had bin buried there . and here is to bee noted , that all those tombes were of vertuous kings : for among the aegyptians it was a law inuiolable , that the king which had beene wicked in his life should not bee buried after his death : before the noble and worthy numantia was founded in europe , the rich carthage in affricke , and the hardy rome in italy , the goodly capua in campaigne , and the great argentine in germanie , and the holy helia in palestine : thebes onely was the most renowmed of all the world : for the thebanes amongst all nations were renowned , as well for their riches , as for their buildings , and also because in their lawes and customes they had many notable and seuere things , and all the men were seuere in their works , although they would not bee knowne by their extreame doings . homer saith that the thebanes had fiue customes , wherein they were more extreame then any other nation . the first was , that the children drawing to fiue yeeres of age , were marked in the forehead with a hot iron , because in what places soeuer they came they should be knowne for thebanes by the marke . the second was , that they should accustome their children to trauaile alwayes on soote . and the occasion why they did this was , because the egyptians kept their beasts for their gods : and therefore whensoeuer they trauelled , they neuer rid on horsebacke , because they should not seeme to sit vpon their god . the third was that none of the citizens of thebes should marry with any of strāge nations , but rather caused thē to mary parents with parents , because the friendes marrying with friends they thought the friendship and loue should be more sure . the fourth custome was , that no thebane should in any wise make a house for himselfe to dwell in , but first hee should make his graue wherein hee should bee buried . ● mee thinketh that in this point the thebanes were not too extreame , nor excessiue , but that they did like sage and wise men : yea and by the law of verity i sweare , that they were sager then wee are . for if at least we did imploy our thought but two houres in the weeke to make our graue : it is vnpossible but that wee should correct euery day our life , the fift custome was , that all the boyes which were exceeding fayre in theyr face , should be by them strangled in the cradell : and all the gyrles which were extreame foule , were by them killed and sacrificed to the gods. saying , that the gods forgot themselues , when they made the men fayre , and the women foule : for the man which is very fayre , is but an vnperfect woman : and the woman which is extreame foule , is but a sauage and wilde beast . the greatest god of the thebanes , was isis who was a red bull nourished in the riuer of nile , and they had a custome , that all those which had red haire immediate should be sacrifised . the contrary they did to the beasts , for sith their god was a bull of tawny colour , none durst bee so bold to kill any beasts of the same colour . in such forme and maner , that it was lawful to kill both men and women , and not the brute beasts . i doe not say this well done of the thebanes to slay their children , nor yet i do say that it was well done to sacrifise men and women , which had red or tawny haire , nor i thinke it a thing reasonable , that they should doe reuerence to the beasts of that colour : but i wonder why they should so much despise foule women and faire men , sith all the world is peopled both with with faire and foule . then sith those barbarous ( liuing as they did vnder a false law ) did put him to death , whom the gods had adorned with any beautie : we then which are christians by reason ought much lesse to esteeme the beauty of the body : knowing that most commonly thereupon ensueth the vncleannesse of the soule . vnder the christall stone lyeth oft-times a dangerous worme , in the faire wall is nourished the venomous coluler , within the middle of the white tooth is ingendred great paine to the gummes , in the finest cloth the moths do most hurt , and the most fruitfull tree by wormes is soonest perished . i meane , that vnder the cleane bodyes and faire countenances , are hid many and abominable vices . truly not onely to children which are not wise , but to all other which are light and frayle , beutie is nothing else but the mother of many vices , and the hinderer of all vertues . let princes and great lords beleeue me , which thinke to be fayre and well disposed , that where there is great aboundance of corporall goods and graces , there ought to be great bones of vertues to bee able to beare them . for the most high trees by great winds are shaken : i say , that it is vanity to bee vaine glorious in any thing of this world be it neuer so perfit : and also i say that it is a great vanitie to bee prowd , of corporall beautie . for among all the acceptable gifts that nature gaue to the mortals , there is nothing more superfluous in man , and lesse necessary , then the beauty of the body . for truly whether be we faire or foule , we are nothing the better beloued of god , neither thereby the more hated of men , o blindnesse of the world ! o life which neuer liueth ! o death which neuer shall end ! i know not why man through the accident of this beauty should or durst take vpon him any vaine glory or presumption : sith he knoweth that all the fairest , and most perfitest of flesh , must be sacrificed to the wormes in the graue . and know also , that all the propernesse of the members shall be forfeited to the hungrie wormes which are in the earth . let the great scorne the little as much as they will , the fayre mocke the foule at their pleasure , the whole disdaine the sicke , the well made enuy the deformed , the white hate the blacke , and the giants despise the dwarfes : yet in the ende all shall haue an ende . truly in my opinion , the trees beare not the more fruit , for that they are straight onely , nor for being high , neither for giuing great shadow , nor for being beautifull , nor yet for being great . by this comparison i meane , that though a noble and stout man be proper of person , and noble of linage , shadowing of fauor , comely in countenance , in renowne very high , and in the commonwealth puissant , that therefore he is not the better in this life . for truely the common wealthes are not altered by the simple laborers which trauell in the fields : but by the vicious men which take great ease in their liues . vnlesse i be deceiued , the swine and other beasts are fed vnder the oakes with the acornes , and among the pricking briers and thorns the sweet roses doe grow , the sharpe beech giueth vs the sauory chestnuts . i meane , that deformed and little creatures oft times are most profitable in the commonwealth . for the litle and sharpe countenances , are signes of valiant and stout hearts . let vs cease to speak of men which are fleshly , being eftsoons rotten and gone , and let vs talke of sumptuous buildings which are of stone , which if we should goe to see what they were , we may know the greatnesse and the height of them . then wee shall not know the manner of their beauty : and that which seemed to be perpetuall , in short space we see it end , and lose the renowme , in such sort that there is neuer memory of them hereafter . let vs all leaue the ancient buildings & come to the buildings now a dayes , and none shall see that there is no man that maketh a house , bee it neuer so strong nor faire , but ( liuing a little while ) he shall see the beautie thereof decay . for there are a great number of ancient men , which haue seene both the tops of famous and strong buildings made , and the foundation and ground thereof decayed . and that this is true it appeareth manifestly , for that if the toppe decay , or the wals fall , or else if the timber bee weake , or the ioynts open , or the windowes waxe rotten , or the gates doe breake , the buildings forthwith decay . what shall we say of goodly halls & galleries well appointed , the which within short space , by coles or candles of children , or by torches of pages , or smoke of chimneys , by cobwebs of spiders , become as drie and foule , as before they were fresh and faire . then if that bee true which i haue sayd of these things , i would now gladly know , what hope man can haue of the countenance of his beautie , since wee see the like destruction of corporall beauty , as of stones , wood , bricke and clay . o vnprofitable princes , o children too foolish hardy , do you not remember that all your health is subiect to sicknes , as in the pain of the stomack , in the heate of the liuer , the inflammation of the feete , in the distemperance of humors , in the motions of the aire , in the coniunctions of the moon in the eclipse of the sunne : i say doe you not know that you are subiect to the tedious summer , and vntollerable winter ? of a truth i cannot tell how you can be ( among so many imperfections and corruptions ) so full of vaine glory , by your beauty , seeing & knowing that a litle feuer doth not onely deface and man the beauty , but also maketh and coloureth the face all yealow , bee it neuer so well fauoured . i haue maruelled at one thing , that is to say , that all men are desirous to haue al things about their body clean their gownes brushed , their coates neate , their table handsome , and the bed fine , and onely they suffer their soules to be foule , spotted and filthy . i durst say , and in the faith of a christian affirme , that it is a great lacke of wisedome , and a superfluity of folly , for a man to his haue house clean , & to suffer his soule to be corrupted . i wold know what preheminence they haue which are fair , aboue others to whom nature hath denyed beautie . peraduenture the beautifull man hath two soules , and the deformed creature but one ? peraduenture the most fairest are the most healthfull , and the most deformed are the most sickliest : peraduènture the most fairest are the wisest , and the most deformed the most innocent : peraduenture the fairest are most stout , and the deformed most cowards : peraduenture the faire are most fortunate , and the foole most vnluckiest : peraduenture the faire only are accepted from vice , and the foule depriued from vertue : peraduenture those which are faire , of right haue perpetuall life , and those which are foule , are bound to replenish the graue : i say no certainely . then if this be true , why doe the great mocke the little , the faire the foule , the right the crooked , and the white the blacke , since they know that the vaine glory which they haue , and their beauty also , shall haue an end to day or tomorrow . a man that is faire and well proportioned , is therefore nothing the more vertuous : and he that is deformed and euil shapen , is nothing therfore the more vicious : so that vertue dependeth not at all of the shape of body , neither yet vice proceedeth of the deformity of the face . for dayly wee see the deformity of the body to be beautified with the vertues of the minde : and the vertues of the minde , to be defaced with the vice of the body in his works . for truely he that in the vsage of his life hath any botch or imperfection , is worse then he that hath foure botches in the shoulders . also i say , that though a man be great , yet it is not true that therefore he is strong : so that it is not a generall rule , that the big body hath alwayes a valiāt couragious heart nor the man which is of little person , should be of a vile and false heart . for we see by experience , the greatest men , the most cowards : and the least of personage , the most stout and hardy of heart . the holy scipture speaketh of king dauid , that he was red in his countenance , and not big of body , but of a meane stature , yet notwithstanding as he and the mighty giant goliah were in campe , dauid killed goliah with a sling , and with his owne sword cut of his head . we ought not maruaile , that a litle sheapheard should slay so valiant and mighty a giant . for ofttimes of a litle spark cōmeth a great light : & cōtrariwise by a great torcha man can searcely see to do any thing : this king dauid did more , that hee being little of body , and tender of yeares , killed the lyons , and recoured the lambes out of the wolues throtes : & besides this , in one day in a battle with his owne hands , he slue to the number of . men . though wee cannot finde the like in our time , we may wel imagine , that of the . which he slew , there were at least . of them as noble of linage as he , as rich in goods , as faire in countenance , & as high of stature : but none of these had so much force and courage , since he escaped aliue , and they remained in the field dead . though iulius caesar was big enough of body , yet notwithstanding he was euill proportioned : for he had his head all bald , his nose very sharpe , one hand more shorter then the other . and albeit he was yong , he had his face riuelled , his colour somewhat yellow , and aboue all he went somewhat crooked , and his girdle was half vndone . for men of good wits do not imploy themselues to the setting out of their bodies . iulius caesar was so vnhandsome in his body , that after the battle of pharsalique , a neighbour of rome said vnto the great orator tullius . tell me tullius , why hast thou followd the partialities of pompeius since thou art so wise , knowest thou not that iulius caesar ought to be lord & monarch of al the world ? tullius answered . i tell thee true my friend , that i seeing iulius caesar in his youth so euill and vnseemely girded , iudged neuer to haue seene that , that is seene of him , and did neuer greatly regard him . but the old sylla knew him better . for he seeing iulius caesar so vncomly , and so slouenly apparrelled in his youth , oftentimes saide vnto the senate : beware of this yong man so euill marked . for if you do not watch well his proceeding , it is he that shall hereafter destroy the romaine people , as suetonius tranquillus affirmeth in the booke of caesar . albeit that iulius caesar was vncomlie in his behauior , yet in naming onely his name he was so feared through the world , as if by chance any king or princes did talke of him at their table as after supper , for feare they could not sleepe that night vntill the next day . as in gallia gotica where iulius caesar gaue battell , by chance a french knight tooke a caesarian knight prisoner , who beeing led prisoner by the frenchmen , said chaos caesar , which is to say : let caesar alone . which the gaulloys hearing the name of caesar , let the prisoner escape , and without any other occasion hee fell besides his horse . now then let princes and great lords see , how little it auaileth the valiant man to bee faire or foule , sith that iulius caesar being deformed , only with naming his name , caused all men to feare to change their countenance , hanniball the aduenterous captaine of carthage is called monstruous not onely for his deedes he did in the world : but also for the euill proportion of his bodie . for of his two eyes he lacked the right , and of his two feete he had the left foote crooked , and aboue all , he was little of body , and verie fierce and cruell of countenance . the deeds and conquests which hanniball did among the people of rome , titus liuius declareth at large : yet i will recite one thing which an historiographer declareth , and it is this . frontine in the book of stoutenesse of the penians declareth , that in seuenteene yeeres that hannibal warred with the romaines , he slue so great a number that if the men had bin conuerted into kine , and that the blood which was shed had beene turned into wine , it had beene sufficient to haue filled and satisfied his whole armie being foure score thousand footmen , and seuenteene thousand horsemen in his campe . i demand now , how many were at that time fairer and more beautifull of their bodyes and countenance , then he was , whose beautie at this day is forgotten , whereas his valiantnesse shall endure for euer . for there was neuer any prince that left of him eternall memorie , only for being beautiful of countenance : but for enterprising great things with the sword in the hand . the great alexander was no fairer nor better shapen then another man. for the chronicles declare of him , that he had a litle throte , a great head a blacke face , his eyes somewhat troubled , the body little , and the members not well proportioned , and with all his deformitie hee destroyed darius , king of the perses and medes , and he subdued all the tyrants : he made him selfe lord of all the castles , and took many kings , and disherited and slue mightie lords of great estate , hee searched all their riches , and pilled all their treasors , and aboue all things all the earth trembled before him , not hauing the audacitie to speake one word against him . of a letter the emperour marcus aurelius wrote to his nephew , worthie to be noted of all yong gentlemen . chap. xlii . sextus cheronensis , in his second booke of the life of marcus aurelius declared , that this good marcus aurelius had a sister called annia melena , the which had a sonne named epesipus , who was not onely nephew , but also disciple to marcus aurelius . and after he was created emperour , he sent his nephew into greece to study the greeke tongue , and to banish him from the vices of rome . this yong epesipus was of a good and cleare iudgement , well made of his body , and faire of countenance : and sith in his youth he esteemed his beauty more then his learning , the emperour his vncle wrote him a letter in greeke , which sayd thus . marcus aurelius the romaine emperour , first tribune of the people , and bishop , wisheth to thee epesipus his nephew and scholler , health and doctrine . in the third calends of december came thy cousin annius verus , at whose comming all our parentage reioyced , and so much the more because that hee brought vs newes out of grecia , for truely when the heart hath the absence of that he loueth , it is no minute of an houre without suspition . after that thy cousen annius verus had spoken in generally to all , bringing newes from their friends and children , we talked together , and he gaue me a letter of thine , which is contrary to that which was written mee out of greece , because thou writest to mee , that i should send thee mony to continue thee in studie , and they did also write vnto me from thence , that thou art more youthfull , and giuen more to the pleasures of the world , then becommeth thee . thou art my blood , thou art my nephew , thou wert my scholler , and thou shalt bee my sonne if thou art good . but god wil neuer that thou be my nephew , nor that i shall call thee my sonne , during the time that thou shalt be yong , fond , light and frayle for no good man should haue parentage with the vitious . i cannot deny but that i loue thee from the bottome of my stomacke , and so likewikewise thy vnthriftinesse greeueth me with all my heart . for when i read the letters of thy follies . i will content my selfe . for the sage wise men , though ( against their willes ) they heare of such things past , yet it pleaseth them to redresse other things that may come heareafter . i know well that thou canst not call it to minde , though perhaps thou hast it , that when thy vnlucky mother and my sister annia melena died , she was then yong enough , for she was no more but eighteene yeares of age , and thou haddest not then foure houres . for thou wert borne in the morning , and shee dyed iust at noone-tide : so when the wicked childe possessed his life . then the good mother tasted death . i can tell thee that thou hast lost such a mother , and that i haue lost such a sister , that i beleeue there was no better in rome . for she was sage , honest , and faire , the which things are seldome seene now a dayes . for so much as thy mother was my sister , and that i had brought her vp and marryed her , i read then rethorike at rhodes , because my pouertie was extreame , that i had no other thing but that which by reading rethorike i did get . when newes came vnto me of the death of thy mother , and my sister annia milena , al comfort laid on side sorrow oppressed my heart in such wise , that all members trembled , the bones shiuered , my eyes without rest did lament , the heauy sighes ouercame me , at euery minute my heart vanished away , from the bottome of my heart i inwardly lamented , and bewayled thy vertuous mother and my deare sister . finally sorrow executing his priuiledge on mee , the ioyfull company greeued me , and onely with the louely care i quieted my selfe , i know not nor cannot expresse vnto thee how , and in what sort i tooke the death of my sister annia milena thy mother : for in sleeping i dreamed of her , and dreaming i saw her , when i was awake shee represented her selfe before me , remembring that she liued , i was sorry to remember her death . life was so grieuous vnto me , that i would haue reioyced to haue beene put in the graue with her . for truly hee feeleth assuredly the death of another , which alway is sorrowfull , and lamenting his owne life . remembring therefore the great loue which my sister milena bare vnto me in her life , and thinking wherein i might requite the same after her death : i imagined that i could not by any meanes doe any thing that was more acceptable for her , then to bring thee vp , thou which art her childe , and left an orphane so yong . for of all trauells to a woman , this is the chiefest : to leaue behinde her children to bring vp . my sister being dead , the first thing i did was , that i came to rome , and then sent thee to capua to be brought vp there , in the which place , hard at my nose , they gaue thee sucke two yeares . for thou knowest right well , that the mony which by reading rethorike i gate , scarcely satisfied for thy dayly feeding : but that in the night i reade some extraordinare lecture , and with that i payed for the milke , which thou suckedst on the dugge , so that thy bringing vp depended vpon the labour of my life . after that thou wert weined and and brought from the teate , i sent thee to bietro , to a friend and kinsman of mine named lucius valerius , with whom thou remainedst vntill fiue yeares were fully accomplished , where i found both him and thee all things necessary . for he was in great pouertie , and a great blabber of his tongue , in such sort that he troubled all men , and angred me much . for truely a man should as willingly giue mony to cause him to be silent , which is talkatiue : as to giue a wise man to heare him to speake . the fiue yeares accomplished , i sent thee to toringue , a citie of campaignia , to a maister which taught children there , called emilius torquates , of whom , to the end hee should teach thee to reade and to write three yeares : i tooke a sonne of his , whom hee gaue mee to reade to him greeke foure yeares , so that thou couldest not haue any profite in thee , without the increase of great trauell , and augmenting paine to my heart . and after thou wert seuen yeares old , that thou couldest reade and write wel , i sent thee to study , in the famous city of tareth where i kept thee foure yeares paying to the masters a great summe of money : because now a dayes through our euill fortunes , there is none that will teach without great stipend . without lamenting i doe not tell thee , that in the time that cincinos ( which were after the death of quintus cincinatus , vntill cyna and catulus ) the phylosopher and maisters were by the sacred senate payde , and none ceased to study for lacke of money . for in those dayes they which would apply themselues to vertue and sciences , were by the common treasure maintained . as our fathers were well ordered in their things : so they did not deuide offices by order onely but also by order they payed their money in such sort that they paide first with the common treasure , the priests of the temples , secondly , the maisters of schooles and studies . thirdly , the poore widowes and orphanes . fourthly , the strange knights , which of their owne free wills voluntarily were made citizens of rome . fiftly , all the old souldiesr , which had serued . yeares continually in the warres . for those which were retired home to their owne houses , were honourably found of the common-wealth , the twelue yeares past i my selfe was in tarenthe , and carryed thee to rome , where i read vnto thee rhetorike , logike and phylosophy , and also the mathematicall sciences , keeping thee in my house , in my company , at my table , and in my bed , and further more i had the in my heart , and in my minde . the which thing thou shouldest esteeme more , then if i gaue thee my house and al my goods . for the true benefites is that onely which is done without any respect of profite or interest , i kept thee with meanes in this sort in laurence , in rhodes , in naples , and in capua , vntill such time as the gods created me emperor of rome . and then i determined to send thee to greece , because thou shouldest learne the greeke tongue , and also to the end thou shouldest accustome thy selfe to worke that which true phylosophy requireth . for the true and vertuous phylosophers ought to conforme their workes to that they say , and publish their words with their deeds . there is nothing more infamous then to presume to be sage , and to be desirous to be counted vertuous : principally for him that speaketh much , and worketh little . for the man of a pleasant tongue , and euill life , is hee which with impostumes vndoeth the commonwealth . when i sent thee to greece , and withdrew thee from rome , it was not to exile thee out of my company , so that thou hauing tasted of my pouertie ; shouldest not reioyce at my prosperitie : but it was that considering thy youthfull disposition and lightnesse , i was afrayde to vndoe thee in the pallace , chiefely least thou wouldest haue presumed to haue bin too bold and familiar , because thou wert my nephew . for truely princes which take pleasure that their children be familiar with them , they giue occasion that men shall not count them wise , and cause also the young men to bee esteemed for light , i haue tolde thee that i did for thee in italie . i will now let thee know what thou hast done , and doest in greece , so that i will shew thee to bee notorious , that is to know that thou taking and esteeming thy selfe to bee well disposed in thy youth , thou hast forsaken thy study , and despised my counsayles , thou art accompanyed with vaine and light men , and hast most viciously employed the money which i had sent thee to buy books . all the which things to thee being hurtfull , are to me no lesse dishonor & shame . for it is a generall rule , when the childe is foolish and ill taught , and the blame and fault is layd on the masters necke , who hath taught him , and brought him vp . it greeueth me not for that he brought thee vp , neither for that i haue taught thee to reade , and cause thee to study , neither likewise to haue kept thee in my house , to haue set thee at my table , nor also to haue suffered thee to lie with me in my bed , neither it greeueth mee to haue consumed so much on thee : but with all my heart it greeueth me , that thou hast not giuen me occasion to do thee good . for there is nothing that greeueth a noble prince more , then not to find persons able of capacity , to do them any good . they tell me that thou art well made of thy body , and faire in countenance , and that thou presumest also in those things : wherefore to enioy the pleasures of thy person , thou hast forsaken phylosophy , wherewith i am not contentented . for in the end the corporall beautie , carely or sate , perisheth in the graue : but vertue & science , makes men to be of immortall memory . the gods neuer commanded it , neither the studies and vniuersities of italy suffered it , to haue the body fine and trimme , the visage faire and cleare , and the heart full of phylosophy : for the true phylosopher , of all other things esteemeth least the setting forth of the body . for that the demonstrations and tokens of a true & perfect phylosopher is to haue his ere 's troubled , his eye bries burnt , and the head bald , the ball of his eyes sunke into his head , the face yellow , the body leane and feeble , the flesh dry , the so●te vnhosed , the garment poore , the eating little , and the watching great . finally he ought to liue as a lacedemonian , and speake as a grecian . the tokens of a valiant & renowmed captain , are his wounds and hurts , and the signe of a studious phylosopher , is the despising of the world . for the wise man ought to thinke himselfe as much dishonored , if they call him stout , and sturdie : as a captaine when they call him a coward and negligent . i like well that the phylosopher study the ancient antiquities of his forefathers , that wrote the profound things for the time to come , that hee teach profitable & wholesome doctrines to those which are now aliue , that he diligently enquire of the motion of the starres , that he consider what causeth the alteration of the elements . but i sweare vnto thee epesipus , that neuer sage of rome came to those things , nor phylosopher of greece likewise , but in searching the quietnesse of the soule , & despising the pleasures of the body : touching the body i am like to beasts , but concerning the spirit i am partly like to the gods , sith that following the things of the flesh i am made lesse then my self , and in following the motions of the spirit , i am made more then i am . for truly sensualitie maketh vs inferiour to beasts , and reason maketh vs superiour vnto men . the worldly malice & presumption naturally desireth , rather to mount then to descend : and to command , rather then to be commanded . and since it is so , why do we by vices abase our selues to do lesse then beasts being possible for vs by vertues to do more then men . amongst all the members , which men can haue , there is nothing more tender to breake , nor any thing more easy to corrupt , then is the handsomnes of the body , where we are so proud . for in mine opinion , to esteeme himselfe to be a handsome and proper person , is no other thing , but to esteeme our selues that dreaming we shal be rich and mighty , and afterwards awaking we find our selues to be poore and miserable . and me thinkes th●s thing to be true , because i will declare , what it is to see a yong man in his first age . the head litle , the haire yeallow , the brow long , the eyes green , the cheeks whit , the nose sharp the lips coloured , the beard forked , the face liuely , the necke small , the body of good proportion , the arme little , the fingers long , and to conclude , so well proportioned in his members , that mens eyes should alwayes desire to behold him , and the hearts alwayes seeke to loue him . if this yong man so faire and well proportioned , remained long time in his beautie and disposition , it were good to desire it , to procure it , to keepe it , to pay s● it , and to loue it well : for in the end if we loue the beautie in beasts and buildings , by greater reason wee should desire it in our selues . but what shall wee say , that when we do not watch , this litle floure which yesterday florished on the tree , faire and whole , without suspition to be lost , one little hoary frost sodainly wasteth and consumeth it , the vehement wind ouerthrows it , the knife of enuy cutteth it , the water of aduersitie vndoeth it , and the heate of persecutions pineth it : and finally the worme of short life gnaweth it , and the putrifaction of death decayeth and bringeth it down to the ground . o mans life that art alwayes cursed , i count fortune cruell , and thee vnhappy , since she will that thou tarriest on her , which dreaming giueth thee pleasures , and waking worketh the displeasures : which giueth into thy hands trauell to tast , and suffereth thee not onely to listen after quier : which will thou proue aduersitie , and agree that thou haue prosperitie but at her will : finally she giueth ther life by ounces , and death without measure . the wicked and vitious say , that it is a great pleasure to liue in ease : but i protest vnto them , that there was neuer any mortall man had so much pleasure in vices , but that he remained in great paine after that they were banished from him . for the heart , which of long time hath bene rooted in vice , incontinently is subiect to some great alteration , i would all would open their eyes to see how wee liue deceiued : for all the pleasures which delight the body , make vs beleeue that they come to abide with vs continually , but they vanish away with sorrows immediatly . and on the contrary part the infirmities and sorrowes that blind the soule say , that they come onely to lodge as guests , and ramaine with vs continually as housholders . i maruell of thee epesipus , why thou doest not consider what shall becom of the beauty of thy body hereafter , sith thou leest presently the beauty of those departed interred in the graue ? by the diuersitie of fruits man doth know the diuersitie of trees in the orchyard , that is to say , the oake by the acornes , the date tree by the dates , and the vines by the grapes : but when the roote is dry , the body cut , the fruit gathered , the leafe fallen and when the tree is layd on fire and become ashes , i would now know if this ashes could bee knowne of what tree it was , or how a man might know the difference of the one frō the other ? by this cōparison i meane to say that for so much as the life of this death & the death of this life commeth to seeke vs out , wee are all as trees in the orchard , whereby some are knowne by the rootes of their predecessors , others by the leaues of their wordes , others by the branches of their friendes , some in the flowers of their beauty , and other some by the barke of their foule skinne . the one in their mercifulnesse , the other in their stoutenesse , other in their hardinesse beeing aged , others in their hastinesse of their youth , others in their barrennesse by theyr pouerty , others by their fruitfulnesse in riches . finally , in one onely thing wee are all alike , that is to say , that all vniuersally goe to the graue , not one remayning . i aske now when death hath done his office , executing all earthly men in the later dayes : what difference is there then betweene the fayre and the foule , which lye both in the narrow graue ? certainely , there is none , and if there bee any difference , it shall bee in the making of their graues , which vaine men inuented . and i doe not repent mee for calling them vayne , since there is no vanity nor fondnes comparable to this , for they are , not contented to bee vaine in their liues but will also after their drathes enterprise their vanities in sumptuous and stately sepulchres . the coale of the cedar ( in mine opinion ) that is high and fayre , is nothing more whether when it is burnt , then the coale of the oake which is little and crooked : i meane oftentimes the gods doe permit , that the bones of a poore philosopher are more honoured then the bones of princes . with death i wil threaten thee no longer , for sith thou art giuen to the vices of this life , thou wouldest not as yet that with a word it should destroy thee : but i will tell thee on ● word more , though it grieue thee to heare it : which is that god created thee to die , women bare thee to dye , and thou camest into the world for to die : and to conclude i say , some are borne to day , on condition they dye , tomorrow ●●d giue their places to others . when the great and fearefull trees beginne to budde by the rootes , it signifieth that time draweth on for them to cut the drie & withered branches . meane that to see hildren borne in ihe house is no other , but to cite the grand-fathers and fathers to the graue . if a man would aske me what death is ? i would say a miserable lake wherein all worldly men are taken : for those that most safely thinke to passe it ouer , remaine therein most subtilly deceyned . i haue alwayes read of the ancients past , and haue seene of the young men present , and i suppose , that the selfe same will bee to come hereafter : that when life most sweetest seemeth to any man , then suddenly , death entereth in at their dores . o immortall gods , i cannot tell if i may call you cruell , i know not if i may call you mercifull , because you gaue vs flesh , bones , honour , goods , friends , and also you giue vs pleasure ; finally yee giue to men all that they want , saue onely , the cuppe of life , which to your selues you did reserue . since i may not that i would , i will that i may : but if it were referred to my will , i would rather one onely day of life , then all the riches of rome : for what auayleth it to toyle and take paines to encrease honour and worldly good , since life dayly diminisheth . returning therefore to my first purpose , thou must know that thou esteemest thy selfe , and glorifiest in thy personage and beauty : i would gladly know of thee , and of others , which are young and faire , if you doe not remēber that once yee must come to bee olde and rotten : for if you thinke you shall liue but a little , then reason would you should not esteem your hea●ties much : for by reason it as a straunge thing that lise should abate vs , and folly traine vs. if you thinke to become aged , yee ought to remember , and alwayes to thinke , that the steele of the knife , which doth much seruice , at length decayeth , and is lost for lacke of looking to . truely the young man is but a new knife , the which in processe of time cankereth in the edge : for on one day hee breaketh the poynt of vnderstanding , another , he looseth the edge of cutting , and to morrow the rust of diseases taketh him , and afterwards by aduersitie he is writhen , and by infirmities hee is diseased , by riches hee is whetted , by pouertie hee is dulled againe : and finally , oftentimes it chanceth that the more sharpe he is whetted , so much the more the life is put in hazard . it is a true thing , that the feete and hands are necessarie to climbe to the vanities of youth : and that afterwards stumbling a little , immediately rowling the head downewards , wee discend into the misery of age : for ( to our seeming ) yesterday wee knew one that was young and beautifull , and within short time after , wee heare that he is dead and rotten . when i consider many men as well friends as enemies , which were ( not long agoe ) flourishing in beauty and youth ' and presently i see them to bee old and drie , sicke and foule , truely i thinke that as then i dreamed of them , or that they be not now as they were then . what thing is more fearefull , or more credible , then to see a man become miserable in short space , that the fashion of his visage should change , the beauty of the face should bee lost , the beard waxe white , the head bould , the cheekes and forehead full of wrinckles , the teeth ( as white as iuorie ) become blacke , the light feete by the goute to seeme crepeled , and and afterward waxeth heauy , the palsey weakenneth the strong arme , the fine smoth throat with wrinckles is playted , & the body that was straight and vpright , waxeth weake and crooked . aboue all that i haue spoken , i say to thee epesipus , which presumest to bee fayre , that hee which through his propernesse in youth was the mirrour of all , becommeth to bee such a one , that he doubteth whether he be the selfe same now in his age ( that he was in his youth , doe what thou wilt , praise and glorifie thy beautie as much as thou thinkest good , yet in the end the beauty of men is none other : but as a vayle to couer their eyes , a payre of fetters for the feete , manacles for the hands , a lime rodde for the winges , a theefe of time , an occasion of daunger , a prouoker of trouble , a place of lecherie , a sinke of all euill , and finally , it is an inuentor of debates , and a scourge of the affectioned man. since thou hast forsaken thy study , i am not bound to send thee any thing , chiefly wasting thy money in childish and youthfull to yes : but not withanding all those things , i sende thee by aulus vegenus two thousand crownes for thy apparrell , and truelle thou shalt be very vnthankfull , if thou doest not know the benefite done vnto thee : for a man ought to giue more thanks for that which is done of curtesie , then for that which is offered of necessitie , i cannot tell what to let thee vnderstand in these partes , but that thy sister anania salaria is married , who sayth shee is content . i pray god it bee so , for with money men may bee holpen to marriages , but it lyeth in the gods to content the parties . if thou wilt know of torings thy cofin , thou shalt vnderstand shee is embarked in the fleet which went to spaine , & indeed i neuer thought otherwise wise on her , after shee had been three dayes hidde in the way of salaria : for maydes that will betimes gather their grapes , it is a token that they will go on warfare with souldiers . of annius rufus thy friend and companion , i certifie thee that hee is gone into the isle of helespont , and hee goeth by the authority of the senate , to vnderstand the gouernement thereof : and albeit he bee young , yet he is wise , and therefore i suppose he will render a good account of his commission : for of these two extremities the aged that doe decline , or the young that are wise : i had rather holde my selfe to the wisedome of the young , then to the white beardes of the aged . my wife faustine saluteth thee , and be thou assured that in thy affayres ( at the least in my seeming ) shee is very fauourable vnto thee , and dayly shee instantly requireth mee not to bee angry with thee saying , that sage men ought not to esteeme the lightnes of youth , and that there is no olde man that is sage , but he which in all things was light and youthfull . i say no more to thee in this case , but if thou wilt be good , i cannot deny that thou art not my nephew my old scholler and seruant : for if in thee i see amendment , i will withdraw mine ire , for truly among the louing hearts there is nothing that plucketh vp the euill will vnlesse it be the good life . at the request of my wife faustine i haue written thee this word , and i say no more but of her part and mine thou commend vs to all the vniuersity . the gods haue thee in their custodie , to whom it may please to giue thee amendment of life . marcus aurelius the romane emperour , to thee annius epesius writeth with his owne hand . chap. xliii . how princes and great lords in olde time were louers of wise men . one of the chiefest things that wan reputation and eternall memory to the ancient princes and gouernours , was that they sought wise men to bee alwayes conuersant about them , whose graue counsell their realmes alwayes obserued and obeyed . it profiteth a king little to leade with him a great number of sages to gouerne him and his realme : if his subiectes are armed : with malice not to obey him . let princes know , which esteeme not the counsell of sages , that their commaundement of other shall not bee regarded : for the law which by will is made , and not of right ordayned , deserueth not to be obeyed . wee which turne and tosse the leaues of the auncient histories cannot deny , but that the romaines naturally were proud . yet wee must confesse , that as they haue beene stout in things touching warres ; so they haue shewed themselues temperate , in the affayres of the publike weale . and truly herein rome declared her wisdome , and might , for as by hardy and stout captaines the enemies were destroyed in warre : so by sage and wise men the common wealth was gouerned and maintained in peace . oft times with my selfe i muse , whereupon all these discords grew betweene lords and subiects princes and vassels , and my count beeing made , i finde that they haue both reason : for the subiects complaine of the little loue of their lord : and the lords complaine of the great disobedience of their subiects : for to say the truth , disobedience is so much augmented , & the desire of commandement is become so licentious , that it seemeth to the subiects , that the weight of a feather is leade : and on the contrary , it seemeth to princes , that for the flying of a flie , they shuld draw their swords . all this euill and damage commeth not , but because that princes haue not with them wise men which may counsell them : for there was neuer any good prince that credited euill counsell . there are two things in princes and prelates which gouern the soule : the one is the dignity of the office , and the other is the nature of the person . it may well be that one may bee good in his person , and euill in his gouernment : and the contrary , hee may bee euill of his person , and good in gouernment . and therefore tullius cicero saith , that there neuer was , nor shall be , such a iulius caesar in his person , nor so euill a gouernour as hee was for the common-wealth . it is a great grace in a man to be good ; but it is much more that hee bee a good prince . and for the contrary , it is a great euill for a man to be euill ; but it is much worse for him to be an euill prince . for the euill man is onely euill to himselfe , but the euill prince endamageth all others : for the more the poyson is scattered through the bodie , in so much more danger he is of his life . i meane , the more power a man hath ouer the common-wealth : so much the more euill and dammage hee doth if his life bee euill , i maruel why princes & great lords should bee so curious to search the best medicines to cure their bodies : and that they are so slacke and slow in seeking sage persons to gouerne their common wealth . for without comparison , it is greater damage that the common wealth bee euill gouerned , then if the prince and gouernour thereof should be sicke in his person . hetherto wee haue neither read nor seene that any prince hath perished for lacke of physicke , but for lacke of counsellours : wee haue seene and reade of infinite kings and realmes that haue beene destroyed , and vtterly vndone . the lacke of a physitian may cause danger in mans person : but the lacke of a wise man may set discord among the people : for where there is any tumult amongst the people , a ripe counsell of a● wise man profiteth more , then a hundred purgations of rubarbe . isidorus in the fourth book of his etimologies affirmeth , that the romans were foure hundred yeares without physitions : for esculapius the sonne of apollo was the last physition in greece . and in the temple of the same esculapius , they set by the image of archabuto , a man very notable in surgery : for the romanes were so beneficiall to vertuous persons , that to euery one that exceeded other in any kind of vertue , they rewarded him with money , they set vp a statue of him for memory , or else they made him free in the common wealth . and then when the surgian archabuto was become auncient and very rich , and when by occasion of great and daungerous wounds hee did cut off the armes and legges of certaine romans , thought him a cruell and an vnnaturall man : wherefore they droue him out of his house , and killed him with stones in the field of mars . and let no man man maruell therat , for oftentimes mē suffer lesse harm in enduring the paine , then to tarry for the cruell remedies the surgians apply vnto it . some will say , that when rome was without surgeans , the romanes were discomfited and halfe lost . to this i will answere , that they neuer had a more prosperous time , then in the foure hundred yeares when they were without surgeans : for then was rome vndone , when they receyued surgeans , for at that time they droue philosophers out of rome . i doe not speake this as a preiudice to any surgean : for mee thinketh that princes cannot be without som among them : for as the flesh is seeble and delicate , so dayly needeth it remedies to comfort it . the sage surgeons giueth vs none but good and healthfull counsels : for they doe not perswade vs to any other thing , but that wee bee sober and continent in eating , drinking , sleeping , trauelling , and working , and that in all things we should be temperate . the end why i speake these things is , to perswade princes , prelates , and great lords , that the great diligence they haue to seeke surgeans , and the summe of mony they waste to maintaine and content them , they should spend part of that to seeke wise men to counsell their persons : for if men knew what it were to keepe a wise man , to commaund in their house , they would giue for one onely wise man all their goods : yee ought for to haue pitty and compassion vpon those princes and great lords , which lose so many dayes in the moneth , and so many houres in the day , in speaking of warres , buildings , weapons , meats , beasts , of huntings and medicines , & oftentimes of other mens doings , and of other vain things , not necessary for mans life . and this communication they vse with those that are neither vertuous nor wise : the which can neyther wisely talke , nor yet answere directly vnto that which is asked . oftentimes it chanceth that a prince at randon moueth a matter , which they neuer saw written before , nor with their eares they neuer heard the like , neyther in all their life time they had knowledge thereof , and yet they wil seeme to giue iudgement of it ( or better to say ) obstinately to contend , as if all the dayes of their life they had studied it : which thing proceedeth of great shame , and euill bringing vp : for the priuie councell may speake before their princes , but be they neuer so priuie , with licence or without licence it is not lawfull for them to contend . helius spartianus in the life of alexander seuerus sayeth , that the emperour seuerus was demaunded onceby an ambassadour of greece , what thing was most painefull to him in rome ? whereunto the emperour answered , there is nothing grieueth mee more , then when i am merry , that my seruants should raise any strife or debate : i am not displeased that matters should be debated , but this grieueth mee , when one will obstinatly striue , that hath no ground of that hee speaketh , hee cannot otherwise but be called obstinate . theodosius the emperour was once demanded what a prince ought to doe to be good ? wherunto he answered , the vertuous prince when he goeth abroade , ought to haue graue and wise men in his company to discourse withall , when he is at his meat , to haue wise men at his board disputing , and when he withdraweth him selfe a part to be reading with wise men : and finally at all vacant times he ought to bee found with sage men counselling : for the knight which entreth into battell without weapōs , is as hardy as the prince which will gouerne the common wealth without the counsell of wise men . lampridius in the booke of the roman gests sayth , that the emperor marcus aurelius neyther at his meat , at his going to bedde , at his vprising , in his trauell openly , nor secretly , suffered at any time that fooles should sing or communicate with him , but onely wise and vertuous men , whom alwayes he most entirely loued . of truth hee had reason , for there is nothing , be it in iest or in earnest , but it is better liked of a wise man thē of a foole , if a prince bee sad , cannot a wise man peraduentur by the saying of the holy scripture counsell him better , then a foole by foolish words ? if a prince be prosperous , shall it not bee better ( to keepe him in the same property ) to associate himselfe with a wise man , rather then to put his trust in a foole and malitious person ? if a prince be destitute of money , cannot perchance a wise man finde him better meanes to get it , then a foole which doth nothing but aske ? if a prince will passe the time away , shall not hee bee more comforted with a wise man that reckoneth vnto him the sauoury histories done in times past , then hearkning a foole speake foolishly , and declaring things dishonestly , with the sayings of the malitious of the time present ? that that i speake of surgians , the selfe same i speake of fooles : for i doe not say that they keepe them for their pastime , though truely wee might better say to lose their time , then to passe their time : for that may iustly bee called time lost , which is spent without the seruice of god , and profit of their neighbours . that which i most maruell at is , not so much for the great authoritie that fooles haue in the pallaces of princes and great lords , as for the little succour and credite which wise men haue among them : for it is a great iniurie that fooles should enter into the pallace of princes , euen vnto their beds side , and that one wise man may not , nor dare not enter into the hall : so that to the one there is no dore shut , and to the other , there is no gate open . wee which are at this present , of right doe commend those that were before vs , for no other cause , but that in times past , though the sages were few in number , and the world was replenished with barbarous people : yet the sages of those barbarous people were greatly esteemed , and had in reuerence . and this custome endured long time in greece , that when a philosopher passed by a greeke , hee rose and spake vnto him : and hee might not sit : for the contrary , all those which shall liue hereafter will reprooue vs , which are at this present . forasmuch as wee haue so great a multitude of sages , and do not liue amongst barbarous , but amongst christians : and it is a griefe to see , and shame to write how little wise men are esteemed : for at this day ( through our offences ) not those which haue most science : but those which haue most riches , in the common wealth do commaund : i know not whether the diuine wisedome hath depriued them , or that the worldly malice hath lost the taste of them . for now a dayes there is no sage that liueth al alone to be wise , but it is necessary for him to trauell how to gaine his liuing : for necessity enforceth him to violate the rules of true philosophy . o world , world , i know not how to escape thy hands , nor how the simple man and ideot defendeth himselfe out of thy snares , when the sage and wise men ( yea with al their wisedom ) can scarsely set their foot sure on the ground . for all that wise men of this world know , is little enough to defend them from the malitious . reading that which i read of time past , and seeing that which i see of time present : i am in doubt which was greater , the care that vertuous princes had in seeking out sages to counsell them , or the great couetousnesse that others haue at this present , to discouer mines and treasures . speaking therefore in this matter , as i thinke : i desire that those which haue the charge of gouernment● ( whether hee bee prince , prelate , or priuate person i passe not ) that they once may haue about them sage men , that bee wise in deede , and that they would loue them aboue all the treasure they had heaped . for in the end , of good counsell there commeth profite : and much treasure , is a token of great danger . in the olde time when vertuous princes dyed , and that they left their children for successors in their realmes , and besides that , forasmuch as they saw their children young , and euill instructed in the affayres of their realmes , they committed them to tutours , that should teach them good works and doctrine , rather then they would giue them suruayors , which should encrease and augment their cofers and rents : for truely if the common-wealth bee defended with great treasures , it is not gouerned with good counsels . the princes which are young , accustomely are giuen to vices : for in the one part youth raigneth , and on the other part honesty wanteth . and to such , truely vices are very dangerous , specially if they want sages to counsel them , to keepe them from euill company . for the couragious youth will not bee brideled , nor their greate liberty can bee chastised . princes without doubt haue more neede of wise and stayed men about them , to profite them in theyr counselles , then any of all their other subiects : for since they are in the view of all , they haue lesse licence to commit vice then any of all : for if you behold all , and that they haue authority to iudge all , will they , nill they , they are beholden and iudged of all . princes ought to be circumspect whom they trust with the gouernement of their realmes , and to whom they commit the leading of their armies , whom they send as ambassadours into strange countries , and whom they trust to receyue and keepe their treasures : but much more they ought to bee circumspect in examining of those whom they choose to bee their counsellours : for looke what is he that counselleth the prince at home in his pallace : so likewise shall his renowne be in strange countries , and in his owne common-wealth . why should they not then willingly examine and correct theyr owne proper palace ? let princes know , if they do not know , that of the honesty of their seruants , of the prouidence of their counsels , of the sagenesse of their persons , and of the order of their house , dependeth the welfare of the common-wealth : for it is impossible that the branches of that tree , whose rootes are dryed vp , should bee seene to beare greene leaues . chap. xliiii . how the emperour theodosius prouided ●ise men at the houre of his death , for the edification of his two sonnes , archadius and honorius . i gnatius the historian in the booke that he made of the two theodosij , of the . archadij , and of the . honorii , declareth that the first & great theodosius being ● . yeares olde , and hauing gouerned the empire . years lying on his death bed , called archadius and honorius his two sons , and committed them to estilconius , and ruff●nus to be instructed , and ordayned them likewise for gouernours of their estates and signiories . before that the father dyed , hee had now created his children caesars , being then of the age of . yeares . therefore the father seeing them not as yet ripe , nor able to gouerne their realms and signiories : he committed them vnto masters and tutors . it is not alwayes a generall rule , though one be of . yeares of age , that he hath more discretion to gouerne realms then another of fifteene : for dayly wee see , that wee allow and commend the ten yeeres of one , and reproue the forty yeares of an other . there are many princes tender of yeares , but ripe in counsels : and for the contrary there are other princes olde in yeares , and young in counsels . when the good emperour vespatian dyed , they determined to put his sonne titus in the gouernement of the empire , or some other aged senatour , because they sayde titus was too young , and as they were in controuersie of the matter , the senator rogerus patroclus said vnto the senate : for my part i require rather a prince which is young and sage : then i do a prince which is olde and foolish . therefore now as touching the children of theodosius , one day estiltorius the tutor of archadius speaking to a greeke philosopher , very sage , whose name was epimundus , sayd thus vnto him . thou and i long time haue beene acquainted together in the palace of the emperour theodose my lord , who is dead , and we are aliue : thou knowest it had been better that we two had dyed , and that he had liued : for there bee many to bee seruants of princes , but there are few to be good princes i feele no greater griefe in this world , then to know many princes in one realme . for the man which hath seene many princes in his life , hath seene many nouelties and alterations in the common wealth . thou knowest well that when theodosius my master dyed , hee spake to mee these words , the which were not spoken without great sighes and multiplying of teares . o estilconus , i dye , and am going into an other world , wherin i shall giue a streight account of the realmes and seignories which i had vnder my charge : and therefore when i thinke of mine offences i am maruellously afrayde : but when i remember the mercy of god , then i receyue some comfort and hope . as it is but meet wee should trust in the greatnesse of his mercy : so likewise is it reason wee should feare the rigour of his iustice . for truely , in the christian law they are not suffered to liue ( as we which are princes that liue in delights of this world , & without repentance to goe to paradise : then when i thinke of the great benefites which i haue receyued of god , and of the great offences which i haue committed , and when i thinke of the long time i haue liued , and of the little which i haue profited , and also that vnprofitably i haue spent my time : on the one part i am loath to dye , for that i am afrayde to come before the tribunall seate of iesus christ : and on the other part i would liue no longer , because i doe not profite . the man of an euill life , why doth hee desire to liue any longer ? my life is now finished , and the time is short to make amends . and sith god demaundeth nought else but a contrite heart , with all my heart i doe repent , and appeale to his iustice , of mercy , from his iustice to his mercy , because it may please him to receyue mee into his house , and to giue mee perpetuall glory , to the confusion of all my finnes and offences . and i protest i dye in the holy catholike faith , and commend my soule to god and my body to the earth : and to you , estilconus and ruffinus my faithfull seruants , i recommend my deere beloued children : for hereby the lone of the children is seene , in that the father forgetteth them not at the houre of his death . in this case of one onely thing i doe warne you , one onely thing●● require you , one thing i desire you , and one onely thing i command you , and that is , that you occupie not your minds in augmenting the realms and seignories of my children : but onely that you haue due respect to giue thē good education and vertuous seruāts : for it was onely the wise men which i had about me , that thus long haue maintained mee in this great authority . it is a goodly thing for a prince to haue stout captains for the warres : but without comparison it is better to keepe and haue wise men in his palace : for in the end , the victory of the battel confisteth in the force of many : but the gouernment of the commonwelth oftentimes is put vnder the aduise of one alone . these so dolefull and pittifull words my lord and master theodosius spake vnto me . now tell mee , epimundus , what i shall doe at this present to fulfill his commendement ? for at his heart hee had nothing that troubled him so much as to thinke whether his children would vndoe , or encrease the common wealth . thou epimundus , thou art a grecian , thou art a philosopher , thou hast vnderstanding , thou art an old seruant , thou art my faithfull friend : therefore for all these things thou art bound to giue mee good and healthfull counsell : for many times i haue heard theodosius my master say , that he is not accounted sage which hath turned the leaues of many bookes : but hee which knoweth , and can giue good and healthfull counsell : epimundus the philosopher answered to these words ; thou knowest well , lord estilconus , that the ancients and great philosophers ought to be briefe in words , and very perfect in their works : for otherwise to speake much , and worke little , seemeth rather to bee done like a tyrant , then like a greeke philosopher . the emperour theodosius was thy lord , and my friend . i say friend , because it is the liberty of a greeke philosopher , to acknowledge no homage nor seruice to a superiour : for hee in his heart can haue no true licence : that to rebuke the vitious keepeth his mouth shut . in one thing i content my selfe in theodosius aboue all other princes , which were in the romane empire , and that is , that he knew and talked wisely of al his affairs , and also was diligēt to execute the same : for all the fault of princes is , that they are apt & bold to talk of vertues , & in executing them , they are very slacke and fearfull . for such princes cannot continue in the vertue , which they doe commend : not yet resist the vice which they doe disprayse . i graunt that theodosius was an executor of iustice , mercifull , stout , sober valiant , true , louing , thankfull , and vertuous : and finally , in all thinges , and at all times he was fortunate : for fortune oftentimes bringeth that to princes , which they will and desire : yea many times better then they look for . presupose it be true ( as it is most true ) that the time was alwayes prosperous to the emperour theodosius : yet i doubt whether this prosperity will continue in the succession of his children for worldly prosperity is so mutable , that with one onely man in a moment , shee maketh a thousand shrewde turnes : and so much the more it is hard to continue stedfast in the second houre . of slow and dull horses , come oftentimes couragious and fierce colts : and euen so of vertuousfathers come children euill brought vp : for the wicked children inherite the worst of the father , which is riches , and are dishenherited of the best , which are vertues . that which i perceyne in this matter , as wel of the father which is dead , as of the children which are aliue , is that theodose was vertuous in deede , and the children are capable to follow both good and euill , and therfore it is requisite that you now go about it : for the prince which is yong is in great perill , when in his youth he beginneth not to follow the steps of vertue . to speake particularly of archadius & honorious , i let thee know estilconus , that it is a thing superfluous to talk of it ; for i should lose my time , because the things of princes are very delicate , and though wee haue licence to prayse their vertues , yet wee are bound to dissemble their faults . as a sage father , theodose , i desire thee to giue his children good doctrine , and alwayes to accompany thē : but i as a friend do counsell thee that thou keepe them from euill : for in the end all is euill to accompany with the euill , and forsake the good : but the worst euill pursueth vs , rather by the presence of the euill , then by the absence of the good . it may wel be that one being alone , & without the company of the good , may yet notwithstāding be good : but for one that is accompanied with euil men , to be good of this i greatly doubt : for the same day that a man accompanieth himselfe with the vicious , the selfe same day he is bound to be subiect to vice . o estilconus , since thou so much desirest to accomplish the commādemēt of thy lord and master theodose , if thou canst not cause that archadius & honorius ( which are yong princes ) do accompany with the good : yet at the least withdraw them from the company of the euill : for in the courts of princes vitious men are none other but solicitors in this world to tempt others to be vicious : how many and what solicitors haue we seen , thou and i in rome , the which forgetting the affaires of their lords , did solicite for themselues vices and pleasures . i will not tell what seruants of princes haue bin in times past , but what they were , and what they are , euery man may easily see . i will tell thee onely , not of those which ought to be coūsellors to princes : but also of those which ought not to liue in their courts : for the counsellors and officers of princes ought to be so iust : that sheares cannot find what to cut away intheir liues nor that there needeth any needle or thred to amend their fame . if thou estilconus hast heard what i haue sayd , marke now what i wil say , and keepe it in memory , for it may profit thee one day . in the courts of princes proude men ought to haue no familiarity nor entertainement . for it is vnseemely that those which are not gentle in words should commaund : and those that haue not their hearts ready to obey , should bee familiar with the prince . in the courts of princes , there ought not to bee of counsell , and much lesse familiar , enuious men : for if enuy raigne amongst princes and counsellours there shall alwayes bee dissentions in the common-wealth . in the courts of princes hasty men ought not to haue familiarity : for oftentimes it chanceth that the impatience of counsellours , causeth the people to be euill content with their princes . in the courts of princes there ought not to be familiar , nor of counsell , greedy nor couetous men , for the princes giue great occasion to the people to bee hated , because their seruants haue alwayes their hands open to receyue bribes , in the courtes of princes there ought not to be familiar fleshly men : for the vice of the flesh hath in it so little profite , that he that is wholy ouercome therewith , is , or ought to be to the prince alway suspected . in the pallace of a king , there ought not to bee drunkards or gluttons : for whereas the familiars ought principally to serue their princes with good counsel , in mine opinion a man being full & surcharged with excesse is more like to bleach and breake wind after his surfet , then able to giue any profitable counsell in the common wealth . in the pallace of princes , ought not to be resiant nor familiar blasphemers : for the man which is a servant and openly dare blaspheme his creator , will not spare in secret to speake euill of the lord. in the palace of princes ought not to be of counsell nor familiar the negligent and delicate persons : for there is nothing ( next vnto the diuine prouidence ) that helpeth princes more to be puissant and mighty then when their seruants are faithfull and diligent . in the pallace of princes , defamed men ought not to haue familiarity : for the prince cannot excuse himselfe to bee thought culpable , when they doe rebuke him , if in his house he maintaine seruants , which openly are defamed . in the pallace of princes they ought not to suffer ideots and fooles : for the realmes are not lost for that the princes are young , vncircumspect , and vitious : but for that their counsellours are simple and malitious . woe , woe be to the land , where the lord is vitious , the subiect seditious , the seruant couetous , and the counsellour simple and malitious : for then the common wealth perisheth when ignorance and malice raigneth in the prince and gouernour of the same , those words passed betweene the noble knight estilconus , and the wise philosopher epimundus , vpon the bringing vp of those two princes archadius and honorius , and because that princes and prelates might see , ( which now haue the charge to gouerne people ) how much the auncients did desire to haue sage men about them notwithstanding that i haue spoken , i will shew you heere some notable and ancient examples . chap. xlv . how cresus king of lydea was a great friend and louer of sages . of a letter the same cresus wrote to the philosopher anacharsis . and of an other letter of the philosophers answere to the king. in the yeare of the creation of the world , . and in the third age , sardanapulus being king of the assyrians , ozias king of the hebrewes , and elchias being high bishop of the holy temple , at that time when rea the mother of romulus liued , in the second yeare of the first olimpiade , the great and renowmed realme of lydes had beginning : as plinie in the fift booke of the naturall history sayth . lidia is in asia minor , and first was called meonia , & afterwards was called lidia , and now is called morea . this realme of lydes had many worthy cities , that is to say , ephese , colose , aclasomena , and phorea . the first king of lydes was ardisius , a man of great courage , and a grecian borne , and raigned . yeares . the second , was aliaces , who raigned , yeares . the third was meleus , and he raigned . yeares . the fourth was candale , and raigned . yeares . the fift was ginginus , and raigned . yeares . the sixt was cerdus , and raigned . yeares . the . was sadiates , and raigned . yeares . the eight was allates , and he raigned . yeares , and the ninth was cresus , and raigned . yeares : and of this king cresus , zenophon declareth , that hee was more valiant in feates of warre , then comely of personage : for though he was lame of one foote , blemished of one eye , lacking one eare , and of body not much bigger then a dwarfe : yet for all this hee was a iust man , very constant , stoute , mercifull , couragious , and aboue all hee was a great enemie to the ignorant ; and a speciall friend to the sage . of this king cresus , seneca speaketh in his booke of clemency : and sayeth , that the sages were so entirely beloued of him , that the greekes ( which had the fountaine of eloquence ) did not call him a louer , but entituled him the loue of sages : for neuer no man did so much to attaine to the loue of his lady , as hee did to draw to him , and to his country sage men . this king cresus therefore beeing lord of many barbarous nations ( the which loued better to drinke the bloud of the innocent , then to learne the science of the wise ) like an excellent prince determined for the comfort of his person , and remedy of his common wealth , to search out the greatest sages that were in greece . at that time flourished the famous and renowmed philosopher anacharsis , who thogh he was born and brought vp amongst the seythians , yet hee was alwayes resident notwithstanding in athens : for the vniuersity of athens did not despise those that were barbarians , but those that were vitious . the king cresus sent an ambassadour in great authority with riches , to the philosopher anacharsis , to perswade and desire him , and with those gifts and presents to present him , to the end it might please him to come and see his person , and to set an order in his common wealth . cresus not contented to send him gifts which the ambassadour carried , but for to let him vnderstand why he did so : wrote him a letter with his owne hand , as hereafter followeth . the letter of king cresus , to anacharfis the phylosopher . cresus king of lydes , wisheth anacharsis great phylosopher , which remainest in athens , health to thy person , and increase of vertue . thou shalt know how well i loue thee , in that i neuer saw thee , nor knew thee , to write vnto thee a letter . for the things which with the eyes haue neuer bin seen : seldomtimes with the heart are truely beloued . thou doest esteeme little ( as truth is ) these my small gifts , and presents which i send thee : yet i pray thee greatly esteeme the will and heart wherewith . i do visite thee . for noble hearts receiue more thankefully that which a man desireth to giue them : then that which they do giue them in deede . i desire to correct this my realme , and to see amendement in the common-wealth . i desire good order for my person , and to take order touching the gouernement of my palace . i desire to communicate with sages , somethings of my life , and none of these things can bee done without thy presence : for there was neuer any good thing made but by the meane of wisedome . i am lame , i am crooked , i am bald , i am a counterfeit , i am blacke , and also i am broken , finally , amongst all other men i am a monster . but all these imperfections are nothing to those that remaine , that is to say , i am so vnfortunate , that i haue not a phylosopher with me . for in the world there is no greater shame , then not to haue a wise man about him to be conuersant with all . i count my self to be dead , though to the simple fooles i seeme to bee a liue . and the cause of death is , because i haue not with me some wise person . for truely he is onely aliue amongst the liuing : who is accompanyed with the sages . i desire thee greatly to come , and by the immortall gods i coniure thee that thou make no excuse : and if thou wilt not at my desire , doe it for that thou art bound . for many men oft-times condiscend to doe that which they would not : more for vertues sake then to satisfie the demand of any other . thou shalt take that which my embassador shall giue , and beleeue that which he shall tell in my behalfe , and by this my letter i doe promise thee , that when thou shalt ariue here , i will make thee treasorer of my coffers , only counsailour of mine affaires , secretary of my counsell , father of my children , reformer of my realme , master of my person , and gouernour of my commonwealth : finally , anacharsis shall be cresus , because cresus may be anacharsis . i say no more , but the gods haue thee in their custody , to whom i pray that they may hasten thy comming . the embassadour departed to goe to athens , bearing with him this letter and many sewels and bagges of gold : and by chance anacharsis was reading in the vniuersitie at the arriuall of the ambassadors of athens . who onely sayd and did his message to anacharsis , presenting vnto him the gifts and the letter . of which thing all those of the vniuersitie maruelled , for the barbarous princes were not accustomed to seek phylosophers , to gouern their commonwealth : but to put them to death , and take from them their liues . after the great phylosopher anacharsis had heard the ambassage , seene the gifts , and receiued the lerter , with out altering his countenance , or elation of his person , impediment in his tong , or desire of the riches immediatly before the phisophers , sayd these words , which hereafter are written . the letter of the phylosopher anacharsis to the king cresus . anacharsis the least of the phylosophers , which to thee cresus , most mightie and puissant king of lides , the health which thou wishest him , and the increase of vertue which thou sendest him . they haue told vs many things here in these parts , as well of thy realme , as of thy person , and there in those parts they say many things , as wel of our vniuersitie , as of my selfe . for the heart taketh great pleasure , to know the conditions and liues of all those in the world . it is well done to desire and procure to know all the liues of the euill , to amend our owne . it is well done to procure and know the liues of the good for to follow them : but what shall we doe ? since now a daies the euill doe not desire to know the liues of the euill , but for to couer them and keepe them secret , and doe not desire to know the liues of the good for to follow them . i let thee know , king cresus , that the phylosophers of greece felt not so much paine to be vertuous , as they felt in defending them from the vitious , for if a man once behold vertue , immediatly she suffereth to be taken : but the euill for any good that any man can doe vnto them , neuer suffers themselues to be vanquished . i beleeue well that tyrannie of the realm is not so great as they talke of here , neither oughtest thou likewise to beleeue that i am so vertuous , as they report me to be here . for in mine opinion those which declare newes of strange countries , are as the poore which weare their garments al patched and peeced , wherof the peeces that were sowne on a new , are in more quantitie of cloth : then the old which before they had , when they were first made , beware ( king cresus ) and bee not as the barbarous princes are , which vse good words , to couer the infamy of their cruel deeds . maruel not though we phylosophers , readers in schooles , desire not to liue with princes and gouernors of realms : for euil princes for none other intent seeke the company of wise men , but onely because they would through them excuse their faults . for doing as thou doest , of will , and not of right , you will that the vulgar people thinke you do it by the counsel of a wise man. i let thee vnderstand , king cresus , that the prince which desireth to gouerne his people well , ought not to be content to haue one onely sage in his pallace . for it is not meete that the gouernement of many do consist in the aduise of one alone . the ambassadour hath sayde by word , and the selfe same thy letter testifieth , that thou art certified that i am counted for sage throughout all greece , & that this presupposed , i wold come to thee to gouerne thy commonwealth . and for the contrary , thou doing thus as thou doest , condemnest mee to be an idiot , for thou thinking that i would take thy gold , is nothing else , but for to raile vpon me as a foole . the chiefe point wherein true philosophy is knowne , is when he despiseth the things of the world : for there neuer agreeth together the libertie of the soule , and the care of the goods in this life , o king cresus , i let thee vnderstand that hee which knoweth most the cause of the element is not called sage : but it is he which least knoweth the vices of this world . for the true phylosopher profiteth more by not knowing the euill , then by learning the good . i let thee vnderstand i am threescore and seuen yeares old , and yet neuer before this time there reigned ire in me , but when thy ambassage was presented to me , and that i saw layde at my feete such treasures and riches . for vpon this deed i gather , that either wisedome lacketh in thee , or that great couetousnes aboundeth in me . i doe send thee thy gold againe which thou sendest me , and rhy ambassadour shall declare ( as witnesse of sight ) how greatly it hath slandered all greece . for it was neuer seene nor heard of , that in any wise they should suffer gold to enter into the vniuersitie of athens . for it should not onely bee a dishonour to the phylosophers of greece to haue riches , but also it would turne them to great infamie to desire them . o king cresus , if thou knowest it not , it is but reason thou know it , that in the schooles of greece wee learne not to command , but to obey : not to speake , but to be silent : not to resist , but to humble our selues : not to get much , but to content vs with little : not to reuenge offences , but to pardon iniuries : not to take from others , but to giue our owne : not to be honored , but to trauaile to be vertuous : finally , we learne to despise that which other men loue : and to loue that which other men despise , which is pouertie . thou thoughtest that i would accept thy gold , or else that i would not . if thou thoughtest i would haue taken it , then thou haddest had reason not to haue receiued me afterwards into thy palace : for it is a great infamie , that the couetous man shuld be acceptable to a prince . if thou thoughtst that i wold none of it , thou wert not wise to take the pains to send it : for princes ought neuer to take vpon them things , wherein ( as they thinke ) that subiects should lose their honestie in receiuing them . seeking cresus and behold that by diligence it litle auayleth to search for the physition , and afterwards to doe nothing of that which by him is ordained . i meane that it shall not profit , but rather it shall be harme , that i come into thy commonwealth , and that afterwards thou wilt not do that which i shall ordaine therein , for great dangers ensue to alter the humors with siropes : vnlesse they take afterwards a purgation to purge away the same . for to redresse thy barbarous realme , and to satisfie thy good desire , i am determined to condiscend vnto thy request , and to accomplish thy commandement , vpon condition , that thou shalt ensure mee of these things following . for the laborer ought not to sow his seede before the ground be plowed and tilled . the first , thou shalt for sake the euill custome which ye barbarous kings dovse , that is to say , to heape vp treasures , and not to spend them . for euery prince which is couetous of treasures , is scarcely of capacitie to receiue good counsell : the second , thou shalt not onely banish out of thy palace : but also out of thy court al flatterers , for the prince that is a friend to flatterers of necessitie must be an enemie of the truth . the . thou shalt end the wars that thou ( at this present ) doest maintaine against the people of corinth , for euery prince that loueth forraine warres , must needs hate the peace of his commonwealth . the fourth , thou shalt banish from thy house all iuglers , comediants and ministrels . for the prince which occupieth himselfe to heare vaine and trifling things , in time of necessitie shall not apply himselfe to those which bee of weight and importance . fiftly , thou shalt prouide that all loyterers and vacabonds bee expulsed from thy person , and banished thy palace : for iidlenesse and negligence are cruell enemies of wisedome . sixtly , thou shalt banish from thy court and palace , and liers all seditious men : for when liers are suffered in the palace of princes , it is a signe that the king and the realme falleth into vtter destruction . the seuenth , thou shalt promise that in the dayes of thy life thou shalt not presse me to receiue any thing of thee : for the day that thou shalt corrupt me with gifts it is necessary that i corrupt thee with euill counsels . for there is no counsell that is good , but that which proceedeth from the man that is not couetous . if on these conditions the king cresus desireth the philosopher anacharsis , the philosopher anacharsis desireth the king cresus : and if not , i had rather bee a disciple of sage philosophers , then a king of the barbarous people . vale felix rex . sith this letter doeth declare it , it is needlesse for my pen to write it , that is to say , what was the humanitie and goodnesse of king cresus , to write vnto a poore phylosopher : and how great the courage of a philosopher was to despise the gold , and to say ( as he did ) in this behalfe . therefore let princes note heare , that such ought the sages to bee they should chuse , and let sages note here also vpon what conditions they ought to enter into the palace of princes . for this is such a bargaine , that it seldome times chanceth , but that one of the parties are deceiued . chap xlvi . of the wisedome and sentences of phalaris the tyrant , and how he put an artisan to death for inuenting new torments . in the last yeare of the latines , and in the first yeare of the romaines ezechias being king of the iewes , and azaria great bishop of the holy temple , abacucke prophet in iewrie , and merodach being king in babylon , and when the lacedemonians built byzance ( which now is constantinople , ) phalaris the famous tyrant was then liuing . of this phalaris , ouid saith , that he was deformed in his face , pore blinde of his eyes , and exceeding couetous of riches , and neuer obserued any thing that he promised . he was thankfull to his friends , and cruell to his enemies : finally , he was such a one , that tyrannies which seuerally were scattered in others , in him alone were altogether assembled . amongst all the iniquities that he inuented , and amongst the tyranies that he committed , he had one vertue very great , which was , that euen as he was head of all tyrannies , so was he chief louer and friends of all phylosophers and sage men . and in all those sixe and thirtie yeares which he gouerned the realm by tyrannie , they neuer found that any man touched his beard , nor that any man sate at his table with him , spake vnto him , or slept in his bed , nor that any man saw in his countenance any mirth , vnlesse it were some phylosopher or sage man , with whom , and to whom hee liberally put his body in trust . the prince that absenteth himselfe from sage men , and accompanieth with fooles : i say vnto him , though hee bee a prince of his commonwealth , he is a cruel person . for it is a greater paine to liue among fooles , then to die amongst sages . pulio in his first booke , degestis romanorum sayth , that a worthy and excellent painter presented a table to octauian the emperour , wherein were drawne all the vertuous princes , and for their chiefetaine , octauian the emperour was drawne : at the foote of this table were all the tyrannous princes painted , of the which phalaris was chiefe and captaine . this table viewed by octauian the emperour , he commendeth the worke , but hee disallowed the intention thereof , saying , me thinks not meete that i being a liue , should be set chiefe and principall of all the vertuous men that are dead . for during the time of this wicked life , we reall subiect to the vices of weake & feeble flesh . also it seemeth vnto me an vniust doing , that they should put phalaris for principall and captaine of all the tyrants : since he was a scourge and enemie to fooles and ignorant men : and so earnest a louer and friend of sages , and wise phylosophers the fame of this cruell phalaris being knowne , and his extreme cruelties he vsed , spred through all greece . a neighbour and artificer of athens called perillus ( a man very excellent in mettels , and a great worker in works of fountaines , ) came to phalaris the tyrant , saying , that he would make such a kinde of torment , that his heart should remaine reuenged , and the offender well punished . the matter was , that this workeman made a bull of brasse , wherein there was a gate by the which they put the offender , and in putting the fire vnder the bull , it roared , and cryed , in manner as it had bene aliue : which thing was not onely a horrible and cruell torment to the miserable creature that endured it , but also it was terrible to him or those that saw it . let vs not maruell neither at the one , nor at the orhet : for truely the pitifull heart ( which is not fleshed in in crueltie ) hath as much pitie to see another man suffer , as of the sorow and torment which hee himselfe feeleth . phalaris therefore seeing the inuenuention of this torment , ( whereof the inuentor hoped for great reward ) prouided , that the inuentor of the same should bee put within the bull , and that the cruelty of the torment shuld be experimented in none , saue onely on the inuentor . truely in this case phalaris shewed himselfe not a cruell tyrant , but rather a mercifull prince and a sage phylosopher : for nothing can bee more iust , then that the inuention of the ma●ce bee executed on the fraile flesh the inuentor . now because phalaris was a greate friend of sages , the philosophers of greece came oftentimes to see him , which were very gently receyued of him . though to say the trueth they profited more with his goods , then he did with their philosophy . this tyrant phalaris was not onely a friend of sages : but also hee was very well learned , and deepely seen in morall philosophy : the which thing appeareth well in the epistles which he wrote with his owne hand , i can not tell wherein hee shewed himselfe greater , eyther in the sentences and doctrines which hee wrote with his penne : or in the slaughter and cruelties which he did with his sword . o how many companions had phalaris the tyrant , in this case in times past , and that ( as i would ) there were none also at this time present , which in their pleasant wordes did resemble the emperour nero. i neuer read other thing of those that are gone , neither haue i seene otherwise of those that are present , but many they are that blase vertues , and infinite which runne after vices . for of truth wee are very light of tongue and too feeble of flesh . the epistles which this phalaris wrote are knowne to al men , i meane of those which know greek , or laten : and for those that know them not , i was willing to draw these that are present , and to put them in our vulgar tongue for two causes . the one to the end princes might see how good a thing it is to be sage , and how tyrants ●were praysed for being sages , and giuing good counsell . the other , to the end the people might see how easie it is to speake wel and how hard it is to worke well . for there is nothing better cheape in the world then counsell . the sententences therefore of the epistles of phalaris are these which follow , in such sort as i could most briefly gather them , to reduce them in good and profitable stile to write them . the particular loue which princes shew to one more then to another , breedeth oftentimes much enuy in their realmes for the one being loued and the other hated , of this commeth hatred , and of hatred commes euill thoughts , of euill thoughts proceedeth malice , and of malice commeth euill words , the which breake out into worse deeds . finally , when a prince sheweth not to equals his fauour indifferently , he setteth fire in his commonwealth . princes ought to forbid , and sages ought to consent , that rebels and quarellers shuld trouble those which are quiet and peace makers : for when the people rise , immediatly couetousnesse is awaked . when couetousnesse groweth , iustice falleth , force and violence ruleth , snatching reigneth , lecherie is at libertie , the euill haue power , and the good are oppressed : finally all do reioyce one to liue to the preiudice of another , and euery man to seeke his owne priuate commoditie . manie vaine men do raise discentions and quarrels amongst the people , thinking that in troubled water , they should augment their estates , who in short space doe not onely lose the hope of that they sought : but also are put out of that they possessed . for it is not onely reasonable , but also most iust , that those by experience feele that , which their blinde malice will not suffer them to know . it is much good for the people that the gouernours bee not vnfortunate , but that of their nature they were happy . for to luckie princes fortune giueth many things euen as they demand , yea and giueth them better then they locke for . the noble and valiant princes , when they see themselues with other princes , or that they are present in great acts , ought to shew the freenes of their hearts , the greatnesse of their realme , the preheminence of their person , the loue of their commonwealth , and aboue all the discipline of their court , and the grauitie of their counsell and pallace . for the sage and curious men should not behold the prince in the apparrell , which hee weareth : but the men which he hath to counsell him . the sage men , and those that be not couetous , if they doe employ their forces to heape vp treasures , ought to remember in their hearts , how to employ themselues to spende their money well : sith fortune is mistresse in all things , and that to her they doe impute both good and euill workes , hee alone may be called a princely man , who for no contrariety of fortune is ouercome : for truly that man is of a stout courage , whose heart is not vanquished by the force of fortune : though we prayse one for valiant with the sword , wee will not therefore prayse him for excellent with the penne . although hee bee excellent with his penne , hee is not therefore excellent with his tongue : though he haue a good tongue , hee is not therefore well learned : and though hee be learned , hee hath not therfore a good renowm , and thogh hee hath a good renowme he is not therefore of a good life : for wee are bound to receiue the doctrine , of many which write : but we are not bound to follow the liues which they doe leade . there is no worse office amongst men , then for to take the charge to punish the vices of another , and therefore a man ought to fly from it , as for the pestilence : for in correcting vices , hatred is more sure to the corrector , then amendment of life is to the offender . he hath & possesseth much that hath good friends : for many aide their friends when they would haue holpē them more if they could . for the true loue is not wearyed to loue , nor ceaseth not to profite . though sage men haue lost much , they ought not therfore to dispaire , but that they shall come to it againe in time . for in the ende time doth not cease to doe his accustomed alterations , nor perfect friends cease not to doe that which they ought . the proud & disdainfull man ( for the most part ) alwayes falleth into some euill chaunce : therefore it is a commendable medecine some times to be perseecuted , for aduersitie maketh a wise man liue more safely , & to walke in lesse daunger . for so much as wee doe excuse him which cōmitteth the fault , there is neither the offender , nor the offence but deserueth paine . for such a one that committeth the faulte through sudden anger , did euill : and if hee did commit it by deliberation , he did much worse . to desire to doe all things by reason is good , and likewise to lay them all in order is good , but it is very harde : for temperate men haue such respect in compassing their doings , and by weight to cast all the inconueniences , that scarcely they euer determine to goe about it . to the man which hath gouernement two things are dangerous , that is to say , too soone , or too late : but of those two , the worst is too soone . for if by determining late , a man looseth that which he might haue gotten : by determining too soone , that is lost , which is now gained , and that which a man might haue gained . to men which are too hasty , chance daylie manie euills and daungers , as saith the old prouerbe , the hasty man neuer wanteth woe : for the man being vnpacient , and hauing his vnderstanding high , afterwards come quarrels and brawlings , displeasures , varieties , and also vanities , which loseth their goods , and putteth their persons in danger . sith all naturally desire to bee happie , hee alone amongst all others may be called happie , of whom they may truely say : hee gaue good doctrine to liue & lest good example to dye . these and many other sentences of phalaris the tyrant , wrote in his letters , whereof cicero profited much in his works , and seneca also in his epistles , and manie other writers besides . for this tyraunt was verie briefe in wordes , and compendious in sentences . this phalaris being in his cittie of agrigentine , a phylosopher of greece wrote him a taunting letter , charging him with tyrannie : to which he made answere with this letter following . the letter of phalaris the tyrant , to popharco the phylosopher . phalaris agrigentine , wisheth vnto thee popharco the phylosopher , health and consolation , through the comfortable gods. i receyued thy letter heere in agrigentine , and though it sauoured somewhat satyr-like , i was not agrieued therewith : for of phylysophers and sages , ( as thou art , ) wee should not bee grieued with the sharpe wordes you tell vs , but onely to consider the intention whervpō you speake them . quarrellers & malicious persons , will haue the words by weight and measute , but the vertuous and patient men do not regard but the intentions . for if wee should goe about to examine euery word they speake vnto vs , wee should giue our selues to much paine , and we should alwayes set in the common-wealth debate . i am a tyrant , and as yet am in tyrannie : but i sweare vnto the immortal gods , whether the words were good or bad , i neuer altered it . for if a good man tell it mee , i take it for my pastime . thou writest vnto me that all greece is offended with mee there : but i let thee vnderstand , that all agrigentine is all edified with thee here . and thereof thou maist praise mee . for if the tyrants were not so much dispraysed , the phylosophers should not be so well loued . thou art counted for good , and art good : and i am counted for euill , and am euill : but in mine opinion thou shuldst not be proud for the one , neither i should dispaire for the other . for the day of the life is long , and therein fortune doth many things : and it may wel be , that from a tyrant i shall be a phylosopher : and thou from a phylosopher shalt be a tirant . see my friend , that the long time maketh oftentimes the earth to be turned to siluer : and the siluer and gold becommeth nothing worth . i meane , that there neuer was a tirant in any realme , but that first he had bene brought vp in the studie of greece . i will not denie , that all the renowmed tyrants haue not bin nourished in scictle : but also thou shalt not deny me , that they were not borne in greece . therefore see and beholde to whom the faulte is : from the mother which bare them , or from the nurse which gaue them sucke . i doe not say that it shall bee , but i say that it may well be , that if i were there in greece , i should bee a better philosopher then thou : and if thou wert heere in agrigentine , thou wouldest be a worser tyrant then i. i would thou shouldest think , that thou mightest be better in greece where thou art : & that i might be worse in agrigentine , where i am . for that thou dost not so much good as thou mightest do : and i doe not so much euil as i may doe . the cunning man perillus came into these parts and hath made a bull , wherin he hath put a kind of torment , the most fearfullest in the world : and truely i caused , that that which his malice had inuented , should be of none other then of himselfe experimēted . for there is no iuster law , that when any workmā hath inuented engins , to make other men die , then to put them to the torments by them inuented , to know the experience in themselues . i beseech thee hartily to come & see me , and be thou assured thou shalt make me good . for it is a good signe for the sick , when he acknowledgeth his sicknes to the phisitian . i say no more to thee , but that once againe i returne to solicite thee , that thou failest not to come see mee , for in the ende , if i doe not profite of thee , i am sure thou shalt profite by me , & if thou winnest , i cannot lose . chap. xlvii . how philip k : of macedonie , alexander the great , the k : ptolomeus , the k : antigonus , the k : archelaus , & pirrus k : of the epirotes , were all great louers and friendes of the sages , if quintus curtius deceiue me not , the great alexāder , sonne to k. philip of macedonie , did not deserue to bee called great , for that hee was accompanied with thousands of men of warre , but onely hee wanne the renowne of great , for that hee had more phylosophers on his counsell then all other princes had . this great prince neuer tooke vpon him warres , but that first the order of executing the same should before his presence be examined of the sages , and wise phylosophers . and truely hee had reason : for in affayres where good counsells haue proceeded , they may alwayes looke for a good ende . these hystoriographers which wrote of great alexander ( as well the grecians as the latines , ) knowe not whether the fiercenesse wherewith he strooke his enemyes was greater , or the humanity wherewith hee embraced his counsel . though the sage philosophers which so accompanyed the great alexander , were manie in number : yet notwithstanding amongst all those , aristotle , anaxarcus , and onesichrates , were his most familiars . and heerein alexander shewed himselfe very wise . for wise princes ought to take the counsell of manie , but they ought to determine and conclude vpon the opinion of fewe . the great alexander did not content himselfe to haue sages with him , neyther to send onely to desire those which were not his : but oftentimes himself in person would go see them , visite them , and counsell with them , saying : that the princes which are the seruants of sages , come to be made maisters and lordes ouer all . in the time of alexander magnus , diogenes the philosopher liued , who neither for intreatie , nor yet for any promises that were made , would come for to see alexander the great . wherefore alexander the great went for to see him , and when hee had desired him that hee would goe with him , and accompany him , diogenes answered . o alexander , since that thou wilt winne honour in keeping of men in thy company : it is not reason then that i should loose it , to forsake my studie . for in following of thee , i shall not follow my selfe : and beeing thine , i shall cease to bee mine . thou art come to haue the name of the great alexander , for conquering the world , and i haue attained to come to renowme of a good phylosopher , in flying the world . and if thou dost imagine that thou hast gotten and wonne : i thinke i haue not erred nor lost . and since thou wilt be no lesse in authoritie then a king , doe not thinke that i will lose the estimation of a phylosopher . for in the world there is no greater losse vnto a man , then when hee looseth his proper libertie . when he had spoken these words , alexander saide vnto them that were about him with a lowde voyce : by the immortall gods i sweare , and as god mars rule my hands in battell , if i were not alexander the great , i would bee diogenes the phylosopher . and hee saide further , in mine opinion there is no other felicitie vpon the earth then to bee king alexander . who commaundeth all , or to bee diogenes to commaund great alexander : who commaundeth all , as king alexander was more familiar with some philosophers , then with others : so hee esteemed some bookes more then others . and they say he read oftentimes in the iliades of homer , which is a booke where the story of the destruction of troy is : and that when he slept , he layd vnder his head vpon a bolster his sword , and also his booke . when the great king alexander was borne , his father philip king of macedonia did two notable things . the first was , that hee sent many and very rich gifts into the i le of delphos , where the oracle of apollo was , to the ende to present them with him , and to pray him , that it would please him for to preserue his sonne . the other thing that hee did was , that immediately hee wrote a letter to the great philosopher aristotle , wherin he sayd these words . the letter of king philip to aristotle the phylosopher , philip king of macedonia wishes health and peace , to the philosopher aristotle which readeth in the vniuersitie of greece , i let the vnderstand that olympias my wife is brought to bedde of a goodly man childe , whereof both she and i , and all macedonia do reioyce : for kings and realms ought to haue great ioy , when that there is borne a sonne sueccssour of the natural prince of the prouince . i render thankes vnto the immortall gods , and haue sent many great gifts to the temples , and it was not so much for that i haue a son , as for that they haue giuenhim vnto me , in the time of so great and excellent philosopher . i hope that thou wilt bring him vp , & teach him in such sort that by heritage hee shall be lord of my patrimony of macedonia , and by desert he shall be lord of asia : to that they should call him my sonne , and thee his father . vale foelix , iterumque vale . ptolomeus father in law , who was the eight king of the aegyptians , did greatly loue the sages as well of caldea , as of greece , and this thing was esteemed for a great vertue in king ptolome : for there was as much enuy betweene the phylosophers of greece , and the sages of egypt : as betweene the captaines of rome , and the captaines of carthage . this ptolome was very wise , and did desire greatly to bee accompanied with phylosophers : and after this hee learned the letters of the latines , caldes , and hebrues : for the which cause , though the kings named ptolomei were eleuen in number , and all warrelike men : yet they put this for the chiefe , and captaine of all , not for battels which hee wanne , but for the sentences which he learned . this king ptolomeus had for his familiar , a philosopher called estilpho magarense , who was so entirely beloued of this prince , that ( laying aside gentlenesse and benefits which hee shewed him ) hee did not onely eate with the king at his table : but oftentimes the king made him drink of his owne cup. and as the sauours which princes shew to their seruants , are but as a watch to proue the malitious : it chanced , that when this king gaue the philosopher to drinke that which remayned in his cuppe , an egyptian knight moued with enuy , sayde vnto king ptolome . i thinke lord how thou art neuer satisfied with drinking , to leaue that which remaineth in the cuppe , for the philosopher to drinke after thee . to whom the king answered . thou sayst well , that the phylosopher estilpho is neuer filled with that which i doe giue him : for that which remaineth in my cup , doth not profite him so much to drinke : as the phylosophy which remaineth in him should profite thee , if thou wouldst take it . the king antigonus was one of the most renowmed seruants that king alexander the great euer had , who after his death enherired a great part of his empire : for how much happy the king alexander was in his life , so much hee was vnhappy at the time of his death : because he had no children which might enherite his goods , and that hee had such seruants as spoyled him of his renowme . this king antigonus was an vnthrist , and excessiue in all vices : but for all hee loued greatly the phylosophers , which thing remained vnto him from king alexander , whose pallace was a schoole of al the good phylosophers of the world . of this ensample they may see what great profite ensueth , of bringing vp of them that bee yong , for there is none that euer was so wicked or inclined vnto euill : but that in long continuance may profite somwehat in his youth . this king antigonus loued two philosophers greatly , the which florished in that time , that is to say , amenedius , and abio , of which two abio was wel learned , and very poore : for in that time no phylosopher durst openly reade philosophy , as if hee were worth any thing in temporall goods . as laertius sayth , and as pulio declares it better , in the book of the rulers and noble men of the greekes . the schooles of the vuiuersitie were so correct , that the philosopher which knew most , had least goods : so that they did not glorifie of any thing eise , but to haue pouertie , and to know much of philosophy . the case was such , that the phylosopher abio was sicke , and with that sickenes he was so vexed , that they might almost see the bones of his weake bodie . the king antigonus sent to visite him by his owne sonne , by whom hee sent him much money to helpe him withall . for hee liued in extreame pouertie , as it behoued the professors of phylosophy . abio was sore sicke being aged , and crooked , and though he had made himselfe so leane with sicknesse : yet notwithstanding he burned alwayes vpon the weeke of good life . i meane that he had no lesse courage to despise those gifts : then the king antigonus had nobles to send them . this phylosopher not contented to haue despised those gifts in such sort , sayd vnto the sonne of antigonus who brought them : tell king antigonus that i giue him great thankes , for the good entertainement hee gaue me alwayes in my life , and for the gifts he sends mee now at my death . for one friend can doe more to another , then to offer him his person , to depart with his proper goods . tell the king thy father , that i maruell what hee should meane , that i now beeing foure score yeares of age , and haue walked all my life time naked in this world , should now be laden with vestures and money , since i must passe so great a gulfe in the sea , to go out of this world , the egyptians haue a custome to lighten the burden of their camels when they passe the desartes of arabia , which is much better then to ouercharge them . i meane , that he onely passeth without trauell the dangers of the life , which banisheth frō him that thought of temporall goods of this world . thirdly , thou shalt say to the king thy father , that from hence forth when any man will dye , he doe not succour nor helpe him with money , golde , nor riches , but with good and ripe counsell . for golde will make him leaue his life with sorrow , and good counsell will moue him to take his death with patience . the fifth king of the macedonians was called archelaus , who they say to be the grandfather of king philip , father of the great alexander . this king boasteth himselfe to descend from menelaus king of the grecians , and principall captaine which was at the destruction of troy. this king archelaus was a great friend to the sages , and amongst others there was a poet with him called euripides , who at that time had no lesse glory in his kinde of poetrie : then archelaus in his king dome being king of macedonia . for now a dayes , we esteeme more the sages for the bookes which they wrote then we do exalt kings for the realms which they ruled , or the battels which they ouercame . the familiaritie which euripides had with the king archelaus was so great , that in the realme of macedonie nothing was done , but first it was examined by the hands of this philosopher . and as the simple and ignorant would not naturally be subiect to the sage : it chanced that one night euripides was talking a long time with the king , declaring vnto him the ancient histories : and when the poore poet would depart to goe home to his house , his enemies espyed him , and let the hungrie dogges flie vpon him : the which did not onely teare him in peeces , but also eate him euery morsell . so that the intrayles of the dogges , were the wofull graue of the most miserable poet. the king archelaus being certified of this wofull case , immediately ( as soone as they told him ) was so chafed , that almost he was bereft of his senses . and hereat maruell not at all : for gentle hearts doe alter greatly , when they are aduertised of any suddaine mishappe . as the loue which the king had to euripides in his life was much , so likewise the sorow which he felt at his death was very great : for he shed many teares from his eyes , he cut the hairs off his head , he rounded his beard , hee changed his apparrell which he ware , and aboue all , he made as solemne a funerall to euripides , as if they had buried vlisses . and not contented with al these things he was neuer merry , vntill such time he had done cruell execution of the malefactors : for truely the iniury or death which is done vnto him whom wee loue : is no other but as a bath and token of our owne good wills . after iustice was executed of those homicides , and that some of the bones ( all gnawne of the dogs ) were buried , a grecian knight said vnto king archelaus , i let the know ( excellent king ) that all macedonta is offended with thee because that for so small a losse thou hast shewed so great sorrow . to whom king archelaus aunswered , among sages it is a thing sufficiently often tryed , that noble hearts ought not to shew themselues sad for mishaps and sodaine chances : for the king being sadde his realme cannot , ( and though it might , it ought not ) shew it selfe merry . i haue heard my father say once , that princes should neuer shed teares , vnlesse it were for one of these causes . the first , the prince should bewaile the losse & danger of his common wealth : for the good prince ought to pardon the iniuries done to his person , but to reuenge the least act done to the common-wealth , he ought to hazard himselfe . the second , the good prince ought to lament , if any man haue touched his honour in any wise : for the prince which weepeth not drops of bloud for the things touching his honour , deserueth to be buried quicke in his graue . the third , the good prince ought to bewayle those which can little , and suffer much : for the prince which bewayleth not the calamities of the poore , in vaine , and without profit liueth on the earth . the fourth , the good prince ought to bewayle the glory and prosperity wherein the tyrants are : for that prince which with tyranny of the euill is not displeased , with the hearts of the good is vnworthy to bee beloued . the fift , the good prince ought to bewayle the death of wise men : for to a prince there can come no greater losse , then when a wise man dyeth in his common wealth . these were the words , which the king archelaus answered the grecian knight , who reproued him because he had wept for the death of euirpides the philosopher . the ancient historiographers can say no more , of the estimation which the philosophers and wise men had , as well the greekes as the latines : but i will tell you one thing worthy of noting . it is well knowne through all the world , that scipio the ethnicke , was one of the worthiest that euer was in rome : for by his name , and by his occasion , rome got such a memory as shall endure . and this was not only for that he conquered affricke , but for the great worthinesse of his person . men ought not to esteeme a little these two giftes in one man , that is to say to be happy and aduenturous : for many of the auncients in times past wanne glory by their swords , and after lost it by their euill liues . the romane historiographers say , that the first that wrote in heroicall meeter in the latine tongue , was ennius the poet , the workes of whom was so esteemed of scipio the ethnick , that when this aduenturous and so luckie romane dyed , he commaunded in his will and testament , that they should hang the image of this ennius the poet ouer his graue . by that the great scipio did at his death , wee may well coniecture how great a friend he was of sages in his life : since he had rather for his honour , see the statue of ennius on his graue : then the banner wherwith he wonne and conquered affricke . in the time of pirrus ( which was king of the epirotes , and great enemy of the romanes ) flourished a philosopher named cinas , borne in thessaly . who ( as they say , was the disciple of demosthenes . the historiographers at that time did so much esteeme this cinas , that they sayde he was the master and measure of mans eloquence : for he was very pleasant in words and profound sentences . this cinas serued for three offices in the palace of king pirrus . first he made pastime at his table in that hee did declare : for he had a good grace in things of laughter . secondarily , he wrote the valiant deedes of his history : for in his stile hee had great cloquence , and to write the truth he was a witnesse of sight . totrdly , he went for ambassadouring at affayres of great importance : for he was naturally subtill and witty , and in dispatching businesse hee was very fortunate . he vsed so many meanes in his businesse , and had so great perswasion in his words , that hee neuer tooke vpon him to speake of things of warre : but eyther he set a long truce , or else hee made a perpetuall peace . the king pirrus saide to this cinas . o cinas for . things i thanke to the immortall gods. the first , for that they created mee a king , and not a seruant : for the greatest good that mortall men haue , is to haue liberty to commaund many , and not bee bound to obey any , the second , i thanke the immortal gods for that they naturally made mee stout of heart : for the man which with euery trifle is abashed , it were better for him to leaue his life . the third , i giue the immortall gods thanks for that in the gouernement of my commonwealth , and for the great affaires and busines of my realme ( as well in wars as in other things ) they gaue me such a man ( as thou art ) in my company : for by thy gentle speech , i haue conquered and abtained many cities , which by my cruell sword i could neuer winne nor attaine . these were the words which pyrrus sayd vnto his friend cinas the poet. let euery prince know now , how great louers of wise men those were in times past : and as vpon a sodaine i haue recited these few examples , so with small study i haue heaped infinite histories . the end of the first booke . the second booke of the dyall of princes . wherein the avthor treateth how noble princes and great lordes should behaue themselues towardes their wiues : and how they ought to nourish and bring vp their chyldren . chap. i , ¶ of what excellencie marriage is , and whereas common people marrie of free will , princes and noble-men ought to marry of necessitie . among al the friendships & companies of this life , there is none so naturall as that betweene the husband & the wife liuing in one house : for all other companyes are caused by free will onely , but this proceedeth both by wil and necessitie . there is at this day no lyon so fierce , no serpent so venemous , no viper so infectiue , no aspicke so mortall , neyther any beast so terrible , but at the least both male and female do once in the yeare meete and conioyne : and although that in brute beasts there lacketh reason , yet notwithstanding they haue a natural instinction to assemble themselues for the conseruation of their kinde . in this case men deserue no lesse reproch then beasts merite praise : for after that the females by generation are bigge , they neuer agree that the males should accompanie with them . according to the diuersity of nations , so among thēselues they differ the one from the other , in lawes , languages , ceremonies , & customs : but in the ende all agree in one thing , for that they enforce themselues to celebrate marriage . as the scripture teacheth vs , since the world was created , there hath nothing bene more ancient , then the sacrament of marriage : for that day that man was formed , the selfe same day he celebrated mariage with a woman , in the terrestriall paradise . the ancient hystoriographers ( aswell greekes as latines ) wrote many great things in the praise of mariage : but they could not say nor write so much , as continuall experience doth shew vs. therfore leauing the superfluous , and taking the most necessary , wee say that fiue commodities follow the sage man , who hath taken the yoke of matrimonie . the first is , the memorie which remaineth to the children , as successors and heyres of their fathers . for as the phylosopher pythagoras sayeth : when a father passeth out of this present life , and leaueth behinde him a childe being his heyre , they cannot say vnto him that hee dyeth , but that he waxeth young in his childe , since the child doth inherite the flesh , the goods , and the memorie of the father . among the ancients it was a common prouerbe , that the taste of all tastes is bread , the sauour of all sauours is salt , and the greatest loue of all loues is from the fathers to their children . and though perchaunce we see the father shew some rigor to their children , we ought not therefore to say that they hate them , and despise them : for the tender loue of the father to the sonne is such , that hee cannot endure him to doe any thing amisse , or worthy of rebuke . not only men of reason and brute beasts , but also the hedge and garden-trees , to their possibilitie , procure to continue their kinde : and it is plainly seene , in that before the fruits and hearbs were formed to be eaten , the seeds and kirnels were made to be kept . men naturally desire honor in their life , and memorie after theyr death . therefore ( i say ) that they come to honour by high , and noble , and heroycall facts , but the memorie is left by the good and legittimate children : for the children which are borne in adultrie , are begotten in sinne , and with great care are nourished . the second benefit of marriage is , that they auoyd adulterie , and it is no small matter to auoyde this vice . for the adulterers are not onely taken in the christian religion for offenders : but euen amongst the gentiles also , they are counted infamous . the sage solon in the lawes that he gaue vnto the athenians , commaunded vpon streight precepts that they should marrie , to auoyde adulterie , vpon paine that the childe borne in adultrie , should be made the common slaue of the cittie . the romanes ( as men foreseeing all things , ) ordained in the tables of theyr lawes , that the children which were born in adultery should not be heyres of the goods of theyr fathers . when the oratour eschynes was banished out of athens , as he came by the rhodes , he tooke no such pains in any one thing as he did in perswading the rhodians to marry , and not to liue in adulterie : for among those barbarous , matrimonie was not common , but onely among them which were officers of the commonwealth . cicero in a familiar epistle , saith : that the great romaine marcus porcio , being gouernor in the common-wealth , neuer agreed that an vnckle of his should bee maister of the romain chiualry , vnlesse he were marryed : which office was promised him by the senate . his name was rufus , a stout and valiant man of warre : this notwithstanding marcus porcio saide , that that praise which rufus deserued for being valiant , and hardie : he lost againe for liuing in adulterie . and that he would neuer graunt his voyce , nor bee in place where they committed any charge in the warres to a man that had not a lawfull wife . i say therefore , that if the gentiles and infidels esteemed marriage so much , and despised the deedes of the adulterers so greatly : much more true christians should be in this case warie and circumspect . for the gentiles feared nothing but onely infamy : but all true christians ought to feare both infamie , and also paine . since that of necessitie mans seede must increase , and that wee see men suffer themselues to bee ouercome with the flesh : it were much better that they should maintaine a good houshold , and liue vprightly with a wife , then to waste theyr goods , and burden theyr conscience with a concubine . for it is oftentimes seene , that that which a gentleman consumeth abrode vpon an harlot with shame , would keepe his wife and children at home with honestie . the third commoditie of marryage is , the laudable and louing companie , the which is , or ought to bee betweene them that are matryed : the anciēt philophers defining what man was , saide ; that hee was a creature , the which by nature was sociable communicable , & reasonable : wherof it followeth , that the man beeing solitarie and close in his conditions , cannot bee in his stomacke but enuious . we that are men loue the good inclination , and doe also commend the same in beasts : for all that the sedicious man and the resty horse eate , wee thinke it euill spent . a sad man , a sole man , a man shut in , and solitary , what profite can hee doe to the people ? for if euery man should be locked vp in his house , the common-wealth should forthwith perish . my intention is to speake against the vacabonds , which without taking vpon them any craft or facultie , passe the age of fortie , of fiftie yeares , and would not , nor will not marrie yet , because they would be vicious all the daies of their life . it is a great shame and conscience to many men , that neuer determine with themselues to take vpon them any estate , neyther to bee marryed , chaste , secular , or ecclesiasticall : but as the corke vpon the water they swimme , whether their sensualitie leadeth them . one of the most laudable and holy companyes which is in this life , is the companie of the man and the woman , in especiallie if the woman bee vertuous : for the noble and vertuous wife withdraweth all the sorowes from the heart of her husband , and accomplisheth his desires , whereby he liueth at rest . when the wife is vertuous , and the husband wise , wee ought to belieue that betweene them two is the true loue : for the one not being suspect with the other , and hauing childrē in the midst , it is vnpossible but that they should liue in concord . for all that i haue read & seene , i would say , that if the mā & the wife doe liue quietly together , a man may not only cal them good maried folks , ( but also holy persons ) for to speake the truth the yoke of matrimony is so great , that it cannot be accomplished without much merite . the contrarie ought and may be said of those which are euill marryed : whom we will not call a companie of saintes , but rather a companie of diuells . for the wise that hath an euill husband , may say , shee hath a diuell in her house : and the husband that hath an euill wife , let him make account that hee hath a hell it selfe in his house . for the euill wiues are worse then infernall furies . because in hell there are none tormented but the euill onely : but the euill woman tormenteth both the good and the euill . concluding therefore this matter , ( i say also and affirme ) that betwixt the husband and the wife which are wel married , is the true and very loue : and they onely and no others , may be called perfit and perpetuall friends . the other parents and friendes , if they do loue and praise vs in our presence , they hate and despise vs in our absence . if they giue vs faire words , they beare vs euill hearts : finallie , they loue vs in our prosperitie , and forsake vs in our aduersitie : but it is not so amongst the noble and vertuous married persons : for they loue both within and without the house , in prosperity , and in aduersitie , in pouertie and in riches , in absence , and in presence , seeing themselues merrie , and perceyuing themselues sad : and if they doe it not , truely they ought to doe it : for when the husband is troubled in his foote , the wife ought to be grieued at her heart . the fourth commoditie of marriage is , that the men and women marryed , haue more authoritie and grauitie then the others . the lawes which were made in olde time in the fauour marriage , were manie and diuers : for capharoneus , in the lawes that hee gaue to the egyptians , cōmanded and ordained vpon grieuous paines , that the man that was not maryed , should not haue any office of gouernment in the common-wealth . and he saide further , that hee that hath not learned to gouern his house , can euil gouerne a common-wealth . according to the lawes that hee gaue to the athenians , hee perswaded all those of the common-wealth to marry themselues voluntarily : but to the heads and captaines , which gouerne the affaires of warre , hee commaunded to marrie of necessitie , saying : that to men which are lecherous , god seldome giueth victoryes . lycurgus the renowmed gouernor and giuer of the lawes to the lacedemonians , commaunded that all captaines of the armyes , and the priestes of the temples should bee marryed : saying , that the sacrifices of marryed men were more acceptable to the gods , then those of any other . as plinie saith , in an epistle that hee sent to falconius his friend , rebuking him for that hee was not marryed : where he declareth that the romaines in olde time had a law , that the dictatour , and the pretor , the censour and the questour , and all the knights should of necessity be marryed : for the man that hath not a wife and children legitimate in his house , cannot haue nor hold great authoritie in the common-wealth . plutarche , in the booke that he made of the praise of marriage , saith : that the priests of the romaines did not agree to them that were vnmarryed , to come and sit downe in the temples : so that the young-maydens prayed without at the church dore , and the young men prayed on theyr knees in the temple , onely the marryed men were permitted to sit or stand . plynie in an epistle that hee wrote to fabarus his father in law , saith , that the emperor augustus had a custom , that he neuer suffered any yong man in his presence to sitte , nor permitted any man marryed , to tell his tale on foote . plutarch , in the booke that hee made in the praise of women , saieth : that since the realme of corinth was peopled more with batchelours then with marryed men , they ordayned , amongst them , that the man or woman that had not bene marryed , and also that had not kept children and house , ( if they liued after a certaine age ) after theyr deaths should not be buryed . chap. ii. ¶ the authour following his purpose , declareth that by meanes of marryage , many mortall enemies haue beene made good and perfite friends . by sundrie examples that we haue declared , and by all that which remaineth to declare , a man may knowe well enough , of what excellencie matrimonie is : not onely for the charge of conscience , but also for the things touching honour : for to say the truth , the men that in the common-wealth are married , giue small occasion to bee slaundered , and haue more cause to be honourd . vve cannot deny , but that matrimony is trouble some and chargeable to them that be marryed for two causes : the one is , in bringing vp their children : and the other , in suffering the importunities of their mothers . yet in fine , we cannot deny , but that the good and vertuous wife is shee that setteth a stay in the house , and keepeth her husband in estimation in the common-wealth : for in the publike affayres , they giue more faith and credite vnto those that are charged with children , then vnto others that are loaden with yeeres . the fifth commoditie that ensueth matrimony , is the peace and reconciliations that are made betweene the enemies by meanes of marriage . men in this age are so couetous , so importune , and malicious , that there are very few but haue enemies , wherby groweth contention and debate : for by our weaknesse we fall daily into a thousand occasions of enmities ; and scarcely wee can finde one to bring vs againe into friendship . considering what men desire , what things they procure , and whereunto they aspire , i maruell not that they haue so few friends : but i much muse that they haue no more enemies . for in things of weight , they marke not who haue beene their friends , they consider not they are their neighbours , neyther they regard that they are christians : but their conscience laid a part , and honestie set a side , euery man seeketh for himselfe and his own affayres , though it bee to the preiudice of all his neighbours . what friendshippe can there bee amongst proud men , since the one will goe before , and the other disdayneth to come behinde ? what friendshippe can there bee amongst enuious men , since the one purchaseth , & the other possesseth ? vvhat loue can there be between two couetous men , since the one dare not spend , & the other is neuer satisfied to hourd & heap vp ? for all that we can read , see , goe , and trauell , & for all that we may do , we shall neuer see nor heare tell of men that haue lacked enemies : for either they be vicious or vertuous . if they be euil and vicious , they are alwaies hated of the good : and if they be good & vertuous , they are continually persecuted of the euill . many of the ancient philosophers spent a great part of their time , and lost much of their goods , to search for remedies and meanes to reconcile them that were at debate & contention , and to make them by gentlenes good friends & louers . some said that it was good & profitable to forget the enmities for a time : for many things are pardoned in time , which by reasō could neuer take end . others said that for to appease the enemies it was good to offer mony , because mony doth not only breake the feminate & tender hearts , but also the hard and craggy rocks : others said , that the best remedy was , to set good men to bee mediators between them , in especially if they were sage & wise men : for the honest faces and stout hearts are ashamed whē they are proserred mony , & the good do humble thēselues by intreaty . these means wel considered , and the remedies wel sought out to make friends , there are none so ready and so true as marriage : for the marriage done sacramentally is of such and so great excellency , that betweene some it causeth perfect friendshippe , and betweene others it appeaseth great iniuries . during the time that iulius caesar kept him elfe as father-in-law to the great pompeius , and that pompeius held himselfe his sonne in law , there was neuer euill will nor quarells betweene them : but after that pompeius was diuorced from the house of caesar , hatred , enuy , and enmities engendred betweene them , in such sort that they contended in such , and so cruell warres , that pompeius against his will lost his head , and also iulius caesar shortned his life . when those that dwelled in rome rauished and robbed the daughters of the sabines , i● after they had not changed their counsell , and of theeues to become husbands , without doubt the romans bad beene all destroyed : for the sabines had made an oath to aduenture both their goods and their liues , for to reuenge the iniuries done vnto them , their daughters and wiues : but by the meanes of marriage they were conferred in great amitie and loue . for the romanes receiued in marriage the daughters of the sabines whome before they had rauished . greater enmitie there cannot be , then that of god towards men , through the sin of adam : notwithstanding there neuer was , nor neuer shall be greater friendship then that , which was made by the godly marriage : and for greater authoritie to confirme marriage , the sonne of god would that his mother should be marryed ; and afterward hee himselfe was present at a mariage , where hee turned the water into wine , though now adayes the euill maried men doe turne the wine into water . he doth not speake here of religious persons , nor men of the church , neither of those which are closed in deuout places : for those ( fleeing the occasions of the world , and choosing the wayes lesse dangerous ) haue offered their soules to god , and with their bodies haue done him acceptable sacrifices : for there is difference betweene the religion of christ , and the sinfull sinagogue of the iewes ; for they offered kidds and muttons , but heere are not offered but teares and sighs . leauing therefore all those secrets apart which men ought to leaue to god : i say and affirme , that it is a holy and commendable counsell to vse his profite with the sacrament of marriage , the which , though it bee taken of all voluntarily , yet princes and great lords ought to take it necessarily : for that prince that hath no wife nor children shall haue in his realme much grudging and displeasure . plutarch in the booke hee made of marriage sayth , that amongst the lidians there was a law well obserued and kept , that of necessitie their kings and gouernours should be marryed ; and they had such respect to this thing , and were so circumspect in this matter , that if a prince dyed , and left his heyre an infant , they would not suffer him to gouerne the realme vntill he were married . and they greatly lamented the day of the departing of their queene out of this life ; for with her death the gouernment ceased , the royall authoritie remayned voyde , and the common-wealth without gouernment , so long time as the king deferred to take another wife : and so they were sometimes without king or gouernment . for princes are , or ought to be , the mirrour and example of all , to liue honest and temperate , the which cannot well bee done vnlesse they bee marryed , or that they see themselues to bee conquerors of the flesh , and being so , they are satisfyed : but if they be not marryed , and the flesh doth assault them , then they liue immediately conuered . wherefore of necessitie they must goe by their neighbours houses , or else by some other dishonest places , scattered abroad , to the reproach and dishonor of them and their kindred : and oftentimes to the great perill and danger of their persons . chap. iii. of sundry and diuers lawes which the ancients had in contracting matrimony , not onely in the choyse of women , but also in the manner of celebrating marriage . in all nations , and in all the realmes of the world , marriage hath alwayes beene accepted , and marueilously commended : for otherwise the world had not beene peopled , nor yet the number of men multiplyed . the ancients neuer disagreed one from another in the approbation and acception of marriage : but there was amongst them great difference and strife , vpon the contracts , ceremonies , and vsages of the same . for they vsed as much difference in contracting matrimony , and choosing their wiues : as these epicures do desire the varietie of sundry delicate meates . the diuine plato , in his booke hee made of the common-wealth , did counsell , that all thinges should be common , and that not onely in bruit beasts , in moueables , and heritages ; but also that womē should be common : for he sayd , that if these two words , thine , and mine , were abolished and out of vse , there should not bee debates nor quarels in this world . they cal plato , diuine for many good things which he spake : but now they may call him worldly , for the counsel profane which he gaue . i cannot tell what beastlinesse it may be called , nor what greater rudenes may be thought that the apparrell should be proper , and the wiues common . the bruite beast doth not know that which came out of her belly , longer then it sucketh of her brests . and in this sort it would chance to men , yea , and worse too , if women were common in the common-wealth : for though one should know the mother , which hath borne him , hee should not know the father , which hath begotten him . the tharentines ( which were wel renowmed amongst the ancients , and not a little feared of the romanes ) had in their citie of tharente a law and custome to marry themselues with a legitimate wife , & to beget children : but besides her a man might yet chuse two others for his secret pleasures . spartianus sayd , that the emperour hellus verus , as touching women , was very dissolute : and since his wife was young and faire , and that she did complaine of him , because he led no honest life with her , hee spake these words vnto her : my wife , thou hast no cause to complayne of me , since i remaine with thee vntill such time as thou art quicke with childe : for the residue of the time , we husbands haue licence and priuiledge to seek our pastimes with other women . for this name of a wife containeth in it honour : but for the residue , it is a grieuous burden and painefull office . the like matter came to ptolomeus king of egipt , of whom the queene his wife did greatly complaine . admit that all the greekes haue beene esteemed to bee very wise , amongst all those , the athenians were esteemed of most excellent vertue : for the sages that gouerned the common-wealth , remained in athens with the philosophers which taught the sciences . the sages of athens ordeyned that all the neighbours and inhabitants might keepe two lawfull wiues , and furthermore , vpon paine of grieuous punishments , did commaund , that none should presume , nor be so hardy to maintain any concubine ; for they sayd , when men haunt the companie of light women , comonly they misuse their lawfull wiues . as plutarch saith in his politiques , the cause why the greekes made this lawe was , considering that man could not , nor ought not to liue without the companie of a woman , and therefore they would that a man should marrie with two wines . for if the one were diseased and lay in , yet the other might serue in bed , waite at the table , and doe other businesses in the house . those of athens had another great respect and cōsideration to make this law , which was this , that if it chanced the one to be barren , the other should bring forth children in the common-wealth : and in such case , shee that brought forth children , should be esteemed for mistresse , and the other that was barren , should be taken for a seruant . when this law was made , socrates was marryed to xantippa , and to accomplish the law , hee tooke another called mirra , which was the daughter of the phylosopher aristides : and sith those two women had great quarrells and debates together , and that thereby they slaundered their neighbours , socrates saide vnto them : my wiues , yee see right well that my eyes are hollow , my legges are withered , my hāds are wrinckled , my head is balde , my bodie is little , and the haires are white : why doe yee then that are so faire , stand in contention and strife for mee , that am so deformed ? though socrates saide these wordes ( as it were in ieast ) yet such words were occasion , that the quarrells and strifes betweene them ceased . the lacedemonians ( than in the time of peace and warre , were always contrary to the athenians ) obserued it for an inuiolable lawe , not that one man should marry with two wiues , but that one woman should marrie with two husbands : and the reason was , that when one husband should goe to the warre , the other shold tarry at home . for they saide , that a man in no wise should agree to leaue his wife alone in the common-wealth . plinie writing an epistle vnto his friend locratius , and saint hierome , writing to a frier called rusticus saith : that the atbenians did vse to marry bretheren with the sisters : but they did not permitte the auntes to marrie with their nephewes , neither the vnckles with their nieces . for they sayd , that brothers and sisters to marrie together , was to marry with their semblables : but for vnckles to marry nieces , & aunts with nephews , was as of fathers to daughters , and of mothers to sonnes . melciades which was a man of great renowme amongst the grecians , had a sonne called cimonius , who was marryed to his owne sister called pinicea , and being demaunded of one why hee tooke his sister in marriage : hee answered : my sister is faire , sage , rich , and made to my appetite , and her father and mine did recommend her vnto mee : and since by the commaundement of the gods , a man ought to accomplish the behests and requests of fathers , i haue determined ( since nature hath giuen mee her for my sister ) willingly to take her for my lawfull wife . dyodorus siculus saith , that before the egiptians receyued any lawes , euery man had as manie wiues as hee would : and this was at the libertie of both partyes , for as much as if she would goe , shee went liberally , and forsooke the man , and likewise hee left her when shee displeased him : for they sayde that it was vnpossible for men and women to liue long together , without much trouble , contentions , and brawles . dyodorus siculus sayde one thing , ( where hee speaketh of this matter , ) which as yet i neuer read in any book , nor heard of the ancients past , which was that amongst the egiptians there was no difference in children : for they accounted them as legitimate , though they were children of slaues . for they said , that the principall doer of the generation was the father and not the mother , and that therfore the children which were borne among them , tooke only the flesh of the mother , but they did inherite their honour and dignitie of the part of the father . iulius caesar in his commentaries saith , that ( in great brittaine , now called england , ) the brittons had an vse , that one woman was marryed vnto fiue men , the which beastlinesse is not read to haue beene in any nation of times past : for if it bee slaunder for one man to haue diuers wiues , why should it not also bee a slaunderous and shamefull thing , for one woman to haue many husbands ? the noble and vertuous women ought to bee marryed for two causes . the first is , to the end god should giue them children , and benediction , to whom they may leaue their goods , and their memorie . the second , to the end they should liue euery one in their owne house , accompanyed and honoured with their husbands . for otherwise ( i say for a truth ) that the woman that is not contented and satisfied with her own proper husband , will not bee contented nor satisfied , with all men in the world . plutarch in his apothegmes saith , that the cymbres did vse to marrie with their proper and natural daughters : the which custome was taken from them by the consull marius , after that hee did ouercome them in germanie , and that of them he had triumphed at rome . for the childe which was borne of such marriage , was sonne of the daughter of one sole father , and was sonne and brother of one onely mother , and they were also cousins , nephews , & brothers of one only father and mother . truely such custome proceedeth rather of wilde beasts , then of reasonable creatures : for manie , or the more part of brute beasts , ( after the females haue brought forth males ) within one yeare after , they doo accompany with their dammes , which brought them forth . strabo in the situation of the world , and seneca in an epistle , say : that the lydes and the armenians hadde a custome , to send their daughters to the riuers and hauens of the sea , to get their marriages , selling their bodyes to straungers : so that those which would marrie , were first forced to sell heyr virginitie . the romaines ( which in all their affaires and businesses were more sage and modest , then other nations ) vsed much circumspection in all their mariages : for they kept it as an ancient lawe , and vse accustomed , that euery romaine should marrie with one woman , and no moe : for euen as to keepe two wiues among the christians , is a great charge of conscience , so was it deemed amongst the romaines much infamie . amongst the auncient and renowmed orators of rome , one was called metellus numidicus , the which one day making his oration to the senate , sayd these words ; worthie senatours , i let you vnderstand , that i haue greatly fludyed what the counsels shuld be , that i ought to giue yee touching marriage ? for the counsel rashand sudden , oftentimes is not profitable . i doe not perswade you at all to marrie , neyther yet doe say that yee shall not marrie : but it is true , that if ye can liue without a woman , yee shall bee free from manie troubles . but what shall wee doe , o yea romains ? since that nature hath made vs such , that to keepe women it is a great trouble : and to liue without them , it is more danger ? i dare say ( if in this case my opinion might bee accepted ) that it should not bee euill done to resist the lust since it commeth by fits , and not to take wiues , which are continuall troubles . these were the wordes which metellus numidicus spake , the which were not very acceptable , nor pleasant to the fathers beeing in the senate : for they would not that hee should haue spoken such wordes against mariage . for there is no estate in this life , wherein fortune sheweth her force more , then in this state of matrimonie . a man may proue them in this sort , that if the fashions and vsages of the ancients were diuers , as concerning ordinance : truely there was no lesse contrarietie in theyr contracts and ceremonies . boccace the florentine , in a booke that he made of the marriages of the auncients , reciteth manie and sundrie customs , that they vsed in making the marriages , whereof hee telleth some , not for to follow , or maintaine them : but to reproue and condemne them . for the writers did neuer write the vices of some , but onely to make the vertues of others more cleerely to be knowne . the cymbres had a custome , that when they would marrie , ( after the marriage was agreed vpon ) hee that was made sure should pare his nayles , and send them to his wife that should bee : and she in like sort sent hers vnto him . and then when she of him , and hee of her , had receyued the nayles the one of the other , they betooke themselues marryed for euer : and did afterwardes liue together , as man and wife . the theutonians had a ceremony , that the man that was sure , rounded the hayre of her to whome hee was made sure , and shee did the like vnto him : and when the one suffered the other to doe so , immediately they celebrated marriage . the armenians had a law , that the bridegroom shuld pinch the right eare of the bride , and the bride should likewise pinche the left eare of the bride-groome : and then they tooke themselues marryed for euer . the elamites had a custome , that both parties which were made sure , pricked one the others little finger , vntill they bledde : the which bloud they did sucke naturally , & this done they were marryed . the numidians vsed , that the bryde-groome and the bryde should gather together a piece of earth , and with theyr spittle they tempered it , and therewith the one annointed the forehead of the other : so that the marriage betweene them , was to annoynt the one and the other with a little clay . when those of dace would be marryed , the bride-groome and the bryde , each one of themselues , were brought in charryots , the one meeting the other : and when they came together , the bryde-groome gaue a newe name to the bride , and shee likewise to him , and from that time forwardes they liued as in lawfull matrimonie . when they of hungarie would marrie , the one sent vnto the other a familiar god made of siluer , whom they called lares , and when they had receyued the god of each other , the marriage was finished , and they liued as man and wife . the siconians had a custome and lawe , that when they should marrie , the one sent to the other a shooe : and that receyued of both , they agreed to the marriage . the tharentines had a custome , that when they did marrie , they set themselues at the table to eate , and the one did feed the other : so that if by mishappe , the one should chance to feed himselfe , that marriage was not esteemed for constant nor good . the scythians had a custome , and they kept it as a law , that when men and women should marrie : as nowe they touch the hands the one of the other , so did they touch with their feete , afterwardes they set together their knees , then they touched with their hands , and then they set theyr buttocks together , and so their heads , and in the ende they embraced the one the other . all these ceremonies done , the marriages were assured , and sufficiently confirmed : and so we might say of manie others , but to auoyde tediousnes , wee will follow our matter : chap. iiii. how princesses and great ladyes ought to loue theyr husbands , and that loue ought not by coniurations and enchauntments to be procured : but by wisedome , honestie , and vertue desired . all men that desire to atchieue and obtayne anie worthie thing in this life , inuent and search manie meanes to come thervnto : for men by good prouision and circumspection compasse sundrie things , which otherwise they should lose : vnlesse they would by force take them . as in the marriages of our christian religion , wherein wee doe not suffer , that the man and the wife be parents , and nigh of bloud : leauing apart that the one is a man , and the other a woman : that the one is strong , and the other weake : oft times it chaunceth , that there is betweene the man and the wife more contrariety in conditions , then diuersitie in linage : i would say therefore ( for healthfull counsell , and necessarie aduise ) to the great dames , and princesses , and to all other wiues , since they must needs eate and drinke with their husbands , that they must sleepe , treate , bee conuersant , and talke , and finally , liue and dye with theyr husbands , that they vse much diligēce to beare with their conditions : for to say the troth , the wife ought in all things to follow the conditions of her husband : and the husband in some things to beare with the conditions of his wife . so that shee by her patience , ought to suffer the imperfections of him , and he likewise by his wisdome ought to dissemble the importunities of her : and in such sort they ought to agree & loue together , that all those of the common-wealth should reioyce at theyr behauiors . for marryed men , which are quarrellers and seditious persons , the neighbours in stead of weeping and wayling , for the depriuation of their life , demaund gifts the one of the other , for bringing newes of their death . admit that the husband be couetous , and vnthrifty , that he be deformed in his bodie , that hee be rude in condition , base of linage , rash in his speech , in aduersities fearefull , in prosperities carelesse , in the ende being ( as he is ) husband , we cannot denie , but in the house he ought to bee chiefe maister . for the which it is also necessarie , that wee giue now vnto rhe wiues some healthfull counsell , whereby they may beare and suffer quietly such great troubles . for at this day there is no husband so louing , nor so vertuous , in whome the wife shall not finde some euill conditions . first of all , wiues ought to endeuor themselues to loue their husbands vnfamedly , if they desire their husbands should loue them without dissimulation : for as we see by experience , mariage is seldome broken through pouertie , nor yet continued with riches . for the euill marryed folkes through debate and strife , be separated in one week , wheras by good & tru loue they are preserued al the daies of their life . to eate drie and vnsauory meates , they vse to take salt for to amend it . i meane that the burdens of matrimonie are many , and troublesome , the which all with loue onely may be endured . for as plato the diuine phylosopher sayeth : one thing ought not to bee called more painefull then another for the labour we therevnto employbut for the great or smal loue that therevnto wee haue . though some sundrie things bee troublesome and tedious , yet when with loue it is begunne , it is easily followed , and ioyfully atchieued : for that trauell is nothing noysome , where loue is the mediator . i know right well and doe confesse , that the counsell which i giue to women is sharpe , that is : for an honest woman to loue a dissolute man , for a sage wife to loue a foolish husbād , for a vertuous wife , to loue a vitious husband . for as daily experience sheweth , there are some men of so foolish conditions , and other women of so noble conuersation , that by reason apparent they ought to take them for mistresses , rather then they should accept them for husbands . although this , in some particular cases is true , i say and affirme , that generally , all women are bound to loue their husbands , since that willingly , and not by compulsion they were not enforced to take them : for in like manner , if the marryage pleased not the woman , shee hath not so much cause to complaine of her husband , for asking her : as she hath reason to complaine of her owne selfe , that accepted him . for the misfortunes that by our owne follie doe chaunce , although we haue cause to lament them , wee ought also to haue reason to dissemble them . bee the man neuer so wilde and euil brought vp , it is impossible , if the wife loue him , but he must needs loue her againe . and though perchaunce hee cannot force his euill conditions to loue her , yet at the least he shall haue no occasion to hate her . the which ought not to bee little esteemed : for there are many wiues not onely of the plebeians , but also of the noble dames , that could be content to forgiue their husbands all the pleasures they should doe them , and also all the loue that they ought to shewe : if they would refraine theyr tongues , from speaking iniurious wordes , and keepe their hands from dealing lothsome stripes . we haue many notable examples in hystories , of mane noble and stoute ladyes ( as well greekes as romaines : ) which after they were marryed , had so great faithfulnes , and bare such loyaltie to their husbands , that they not onely followed them in their trauells , but also deliuered them in their dangers . plutarch in the booke of the noble women , declareth , that the lacedemonians , keeping many nobles of the athenians prisoners ( which at that time were their cruell & mortall enemies ) and being iudged to die , their wiues concluded to goe to the prison where they lay , and in the end they obtained of the gayler therof , that they might goe in , and talke with their husbands : for indeed the teares were manie , that were shed , and the gifts were not few which vnto them were offered . the wiues therfore entring into the prison , did not onely change their apparell with their husbands , but also the liberty of their persons : for they went out as women , & the women in their steads , remained there as men . and when they brought out these innocent wiues from prison , to execute iustice , supposing they were men , the lacedemonians vnderstāding the faith fulnes of the women , determiued that they should not onely bee pardoned , but also that they should bee greatly rewarded and honored , for the good examples of other women to whom they were marryed . the ancient and great renowmed panthea , when newes was brought her that her husband was dead in battaile , shee her owne selfe determined to goe seeke him out , with hope , that as yet he was not vtterly dead ; and finding him dead , with the bloud of him she washed all her body , and likewise her face , strikeing with a knife her selfe to the heart , and imbracing her husband , she yeelded vp the ghost , and so together they were carried to the graue . porcia , the daughter of marcus porcia the great , when shee heard that her husband brutus was taken and slaine , she felt for that newes so great sorrow , that all her friends seeing her take the matter so grieuously , hid from her all iron wherewith shee might kill her selfe : and did labour to keep and preserue her from danger , wherein shee might fall and shorten her life . for she was so excellent a romane , and so necessary to the common-wealth , that if they had lamented the death of brutus her husband , with teares of their eyes , they ought to bewaile the losse of his wife porcia , with drops of bloud in their hearts . porcia therefore feeling in her selfe a wofull and afflicted heart , for the death of her entirely beloued husband , to declare that that which shee did was nor fayned , nor for to please the people , but to satisfie her great and maruellous loue : since shee found neyther sword nor knife to kill her selfe , nor cord to hang her selfe , neither well to drowne her in , she went to the fire , and with as great pleasure did eate the hot fiery coales , as an other would haue eaten any delicate meates . we may say that such kinde of death was very strange and new , which the romane found to encrease , augment , and manifest her loue : yet wee cannot deny , but that shee wanne to the posteritie of her name a perpetuall memorie : for as a noble dame she would quench with coales of fire her burning heart , that enflamed was with fiery brands of loue . as diodorus seculus sayth , it was a law and custome amongst the lidians , to marry themselues with many wiues : and when by chance their husbands dyed , the wiues which they had , met together , and fought in some plaine place . and the women which remained onely aliue , and of the conflict had the victory , cast themselues into the graue of their husband : so that those women then fought for to dye , as men now fight for to liue . chap. v. of the reuenge a woman of greece tooke of him that had killed her husband , in hope to haue her in marriage . plutarch in the booke that he made of the noble and worthy women , declareth a thing worthy of rchearsall , and to be had in memory . in the citie of galacia were two renowmed citizens , whose names were sinatus and sinoris , which were by bloud cousins , and in familiaritie friends : and for the loue of a greekes daughter , being very noble , beautifull , and exceeding gracious , they both striued to haue her in marriage : and for to attaine to their desires , they both serued her , they both followed her , they both loued her , and for her , both of them desired to dye . for the dart of loue is as a stroke with a clod of earth , the which being throwne amongst a company , doth hurt the one , and blinde the others . and as the fatal destinies had ordained it : sinatus serued this lady called camma in ●uch sort , that in the end he obtained her in marriage for his lawfull wife : which thing when sinoris perceiued , he was ashamed of his doings , and was also wounded in his hart . for he lost not onely that , which of so long time he had sought , loued , and serued : but also the hope to attaine to that , which chiefly in his life he desired . sinatus therefore seeing that his wife camma was noble , meeke , gratious , faire , and louing , and that in all things shee was comely and well taught : decreed to offer her to the goddesse diana , to the end that shee would preserue her from perill , and keepe her from infamie . truly we cānot reproue the knight sinatus for that hee did , nor wee ought to note him for rash in his councell : for hee sawe that his wife was very faire , and therefore much desired . for with great difficultie that is kept , which of many is desired . though camma was now maryed and that shee was in the protection of the goddesse diana : yet notwithstanding her olde friend sinoris died for her sake , and by all means possible he serued her , continually he importuned her , dayly he followed her , and hourely he required her . and all this he did , vpon certaine hope he had , that such diligent seruice should suffice to make her change her sacred minde : and as shee had chosen sinatus for her husbande openly , so hee thought she should take him for her friende secretly . for many women are as men without tast through sicknes , the which eate more of that that is hurtfull and forbiddē : then of that which is healthsome , and commaunded . not without a cause camma was greatly renowmed throughout al galatia for her beauty : and much more amonge the vertuous esteemed for her honestie . the which euidently in this was seene , that after she was married , sinoris could neuer cause her to receiue any iewell , or other gift , nor that she would hear him speake any word , nor that shee would shew her selfe in the window , eyther to him , or to any other , to the end to bee seene in the face . for it is not sufficient for ladyes to bee pure good ; but also to giue no occasion for men to iudge ( that if they durst ) they would be euill . as it is true indeede , that the heart which is entangled with loue , dare boldly aduenture himselfe in many kinde of dangers to accomplish that which he desired : so sinoris seeing that with fayre words he could not flatter her , nor with any gifts winne her , determined to kill sinatus her husband , vpon hope , that when she should be widdow , he might easily obtaine her in matrimony . for he thought , although camma was not euill , it was not for that she wanted desire to doe it , but because she had no commodious place to accomplish it . and , to be short , sinoris would needes execute and bring to effect his deuilish and damnable entent : so that soone after hee vilely slew his said companion sinatus . after whose death the noble lady camma was of sinoris greatly desired , and by his parents much importuned , that she would condiscend to take and marry him , and that she would forgiue him the death of her husband sinatus , which then was buried . and as she was in all her doings such a princely woman , she imagined with her selfe , that vnper the pretence of marriage , she might haue oportunitie to accomplish her desires : wherfore shee answered vnto his parents , that shee did accept their counsell ; and said to sinoris , that she did chuse him for her husband , speaking these words more for to comfort him , then with intent to pardon him . and as amongst those of galatia there was a custome , that the new maried folkes should eate together in one dishe , and drinke in one cup : the day that the mariage was celebrated , cāma determined to prepare a cup with poyson , and alsso a lute , wherewith shee began to play , and sing with her prober voyce before the goddesse diana in this manner . to thee dian , whose endles raigne doth stretch , aboue the bondes of all the heauenly rout : and eke whose ayde with royall hand to retch , chiefe of all gods , is most proclaimed out . i sweare , and with vnspotted faith protest , that though till now i haue reserude my breth : for no intent it was , but thus distrest , with wailfull end to wreke sinatus death . ¶ and if in minde i had not thus decreed , whereto should i my pensiue daies haue spent with longer dole : for that forepassed deed , whose oft record newe sorrowes still hath bent . but oh sinee him their kindled spite hath slaine , with tender loue whom i haue waide so deere : since he by fate is rest from fortunes raine , for whose decay i dreadlesse perish here . since him by whom my onely life i led , through wretched hands the gaping earth now haue : ought i by wish to liue in any sted , but closde with him together in the graue . o bright dian , since senslesse him i see , and makeles i , here to remaine alone : since he is graude where greedy wormes now bee , and i suruiue surmounted with my fone . since he is prest with lumpes of wretched soyle , and i thus chargde with flame of frozen care : thou knowst dian , how hard with restles toyle of hote abhoring minde my life i spare . for how can this vnquiet brest reserue , the fainting breth that striues to draw his last : since that euen then , my dying heart did starue , when my dead phere in swallowing earth was cast . the first blacke day my husband sleptin graue , by cruell sworde my life i thought to spend : and since a thousand times i thought to haue , a stretched cord my sorrowes wrath to end . and if till now to waste my pining dayes , i haue deferde by slaughter of my hand : it was but loe , a fitter cause to raise , whereon his sharpe reuenge might iustly stand . now since i may in full suffising wise , redeeme his breath ( if wayward will would let ) more deepe offence by not reuenge might rise , then sinoris erst by guiltles bloud did get . thee therefore mighty ioue iiustly craue , and eke thy daughter chast in thankfull sort : that loe the offering which of my selfe ye haue . ye will vouchsafe into your heauenly fort . since sinatus with soone enflamed eyes , amongst the acaian routes , me chiefly viewed , and eke amidst the prease of greekes likewise , chose for his phere , when sweetly he had sewed . since at my will the froth of wasting wealth , with gladsome minde he trayned was to spend , since that his youth , which slippeth loe by stealth , to waite on me he freely did commend . since he such heapes of lingring harmes did waste , aye to content my wanton youthfull will , and that his breath to fade did passe so fast , to glut their thirst , that thus his blould did spill . though great the duetie be , which that i owe vnto his graued ghost and cindred mould : yet loe me seemes , my duety well i shew , performing that , my feeble power could . for since for me vntwined was his threed of guiltlesse life , that ought to purchase breath : can reasons doome conclude , i ought to dreed , for his decay to clime the steps of death . in wretched earth my father graued lies , my deare mother hath runne her race of life , the pride of loue no more can daunt mine eyes , my wasted goods are shrunke by fortunes strife . my honour soone ecclipsed is by fate , my young delight is loe for done by chaunce , my broken life these passed haps so hate , as can my grieued heart no more aduaunce . and now remaynes to duetie with my phere , no more but refuse loe , my irksome life with willing minde , followed eke with drere , which i resigne , as fitteth for a wife . and thou sinoris , which iunos yoke doest craue , to presse my corps , to feede thy liking lust , the rout of homers gods , thee grant to haue , in stead of royall feates , a throne of dust . in change of costly robes and rich array , a simple winding sheete they digne thee giue , and eke in stead of honest wedlocks stay , they sing thy dirge , and not vouchsafe thee liue . in place of himens hye vnfiled bed , they lay thee vp in closure of thy graue : in stead with precious meates for to be fed , they make the woormes , for fitter prey thee haue . in stead of song , and musickes tuned sowne , they waite on thee , with lowd lamenting voyce , in change of ioyfull life , and high renowne , thy cruell death may spread with wretched noyse . for you , great gods , that stalled be on hie , should not be iust , ne yet such titles claime , vnlesse this wretch , yee ruthlesse cause to die , that liueth now , to slaunder of your name . and thou dian , that haunted courts dost shunne , know'st with what great delight this life i leaue : and when the race of spending breath is done , will pierce the soyle that did my phere receiue . ¶ and if perchance the paled ghosts despise such fatall fine , with grudge of thankelesse minde : yet at the least , the shamefast liuing eyes shall haue a glasse , rare wisely gifts to finde , wherein i will that lucrece sect shall gaze , but none that liue , like helens line inblaze . and when the prayer was ended , that this fayre and vertuous camma made , shee dranke , and gaue to drinke to sinoris of this cuppe of poyson , who thought to drinke no other but good wine and water : and the case was such , that he died at noone daies , and she likewise in the euening after . and truely , her death of all greece , with as great sorrow , was lamented : as her life of all men was desired . princesses and great ladyes may most euidently perceiue by the examples heerein contayned , how honest and honourable it is for them to loue and endeauour themselues to be beloued of their husbands : and that not onely in their life , but also after their death : for , the wife to serue her husband in his life , seemeth ofttimes to proceede of feare : but to loue and honour him in his graue , proceedeth of loue . princesses and great ladies ought not to do that which many other women of the cōmon people do , that is to say , to seeke some drinkes , and inuent some shamefull sorceries to be beloued of their husbands : for albeit it is a great burden of conscience , and lacke of shame in like manner to vse such superstitions ; yet it should be a thing too vniust , and very slaunderous , that for to be beloued of their husbands , they should procure to be hated of god. truely , to loue , to serue , and content god , it is not hurtful to the woman , for that she should bee the better beloued of her husband : but yet god hath suffered , and doth permit oftimes , that the women being feeble , deformed , poore , and negligent , should bee better beloued of their husbands , then the diligent , fayre and rich . and this is not for the seruices they doe to their husbands , but for the good intention they haue to serue and loue god , which sheweth them this speciall fauour : for otherwise god doth not suffer , that he being with her displeased , she should liue with her husband contented . if womē would take this counsel that i giue them in this case , i will teach them furthermore a notable enchauntment , to obtayne the loue of their husbands , which is , that they bee quiet , meeke , patient , solitary , and honest , with which fine herbes they may make a confection , the which neither seene nor tasted of their husbands , shall not onely cause them to be beloued , but also honoured : for women ought to know , that for their beautie they are desired ; but for their vertue only they are beloued . chap. vi. that princesses and great ladyes ought to be obedient to their husbands ; and that it is a great shame to the husband that his wife should command him . many ancient historiographers trauailed greatly , & consumed long time in writng , to declare what authoritie the man ought to haue ouer the woman , and what seruitude the woman oweth to the man : and some , for to aduance the dignitie of the man , and others to excuse the frailtie of the woman , alleadged such vaine things , that it had beene more honour for them not to haue written at all , then in such sort as they did : for it is not possible but the writers should erre , which write not as reason teacheth , but rather as their fantasie leadeth . those that defend the frailtie of the woman sayd , that the woman hath a body as a man , she hath a soule as a man , shee hath reason as a man , dyeth as a man , and was as necessary for generation as man , she liueth as a man , and therefore they thought it not meete that shee should bee more subiect to man , then man to her : for it is not reason that that which nature hath made free , should by any lawes of man be made bond . they said furthermore , that god created not the creatures , but to augment the generation of mankinde , and that in this case the woman was more necessarie then the man : for the man engendereth without paine or trauaile , but the woman is deliuered with perill and danger , and with paine and trauaile nourisheth vp the childe . wherefore it seemeth great vnkindnesse and crueltie , that the women ( which are deliuered with perill and danger of their liues , and bring vp their children with labour and toyle of their bodies ) should bee vsed of their husbands as slaues . they sayd further , that men are those that curse , that moue seditions , that make warres , that maintaine enmitie , that weare weapons , that shed mans bloud , and commit sundry other mischiefes , which the women do not : but in stead of killing men , shedding bloud , and other notorious euils , that men do , they imploy themselues to encrease men . and since it is so , then women , rather then men , ought to haue dominion and command in the common-wealth : for women increase the cōmon-wealth , and men diminish it : for neyther diuine nor humane law commaundeth , that the foolish man should bee free , and gouerne : and that the wise woman should bee bond , and serue . those of achaia affirmed this opinion , and groundeth themselues vpon this reason , and obserued it as a custome , that the husbands should obey , and the wiues commaund . and so they did , as plutarch sayth in the booke of consolation : for the husband swept & made cleane the house , made the bed , washed the buck , couered the table , dressed the dinner , and went for water : and of the contrary part , his wife gouerned the goods , answered the affayres , kept the money ; and if shee were angry , shee gaue him not onely foule words , but also oftimes laid her hands on him to reuenge her anger . and heereof came this ancient prouerb , the which of many is read , and of few vnderstood : that is to say , vita achaiae ; the life of an achaian . when in rome the husband suffered to be ruled and commanded of his wife , the neighbours would say vnto him in manner of a reproach , vita achaia : which is as much as if a man would say , goe , goe as thou art , since thou liuest after the law of achaia , where men haue so little discretion , that they suffer themselues to bee gouerned ( bee it well or euill ) of their wiues , and that euery woman commandeth her husband . plinie , in an epistle that hee wrote , reprooued greatly his friend fabatus , for that hee kept in his house a wife , the which in all his doings ruled and commanded him : wherein hee told him , that hee durst doe nothing without her commaundement . and to make the matter to seeme more heynous , in the latter ende of his epistle he sayd these words , me valde poenitet quod tu solus rome polles vita achaia : which is , it grieueth mee much , that thou alone in rome shouldest leade the life of one of achaia . iulius capitolinus saith , that anthonius caracalla , being in loue with a faire lady of persia , and seeing that he could not enioy her , nor obtayne his desire , promised to marrie her according to the law of achaia : and truly shee shewed her selfe more wise in her answere , then hee did in his demand , telling him , that shee would not , nor might not marry ; for because shee had promised her selfe to the goddesse vesta , and that she had rather be a seruant of the gods , then a mistresse of men . the parthes had a law contrary to them , and likewise those of thrace , the which so little esteemed women , that their husbands vsed them none otherwise then like seruants . and in this case men had so great liberty , or to say better , lightnesse , that after a woman had borne and brought foorth twelue children , the children remained in the house , and the husbands sold their wiues to them that would giue most , or else they changed them for others that were more young . and the children agreed to the selling of their owne mother , to the intent that their father might refresh himselfe with another that was more young : and the olde and barren woman , should eyther be buried quicke , or else serue as a slaue . dionisius halicarnaseus saith , that the lides had a law , and the numiaians in like manner , that the woman should command things without the house , and the man should prouide for those that were within : but according to my poore iudgement , i cannot tell how this law was kept , nor how they could fulfill it ; for by reason , the wife should not goe out of the house but very little : and therefore me thinks that they ought not to command any thing abroad , nor the husband should enter into an other mans house , for to commaund there . licurgus in the lawes that hee gaue to the lacedemonians saith , that the husbands should prouide abroad , see all things necessary for the house : and that the wiues should keepe and dispose them within : so that this good philosopher deuided the trauaile betweene the man and the woman : but yet notwithstanding hee reserued the rule and authoritie to the man : for to say the truth , it is a monstrons thing that the wife should command the husband in his house . vnder our christian religion there is neyther diuine , nor humaine lawes , but will preferre man aboue all other thinges : and though some philosophers would dispute to the contrary , and that many men would haue followed them , yet mee thinkes that a man should not praise nor commend them for their opinions : for there can bee nothing more vaine nor light , then by mans law to giue that authoritie to woman , which by nature is denyed her . we see by experience , that women of nature are all weake , fraile , fearefull , and tender : and finally , in matters of weight not very wise . then if matters of gouernment require not onely science and experience , but also strength and courage to enterprise doubtfull things , wisedome for to know them , force to execute them , diligence for to follow them , patience for to suffer them , meanes to endure them : and aboue all , great strength and hope to compasse them : why then will they take from man the gouernment , in whom all these things abound , and giue it to the woman , in whome all these things doe want ? the end why i speake these thinges before , is to require , to counsell , to admonish , and to perswade princcsses and great ladies , that they thinke it spoken ( if they will be happy in marriage ) to the end they should be obedient to their husbands : for speaking the truth , in that house , where the wife commaundeth the husband , we may call her a masculine woman , and him a feminine man. many women are deceiued , in thinking , that in commanding their husbands they liue more honourably , and be better esteemed : but truely it is not so ; for all those that see , and perceiue it , accounteth the woman for vaine , and the man in like manner for foolish . i know , and can tell right well , that there are some husbands so excessiue in spending , and so wanton in liuing , that it were not onely good that their wiues should rule thē , but also chastise them : but in the end , i say , that notwithstanding all this , it is better , and more tollerable , that all the goods be lost , then betweene them any malice , hate or discention should rise . if a womans children dye , shee may bring foorth others : if she lose her goods , she may get them agayne : if her seruants goe from her shee may finde others : if she see her selfe sad , god may comfort her : if she be sicke , she may be healed : but if shee bee at debate with her husband , i cannot tell what she shall doe : for the wife that forsaketh the friendshippe of her husband , giueth to all men occasion to speake of her folly . sith women naturally are all iealous , and that of iealousie proceedeth suspition , i counsell them , if they will not that their husbands commit a fault , that they doe not anger nor chafe them ; for if in gage she haue his heart , no other woman shall haue his body , from that which hee would not abstaine for conscience , he will restraine for shame . oftentimes the husbands come home chafed , troubled , wrathfull , angry , and vexed , and then women ought to take heede that they ouerthwart them not ; for if they doe , it cannot bee otherwise , but that they shall haue eyther euill words with his tongue , or else suffer sore blowes with his fists . truely it is not meete , neither in any case profitable , that princesses and great dames should ouerthwart their husbands with froward words , nor that they should vse to striue against them ; but rather that the wise in all cases should be obedient and louing to her husband : for it may happen , & daily it doth chance , that they begin to argue in iest , and afterward they ende in earnest . the woman which is sage , wise , & vertuous , ought to weigh with her selfe , that eyther her husband hath occasion so to taunte her , or else peraduenture hee doeth it of a will. i say that in this case if hee haue occasion , shee ought to suffer and endure him : if he doth it of will , she ought to dissemble with him . for otherwise , it might so take her in the head , that shee would burden him with many euill wordes : so that hee beginning , then the debate should remaine excused , and shee being without fault at the beginning , might in the end be condemned . there is nothing wherein a woman sheweth her , wisdome more then to endure a rashe husband . a woman in nothing sheweth her sagenes more , then to dissemble with a foolish husband . her honestie in nothing can bee shewed more , then in suffering a wanton husband . shee can shewe her worthinesse in nothing so much , as in bearing with an vnworthie husband . i meane , though shee vnderstood that her husband hath little , that he knoweth little , and that he were worth little : yet shee should make men belieue that he hath much , that he knoweth enough , and can do much . for all the honour which she shall so giue to her husband , shall wholly againe redounde on her selfe . it is an euill thing ( mee thinketh ) that women should be so bolde to speake against their husbands : for they cannot speake euill of them , but that they must witnesse dishonour of themselues . for if her husband be a drunkard , they will say that shee is a drunkard wife : and if he be a foole , then she is the wife of a foole , and what more ? when the husband shall come to amend , and to moderate himselfe , the woman in the ende shal be blamed . for if she burden him with euill wordes , hee acquiteth her with sharpe stripes . but if shee toucheth his honour , it may chaunce he taketh away her life . if perhaps the husband should commaund the wife any vniust thing , i would be of opinion that she should obey him , but not resist him : and after that his raging furie were past , and his choller qualilified , then shee might say vnto him , that he was very rash to command , & she very wise to obey . for if shee be quicke of tongue to answere to euery worde that hee shall speake , without doubt they wil not liue one day in cōcord : reading therefore that which i haue read , hearing that which i haue hearde , and hauing seene also that i haue seene , i would counsell women that they should not presume to commaund their husbands : and i would admonish husbands that they would not suffer their wiues to rule them ; for in doing the contrarie , it is none otherwise , then to eate with the feete , and trauel with the hands , to go with the fingers , and to feede themselues with their toes . my minde is not heere to speake against the womē , nor against the princesses and great ladies , which of their patrimonie and heritage possesse manie townes and citties : for to such i wil not take away the seruices , which are due vnto them by their subiects , but i doe perswade them to the obedience which they ought to beare to theyr husbandes . it is not maruell , though that women of meane estate haue sometimes quarrelled with their husbands : for they haue small riches to loose , and lesse honour to aduenture , then the princesses and great dames haue , the which since they do aduenture to commaund manie : why wil not they humble themselues to obey one ? speaking with due reuerēce . it is for aboundance of follie , and want of wisedome , that a woman should haue presumption to gouerne a whole realm , and that she hath not grace to obey one husband . seneca in a tragedie , saieth thus : that in the time of the warre of mithridates , it chanced in rome that the consulls sent to the olde knightes , and commanded that they should all be in a readinesse to go with silla the consull into the warres . and it happened , that when they came into ones house in rome to publish the edict , to warne him to bee ready , they found not the husband , but the wife , who made answere , and sayd , that her husband ought not , nor could not goe to the warres ; and though hee would , hee should not , neither would see giue him licence : for hee was an old and ancient knight , and therefore hee ought to be exempted from the warres . with this answer , those that heard it were greatly abashed , and the whole senate no lesse offended : wherefore they commaunded , that the husband should bee banished rome , and the wife to bee carryed to the prison mamortine , not for that he excused himselfe for going to the warres : but because she commanded her husband , and because he suffered himselfe to be commanded of her . the senate did this , to that end , that from that time forwards no woman should presume or contend with her husband : and that no husband should giue his wife any occasion to be bold with him . chap. vii . that women , and especially princesses and great ladyes , should be very circumspect in going abroad out of their houses , and that through the resort of them that commeth to their houses , they bee not euill spokenof . among all the counsels that may or ought to be giuen to princesses and great ladies , this is the first ; that they do what they can to haue rest in their houses , and that they goe not as strayes to the mansions of other men : for if such ladyes are good , they get much reputation ; and if perchance they bee euill , they take from men all occasion . whether the husband be present or absent , it is a most necessary and honest thing that the wife be for the most part in the house : for by this meanes the household shal be well gouerned , and from the heart of the husband shall bee withdrawne all kinde of suspitions . sithens the office of the husband is to gather goods and riches , and the office of a wife to keepe and preserue them : the houre that she goeth out of the house , she ought to thinke that her maydens will stray abroad , the children will runne out to play , the varlats and seruants will bee out of order , the neighbours wil take occasions to speake euill , and that which is worste of all , some will steale the goods out of the house , and the others will speake euill of the reeowne of the wife . oh , god giueth a goodly gift and grace to that man which hath such & so good a wife , that of her own nature loueth to keepe her selfe within the house . and truely , i say , that such a one doeth excuse many griefes , and saueth much mony : for she spendeth not the goods in apparel , nor giueth occasion to men to iudge euill of her person . the greatest debate that is betweene man and wife is , for that hee desireth to get and keepe his goods to bring vp his children , and to maintayne his familie : and on the other part , that she desireth to spend all vpon apparrell : for women in this case are so curious in louing of themselues , that they would abstaine from meates that should maintaine their life , onely to buy a new gowne to set out their pride . women naturally do loue to keepe , and will not spend any thing , except it be in apparrell : for euery houre ( that is in the day and the night ) they desire to haue a new gowne to change . my intention is not to speake of apparrell only , but to perswade princesses and great ladyes , that they would keepe themselues in their houses ; and in so doing , they should excuse these superfluous wastes and expences : for her neighbour seeing her better apparrelled then shee is , looketh vpon her husband , as she were a lyon. it chanceth oftentimes ( i would to god i had no cause to speake it ) that if by chaunce there commeth any great or solemne feast or marriage , shee will neuer looke louingly on his face , before he hath giuen her a newe gowne to her backe : and when the poore gentleman hath no money to pay , of necessitie hee must runne in credite . and when the vanity of the woman is past , then the time of payment draweth neere , and they come to arrest all his goods : so that they haue cause to lament one whole yeare , for that which they haue spent in one houre . vvomen seldome contend for that one is fairer , more nobler of linage , better married , or more vertuous then another : but only that another goeth better apparelled then shee . for touching apparell , there is no woman can endure that another meaner woman should make comparison with her , nor that in like manner her equall should excell her . lycurgus in the lawes that he gaue to the lacedemonians , commaunded that their wiues should not goe out of their houses , but at diuers solemne feasts in the yeare . for he saide , that the women ought to be making their prayers in the temples to the gods , or else in their houses , bringing vppe their children . for it is not honest nor cōmendable , that the wife should passe her time abroade , trotting from street to streete , as common women . i say that the princesses and great ladyes are much more bound to keepe themselues at home in their houses , then other women of meaner degree : and without a cause i speak it not , for thereby they shall get them more reputation . for there is no vertue whereby the woman winneth more reputation in the common-wealth , then alwaies to be seen resident in her house . i say also that a wife ought the most part of her time to keepe her house , because she hath lesse occasion then others haue to goe abrode . for if the poore wife ( the plebian ) goe out of her house , shee goeth for no other cause but for to seeke meat : but if the rich and noble-woman goeth out of her house , it is for nothing but to take her pleasure . let not princesses maruell , nor let not great ladyes wonder , if they dispose their feete to trotte , and occupie their eyes to beholde , though their enemyes and neighbours with cankered hearts doe iudge them , and with euill tongues defame them : for the fond deedes that women do , maketh men to be rash of iudgement . i like it well that the husbāds shold loue their wiues , that they shold comfort them , and make much of them , and that they should put their trust in them : but i doe discommend that the women should goe gadding abroade in visitation , from house to house , and that their husbands dare not gaine say them . for admit that they be good in theyr persons , yet in this doing , they giue occasion for men to esteem them vaine and light . seneca saieth in an epistle , that the great romane cato the censor ordained that no woman should go out of her house being alone , and if perhaps it were in the night , shee should not goe alone without company , and that the companie should not bee such as she would chose , but such as her husband or parent would assigne : so that with the same countenance wee behold now a common woman , with the selfe same lookes then we behelde her that went out of her house . noble ladyes ( which loue theyr honor ) ought greatly to consider and weigh the manie inconueniences that ensue by often gadding abroad : for they spend much to apparrell them , they lose much precious time in trimming them , they keepe gentlewomen to wayte vpon them , they will striue with theyr husbandes to goe , and whiles shee is out of the dores , the house shall be euill kept , and all the enemyes , and friendes thereby haue matter wherevpon to talke . finally i say , that the woman that goeth out of her house , doeth not weigh the losse of her honor so much as she doth the pleasure shee taketh abroad . presuming ( as i presume ) to write with grauitie , i say , that i am ashamed to speake it , yet for all that i will not refraine to write of the walkes of these dames that visite and desire to be visited : amongst whom there is moued oftentimes such vaine communication , that it causeth their husbands to become enemyes : and on the other part they remember more the gossipings that they haue to goe vnto , then the heauie burden of their sinnes , which they ought to lament . chap. viii . of the commodities and discommodities which follow princesses & great ladyes that go abroad to visite , or abide in the house . lvcretia by the consent of all , was counted the chiefest of all other matrones of rome , and not for that that she was more faire , more wise , of greater parentage , or more noble , but because shee did withdrawe her selfe from companie , and abode solitarie : for shee was such a one , that in the heroycall vertues there could bee nothing more desired : nor in womens weaknes there was nothing in her to be amended . the hystorie of the chaste lucretia is euident in titus liuius , that when the husbands of diuers romanes came home from the warres to theyr houses , they found their wiues in such fort that some were gaping out at the windowes , others deuising vainly at their doores , others in the fieldes wandering , others in their gardens banquetting , others in the market being , and others in the streetes , here and there gadding : but the famous lucretia was found in her house alone , weauing of silke : so that shee flying companie , for that she would not be seene , made her selfe in her honour and renowme better to be knowne . i will giue another counsell to princesses & great ladies , the which as i am willing to giue , so i wish they would be as desirous to receiue , that is to say , if they will bee esteemed and counted for honest women , that they must keep themselues from euil company : for though the stinking carrion doth no harme , because wee eate it not ; yet the vnsauory sent thereof annoyeth vs by smelling . the honour of women is so delicate a thing , that if we giue them licence to go abroad to visite women , wee must also giue them leaue to be visited of men : for , that one dame should visite another , it seemeth much charitie ; that men should visite women , i cannot but thinke it much dishonestie . in the presence of their husbands and neere kinsfolks , they may be visited and talked withall , and this is to bee vnderstood of approoued and honest persons ; notwithstanding i say , if the husband be not at home , i would it should bee counted sacriledge , if any man passe the threshold of the doore to visite the wife . plutarch saith in the booke of the prayses of women , that the wiues of the numidians , when their husbands were gone out of theyr houses , kept their gates shutte , and locked themselues in their houses : and they had a lawe , that whatsoeuer hee were that knocked at the dore being shut , without calling , hee should haue his right hand cut off . cicero in the booke of his lawes saieth : that amongst the romanes , there was an ancient law , and much vsed : that if perchaunce any woman did owe any money to any man , and that the husband ( beeing the debter ) were out of his house , the creditour should not aske the wife the debt , because that vnder the colour of recouering the goods , hee should not dishonour her in her fame . i would say therefore , that if the creditour was not permitted in rome to recouer his goods , for that the wife was not of her husband accompanied , much lesse they would giue licence to visite a woman alone . for it were more reason that the creditor should enter , for to recouer his goods , then thou shouldest enter onely for thy pastime . the diuine plato in the books of the common-wealth saith , and by profound reasons perswadeth the wiues of greece , that they haue no secrete friends , but that euery one keepe this saying in memorie , for a principle : that the woman ought not to haue any other friend then her husband . for women ought not to haue licence to make friends , nor conditions to make enemies . princesses and great dames ought to consider , that euery one of them giueth their bodyes , their goods , and their liberty to their husbands . then since it is so i say , that with the liberty , she ought also to giue him her will. for it little auaileth the man and the wife that their goods be common , if their wills be priuate . for to the ende that god be serued , and the people edified , both ought in one house to abide at one table together to eate , in one bed to sleepe , and besides this , they both ought one thing to loue . for if the man and the wife in loue doe differ , in their liues they shall neuer be quiet . i admonish , desire , and counsell all all women , if they wil be wel married ; that they think it good , that their husbands will , that they praise all that hee praiseth , that they proue all that hee proueth , that they content themselues with that wherewith their husbands are contented , and aboue all , that they loue no more then their husbands shall loue : for otherwise it might be that the wife should set her eyes vpon one , and the husband ingage his heart to another . plutarche in the booke of his pollitikes , saith : that a woman after shee is marryed , hath nothing proper : for the day that shee contracteth marriage , shee maketh her husband the only lord of her goods , her libertie , and of her person . so that if the wife willeth any other thing , then that which her husband willeth , if shee would loue any other thing then that her husband loueth , we will not call her a true-louer , but an open theefe : for thieues doe not so much harme to robbe the husband of his mony , as the wife doth in withdrawing from him her heart . if the woman will liue in peace with her husband , shee ought to obserue whervnto he is inclined : for so much as if hee be merrie , shee ought to reioyce , and if he be sad , shee must temper herselfe : if he be couetous , shee should keepe : if hee be prodigall , she should spend : if he be vnpatient , she should dissemble . for the woman which is wise and sage , if shee cannot as she would , she ought to wil what shee may . vvell , whether the husband bes euill inclined , or in his conditions well mannered , i sweare he cannot suffer that his wife should haue any other louers : for though the man be of a meane stocke , he had rather alwayes that his vvife should loue him alone , then the best of the nobilitie in the towne . one thing i cannot dissemble , because i see that god is therwith offended . which is , that maine ladyes make their excuses throgh sicknes , because they wold not passe once in the weeke come to heare seruice , and yet wee see them busie daylie , trotting about to visite their friendes : and the worst of all is , that in the morning for colde they will not rise , to go the churches , and yet afterwardes in the heate of the day , they goe a gadding from house to house , whereas they are oftentimes vntill night . i would that the ladies would but consider with themselues , before they goe out of their houses on visitation , to what end they goe abroad : and if perchaunce they goe abroade to be looked on ? let them know for a suretie , that there be fewe that will praise their beautie , but there be manie that will discommend their gadding . and wherefore doe these dames assemble together ? for some graue matter i warrant you : shall i tell ye ; it is eyther to banquette with some daintie dishes , to talke of theyr petigrees , to deuise of their husbands , to see who hath the best gowne , to note who is euill attired , to flatter the faire , to laugh to scorne the foule , to murmure at their neighbours , and that which is the worste of all , that euen they themselues which speake euill of them that are absent , doe gnawe the one the other with enuie . seldom times it chaunceth that the dames chide not with theyr husbands , after that in this sort they haue bene togither : for so much as the one noteth the euill apparell , the other babbling , they note the one to bee a foole , and the other to be simple , so that it seemeth not that they are meete to visite the one the other : but to look , and accuse the one the other . it is a strange thing for the sage woman to thinke that sheee should take pleasure abroade , since shee hath her husband at home , to whom she may talke : and hath her children to learne , her daughters to teach , her familie to order , and her goods to gouerne : shee hath her house to keepe , and her parents whome shee ought to please : then since shee hath within her house such pastime , why do they accept the companie of straunge men ? that marryed women should haue priuate friends , and loue to be visited : it followeth oftentimes that god is offended , the husband iniuried , and the people slaundered : and the woman that is married , taketh little profite , and it hindereth the marriage of her that is to marrie . for in such a case although some desire her for her riches , yet moe will forsake her for her euill fame . chap. ix . that women great with childe , specially the princesses and great ladyes ought to be very circumspect , for the danger of the creatures , wherein is shewed many misfortunes happened to women with childe in the olde time , for suffering them to haue their wills , one of the most necessary things for him that taketh in hand anie great iourney , ouer any dangerous count eyes is , that at the beginning he ought to learne the way which he vndertaketh to goe : for it is a thing no lesse troublesome , then perillous , that when hee should come to rest , of necessitie hee should be enforced to trauell . none can denie , but that mans life is a long and tedious iourney : the which beginneth at our birth , and endeth at our death ; for in the end to haue a long or short life , is none other , but to come sooner or later to the graue . the chiefest folly of all ( in mine opinion ) is this , that some in their owne conceits thinke they haue counsell enough for others , and to all others it seemeth that they want for themselues . for of right he may be called a foole , that condemneth all others for fooles : and aduaunceth himselfe to be wise . euery man ought to let his neighbour liue in peace , and though he doe esteeme himselfe to be wise , yet hee ought not to thinke his neighbour a foole : for there is none so wise , but that he may occupie it all . for we neuer yet saw any man so wise of himselfe , but that hee needed the counsel of an other . and if this want be in those that be very olde , truely it is much more in them that be young : whose flesh is not drie , but greene , the bloud not colde , but hote , no deadly heate , but very liuely , the beastial motions not mortified , but quickened , and heereof ensueth , that young men loue their owne rash aduise and opinions , and despise the graue counsells of others . when the trees are tender , they binde them together , because they may grow right , they bridle the horse when as yet they are but coltes , to the end they may be easie hereafter to the bridle . they take the hawkes in the nest , to make them more familiar : and when the beasts are litle , they take thē to teache them . i meane that a man ought to instruct his children , to the ende they may grow to liue well hereafter . i admonish , and tell the mothers that haue daughters , that there is no remedie to reforme the euill inclinatiō of their childrē , but to teach them , and to bring them vp well in their youth : for there is no wound but is dangerous if in time the plaster be not layde therevnto . returning now to our purpose , since that in all thinges there is order and measure : we will declare presently how the male childe ought to bee taught : and first of all we will treate , how a man ought to prouide whē the infant is begotten , and when as yet it is aliue in the mothers wombe : to the intent princesses and great ladyes should liue very circumspectly , when they know they are conceyued with childe . i should bee excused to speake of this matter , since it is not my profession , and that as yet i was neuer marryed , but by that i haue read of some , and by that i haue heard of others , i will and dare be so bolde to say one word . for the sage oft times giueth better account of that he hath read , then the simple doth of that hee hath proued . this thing seemeth to bee true , betweene the physitian and the patient : for where the patient suffereth the euill , hee oft times demaundeth the physitian what his sicknes is , and where it holdeth him , and what it is called , and what remedie there is for his disease : so the physitian knoweth more by his science , then the patient doth by his experience . a man ought not to denie , that the women and in especially great ladies know not by experiēce , how they are altered when they are quicke , and the great paines they suffer when they are deliuered : wee could not denie but that there is great danger in the one , and great perill in the other , but they shall neuer know frō whence all commeth , and frō whence all proceedeth , and what remedie is necessarie . for there are manie which complaine of robberyes , but yet they knowe not what the thieues are that haue robbed them . first , according to my iudgement & opinion , that which the woman quicke with childe ought to doe is , that they go softly and quietly , and that they eschue running , eyther in comming or going : for though she little esteem the health of her person , yet shee ought greatly to regarde the life of the creature . the more precious the liquor is , and the more weaker the vessell is which containeth it : so much the more they ought to feare the danger , lest the liquor shead , and the vessell breake . i meane , that the complexion of women ( beeing with childe ) is very delicate , and that the soule of the creature is more pretious : and therefore it ought with great diligence to be preserued : for all the treasure of the indies is not equall in value , to that which the woman beareth in her bowells , when a man planteth a vineyard , forthwith he maketh a ditche , or some fence for it , to the ende that beastes should not crop it whiles it is young : nor that trauellers should gather the grapes when they are ripe . and if the labourer doeth this thing for to get a little wine onely , the which for the soule and bodie is not always profitable : how much more circūspection ought the woman to haue , to preserue her childe , since she shall render an accosit to the creator of her creature ; vnto the church of a christian , and vnto her husband of a childe ? in mine opinion , where the account at the houre of death is so streight , it is requisite for her , that in the time of her life she be very circumspect : for god knoweth euery thing so well in our life , that there is none that can beguile him , in rendring his account at his death . there is no wight can suffer , nor hart dissemble , to see a man haue his desire : that is to say , to haue his wife great with chllde , and ready to bring forth good fruite , and afterwards to see the wofull mother , by or throgh some sudden accident perish , & the innocent babe not to be borne . when the vvoman is healthfull , and big with childe , she is worthie of great reproach , if eyther by running , leaping , or dauncing , any mischaunce hap vnto her . and truly the husband hath great cause to lament this case : for without doubt the gardener feeleth great griefe in his heart , when in the prime-time the tree is loden with blossomes , and yet by reason of some sharpe and bitter frost , it neuer beareth fruite . it is not onely euill that women should runne and leape when they are bigge and great with childe , but it is also dishonest , & specially for great ladyes : for alwayes women that are common dauncers , are esteemed as light houswiues . the wiues in generall , princesses and great ladyes in particular , ought to goe temperately , and to be modest in theyr mouings : for the modest gate argueth discreetnesse in the person . all women naturally desire to be honoured , and reuerenced : and touching that i let them know , that there is nothing which in a commonwealth is more honour for a woman , then to be wise and warie in speaking , moderate and quiet in going . for it is vnpossible but that the woman which is light in her going , and malicious in her talking , should bee despised and abhorred . in the yeare of the foundation of rome , . the romaines sent curius dentatus , to make warre against king pyrrus , who kept the citie of tharent , and did much harme to the people in rome : for the romaines had a great courage to conquer strange realmes , and therefore they could haue no patience to suffer any stranger to inuade theirs . this curius dentatus was he which in the end ouercame king pyrrus , and was the first that brought the elephants to rome in his triumphe , wherfore the fiercenesse of those beasts astonished the romane people much : for they weighed little the sight of the kings loden with yrons , but to see the elephants as they did , they wondred much . curius dentatus had one onely sister , the which he entierly loued . they were seuen children , two of the which died in the warres , and other three by pestilence : so that there were none left him but that sister , wherefore hee loued her with all his heart . for the death of vnthrifty children , is but as a watch for children vnprouided of fauors . this sister of curius dentatus was marryed to a roman consull , and was conceyued , and gone . moneths with childe : and the day that her brother triumphed , ( for ioy of her brothers honour ) she leaped and daunced so much , that in the same place shee was deliuered , and so vnluckely , that the mother tooke her death , and the childe neuer liued : wherevpon the feast of the triumph ceased , and the father of the infant with sorrowe lost his speech , for the heart which suddenly feeleth griefe incontinently loseth vnderstanding . tibullus the grecian , in the . booke de casibus triumphi , declareth the hystorie in good stile , how , and in what sorte it chaunced . nine yeares after that the kings of rome were banished for the rape that tarquine did , to the chaste lucretia , the romaines created a dignitie , which they called dictatura , and the dictator that had this office , was aboue all other lord and chiefe : for the romaines perceyued that the commonwealth could not be gouerned , but by one head alone . and because the dictatour had so great authoritie , as the emperour hath at this present , and to the end they shold not become tyrants : they prouided that the office of the dictatorship should last no longer then vi . moneths in the yeare , the which past and expired , they chose another . truely it was a good order that that office dured but . moneths . for oft times princes thinking to haue perpetuall authoritie , become negligent in vsing iustice . the first dictator in rome , was largius mamillus , who was sent against the volces , the which at that time were the greatest enemies to the romaines : for rome was founded in such a signe , that alwayes it was beloued of fewe , and abhorred of manie . as titus liuius saieth , this largius mamillus vanquished the volces , and triumphed ouer them , and in the end of that warre destroyed their mightie citie called curiola , and also destroyed and ouerthrew many places and fortresses in that prouince : for the cruell harts do not only destroy the persons , but also take vengeaunce of the stones . the hurtes which l : mamillus did in the countrey of the volces , were maruellous , and the men which he slew were many , and the treasories he robbed were infinite , and the captiues which hee had in his triumphe were a great number : amongst whom in especiall he brought captiue a noble mans daughter , a beautiful gentlewomā , the which he kept in his house , for the recreation of his person : for the ancient romaines gaue to the people all the treasures to maintaine the warre , and they took to themselues all the vicious thinges to keepe in theyr houses . the case was , that this damsel beeing with childe , largius mamillus brought her to solace her selfe in the orchard , wher were sundry yōg fruits , and as then not ripe to eate , whereof with so great affection shee did eate , that forthwith shee was deliuered in the same place of a creature : so that on the one part she was deliuered , and on the other part the childe dyed . this thing chaunced in the gardens of vulcan , two dayes after the triumph of largius mamilius , a ruefull and lamentable case to declare , forasmuch as both the childe that was borne , the mother that was deliuered , and also the father that begat it , the self-same day dyed , and were buryed all in one graue : and this thing was not without great wayling and lamenting thoroughout all rome : for if with teares their liues might haue been restored , without doubt none of them should haue bene buryed . the first sonne of rome , which rebelled against rome , was tarquine the proude . the second that withstoode rome ( beeeing as yet in lucanta , ) was quintus marcius . the third that went against rome , was the cruell sylla . the dammages which these three did to their mother rome , were such and so great , that the three seuerall warres of affrike were nothing to be compared to these three euill children : for those enemyes could scarcely see the walles of rome , but these vnnaturall children had almost not left one stone vppon another . a man ought not greatly to esteeme those buyldings which those tyrants thre we to the ground , nor the buildings which they destroyed , neyther the men that they slewe , nor the women that they forced , nor yet the orphanes which they made : but aboue all things we ought to lament for that which they brought into rome . for the common-wealth is not destroyed for lacke of wealth , riches , and sumptuous buyldings , but euen because all vices abound , and vertues are wanting . of these three romaines , hee whose name was quintus marcius had beene consull thrice , once dictator , and foure times censor , and in the ende hee was with much shame bannished from rome , wherewith to reuenge this iniurie , hee came with a great power and armie against rome : for the proude hart wounded with iniurie , is neuer quyet in his life time , vnill hee see his enemyes destroyed , or that on them he hath taken vengeance . quintus marcius being very nigh to the gates of rome , was most instantly required that hee would not destroy his mother rome : but hee tooke no regarde , nor would condiscend to any request , vntill such time that his mother issued , with a niece of his , whom hee loued entierly . at whose intercession & teares he left his anger , and raised his siege from rome . for manie are sooner ouercome with teares , then with importunate and reasonable requests . the ladyes of rome vsed much to haue their haires long and yellow , and to weare their wastes high & streight . and as the niece of quintus marcius was great and big with childe , the day that the peace was made between q : marcius and rome , lacing herselfe too hard in her attire , to seeme more proper and comely , shee long before her time was deliuered of a creature : and the case was so woefull and vnfortunate , that the creature deliuered died : the mother lost her life , and the mother loosing her life , suddainly her grandmother fel dead to the ground ; throgh which occasion all the ioy and mirth was turned into sorrowe & sadnes . for it is commonly seene , when the world is in the greatest ioy , then fortune suddainly turneth it into sorrow . the authors heereof are tibulus and porphyrius , both grecians . chap. x. ¶ the authour followeth and declareth other inconuemences , and vnlucky chaunces which haue happened to women with childe . the wars of tarent beeing ended , immediately begūne the warres of carthage , of which so long and tedious warre , the possession of the isles of maiorica and minorica were occasion : forsomuch as the one would take it , and the other defend it . this warre endured wel nigh the space of , yeares : for oft times the wastes and dammages which are done in the warres are greater , then the profite for which they contend . the first captaine in this warre of the romaines , was gaius duellus , and the first of the carthaginians , was hammon , the which with their ships fought on the sea of scicile the which was very cruell : for there they feared both the fury of the sea , and also the crueltie of the pike , the which two things , put mans life in great danger . of this cruell battell the romaine captaine remained victorious , forasmuch as he drowned . sippes , and tooke other . hee slew three thousand men , and broght three thousand carthaginians prisoners : and this was the first victory that the romaines had by sea. and that that the romaines most reioyced at was , that by sea also they remained conquerours . the captaine gaius duellus departing from scicile came to rome , where he had a sister no lesse vertuous , then rich and beautifull : in whose house hee lodged , where hee made a most costly supper to all the senatours of rome , and to all the captains which came with him from the warres : for the vicious men knewe not wherin to shew their loue to their friendes , but by inuiting them to costly banquets . the sister of the captain gaius duellus , for ioy of his comming , and for the pleasure of the banquet and feast which was made in her house , did eate more then shee was accustomed , and also more then it behoued one in her case , so that in the presence of all , shee began to annnoy the bidden guests : for shee not onely vomited out the meate of her stomacke , but also the bloud of her veines , and therewithall most vnluckely brought forth her fruit which she had in her entrailes , wherewith immediately after the soule departed from the bodie , and so dyed . truely this case was no lesse to be lamented then the other , for so much as gaius lost his sister , the husband lost his wife and his childe , and the wife and the childe lost their liues : and for that that rome lost so noble and excellent a romane , and aboue all for that it chaunced in such a time of so great ioy and pleasure . for there can come no vnluckier newes , then in the time of much myrth to heare tell of any great mischance . of this matter mention is made in blandus , in the book of the declinatiō of the empire . the second warre of affrike , which was betweene rome and carthage , was in the . yeares after the foundation of rome , wherein were captaines paulus emilius , and publius varro : the which two consulls fought the great and famous bloudy battell of cannas , in the prouince of apulia : i say famous ; because rome neuer lost such nobilitie and romaine youth , as shee lost in that day . of these two consulles , paulus emilius in the battell was slayne , and publius varro was ouercome , and the most couragious hanniball remained conquerour of the field , wherein dyed xxx . senatours , and . officers of the senate , and aboue xl . thousand footmen , and three thousand horsemen . finally , the end of all the roman people had been that day , if hannibal had had the witte to haue followed so noble a victory , as he had the courage to giue so cruell a battell . a litle before that publius varro departed to goe to the warres , hee was married to a faire and young romaine called sophia , and within seuen moneths shee was quicke ; and as newes was brought her , that paulus aemilius was dead , and her husband ouercome she died suddenly , the creature remaining aliue in her bodie . this case aboue all was very pittifull , in that that after he himselfe was vanquished , and and that he had seene his companion the consull emilius slaine , with so great a number of the romane people , fortune would that with his own eyes he should behold the entrailes of his wife cut , to take out the childe , and likeewise to see the earth opened , to burie his wife . titus liuius saith , that publius varro remained so sorrowfull in his heart , to see himselfe ouercome of his enemyes , and to see his wife so suddenly , and so vnluckely stricken with death , that all the time that his life endured , he neyther combed his beard , slept in bed , nor dined at the table : and hereat we ought not to maruel : for a man in his hart may be so wounded in one houre , that hee shall neuer reioyce all the dayes of his life . if wee put no doubts in titus liuius , the romaines had long and tedious warres against the samnites , which endured for the space of lxiii . yeares contiually , vntill such time as the consull ancus rutilius ( who was a vertuous man ) did set a good appointment of peace between the samnites and the romanes : for the noble & stout harts ought alwaies by vertue to bring their enemies to peace these warres therfore being so cruell and obstinate , titus venurius , and spurius posthuminus ( which were romaine captains ) were ouercome by pontius the valiant captaine of the samnites : who after the victorie did a thing neuer seene nor heard of before . that is to say , that all the romaine prisoners whom hee tooke , hee put about theyr necks a yoke , wherein was written , in spight of rome , the romaines shall be subtects to the yoke of the samnites . wherewith indeed the romains were greatly iniuried , wherefore they sought stoutto be reuēged of the samnites : for the harts that are haughty & proud , cānot suffer that others haue theyr mindes lofty and high . the romaines therefore created to bee captaine of the warre , one named lucius papirius , who had commission to goe against the samnites . this lucius was more fortunate in his doings , then comely of his person , for he was deformed of his face : notwithstanding , hee did so good seruice in the warre , and fortune fauoured him so well , that he did not onely ouercome and vanquish , but also destroyed them : and though the iniurie which the samnites did to the romaines was great , yet truely the iniurie which the romaines did to the samnites was much greater . for fortune is so variable , that those which yesterday we saw in most prosperitie , too day wee see in greatest aduersitie . this lucius papirius therfore did not only vanquish the samnites , kept them prisoners , and made yokes for theyr neckes , but also he bound them with cords together , in such sort , that they made them plough the ground , drawing two and two a plough . and yet not herewith contēted , but with gads , they pricked and tormented them . if the samnites had had pitie of the romaines beeing ouercome , the romaines likewise would haue taken compassion of them when they were conquerours . and therefore the prosperous haue as much neede of good counsell , as the miserable haue neede of remedie . for the man which is not merciful in his prosperitie , hee ought not to maruel though he finde no friendes in his necessitie . this lucius papirius had a daughter maried to a senator of rome , who was called torquatus , and she was called ypolita , and about that time that she should haue bene deliuered , shee went forth to receiue her father , the which she ought not to haue don : for the throng of the people in receiuing him being great , and she herselfe being great with child , by a most heauie chaunce , as she would haue passed in at a narrow gate , shee was so prest in the throng , that she chaunged her life for death , and her father turned his m●th and ioy into sorrow and sadnes . for he tooke the death of his daughter very heauilie : and so much the more , because it was so suddenly . i say , hee tooke it heauily , since he was so stoute a man , and so sage withall , that all rome thought much that any such sudden chaunce should haue dismayed so worthie a man , that of his wisedome he could take no benefite : but heereat let no man maruell : for ther are many that haue harts to shed the bloud of their enemies , and yet cānot withholde the teares of their eyes . annius seuerus , in the third booke de infelieitate fortuna , saith : that the day that this wofull mishap chaunced to lucius papirius , hee lift vp his eyes to the heauens , and weeping saide : oh fortune , deceiuer of all mortall men , thou madest mee to conquere in warre , to the intent to ouercome me in peace . my mind was to declare vnto you all these ancients hystories , to the end that al may know , how tender women with childe are : and how diligent their husbands ought to bee to preserue them : since there is nothing so tender to be kept , nor any glasse so easie to be broken . for there is much glasse , that thogh it fall to the ground yet it doeth not breake , but a woman with childe , onely for treading her foote awry , we see with daunger to be deliuered . chap. xi . that women great with childe , and especially princesses & great ladyes , ought to be gently vsed of theyr husbands . if wee vnderstand the chapter before wee shall finde that women with childe haue bin in great dāgers , some through leaping , some by dauncing , others by eaung , others by banquetting , others throgh gadding , others by straight lacing : and all this proceedeth throgh their own follies , that seeke to bee destroyers of theyr owne bodyes . truly herein princesses and great ladyes are worthie of much rebuke , when throgh their own follies they are not safely deliuered of their creatures . and i would gladly they toke example , not only of reasonable men , but also of brute beasts : for there is no beast so brute in the wilde mountains , but escheweth that which to his life and death will be hurtfull . the beares , the lyonnesse , and the wolfes , neuer issue out of their caues and dennes so long as they be bigge , and this they doe to auoyde the dangers of the hunters , because at that time they would not be coursed . then seeing these things are done by the brute beastes , ( whose younglings are alwayes hurtfull vnto men , ) to the intent theyr rauening greedie whealpes might safely bee brought foorth to deuoure our innocent cattell : how much more then ought the woman to be carefull for her fruite , which is the increase of christian congregation ? if women brought not forth , and children were not borne , though there be earth , yet there should bee none to people it : for god created all things to serue the creature , and created the creatures to serue their creator . let vvomen that are with childe take example by the chesse-nuts and wal-nuts , how and in what sort they defend their fruite , after that of theyr blossoms they are depriued : for the chessenuttree defendeth his fruit with a rough and hard huske , the wall-nut keepeth her fruite with a thicke shale in like maner , so that the water cannot wet them , nor the winde shake them . now since that the trees ( which haue but a vegetatiue life , and the beasts but a sensitiue life , take such heede to themselues , when they feele them ready to bring forth their fruite , much more women with child ought to take heede to themselues , since they haue reason and vnderstanding , lest through theyr negligence the creature should perish . let euery man iudge how little he loseth , when he loseth nuttes and chessenuts : and for the contrarie , let euery men iudge what the church looseth , when the women with child do not bring forth their fruit , into the light of baptisme . for our mother the holy church bewaileth not for that the vines are frozen : but for the soules that are lost . to the ende that the man may see fruitfull blessing which hee desireth , & that the woman with child may see her selfe well deliuered , the husband ought to beware that hee enforceth her not much to labour , and the woman likewise ought to be circumspect that shee take not too much idlenes . for in women with child this is a generall rule , that too much trauell causeth them before theyr time to deliuer : and too much idlenesse putteth them in daunger . the man is cruell that will haue his wife trauell , and take as much paines when shee is big , as he would at another time when she is not with childe : for the man which is clothed , can not runne so swifte , as hee that is naked . aristotle in the sixt booke de animalibus , saith : when the lyonnesse is bigge with whelp , the lyon doth not only hunt for her himselfe : but also both night & day he wandreth cōtinually to watch her . i meane that princesses and great ladyes , when they be with childe , should bee of theyr husbands both tended and serued : for the man cannot do the woman so great a pleasure before her lying down , as she doth to him when she bringeth forth a sonne considering the daunger that the woman abideth in her deliueraunce , and beholding the paines that the husband taketh in her seruice : without comparison that is greater which she suffereth , then that which hee endureth . for when the woman deliuereth , she doth more then her power , and the husband ( though hee serueth her well , doeth lesse then his duetie . the gentle and louing husband ought not one moment to forsake his wife , specially when hee seeth shee is great : for in the law of a good husband it is written , that hee should set his eyes to beholde her , his handes to serue her , he shold spend his goods to cherish her , and should giue his heart to content her . let not men thinke it paines to serue their wiues when they are with childe , for their labour consisteth in their strength , but the trauell of their wiues is in their entrails . and that which is most pitiful is , that when the sorrowfull women will discharge their burden on the earth , they often times bring thēselues vnto the graue . the meane women of the plebians ought no lesse to be reproued , for that when they are with child they would be exempted from all businesse of the house : the which neyther they themselues ought to desire , nor yet their husbands to suffer : for idlenesse is not onely an occasion not to deserue heauen : but also it is a cause whereby women oft times haue ill successe in their trauaile : for considering both the daintie lady with childe , that hath her pleasure , and doth little ; and on the other side , the poore mans wife , which moderately laboureth , you shall see , that the great ladyes , for all their pleasures , abideth more danger then the other doth with all her labour . the husband ought to keepe his wife from taking too much paynes ; for so ought he to doe : and the wife likewise ought to flee too much pleasure , for it behoueth her . for the meane trauell is no other but occasion of a safe deliuerie . the women with childe also ought to take heede to themselues , and in especially noble & great ladies , that they be not too greedy & hasty in eating . for the woman being with child ought to be sober : and the woman which is a great eater , with great pains shal liue chaste . women with child oft times doe disorder themselues in eating licorous meats : and vnder the colour of feeding themselues & their infant , they take too excessiuely ; which is not onely vnholsome for the childe , but also dishonour for their mothers . for truely by the excesse of the mother ( being with child ) commeth many diseases to the infant whē it liueth . the husbands also ought neyther to displease nor grieue their wiues , especially when they see them great with childe : for of truth oftentimes she deliuereth with more daunger , by reason of the offences that men doe vnto them , then by the aboundance of meates which they doe eate . though the woman when shee is with childe , in some things doth offend her husband , yet hee like a wise man ought to forbeare her , hauing respect to the childe , wherewith she is great , and not to the iniuries that she hath committed : for in the end , the mother cannot bee so great an offender , but the child is much more innocent . for the proofe of this , it needeth not books to read , but onely our eyes to see : how the brute beasts for the most part ( when their females are bigge ) do not touch them , nor yet the females suffer them to be touched . i meane , that the noble and high estates ought to absent thēselues from their wiues carnally , being great with childe : and hee that in this case shall shewe himselfe most temperate , shall of all men be deemed most vertuous . i doe not speake this to the ende it should binde a man , or that it were an offence then to vse the companie of his wife , but vnto men that are vertuous i giue it as a counsell . for some things ought to bee done of necessitie , and others ought to be eschued for honestie . dyodorus siculus saieth , that in the realme of mauritania there were so few men , and so many women , that euery man had fiue wiues : where there was a law among them , that no man should marrie vnder three wiues : furthermore they had a wonderfull and foolish custome , that when any husband died , one of those women shuld cast herselfe quicke into the graue , and be buried with him . and if that within a moneth she did it not , or that she dyed not , by iustice shee was openly put to death : saying , that it is more honestie to bee in companie with her husband in the graue , then it is to be alone in her house . in the isles of baleares the contrary is seene , for there increase so many men , and so few women , that for one woman there was seuen men : and so they had a custome , especially amongst the poore , that one woman should bee marryed with fiue men . for the rich men sent to seeke for women in other strange realmes , wherfore then merchants came heauie loaden with women , as now they doe with marchandize to sell . vpon which occasion there was a custome in those isles , that ( for as much as there were so few women ) when any woman with childe drew neere the seuen monethes , they were seperated from their husbands , and shutte and locked vp in the temples , where they gaue them such things as were necessary for them of the common treasure . for the ancients had their gods in such veneration , that they would not permit any person to eate that which he brought ; but of that which vnto the gods of the temple was offered . at that time the barbarous kept theit wiues locked in the church , because the gods hauing them in their temples , should bee more mercifull vnto them in their deliuerie , and also to cause them to auoyde the dangers at that time : and besides that , because they tooke it for a great villany , that the women , during that time , should remaine with their husbands . the famous and renowmed philosopher , pulio , in the fift booke , de moribus antiquorum , said , that in the realme of pannonia , ( which now is hungarie ) the women that were great with childe were so highly esteemed , that when any went out of her house , all those which mette with her were bound to returne backe with her ; and in such sort as wee at this present doe reuerence the holy communion , so did these barbarous then the women with childe . the women of carthage , being with childe ( when carthage was carthage ) had as great priuileges , as now our sanctuaries haue for the safegard of misdoers : for , in times past , all such offenders as could enter into the house where a woman lay in child-bed , should haue beene free from correction of iustice . as fronto saith , in his booke of the veneration of the gods , the gallois transalpins did not only honor & reuerence the women with childe ; but also with much care and diligence watched her deliuery : for it little auaileth the shippe to haue passed safe the dangerous seas , if at the shore she be cast away . the case was in this sort , that al the ancient gentiles honored some gods in their temples , and kept other in their houses , the which were called lares and penates : and when any woman began to labour , each neighbour brought his familiar god vnto her , to present her with all , because they thought , that the more gods there were , of so much more power they were to keepe her from perills . speaking like a christian ; truely , those gods were of small value , since they could not helpe the woman safely to be deliuered that was in trauaile . chap. xii . what the philosopher pisto was : and of the rules hee gaue concerning women with childe . in the time of octauian the emperour , was a philosopher called pisto , which was of the sect of pithagoras ; and when rome flourished , he was very familiar with the emperour octauian , and well beloued of all the people , which ought not to be a little esteemed : for he which of the prince is most fauored , commonly of the people is much hated . this emperour octauian was a prince very desirous of all vertuous things ; so that when he dined with his captaines , he spake of warre ; when he supped with the sages , hee reasoned of the sciences ; and he that vttered any dishonest or idle word in his presence , hee alwaies afterward tooke him as his enemie . this pisto was very graue in waightie affaires , very pleasant in slents and jests ; and oft times he was demanded many questions of the emperour , whereof the answeres of some ( according to the demands and questions ) here followeth . the emperour sayd to pisto , of all these that liueth , whom takest thou to be most foole ? to whom the philosopher answered . in my opinion , i take him to be most foole , of whose word there commeth no profite : for truely , he is not so very a foole that flingeth stones into the winde , as he that vttereth vaine words . tell me , pisto , whom ought wee of right to desire to speake , & whom of right to command to be silent ? he answered ; it is good when speech doth profite , and good to keepe silence when speech is hurtfull : for the one desiring to maintaine the good , and the other to defend the euill , warres begin throughout all the world . tell mee , pisto , from what thing ought the fathers most to keepe their children ? he sayd , in my opinion , parents ought in nothing to watch so much , as to keepe them from being vicious : for the father ought rather to haue his sonne dye well , then to liue euill . tell me , pisto , what shall man do if hee be brought to this extremitie , that if he speake truth , hee condemneth himselfe : and if hee make a lye , he saueth himselfe ? the vertuous man ( said he ) ought rather to choose to be ouercome by truth , then to ouercome by lyes : for it is vnpossible , that a man which is a lyer should continue long in prosperity . tell me , pisto , what shall men do to obtaine rest ? he answered , as i thinke , the man cannot haue rest , vnlesse he forsake worldly affayres : for the men that are occupied with weightie affaires , cannot be without great cares , or alwaies accompanied of great troubles . tell me , pisto , wherein a man sheweth himselfe to be most wise ? he answered . there is no greater proofe to know a wise man , then if he be patient to suffer the ignorant : for in suffering an iniurie , the heart is more holpen by wisedome then by knowledge . tell mee , pisto , what is that thing that the vertuous man may lawfully desire ? he answered , all that is good ( so that it be not to the preiudice of any other ) may honestly be desired : but in my opinion , that onely ought to bee desired , which openly without shame may bee demanded . tell me , pisto , what shall men do with their wiues when they are great with childe , to cause that the child in safetie may be deliuered ? he answered , in the world there is nothing more perillous , iben to haue the charge of a woman with childe : for if the husband serue her , hee hath paine and trauaile : and if perchance hee doe not content her , she is in danger . in this case the wiues of rome , and their husbands also , ought to be very diligent , and to the things following more carefull , the which i shew them more for counsell then for commandement : for good counsell ought to haue as much authoritie in the vertuous , as the commandement hath in the vicious . thou octauian , as thou art a mercifull and a pittifull emperour , and that thou keepest thy neece collucia great with childe , i know thou desirest that shee had presently good and lucky deliuery , and that shee were deliuered of her paine : all the which thou shalt see , if thou dost marke these things that i will shew thee heere following . first , the woman ought to beware of dancing , leaping , and running : for leaping oftentimes maketh man to lose his speach , and women with childe to lose their life , wherefore it is not reason that the folly of the mother should bee permitted to put in hazzard the life of the child . the second , the woman being with childe , ought to beware that shee be not so hardy , to enter into gardens where there is much fruit , and that for eating too many shee bee not ill deliuered : for it is no reason , that the lycorousnes of the mother be punished with the death of the childe . the third , the woman with childe ought to beware of ouer hard lacing her selfe about the middle : for many romane dames , for to seeme proper , doe weare their gownes so straite , that it is an occasion to kill their creatures , which is a heynous matter , that the young babe should lose his life , because his mother should seeme pretty . the fourth , the women with childe ought to beware of eating in a great banquet : for oft times there commeth a suddaine deliuerance , onely through eating without measure : and it is not meete , that for tasting a thing of little value , the mother and the childe should both lose their liues . the fift , the woman being with child ought to beware that she giueth no eare to any sudden newes : for shee is in more danger for hearing a thing that grieueth her , then for suffering long sicknesse that payneth her : and it were vniust , that for knowing of a trifling matter , the mother that is to be deliuered , and the child that is to be borne , should both in one moment perish . the sixt , the woman with childe ought to beware that she goe not by any meanes to any feasts , where there shall bee any great assembly of people : for oft times the woman with childe , seeing her to bee much thrust and prest , being not able to say , i am here , may immediately dye in the place : and it is not reason , but an vniust thing , that the woman , for the desire to see the children of others , should make of her owne orphanes . the seuenth , the husband ought to beware , that she being with childe , bee not deneyd any honest thing that shee doth minde ; for ingranting her it cannot cost him much ; but in denying her , hee may lose much : and it would not bee iust , that since in her bringing foorth she honoreth and increaseth the common-wealth of rome , that rome should condiscend that any woman with child should receiue any hurt or dishonour . these bee the answeres that pisto made the emperour octauian , the which hee gaue as rules to women with childe , which being so kept , i do assure you , that the great ladyes should deliuer themselues from many perils , & the husbands also should escape from many sorrowes . concluding therefore that which aboue all is spoken , i say , that princesses and great ladies , when they are with childe , ought to bee more warie and circumspect then other meane women : for where man hopeth to haue most profit , there ought he most to be carefull . the authour of this is pulio , in his third booke de moribus antiquorū , & sextus cheronsnsis in his fift booke de legibus domesticis . chap. xiii . of three counsels which lucius seneca gaue vnto a secretarie his friend , who serued the emperour nero : and how the emperour marcus aurelius disposed all the houres of the day . the emperour nero had a secretary called emilius varro , the which being in rome builded a sumptuous house ioyning vnto the gate of salaria , whereunto hee inuited one day lucius seneca to a banquet , to the end the house might bee more fortunate : for the romanes had a prophecie , that according to the good or ill lucke of him that first entred into a new house , so should it continually be luckie , or vnluckie . lucius seneca graunted to the request of his friend emilius varro : and when they had well eaten , they went both to see this new building , shewing vnto lucius seneca all things : at the last the secretary sayd thus vnto seneca : those betweene both , are for guests : those halles , are for merchants & suitors : these secrets , are for women : those chambers , are for knights : those galleries , which are couered , are to auoide the sunne : this lowest part here , is for horses : the sellers , are for the buttry : in the end he shewed him the whole house , for the furnishing whereof they lacked not one jot . after the secretarie emilius varro had shewed him all his house , hee looked when his guest seneca would greatly praise and commend it ; but he , as though hee knew nothing , sayd vnto emilius varro , as he went out of the dores , whose house is this ? wherevnto emilius answered : how now , seneca ! canst thou not tell ? i haue employed all my goods in building this house , and haue led thee all about to see it , and i haue told thee that it is mine ; and yet dost thou aske me againe whose it is ? lucius seneca answered : thou hast shewed vs the house for strangers , the house for sleues , the house for women , the house for horses ; and in all this house thou hast not shewed me one little part for thy selfe , but that another man doth enter into it : for if thou hast any interest therein , they haue the best thereof , which is the possession . i account thee a wise man , i doe account thee a man of vnderstanding , and allso i know , that with all thy heart , thou art my friend : and since i haue beene bidden to day by the , it is but reason , that for to reward that which thou hast done to me , i doe some seruice vnto thee , which shall be to giue vnto thee some good counsell : for strangers vse to pay for the feast with money , and vaine men with telling lyes , babblers by counting vaine tales , children by flatteries ; but vertuous men ought to pay by giuing good counsels . this house hath cost thee much paine , great griefes , and much money , and if it cost thee so much , it is but reason that thou enioy the same : take therefore these my three counsels , and it may be thou wilt find thy selfe better contented with those , then with money of strangers : for many haue wherewithall to build a house , but they haue not vnderstanding to gouerne the same . the first counsell is , though that thou loue thy friend very well , or thy wife as well , yet that thou neuer discouer all the secrets of thy heart neither to thy friend , nor to thy wife : but that thou alwaies reserue some particular vnto thy selfe : for plato saith , to whome a man committeth his secrets , to him also hee giueth his libertie . the second counsel is , that neither in priuate businesse , nor in publike affaires , thou occupy thy selfe so much , but at the least thou dost reserue three houres in the day for thine owne rest . the third counsell is , that thou haue in thy house some secret place , wherof thou alone shalt haue the key , and therein thou shalt haue bookes , where thou maist study of thy affaires , and also talke with thy friends . finally , this place shall be a secretary of thy counsels , and a rest for thy trauels . these were the words that lucius seneca spake to his friend emilius varro , which words were such as he himselfe was , that is to say , of a sage and excellent personage : and though the banquet was rich , yet the payment of lucius seneca was much more worth : for the minde feeleth more taste in the good and ripe counsell , then the body doeth in sauory and delicate meates . i haue told you this example of lucius seneca , for to tell another that happened to the emperour marcus aurclius , with his wife faustine . and to the end , that the order of the matter bee not turned without breaking our historie , first we will declare here the order which this emperour obserued in his life : for the common-wealth shall neuer be well gouerned , but where the prince gouerneth well his life . princes of necessitie ought to bee well ordered in this life , because they may profite the affayres of the empire , with the particulars of their house : and because they should vse the particulars of their house to the recreation of their person : and all these things ought to bee deuided according to time : for a good prince ought to lacke no time to doe that thing well which he hath to doe , nor ought hee to haue any time vacant to employ himselfe to vice . the worldly call that time good , the which is , or was prosperous vnto them : they call that time euill , which is , or hath beene contrary and vnfortunate vnto them . the creator will neuer that this sentence bee approued by my penne : but i call that time good , which is imployed in vertues ; and that time euill , that is lost in vices : for the times are alwayes as one ; but men do turne from vice to vertue , from vertue to vice . the good emperour , marcus aurelius , did deuide the time , by time : so , that though hee had time for himselfe , he had time likewise to dispatch his owne and others affayres : for the man that is willing , in a small time dispatcheth much businesse : and the man which is negligent , in along time doth little . this was the order that the emperour marcus aurelius tooke in spending his time : he slept seuen houres in the night , and one houre rested himselfe in the day . in dining and supping , hee consumed onely two houres ; and it was not for that hee tooke great pleasure to belong in eating ; but because the philosophers , which disputed before his presence , were occasion to prolong the time : for in seuenteene yeeres they neuer sawe him at meate , but one or other read vnto him some booke , or else the philosophers reasoned before him philosophy . as he had many realmes and prouinces , so he appointed one houre for the affayres of asia , for affricke one houre , and europe another houre : and for the conuersation of his wife , children , and familie , he appointed other two houres of time : hee had another houre for extraordinary affayres ; as , to heare the complaints of the grieued , the quarrels of the poore , the complaints of the widdowes , and the robberies done to the orphanes : for the mercifull prince giueth no lesse care vnto the poore , which for want can doe little ; then to the rich , which for abundance can do much . hee occupied all the residue of the day and night to read bookes , write works : to make meeter , and in studying of other antiquities , to practise with the sage , & to dispute with the philosophers : and finally , he tooke no taste of any thing so much , as hee did to talke of science : vnlesse the cruell warres did let him , or such like affayres troubled him , ordinarily in winter he went to bed at nine of the clocke , and awaked at foure : and because he would not be idle , he had alway a booke vnder his beds head , and the residue of the day hee bestowed in reading . the romanes had an ancient custome to beare fire before them : that is to say , a torch light in the day , and a lampe burning in the night in their chambers : so that waking , they burned waxe ; and sleeping , they burned oyle . and the cause why the romanes ordeyned that the oyle should be made of oliue , and the waxe made of bees ( which was vsed to bee borne before the princes ) was to the end they should remember , that they ought to bee as gentle and louing as the oyle of oliue is sweete : and as profitable to the common-wealth , as the bees are . hee did rise at sixe of the clocke , and made himselfe ready openly ; and with a gentle countenance hee asked them that were about him , wherein they had spent all the night , and declared vnto them then what hee had dreamed , what he had thought , and what hee had read . when hee was readie , he washed his face with odoriferous waters , and loued very well sweete sauours : for hee had so quicke a sent , that hee was much offended when hee passed through any stinking place . in the morning he vsed to eate two morsels of a lectuary made of sticades , and dranke three spoonefulls of maluesey , or else two droppes of aqua vita , because he had a cold stomacke , for that hee gaue himselfe so much to studie in times past . we see it by experience , that the great students are persecuted more with sicknesse then any others : for in the sweetnesse of the science , they know not how their life consumeth . if it were in the summer season , hee went in the morning to recreate himselfe to the riuer of tiberi , and walked there a foote for two houres ; and in this place they talked with him that had businesse : and truely it was a great policie ; for , where as the prince doth not sit , the suitor alwaies abridgeth his talke . and when the day began to waxe hot , he went to the high capitoll , where all the senate tarryed for him : and from thence hee went to the coliseo , where the ambassadours of the prouinces were , and there remained a great part of the day . afterwards he went to the chappell of the vestall virgins , and there he heard euery nation by it selfe , according to the order which was prescribed . hee did eate but one meale in the day , and it was very late ; but he did eate well : not of many and diuers sorts of meate , but of few and good : for the abundance of diuers & strange meates breedeth sundry diseases . they sawe him once a weeke goe through rome , and if hee went any more , it was a wonder : at the which time he was alwayes without company , both of his owne , and also of strangers , to the entent all poore men might talke with him of their businesse , or complaine of his officers : for it is vnpossible to reforme the common-wealth , if he which ought to remedie it , be not informed of the iniuries done in the same . he was so gentle in conuersation , so pleasant in words , so noble amongst the great , so equall with the least , so reasonable in that hee did aske , so perfect in that he did worke , so patient in iniuries , so thankefull of benefites , so good to the good , and so seuere to the euill , that all loued him for being good , and all the euill feared him for being iust . a man ought not little to esteeme the loue that the people bare to this so good a prince and noble emperour , for so much as the romanes haue been thus : that for the felicitie of their estate , they offered to their gods greater sacrifice , then they did in any other prouinces . and sextus cheronensis saith , that the romanes offered more sacrifices to the gods , because they should lengthen the life of the emperour , then they did offer for the profite of the common-wealth . truely their reason was good ; for the prince that leadeth a good life , is the heart of the common-wealth . but i doe not maruell , that the emperour was so well willed , and beloued of the romane empire : for he had neuer porter to his chamber , but the two houres which hee remayned with his wife faustine . all this being past , the good emperour weat into his house , into the secretst place hee had ( according to the counsell of lucius seneca ) the key whereof he alone had in his custodie , and neuer trusted any man therewith , vntill the houre of his death ; and then he gaue it to an olde ancient man called pompeianus , saying vnto him these words : thou knowest right well , pompeianus , that , thou being base , i exalted thee to honour : thou being poore , i gaue thee riches : thou being persecuted , i drew thee to my palace : i being absent , committed my whole honour to thy trust : thou being olde , i marryed thee with my daughter , and doe presently giue thee this key . behold , that in giuing thee it , i giue thee my heart and life : for , i will thou know , that death grieueth mee not so much , nor the losse of my wife and children , as that i cannot carry my bookes into the graue . if the gods had giuen mee the choyse , i had rather choose to be in the graue inuironed with bookes , then to liue accompanied with fooles : for , if the dead doe read , i take them to be aline ; but if the liuing doe not read , i take them to be dead . vnder this key which i giue thee , remayneth many greeke , hebrew , latine , and romame bookes : and aboue all , vnder this key remaineth all my paynes , swet , and trauells , all my watchings , and laboures , where also thou shalt finde bookes by mee compiled : so that though the wormes of the earth doe eate my body ; yet men shall finde my heart whole amongst these bookes . once againe i doe require thee , and say , that thou oughtest not a little to esteeme the key which i giue thee : for wise men at the houre of their death , alwayes recommend that which they best loue , to them which in their liues they haue most loued . i doe confesse , that in my studie thou shalt finde many things with mine owne hand written and well ordered : and also i confesse , that thou shalt finde many things by me left vnperfect . in this case , i thinke , that though thou couldest not write them , yet thou shalt worke them well notwithstanding ; and by these meanes thou shalt get reward of the gods for working them . consider , pompeian , that i haue beene thy lord , i haue beene thy father-in-law , i haue beene thy father , i haue beene thy aduocate , and aboue all , that i haue beene thy speciall friend , which is most of all : for a man ought to esteeme more a faithfull friend , then all the parents of the world . therefore in the faith of that friendshippe i require , that thou keepe this in memorie , that euen as i haue recommended to others my wife , my children , my goods , and riches : so i doe leaue vnto thee in singuler recommendation my honour : for princes leaue of themselues no greater memorie , then by the good learning that they haue written . i haue beene eighteene yeeres emperour of rome ; and it is threescore and three yeeres that i haue remayned in this wofull life , during which time i haue ouercome many battailes , i haue slayne many pyrates , i haue exalted many good , i haue punished many euill , i haue wonne many realmes , and i haue destroyed many tyrants : but what shall i doe , wofull man that i am , sith all my companions , which were witnesses with me of all these worthy feates , shall be companions in the graue with the greedy wormes ? a thousand yeeres hence , when those that are now aliue shall then be dead , what is hee that shall say , i saw marcus aurelius triumph ouer the parthians : i saw him make the buildings in auentino : i sawe him well beloued of the people : i saw him father of the orphanes : i saw him the scourge of tyrants ? truely if all these things had not beene declared by my bookes , or of my friends , the dead would neuer haue risen againe to haue declared them . what is it for to see a prince ( from the time he is borne , vntill the time hee come to dye ) to see the pouertie he passeth , the perills he endureth , the euill that hee suffereth , the shame that he dissembleth , the friendshippe that hee fayneth , the teares which hee sheddeth , the sighes that hee fetcheth , the promises that hee maketh , and doth not endure for any other cause the miseries of this life : but onely to leaue a memorie of him after his death . there is no prince in the world that desireth not to keepe a good house , to keepe a good table , to apparell himselfe richly , and to pay those that serue him in his house : but by this vaine honour , they suffer the water to passe through their lippes , not drinking thereof . as one that hath proued it , it is reason that i bee beloued in this case , and that is , that the entent of princes to conquere strange realmes , and to permit their owne to suffer wrongs , is for no other thing , but because that the commendations which they speake of the princes past , they should likewise talke the same of them that bee to come . concluding therefore my minde , and declaring my intention , i say , that the prince that is noble , and desireth to leaue off himselfe from fame , let him consider , and see what it is that those can write of him which write his history : for it profiteth little , that hee atchieue great affayres by the sword , if there bee no writer to set them forth with the pen , and afterwards to exalt them with the tongue . these words thus spoken by the noble emperour marcus aurelius , he gaue the key of his studie to the honourable olde man pompeianus , that tooke all the writings , and put them in the high capitoll , where the romanes honoured them , as the christians the holy scriptures . all these writings , besides many others , perished in rome , when by the barbarous it was destroyed : for the gothes ( vtterly to extinguish the name of rome ) destroyed not onely the walles thereof , but also the bookes that were therein : and truely in this case the gothes shewed more crueltie to the romanes , then if they had slayne the children of their bodyes , or beate downe the walles of their cities : for , without doubt , the liuely letter is a more sweeter witnesse of renowme , that alwayes speaketh ; then eyther the lime , sand , or stone , wherewith fortresses are builded . chap. xiiii . of the importunate suite of the empresse faustine , to the emperour marcus aurelius , concerning the key of his closet . we haue declared , how the emperour marcus aurelius had his study in the secretst place of all the palace , and how that he himselfe did keepe the key . it is to be vnderstood , that hee would neuer let his wife , his children , nor any other of his familiar friends come into it : for he sayd , i had rather suffer that they should take from mee my treasures , then that any man should turne the leaues of my bookes . it chanced , that on a day the empresse faustine , being great with childe , importuned the emperour much , by all the meanes shee could , that he would be so fauourable vnto her , as to giue her the key of his studie : and it is no maruell , for naturally women despise that which is giuen thē , & lust for that that is denied them . faustine instantly besought him , not once , but many times , not onely with faire words , but with abundant teares , alleadging vnto him these reasons : i haue required thee sundry times , that thou wouldest giue mee the key of thy chamber , and thou hast by iesting made frustrate my request , the which thou ( my lord ) oughtest not to haue done , considering that i am with childe : for oftentimes it chanceth , that that wherefore the husband reioyceth this day , to morrow he doth lament . thou oughtest to remember that i am that faustine the renowmed , the which in thy eyes am the fayrest , and of thy tongue haue beene most commended , of thy person i was best beloued , and of thy heart i am most desired : then since it is true , that thou hast me so deepely in heart , why then doubtest thou to shew mee the writings of thy studie . thou dost communicate with mee the secrets of the empire , and thou hidest from me the books of thy study . thou hast giuen me thy tender heart of flesh , and now thou denyest mee the hard key of iron : now i must needs thinke that thy loue was fayned , that thy words were double , and that thy thoughts , were others then they seemed : for if they had been otherwise , it had been vnpossible thou shouldest haue denyed mee the key that i doe aske thee ; for where loue is vnfayned , though the request bee merrily asked , yet it is willingly graunted . it is a common custome , that you men vse to deceiue vs simple women , you present vs with great gifts , you giue many fayre words , you make vs faire promises , you say you will doe maruels , but in the ende you doe nothing but deceiue vs : for we are persecuted more of you , thē of any others . when men in such wise importune the women , if the women had power to deny and withstand , wee should in short space bring yee vnder the yoke , and leade you by the noses : but when we suffer our selues to be ouercome , then you beginne to forsake vs , and despise vs. let mee therefore ( my lord ) see thy chamber , consider i am with childe , and that i dye vnlesse i see it . if thou dost not to doe me pleasure , yet doe it , at least , because i may no more importune thee : for if i come in danger through this my longing , i shall but lose my life : but thou shalt lose the childe that should be borne , and the mother also that ought to beare it . i know not why thou shouldest put thy noble heart into such a dangerous fortune , wherby both thou & i at one time shuldperish ; i dying so yōg , and thou in losing so louing a wife . by the immortall gods i doe beseech thee , and by the mother berecinthia i coniure thee , that thou giue me the key , or that thou let me enter into the study ; and stick not with me thy wife in this my small request , but change thy opinion : for al that which without consideration is ordayned , by importunate suite may bee reuoked . we see daily that mē by reading in bookes , loue their children ; but i neuer sawe heart of man fall in such sort , that by reading and looking in bookes , hee should despise his children : for in the ende , bookes are by the words of others made ; but children are with their own proper bloud begotten . before that any thing of wisedome is begunne , they alwaies regard the inconueniences that may follow : therefore if thou wilt not giue mee this key , and that thou art determined to be stubborne still in thy will , thou shalt lose thy faustine , thou shalt lose so louing a wife , thou shalt lose the creature wherewith she is bigge , thou shalt lose the authoritie of thy palace , thou shalt giue occasion to all rome to speake of thy wickednesse , and this griefe shall neuer depart from thy heart : for the heart shall neuer bee comforted , that knoweth , that he only is the occasion of his owne griefe . if the gods doe suffer it by their secret indgements , and if my wofull mishappes deserue it , and if thou ( my lord ) desirest it for no other cause , but euen to doe after thy will , for denying me this key , i should dye : i would willingly dye . but of that , i thinke , thou wilt repent : for it chanceth often times to wise men , that when remedy is gone , the repentance commeth suddenly : and then it is to late ( as they say ) to shutte the stable doore , when the steede is stolne . i maruell much at thee ( my lord ) why thou shouldest shew thy selfe so froward in this case , since thou knowest , that all the time wee haue beene together , thy will and mine hath alway beene one ! if thou wilt not giue me thy key , for that i am thy welbeloued faustine : if thou wilt not let mee haue it , since i am thy deare beloued wife : if thou wilt not giue it me , for that i am great with childe , i beseech thee giue it mee in vertue of the ancient law : for thou knowest it is an inuiolate lawe among the romanes , that a man cannot deny his wife with child her desires . i haue seene sundry times with mine eyes , many women sue their husbands at the lawe in this behalfe : and thou ( my lord ) commandest , that a man should not break the priuiledges of women . then if this thing bee true ( as it is true indeede ) why wilt thou that the lawes of strange children should bee kept , and that they should be broken to thine owne children ? speaking according to the reuerence that i owe vnto thee , though thou wouldest , i will not ; though thou doest it , i will not agree therunto : & though thou dost command it , in this case i will not obey thee : for if the husband doe not accept the iust request of his wife , the wife is not bound to obey the vniust commaundement of her husband . you husbands desire that your wiues should serue you , you desire that your wiues should obey you in all , and ye will condiscend to nothing that they desire . you men say , that wee women haue no certaintie in our loue : but indeede you haue no loue at all : for by this it appeareth , that your loue is fayned , in that it no longer continueth then your desires are satisfied . you say furthermore , that the women are suspitious , and that is true in you all , men may see , and not in vs : for none other cause there are are so many euill marryed in rome , but because their husbands haue of them such euill opinions . there is a great difference betweene the suspition of the woman , and the jealousie of the man : for a man will vnderstand the suspition of the woman ; it is no other thing , but to shew to her husband that she loueth him with all her heart : for the innocent women know no others , desire no others but their husbands onely ; and they would that their husbands should know none others , nor search for any others , nor loue any others , nor will any others , but them onely : for the heart that is bent to loue one only , would not that into that house should euter any other . but you men know so many means , and vse so many subtilties , that you praise your selues for to offend them , you vaunt your selues to deceiue them , and that it is true , a man can in nothing so much shew his noblenes , as to sustaine and fauour a curtizan . the husbands please their wiues speaking vnto thē some merry words , and immediately , their backes being turned , to another they giue both their bodies and their goods . i sweare vnto thee ( my lord ) that if women had the libertie and authoritie ouer men , as men haue ouer women , they should finde more malice , deceitfulnesse and craft by them committed in one day , then they should find in the women all the dayes of their life . you men say , that women are euill speakers , it is true indeede that your tongues are none other , but the stings of serpents : for yee doe condemne the good men , and defame the romane women . and thinke not ( if you speake euill of other women ) to excuse your owne : for the man that by his tongue dishonoureth strange women , doth not so much euill , as he doth by defaming his owne wife by suspition : for the husband that suspecteth his wife , giueth all men licence to account her for naught . sith wee women goe little out of the house , wee trauaile not farre : and sith wee see few things , though wee would , wee cannot bee euill tongued : but you men heare much , you see much , you know much , you wander abroad much , and continually you murmure . all the euill that wee silly women can doe , is to listen to our friendes when they are vexed , to chide our seruants when they are negligent , to enuy our neighbours if they be fayre , and to curse those that doe vs iniurie : finally , though wee speake euill , wee cannot murmure , but at those that dwell in the same streete where wee dwell . but you men defame your wiues by suspition , you dishonour your neighbours in your words , you speake against strangers with crueltie , you neyther keepe faith nor promise to your wiues , you shew your selues extreme against your enemies , you murmure both at those that bee present , and also at them that be absent : finally , on the one part you are so double , and on the other part you are so vnthankefull , that to those whom you desire , you make fayre promises , and those , whose bodies you haue enioyed , you little esteeme . i confesse that the woman is not so good as shee ought to bee , and that it is necessary that she should be kept in the house , and so shee shall leade a good life ; and being of good life , she shall haue good renowme ; and hauing good renowme , shee shall bee well willed : but if chaunce any of those doe want in her , yet for all that shee ought not to bee reiected of her husband : for the frailenesse that men finde in women is but little : but the euils that women taste in men is very great . i haue talked longer then i thought , and haue saide more boldly then i ought , but pardon me ( my lord ) for my intention was not to vex thee , but to perswade thee : for in the end he is a foole that taketh that for iniury , which passeth betweene the man and the wife in secret . i stick alwaies to my first point , & if it neede , once againe i require thee that thou wilt giue me the key of thy studie : and if thou doe otherwise , ( as thou mayest ) thou shalt doe such a thing , as thou oughtest not to doe . i am not angry so much for that thou doest , as for the occasion thou giuest me . therefore to auoyde the perill of my deliuerie , and to take from me all suspition , i pray thee ( my lord ) deliuer me the key of thy studie : for otherwise i cannot be perswaded in my hart , but that you haue a woman locked in your studie . for men that in their youth haue beene vnconstant , though the apparell that they haue be not worne , yet notwithstanding they desire to haue new . therefore once againe to preserue mee from perill in my deliuery , and to lighten my heart of this thought , it shall be well done that you let mee enter into your studie . chap. xv. ¶ the aunswere of the emperour to faustine , concerning her demand of the key of the studie . the emperor hearing the wordes of faustine , and seeing that shee spake them so earnestly , that shee bathed her woefull words with bitter teares , determined also to answere her as earnestly , and saide vnto her these wordes . wife faustine , thou hast tolde mee all that thou wouldest , and i haue hearde all thy complaint . therefore i desire thee now to haue as much patience to heare my aunswere , as i haue had paine to heare thy demaund . and prepare thy eares to heare my words , as i haue listned mine to heare thy follie. for in like matter , when the tong doth apply it selfe to speake any word , the eares ought immediately to prepare them to heare it , for to make aunswere . for this is most sure , that he that speaketh what hee would , shall heare what hee would not . before i tell thee what thou art , and what thou oughtest to bee , i will first tell thee what i am , and what i ought to be : for i will thou vnderstand faustine , that i am so euill , that that the which mine enemyes doe report of me is but a trifle in respect of that which my familiars and friends would say if they knew me . to the end the prince be good , hee ought not to be couetous of tributes , neyther proude in commaundements , nor vnthankfull of seruices , nor to be forgetfull of the temples : hee ought not to be deafe to heare griefes , complaintes , and quarrells , nor cruell to orphanes , nor yet negligent in affaires . and the man that shall want these vices , shal be both beloued of men , and fauoured of the gods. i confesse first of all that i haue bin couetous . for indeed those which with many troubles annoy princes least , and with money serue them most , are of all other men best beloued . secondarily , i confesse that i am proud : for there is no prince at this day in the world so brought vnder , but when fortune is most lowest , he hath his heart very hanghtie . thirdly , i confesse that i am vnthankfull : for amongst vs that are princes , the seruices that they doe vnto vs are great , and the rewardes that we giue vnto them are small . fourthly , i doe confesse that i am an euill founder of temples : for amongst vs that are princes , wee doe not sacrifice vnto the gods very often , vnlesse it be when we see our selues to be enuironned with enemyes . fiftly , i confesse that i am negligent to heare the plaintes of the oppressed : for the flatterers haue towards theys princes more easie audience by their flattery , then the poore , pleading to declare theyr complaintes by truth . sixtly , i confesse that i am carelesse for the orphanes : for in the courtes and pallaces of princes the rich and mightie are most familiar ; but the miserable and poore orphanes are scarcely heard . seuenthly , i confesse that i am negligent in dispatching poore mens causes : for the princes oft times , not prouiding in time for their affaires , many great perills ensue to theyr realmes . now marke here faustine : how i haue tolde thee , what ( according to reason ) i ought to bee , and what according to the sensualitie i am : and maruell not although i confesse mine error . for the man that acknowledgeth his fault , giueth hope of amendment . and let vs come to talke of thee , and by that i haue spoken of me , thou mayest iudge of thy selfe : for we men are so euill conditioned , that we behold the vttermost the offences of an another , but wee will not heare the faultes of our selues . it is a true thing my wife faustine , that when a woman is merry , she alwaies speaketh more with her tong , then shee knoweth in her heart . for women light of tongue speak many things in companie , the which they doe lament after when they are alone . all the contrarie commeth to wofull men , for they do not speak the halfe of their griefes : because their heauy and wofull hearts commaundeth their eyes to weepe , and tongs to be silent . vaine and foolish men , by vaine and foolish words doe publish their vaine and light pleasures : and the wise men by wise wordes , doe dissemble their grieuous sorrowes . for though they feale the troubles of this life , they dissemble them as men . amongst the sages hee is most wisest , that presumeth to know least : and amongst the simple he is most ignorant , that thinketh to knowe most . for if there be found one that knoweth much , yet alwayes there is found another that knoweth more . this is one difference whereby the wise men are knowne from those that be simple , that is to say : that the wise man to one that asketh him a question , answereth slowly and grauely , and the simple man ( though he be not asked ) aunswereth quicke and lightly . for in the house where noblenes and wisedome are , they giue riches without measure , but they giue wordes by ounces . i haue told thee all this faustine , because thy wordes haue wounded me in such sort , thy teares in such wise haue compelled mee , and thy vaine iudgements haue wearyed mee so much , that i cannot say what i would , nor i thinke thou canst perceiue what i say ? those which wrote of marriage , wrote many things , but they wrote not so many troubles in al their bookes , as one woman causeth her husband to feele in one day . the auncients spake well , when they reasoned of marriages : for at all times when they talked of marriage , at the beginning they put these words onus matrimonij : that is to say , the yoake of marriage . for truely if the man be not well maryed , all the troubles that may happen vnto him , in all the time of his life , are but small in respect to be matched one day with an euill wife . doest thou thinke faustine , that it is a small trouble for the husband to suffer ths brawlings of his wife ? to indure her vaine words ? to beare with her fond words ? to giue her what she requireth ? to seeke that she desireth ? and to dissemble with all her vanities ? truely it is so vnpatient a trouble , that i would not desire any greater reuengement of my enemy , then to see him marryed with a brawling wife . if the husband be proud , you doe humble him : for there is no proude man , whatsoeuer hee be , but a fierce woman will make him stoupe . if the husband be foolish , you restore him to his senses againe : for there is no greater wisedome in the world , then to knowe how to endure a brawling woman . if the husband be wilde , you make him tame : for the time is so much that you occupy in brawling that hee can haue no time to speake . if the husband be slow , you make him runne : for he desireth so much your contentation in heart , that the wofull man cannot eate in quiet , nor sleepe in rest . if the husband be a talker , you make him dumbe : for the flouts and mockes that you giue him at euery word are so many in number , that he hath none other remedie , but to refraine his tongue . if the husband bee suspitious , you make him change his minde : for the trifles that you aske at euery houre are such , and so many , and you therewith so selfe-willed , that hee dare not tell what hee seeth in his owne house . if the husband be a wanderer abroad , you make him forthwith a bider at home : for you looke so ill vnto the house and goods , that hee findeth no other remedie but to bee alwayes at home . if the husband bee vicious , you restraine him immediately : for you burden his heart with so manie thoughts , that his bodie hath no delight to vse any pleasure . finally , ( i say ) that if the husband be peaceable , within short space you make him vnquiet : for your paines are such , so many , and so continuall , that there is no heart can wholly dissemble them , nor tongue that vtterly can keepe them secret . naturally women haue in all things the spirite of contradiction , for so much as if the husbands will speake , they will holde their peace . if he go forth , they will tarrie at home : if he will laugh , they will weepe : if hee will take pleasure they will vexe him . if he be sorrowfull , they will be merie . if he desire peace , they would haue war. if he would eate , they will fast , if hee would fast , they would eate . if hee would sleepe , they will watche : and if hee will watche , they will sleepe . finally i say , that they are of so euill a condition , that they loue all that we despise , and despise all that we loue . in mine opinion , the men that are wise , and will obtaine that which they desire of their wiues : let them not demaunde of them that which they would obtaine , if they will come to obtaine their desire . for vnto them which are diseased , the letting of bloud is most profitable , when the veyne in the contrary side is opened . it is no other thing to be let bloud in the cōtrary side , but to ask of the woman with his mouth , the contrarie of that which he desireth with his heart : for otherwise , neyther by faire words of his mouth , nor by the bitter teares of his eyes , he shal neuer obtaine that which his heart desireth . i confesse faustine , it is a pleasant sport to behold the young babes , and thou canst not denie mee , but it is a cruell torment to endure the importunities of their mothers . children now and then minister vnto vs occasions of pleasures , but you that are theyr mothers neuer doe any thing , but that which turneth vs to trouble . it is much pleasure to the husband when he commeth home to finde the house cleane swept , to find the table couered , and to finde the meate ready dressed : this is to be vnderstood , if all other things be well . but what shall we say when he seeth the contrarie : and that he findeth his children weeping , his , neighbours offended , his seruants troubled , and aboue all , when hee findeth his wife brawling ? truly it is better to the wofull husband , to goe his way fasting : then to tarrie and eate at home with brawling . i durst take vppon mee to cause that all marryed men would be content to forbeareal the pleasures of the children , with condition that they might be free from the annoyance of the mothers : for in the ende the pleasures of the children endeth quickly with laughter , but the griefes of the mothers endureth all their life with sorrow . i haue seene one thing in rome , wherein i was neuer deceyued , which is , that though men commit great offences in this world , yet god deferreth the punishment thereof vntill another : but if for any womans pleasure we commit any faulte , god permitteth that by the same woman , in this world we shall suffer the paine . there is no crueller enemy to to man , nor more troublessome to liue withall , then the woman is that hee keepeth in his house : for if hee suffer her once to haue her owne will , then let him be assured neuer after to bring her vnto obedience . the young men of rome follow the ladies of capua , but they may well repent them : for there was neuer man that haunted of any long time the company of womē , but in the end to their procurement , either by death or with infamie he was defaced . for the gods esteeme the honour aboue all things , and as they suffer the wickednesse of the euill men , so wee see the sharpe punishments that they ordaine for them . i am well assured faustine of one thing ( and i do not speake it by heare say , ) but because continually i haue prooued it , and it is , that the husband which condiscendeth to all that the wife desireth , causeth his wife to do nothing of that her husband commaundeth . for there is nothing that keepeth a woman more vnder obedience to her husband , then when oftētimes he denyeth with sharpe words , her vnlawfull request . in my opinion it is much crueltie of the barbarous , to keepe ( as they doe ) theyr wiues like slaues : but it is much more follie of the romaines , to keepe them ( as they doe , ) like ladies . the flesh ought not to bee so leane that it be in eating drie , nor yet so fatte that there be no leane : but it would participate both of the fatte and of the leane , to the intent it might giue the more nourishment . i meane , that the man of vnderstanding ought not to keepe his wife so short , that shee should seeme to be his seruant , nor yet to giue her so much libertie , that she becometh his mistresse . for the husband that suffereth his wife to commaund more then shee ought , is the cause why hee himselfe afterwardes is not esteemed as he should be . i behold faustine , you women are in all things so extreame , that for a little fauour you waxe proude : and for a little displeasure you become great enemies . there is no woman that willingly can suffer to haue any superiour , nor yet scarcely can endure to haue any equall : for we see that you loue not the highest , nor desire to be loued of the lowest . for where the louers bee not equall , there their loue cannot be perfect . i knowe well faustine , that thou doest not vnderstand mee , therefore harken what i doe tell thee more then thou thinkest , and more then thou wouldest . o what and how many women haue i seene in rome , the which thogh they had two thousand pound of rent in their heads , yet they had three thousand follyes in their heads : and the worst of all is , that oft times her husband dyeth , and she looseth her rent , yet for all that ceaseth not her follie . now listen faustine , and i wil tell thee more . all women will speake , and they will that others be silent . all wil commaund , and will not that they be commanded , and they will that all be captiues to them . all will gouerne , and will not be gouerned . finally , they all in this one thing agree , and that is , that they wil cherish them that they loue , & reuenge them of those that they hate . of that which before is said it may be gathered , that they make fooles and slaues of the young and vaine men which followe them , and persecute the wise men , as enemies that flye them . for in the ende where they loue vs moste , their loue may bee measured : but where as they hate vs least , their hate exceedeth reason . in the annales of pompeius i remember i haue read , and do note one thing worthie of knowledge , that when pompeius the great passed first into asia , as by chaunce hee came by the mountaines of rypheos , he found in those places a barbarous nation , that liued in the sharpe mountains as wild beasts : and doe not maruell that i do call them beastly , that liue in those mountaines . for as the sheepe and cowes that feede on the fine grasse , haue their wooll softe and fine , so the men who are brought vp in the sharp and wilde mountains , vse themselues after a rude behauiour . these barbarous had therefore a law among them , that euery neighbor had in those mountaines two caues : for the sharpnes of the hills permitted not that they shold haue any houses . therfore in one caue the husbands , the sonnes , and the seruants were : and in the other his wife , his daughters , and his handmaids abode : they did eate together twice in the weeke , they slept together other twice in the weeke , and all the residue of the time they were separate the one from the other . the great pompeyus asked them what was the cause why they liued so ? sith it was so , that in all the world there was neuer seene nor read of such extreame law , nor so straunge a custome . the historie saith in that place , that an auncient man aunswered him , saying : beholde pompeius , that the gods haue giuen short life vnto vs that bee present , in respect of that which hee gaue to our fathers that are past : and since we liue but fortie or fiftie yeares at the vttermost , wee desire to enioy those dayes in peace : for the life is so short , and our trouble so long that we haue smal time to reioyce in peace after we returne from the warres . it is true that amongst you romaines which enioy pleasures and riches , life seemeth too shorte , but vnto vs that haue toyle with pouertie , life seemeth too long : for throughout all the yeare wee neuer keepe such solemne feasts , as when one passeth out of his life . consider pompeius that if men liued many yeares , there shold be time to laugh and weepe , to bee good and to be euill , to be poore and to be rich , to be merrie and sad , to liue in peace and warre : but why wil men seek contention in their life , since it is so short ? in keeping with vs ( as you doe ) our owne wiues , in liuing wee should die , for the nights should passe in hearing their complaints , and the dayes in suffering their brawlings : but keeping them as we doe , we see not their heauie countenance , wee heare not the crying of our children , wee heare not their grieuous complaintes , nor listen vnto their sorrowfull words , neyther wee are troubled with their importunate suites , and yet the children are nourished in peace , & the father followeth the warres : so that they are well , and we are better . this was the aunswer that this old man gaue , at the request of the great pompeius , truely faustine i say , that though wee call the messagetes barbarous , in this case they know more then the latines . for he that is free from a brawling woman , hath escaped no small pestilence . i aske thee now faustine , since those barbarous could not agree , nor would not haue their wiues with thē in those sharpe mountains , how shall we other agree and please you that liue in these pleasures in rome ? one thing i will tell thee faustine , and i beseech the gods that thou maiest vnderstand it , which is . if the beastly motions of the flesh did not-force men to will , and also to desire women , i doubt whether there should be any woman in the world beloued or suffered . for though nature giueth them gifts worthie to be beloued : yet they through their smal discretion cause themselues to bee hated . if the gods had made this loue voluntarie , as they made it naturall , so that we might haue loued as wee would , and left againe at our pleasure : that man ought worthily to haue beene punished , which for the loue of any woman would put his life in daunger . the gods haue kept this great secret vnto themselues , and the misery that they gaue vnto men is very great : since that vnto so weake flesh , hee gaue so strong a heart , the which doth procure that which doth vs harme , and followeth that which we ought to abhorre . this is an other secret , that all men know when they offend , but i see no man that seeketh amendment : for i heare all complaine of the flesh , and yet i see all like butchers followe the flesh : and when it can do least good , then it is most greedie . i enuie not the gods liuing , nor the men that be dead , saue only for two things , which be these . first , i enuie the gods , because they liue without feare of the malicious : secondarily , i enuie the dead , for that they liue without neede of women . for women are so corrupt , that the corrupt all : and they be such mortall plagues , that both flesh and heart by them are brought to ende . o faustine , the loue of the flesh is so natural to the flesh , that when from you the body flyeth in sport , wee then leaue our hearts engaged to you in earnest . and thogh reason as reason putteth desire to fleight , yet the flesh flesh , yeeldeth it selfe as prisoner . chap. xxvi . ¶ the emperour following his matter admonisheth men of the great daungers which ensue vnto them by excessiue haunting the company of women . and reciteth certaine rules for marryed men , which ( if they obserue ) may cause them to liue in peace with their wiues . i remember that in my youth , as i was of flesh , i trembled for seare of the flesh , with minde neuer to returne againe , and i do confesse that ofte times i reuolued in my heart , many holie and chaste meditations : but yet notwithstanding , i gaue my bodie immediately to sundry filthie vices . it is a naturall thing , that when man hath committed any vice , forthwith he repenteth him of his deede : and so againe after his new repentance , he turneth to his olde vices . for during the time that wee liue in this fraile flesh , sensualitie beareth so great a rule , that shee will not suffer reason to enter in , at the gate . there is no man in rome , ( if a man doth aske him ) but wil maruelto declare with his tongue the thoughts that he hath had in his heart , in especially to be chaste , to be true , to be pacient , and to bee vertuous , and peraduenture ye talke with those that somewhat communicate with them , and let a man enquire of his neighbours ' they shall finde that he is a deeyuer ' a lyar , and a blasphemer . finally , they deceyue men by their faire wordes , and offended the gods , by their euill works . it profiteth little to blaze vertues with wordes , if the hand be negligent to worke them in deede : for a man is not called iust , onely desiring to be good in name , but for to labour to be vertuous in workes . the trayterous worlde in no one thing beguileth wordlings so much , as by feeding them with vaine hope : saying , that they shall haue time enough to be vertuous ; so that these blinde men , when they are once deeply rooted in vices , and whilest they hope for this light of amendment , then suddainly assaulteth them the dreadfull dart of death . oh how many haue promised vnto men , and vowed vnto the gods , and determined with themselues , that before so many dayes they would begin to be vertuous ? whom in short space after wee haue seene to engage themselues to the hungrie wormes of the earth ? the gods will that we be vertuous : and for the contrarie , the world and the flesh willeth that wee be vicious . mee thinketh that it is better to obey the gods , then to doe that which the world and the flesh desireth : for the praise of vertue is honour , and the paine of vice is infamie . if thou dost cōsider faustine , thou shalt see that the gods are on the one part , which procureth vs to vertues , and on the other part is the world and the flesh , which enticeth vs vnto vices . my opinion is we should say vnto the gods that we desire to bee veriuous , and that wee should say to the world and the flesh , that from henceforth we will giue our selues no more to be vicious . we ought in such case to satisfie the gods with works , & to entertaine the world and the flesh with words : that we employ so much time in leading a good life , that wee haue no time vacant to speake an idle word . i let thee know faustine , that all that i haue tolde thee , i haue spoken it against my selfe : for alwayes from my youth i had a good mind , & yet for all that i haue bin ouerthrown with vices oh how manie times in my youth i knew women , i accompanyed with women , i talked with women , and belieued women : the which in the ende haue deceyued mee , misused me , and defamed me ? at the last i withdrew my selfe and forsooke them : but i doe confesse , that if reason kept mee from their houses x. dayes , sensualitie kept me with them x. weekes . oh cruell gods , oh wicked worlde , oh fraile flesh , tel me what it meaneth that reason leadeth me voluntarily to vertues , and that sensualitie against my will , draweth mee to vices ? doest thou not thinke faustine , that i consider what a great good it is for to bee good , and what an euill it is to be euill ? but what shall i doe wofull man , since at this day there is not so cruell a scourge of my honour , nor so great an enemie of my renowme , as mine owne flesh is , the which against me doth make such cruel wars ? wherfore i beseech the immortall gods , sith my being here is against my will , that they do defend me in this so cruell war. the fraile flesh is somwhat to blame , but much more is the foolish and light woman in faulte . for if men were certaine that women were chast , shamefast , & solitary , they would not dispose their hearts , their bodyes , nor bende theyr bowes to shoote at their buttes : they would not consume their time to folow them , loose their goods to serue them , neither would they suffer so many shames to slaunder them . for where the heart hath no hope to obtaine , there hee will giue ouer his suite . but what shall we do now faustine ( i pray thee tell me ) since thou knowest better then i , that the shame of the romaine women is now gone , and the women of italie are so dissolute , that though men do not regard them yet they do entice them : if men flie , they call them : if men go backe , they approach : if men are sad , they make them merrie : if men are silent , they force them to speake : and finally , men beginne their loue in sporte , and they temper it in such sort , that they turne it all into earnest . i let thee know faustine , that the meanes whereby nature worketh in man is very straunge : but the shame which the gods put in women , is more maruellous . and if it be true , ( as it is true indeed ) that the men doe lose the sting of the flesh , and that the women doe not lose the shame of the visage : i thinke it is impossible that there should bee a chaste or vertuous woman in rome . for there is no common-wealth more vndone , then that where the women haue lost their shame . o women , what reason haue they which flie from you , which are weary of you , which forsake you , which forget you , which make thēselues straungers , and furthermore , which are dead and buryed . for the hungrie wormes gnawe in in the graues onely , the fraile and slymie flesh of the dead : but you women destroy the goods , honour , and life of the liuing . oh if the noble heart knewe what euill doth follow them , for dallying with women , i sweare vnto them , that they would not serue them continually as they doe serue them , but also they would haue no lust , nor desire to behold them . what wilt thou ( i say any more to thee faustine ) but that some scape out of your hands for effeminate & slandered , others hurte by your tongues , others persecuted with your works , others deceyued with your contenances , others despised through your hatred , others desperate through your inconstancie , others condemned by your light iudgements , others troubled throughly our vnkindenesse : finally , those that escape best , are of your hearts abhorred , and through your follies destoyed . then since the man knoweth that he must passe all these dangers , i can not tell what foole hee is , that will eyther loue or serue you ? for the brute beast that once hath felte the sharpe teeth of the dogges , will vnwillingly euermore after come neare vnto the stake . oh vnto what perill doeth he offer himself , which continually doth haunt the company of women ? for as much as if hee loue them not , they despise him , and take him for a foole. if hee doth loue them , they account him for light . if hee forsake them , they esteeme him for no bodie . if he follow them , he is acounted lost . if he serue them , they doe not regarde him . if he doe not serue them , they despise him . if he will haue them , they wil not . if he will not , they persecute him . if hee doe aduaunce himselfe forth , they call him importunate . if he flie , they say he is a cowarde . if he speake , they say he is a bragger . if he holde his peace , they say he is a dissarde . if hee laugh , they say he is a foole . if he laugh not , they say he is solemne . if hee giueth them anie thing , they say it is little worth : and he that giueth them nothing , hee is a pinche-purse . finally , hee that haunteth them , is by them slandered : and he that doeth not frequent them , is esteemed lesse then a man. these things so seene , heard , and so knowne , what shall the poore and miserable men doe , in especially , if he be a man of vnderstanding ? for though hee would absent himselfe from women , the flesh doeth not giue him licence : and though hee would follow women , wisedome will not condescend . now some men suppose in all theyr thoughts , that by seruices and pleasures they may content women . but i let them know ( if they know it not ) that the woman is neuer contented , though man doth what hee can , as a maid , and that he do all that he ought to do as a husband : though he taketh painesfor her sake aboue his force , and though with the sweat of his browes he relieueth her neede : though euery houre he putteth himselfe in daunger , yet in the ende shee will giue him no thanks , but wil say that he loueth another , and how hee doeth that but to please and satisfie her . it is a long time since i desired to tell thee this faustine , but i haue deferred it vntill this present houre , hoping thou wouldest not giue occasion to tell it thee : for amongst wise men those wordes ought chiefly to bee esteemed , which fitly to the purpose are declared . i remember that it is six yeares past since antonius pius ( thy father ) chose me to bee his sonne in law , and that thou chosest mee for thy husband , and i thee for my wife : all the which things were done , my wofull aduentures permitting it , and adrian ( my lord ) commaunding it . the good anthonius pius gaue his onely daughter in marriage vnto me , and gaue mee likewise his noble empire with great treasures : hee gaue mee also the gardens of vulcanali , to passe the time therein . but i thinke on both sides we were deceiued : he in chosing mee for his sonne in law , and i , in taking thee for my wife . oh fanstine , thy father , and my father in law , was called anthontus pius , because to all hee was mercifull , saue only to mee , vnto whom he was most cruell : for with a little flesh he gaue me many bones . and i confesse the truth vnto thee , that now i haue no more teeth to bite , nor heate in my stomacke to digest : and the worst of all is , that many times i haue thought to rage on my selfe . i will tell thee one word , though it doeth displease thee , ( which is ) that for thy beautie thou art desired of manie , and for thy euill conditions , thou art despised of all . for the faire women are like vnto the golden pilles : the which in sight are very pleasant , and in eating very noysome . thou knowest well faustine , and i also , that wee saw on a day drusio , and braxille his wife , which were our neighbours , and as they were brawling together , i spake vnto drusio such wordes ; what meaneth this , ( my lorde drusio ? ) that being now the feast of berecinthia , and being as we are adioyuing to her house , and present before so honorable an assemblie , & furthermore , thy wife being so faire as she is , how is it possible there should bee any strife betweene you ? men which are marryed to deformed persons , to the ende that they might kil them quickly , should always fall out with their wiues : but those that are married to faire women , they ought alwayes to liue together , in ioy and pleasure , to the end they may liue long . for when a faire woman dyeth , although shee haue liued an hundred yeares , yet shee dyeth too soone , and on the contrarie , though a deformed woman liueth but a small time , yet notwithstanding shee dyeth too late . drusio as a man being vexed , lifting vp his eyes vnto the heauens , fetching a grieuous sigh from the bottome of his hart , said these words as followeth the mother berecinthia pardon me , and her holy house also , and all the companie besides , forgiue mee : for by the immortall gods i sweare vnto thee , that i had rather haue beene marryed with a moore of chalde that is so fowle , then being marryed as i am , with a romaine beeing very faire : for shee is not so faire and white , as my life is wofull and blacke . thou knowest well faustine , that when drusio spake these wordes , i did wipe the teares from his eyes , and i gaue him a word in his eare , that hee should proceede no further in this matter : for such women ought to be chastened in secret , and afterwards to be honoured openly . oh thou art most vnfortunate faustine , and the gods haue euill deuided with thee , giuing thee beautie and riches to vndoe thy selfe : and denying thee the best , which is wisedome and good conditions to keepe thy honor . o what euil lucke cōmeth vnto a man , when god sendeth him a faire daughter , vnlesse furthermore the gods doe permit that shee be sage , and honest : for the womā which is yong , foolish , and faire , destroyeth the common-wealth , & defameth all her parentage . i say vnto thee againe faustine , that the gods were very cruel against thee since they swallowe thee vppe by the goulfes , where all the euill perisheth , and tooke from thee all the sayles and owers , whereby the good doe escape . i remained xxxviij . yeares vnmarried , and these vj. yeares only which i haue bin married , mee thinketh i haue passed vj. hundreth yeares of my life : for nothing can bee called a torment , but the euil that man doth suffer , that is euill married . i will assure thee of one thing faustine , that if i had knowne before , that which now i knowe , and that i had felt that which now i feele , though the gods had cōmanded me , and the emperour adrian my lorde desired mee , i had not chaunged my pouerty for thy riches , neither my rest for thy empire : but since it is fallen to thine and mine euill fortunes , i am contented to speake little , and to suffer much . i haue so much dissembled with thee faustine , that i can no more : but i confesse vnto thee , that no husband doth suffer his wife so much , but that hee is bound to suffer her more , considering that hee is a man , and that she is a woman . for the man which willingly goeth into the bryers , he must thinke before to endure the prickes . the woman is too bolde that doeth contend with her husband : but that husband is more foole , which openly quarrelleth with his wife . for if shee be good , hee ought to fauour her , to the end that she may be better : if she be vnhappie , he ought to suffer her , to the end she be not worse . truly when the woman thinketh that her husband taketh her for eulll , it is a great occasion to make her to be worse : for women are so ambitious , that those who cōmonly are euil , wil make vs belieue that they are better then the others . belieue me faustine , that if the feare of the gods , the infamy of the person , & the speech of men , do not restraine the woman , all the chastisements of the worlde , will not make her refraine from vice : for all things suffereth chastisement and correction , the woman only except , the which must be wonne by intreatie . the heart of the man is very noble , and that of the woman very delicate , because for a little good , hee will giue a great rewarde : and for a great offence hee will giue no punishment . before the wise man marieth , it behoueth him to beware what he doth , and when hee shall determine to take the companie of a woman , he ought to be like vnto him that entreth into the warre , that determineth with himselfe to suffer all that may happen , bee it good or euill . i doe not call that life a warre without a cause , which the euill married man leadeth in his house : for women doe more hurt with their tongues , then the enemyes doe with theyr swords . it is a great simplicity for a wise man to make account , or esteeme the simplicitie of his wife at euery time : for if they would marke , and take heed to that which their wife doth , or saith . i let them know that they shall neuer haue an end . o faustine , if the romaine women would alwayes one thing , that they would procure one thing , that they would bee resolued in one thing , although it were to our great charges , wee should haue pleasure to condescend vnto their desires : but what shall wee doe ? since that which now pleaseth you , a while after displeaseth you ? that which you aske in the morning , yee will not haue at noone : that which you enioy at noone dayes , doeth trouble you in the night : that which in the night you loue , yee care not for in the morning : that which yesterday ye greatly esteemed , to day asmuch ye despise . if yee desired to see a thing the last yeare , this yeare ye wil not heare talke of it : that which before made you to reioice , doth now make you to be sad : that which yee were wont and ought tolament , at the selfe same thing , a man seeth you laugh . finally , ye women are as children , which are appeased with an apple , and casteth the golde to the earth , as not weyghing it . i haue diuers times thought with my selfe , if i could say , or write any good rule , in keeping the which i might teache men to bee quiet in their houses : and by my account i finde ( hauing experimented it also with thee faustine , ) that it is vnpossible to giue a rule to marryed men : and if a man could giue them , they should scarcely profite therewith , since theyr wiues liue without rule . but yet notwithstanding that , i wil declare some rules , how the marryed folks should keepe themselues in their houses : and how they shall , ( if they list ) , auoyde strifes and debates betweene them . for the husbands and the wiues hauing warres together , it is impossible there should be peace in the common-wealth . and though this present writing hath not profited me , vnluckie and vnfortunate man : yet it may profite others , which haue good wiues . for oft times the medicin which profiteth not for the tender eyes , sufficeth to heale the harde heeles . i know well faustine , that for that i haue saide , and for that i will say vnto thee , thou and others such like , shall greatly enuie me . yee will marke the words that i speake , more then the intention that i meane : but i protest before the gods , that in this case my ende is for no other intent , but to aduertise the good , whereof there are a great manie : and to punish the euill , which are many moe . and although perchaunce neyther the one nor the other wil belieue that my intention in speaking these things was good : yet therefore i will not cease to know the good from the euil , and to choose the euill from the good . for in my fantasie the good-wife is as the feasaunt , whose feathers wee little esteeme , and regard much the body : but the euill woman is as the marterne , whose skin we greatly esteem , and vtterly despise the flesh . i will therefore declare the rules , whereby the husbandes may liue in peace with their owne proper wiues . the rules are these . the first , the husband must needs haue patience , and suffer his wife when shee is displeased : for in lybia there is no serpent so spitefulll , as an euill woman when shee is vexed . the second , the husband ought to prouide for his wife ( according to his abilitie ) all that is necessary for her , as well for her person , as for her house : for oft times it chaunceth , that women seeking things necessarie , finde things superfluous , and not very honest . the third , the husband ought to prouide that his wife doe keepe good companie : for women oft times are more troubled , with the wordes that their euill neighbours speake against them , then for any occasion that their husbands giue them . the fourth , that the husband ought to vse a meane , that his wife be not too much a subiect , nor that she stray too much abroad : for the woman that gaddeth much in the streetes , both loseth her good name , and spendeth his goods . the fifth , the husband ought to take heede , that hee striueth not so with his wife that she be brought past shame : for the woman that towards her husband is shamelesse , hath no respect what dishonestie shee committeth . the sixt , the husband ought to let his wife vnderstand that he doth trust her : for the woman is of such condition , that that which a wise man wold not shee should doe , shee will doe soonest : and that wherein she should take paines , she will doe nothing . the seuenth , the husband ought to bee circumspect , that hee doe not wholly trust his wife with the goods and treasours of the house , nor yet vtterly distrust her : for if the wife haue the charge of the goods of the house , truely shee will augment little , and if the husband doe suspect her , she will steale much . the eight , the husband ought to looke vpon his wife merrily , and at other times againe sadly : for women are of such condition , that when their husbands shew them a merrie countenance they loue them : and when they shewe themselues demure , they feare them . the ninth , the husband ought ( if he bee wise , ) in this to take good aduisement , that his wife quarrell not with his neighbors : for we haue ofttimes seene in rome , that for the quarrell of his wife against his neighbours , the husband hath lost his life , shee hath lost her goods , and a slaunder hath risen throughout the commonwealth . the tenth , the husband ought to be so patient , that if he saw his wife commit any fault , that in no wise he shold correct her openly , but in secret : for the husband that correcteth his wife before witnes , doth as he which spitteth into the element , and the spittle falleth againe into his eyes . the eleuenth , the husband ought to haue much temperance , lest he lay hands on his wife to punish her : for truly the wife that with sharpe words doth not amend , with all the chastisements of the worlde will neuer bee good . the twelfth , if the husband will be quiet with his wife , he ought to praise her before his neighbours and straungers : for amongst all other things , women haue this propertie , that of all they would be praised , and of none corrected . the thirteenth , the husband ought to beware to praise any other then his owne wife , shee beeing present : for women are of this condition , that the same day that her husband commendeth anie other woman , the same day his wife will cast him out of her heart , thinking that he loueth another and despiseth her . the foureteenth : the husband ought to make his wife beleeue that she is fayre , though indeede shee bee foule : for there is betweene them no greater strife , then to thinke that her husband forsaketh her for being foule . the fifteenth : the husband ought to put his wife in remembrance of the infamy that they speake of them that bee euill in the citie : for women are glorious ; and because they would be loth that men should talke such things by them as they talke of others , peraduenture they will refrayne from those vices that others commit . the sixteenth : the husband ought to take heede that his wife accept no new friends : for through accepting of new friends , there grow commonly betweene them great discention . the seuenteenth : the husband ought to take heede that his wife beleeue that he loueth not them whome shee hateth : for women are of such a condition , that if the husbands loueth all them that they hate , immediately they will hate all those which they loue . the eighteenth : the husband ought sometime in matters , which are not preiudiciall vnto him , confesse himselfe to be ouercome : for women desire rather to be counted the best in reasoning , ( though it be of no value ) then to haue otherwise a greater iewell giuen them . in this sort , faustine , i will say no more to thee , but wish , that thou shouldest see what i see , and feele what i feele : and aboue all , that my dissimulation should suffice to amend thy life . chap. xvii . the emperour answereth more particularly concerning the key of his studie . now faustine , since i haue the olde venome from my heart expelled , i will answere to thy present demand : for vnto demaunds and answeres that passeth betweene the sages , the tong ought neuer to speake word , but that first he aske the heart licence . and it is a generall rule amongst the phisitians , that the medicines doe not profite the sicke , vnlesse they first take away the opilations of the stomacke , i meane by this , that no man can speake to his friend ( as he ought ) vnlesse before hee sheweth what thing grieueth him : for it is better to repayre the roufes of the houses that be old , then to goe about to build them new . thou requirest , faustine , that i giue thee the key of my studie , and thou dost threaten mee , that if i giue it not vnto thee , that thou shalt forthwith bee deliuered . i maruell not at that thou sayest , neyther am i abasht of that thou demaundest , nor yet of that that thou wouldest doe : for you women are very extreame in your desires , very suspicious in your demands , very obstinate in your willes , and as vnpatient in your sufferings . i say not without a cause that women are extreame in their desires : for there are thinges whereof women are so desirous , that it is wonder though neuer liuing creature saw them , nor heard speake of them . i haue not sayd without a cause that women are suspicious in their demands : for the romane women are of such a condition , that as soone as a woman desireth any thing , she forthwith commandeth the tong to aske it , the feete to seeke it , the eies to see it , the hands to feele it , and likewise the heart to loue it . i say not without a cause that women are obstinate in their willes : for if a romane woman beareth any malice to any man , shee will not forbeare to accuse him for any slaunder , nor faile to pursue him for any pouertie , nor feare to kill him for any iustice . i say not without a cause that women are vnpatient to suffer : for many are of such condition ( i say not all ) that if a man giue not speedily that which they desire , they change their colour , their eyes looke redde , their tongues runne quicke , their voyces are sharpe , they frette with themselues , they trouble their neighbours abroad , and are so out of order , that no man dare speake vnto them within . you haue this good trade among yee women , that vnder colour of being with childe , you will that your husbands grant yee all your desires . when the sacred senate , in the time of the valliant camillus , made a law in the fauour of the romane matrons with childe , the women at that time longed not so much as they doe at this present : but i cannot tell what this presently meaneth , that all ye are anoynted with that that is good , and that yee are all desirous of that that is euill . i will tell thee , faustine , the occasion why this lawe was made in rome , and thereby thou shalt see if thou deseruest to enioy the priuiledge thereof or no : for the lawes are but as yokes vnder the which the euill doth labour , and the wings wherewith the good doe flye . the case thereof was such , that camillus , the valiant captaine , went forth to the warres , hee made a solemne vow to the mother berecinthia , that if the gods gaue him the victory , hee would offer vnto her an image of siluer : and after camillus wanne the victory , and that he would haue accomplished his vow to the mother berecinthia , neyther had he any riches , nor rome had any siluer : for at that time rome was rich of vertues , and poore of money . and know thou , faustine , that our ancient fathers were deuout towards the gods , and curious in repayring the temples , the which they esteemed to be great deuotions : and they were in such sort obserued of their vowes , that neither for sloth nor pouertie they would omit their promises towards their gods. and in these things they were so precise , that they graunted to no man any triumph , vnlesse he did sweare that he had vnto the gods made a vow , and afterwards also proued how he performed it . at that time flourished in rome many vertuous romanes , and many greeke philosophers , many hardie captaines , and many sumptuous buildings : and aboue all things , rome was vnpeopled of malicies , and adorned with vertuous ladies . the historiographers made ( and not without a cause ) great account of these vertuous matrons : for the common-wealth hath as much need of vertuous women , as the warres haue of valiant captaines . they being therefore ( as they were ) so vertuous and so noble matrons , ( without the motion of any woman ) determined all to goe into the high capitoll , and there to offer all their iewels and treasures that they had , their chains , their rings , their garments , their bracelets , their girdles , their buttons , and hangers of gold , siluer , and precious stones of all sorts , with all their tablets . the annales of this time say , that after the romane women had layd so great a multitude of riches at the feet of the sacred senate , in the name of of them all , one of them spake , whose name was called lucina , and sayd in this sort : fathers conscript , esteeme not much these our iewels , which we giue you to make the image of the mother berecinthia : but esteeme much this , that wee willingly put in ieopardie our husbands and children , to winne you the victorie . and in this case you accept our poore seruice , haue no respect to the little which wee doe offer : but to the great which ( if we were able ) we would giue . truely , the romanes , though the treasure which their wiues offered was great : yet notwithstanding , they did more esteeme the good will wherewith they gaue it , then they did the gifts themselues : for there was so much , indeed , that sufficed both to make the image of the goddesse berecinthia , and also for a long time to maintaine the warres . therefore from that day that those matrons presented their iewels in the high capitoll , the senate forthwith in remembrance of the gentlenesse , graunted them these fiue things as a priuiledge : for at that time rome neuer receiued seruice or benefite of any person , but shee rewarded it with double payment . the first thing that the senate granted the romane women was ; that in the day of their buriall , the oraters might openly make orations in the prayse of their liues : for , in olde time men vsed neyther to exalt them when they were dead , nor yet to accompany them to their graues . the second thing that was graunted vnto them was ; that they might sit in the temples : for , in the olde time , when the romanes did offer sacrifices to their gods , the aged did alwayes sit , the priests kneele , the marryed men did leane ; but the women , though they were of noble and high linage , could neyther be suffered to talke , sit , nor leane . the third thing that the senate granted the women of rome was ; that euery one of them might haue two rich gownes , and that they should not aske the senate leaue to weare them : for , in the old time , if any woman were apparelled , or did buy any new gowne without asking licence of the senate , she should immediately lose her gowne ; and because her husband did condiscend vnto the same , he was banished the common-wealth . the fourth thing which they granted them was ; that they should drinke wine when they were sicke : for there was in rome a custome inuiolable , that though their life was in hazard , they durst not drinke wine , but water : for , when rome was well corrected , a woman that drunke wine was as much slandered among the people , as if she had committed adultery towards her husband . the fith thing granted by the senate vnto the women was ; that a man might not deny a romane , being with childe , any honest and lawfull thing that she demanded . i cannot tell why the ancients of rome esteemed more of women with childe , then others that had no children . all these fiue thinges were iustly granted to the matrons and noble romane ladyes . and i can tell thee , faustine , that they were of the senate most willingly granted : for it is reason that women , which in vertues doe excell , should with all meanes be honoured . i will tell thee , faustine , the especiall cause that mooued the romanes to grant vnto you matrones this last priuiledge : that is to say , that a man cannot deny them any thing being with child . thou oughtest to know , that the others ( as well greekes as latines ) did neuer giue lawes nor institutions vnto their people without great occasions : for the great multitude of lawes are commonly euill kept ; and on the other part , are cause of sundry troubles . we cannot deny , but that the ancients did well auoyde the great number of institutions : for it is better for a man to liue as reason commandeth him , then as the lawe constraineth him . the case therefore was , that in the yeere of the foundation of rome , . fuluius torquatus then being consull , in the warre against the volces , the knights of mauritania brought to rome an huge monster with one eye , called monoculus , which he had found in the desarts of aegipt , at the time the wife of torquatus , called macrina , should haue beene deliuered of child ; for the consull did leaue her great . this macrina amongst all was so honest , that they spent as much time in rome to praise her for her vertues , as they did set foorth her husband for his victories . they read in the annalles of that time , that the first time that this consull torquatus went into asia , he was eleuen yeeres out of his country ; and his found for a truth , that in all the time that torquatus was absent , his wife was neuer seene to looke out at the window , which was not a thing smally esteemed : for though it was a custome in rome to keepe the doore shut : it was lawfull notwistanding to speake to women at the windowes . though men at that time were not so bold , and the women were so honest , yet macrina , wife to torquatus , liued so close & solitary to her selfe , that in all these eleuen yeeres there was neuer man that saw her goe through rome , or that euer saw her doore open , neither that shee consented at any time ( from the time that shee was eight yeeres of age ) that any man should enter into her house : and moreouer , there was neuer man saw her face wholly vncouered . this romane ladie did this , to leaue of her a memorie , and to giue example of her vertue . she had also three children , whereof the eldest was but fiue yeeres olde : and so when they were eight yeeres of age , immediately shee sent them out of her house towards their parents , lest , vnder the colour to visite the children , others should come to visite her . o faustine , how many haue i heard that haue lamented this excellent romane ! and what will they thinke that shall follow her life ? who could presently restrain a romane woman from going to the window eleuen yeeres , since things now adayes are so dissolute , that they doe not onely desire to see them , but also run in the streetes , to babble of them ? who should cause now adayes a romane woman , that in the eleuen yeeres she should not open her dores , since it is so , that when the husband commaunded her to shut one doore , she will make the whole house to ring of her voyce ? hee that now would commaund his wife to tarry at home , and let her of her vagaries into the towne , shall perceiue that there is no basiliske nor viper that carryeth such poison in her taile , as she will spit with her tongue . who could make a romane woman to bee eleuen yeeres continually without shewing her face to any man , since it is so , that they spend the most part of their time in looking in a glasse , setting their ruffes , brushing their cloathes , and painting their faces ? who would cause a romane woman to keepe her selfe eleuen yeeres from being visited of her neighbors and friends , since it is true , that now women thinke them greatest enemies which visite them most seldome ? returning therefore to the monster . as they led this monster before the doore of torquatus his house , she being great with childe , and her husband in the warre , by chance a mayde of his told her how that this monster passed by , wherefore so great a desire tooke her to see the monster , that for to keepe that she had begun , suddenly for this desire she dyed . truely , i tell thee , faustine , that this monster had passed many times by the streete where she dwelt , and she would neuer notwithstanding go to the window , and much lesse out of her doore to see it . the death of this romane of many was lamented : for it was a long time that rome had neuer heard of so honest and vertuous a romane ; wherefore at the petition of all the romane people , and by the commaundement of all the sacred senate , they set on her tombe these verses . the worthy macrine resteth here in graue , whom wise torquatus lodg'd in iunos bed , who reckoned not a happy life to haue : so that for aye her honest name was spred . behold therefore , faustine , in my opinion , the law was not made to remedie the death of this noble romane , since she was already dead ; but to the end , that you princesses should take example of her life , and that through all rome there should bee a memory of her death . it is reason , since the law was ordayned for those women which are honest , that it should be obserued in none , but vpon those that are vertuous : let the women with childe marke the words of the lawe , which commaund them to aske things honest . wherefore i let thee know , faustine , that in the seuenth table of our lawes are written these words : we will , that where there is corruption of manners , the man shall not be bound to obserue their liberties . chap. xviii . that princesses and noble women ought not to bee ashamed to giue their children sucke with their owne brests . all noble men that are of hauty courage watch continually to bring that to effect which they couet , and to keepe that which they haue : for , by slrength one commeth to honour : and by wisedome , honour and life are both preserued . by these words i meane , that she that hath born nine months ( through trauaile ) the creature in her wombe , with so much paine , and that afterwards is deliuered with so great peril , and by the grace of god , from so many dangers escaped , me thinks it is not well , that in this point ( which for the nourishment of the babe is most expedient ) the mothers should shew them so negligent : for that wanteth no folly , that by extreame labour is procured , and with much lightnesse afterwards despised . the things that women naturally desire are infinite , among the which , these are foure chiefely . the first thing that women desire , is to be very fayre : for they had rather bee poore and fayre , then to be rich and foule . the second thing which they desire , ● is to see themselues marryed : for vntil such time as the woman doe see her selfe marryed , from the bottome of her heart she alwayes sigheth . the third thing that women desire , is to see themselues great with childe , and herein they haue reason : for vntill such time as the woman hath had a childe , it seemeth that shee taketh him more for a louer then for a husband . the fourth thing that they desire , is to see themselues deliuered ; and in this case , more then all the rest , they haue reason : for it is great pittie to see in the prime time a young tree loaden with blossomes , and afterward the fruit to bee destroyed through the abundance of caterpillers . then since god sussereth that they are borne fayre , that they see themselues marryed , that they bee with childe , and that they are deliuered ; why be they so vnkinde , as to send them out of their houses , to bee nourished in other rude cottages ? in my opinion , the woman that is vertuous , ought as soone as she is deliuered , to lift vp her eyes , and with her heart to giue god thankes for her fruit : for the woman , that from her deliuery is escaped , ought to acount her selfe as one newly borne . the woman likewise , seeing her selfe deliuered of her creature , ought to giue it sucke with her owne brests : for it is a monstrous thing , that she that hath brought forth the creature out of her owne proper wombe , should giue it to bee nourished of a strange dugge . in speaking more plainely , ( it is all one to mee whether she be a noble woman , or a woman of meane condition ) i say and affirme , that god hath deliuered her of all her trauaile , shee her selfe ought with her owne pappes to nourish and giue sucke to their babes : for nature did not onely make women able to beare men , but also besides that , prouided milke in their brests , to nourish their children . we haue neither read vntill this present , nor seene , that any beasts ( wilde or tame ) after they had young , would commit them to any other to be nourished . this which i haue spoken is not so worthy of noting , as that which i will speake ; and it is , that many beasts new borne , before they open their eyes to know their fathers , haue now already taken nourishment in the teates of their mothers : and more then that , to see some of those little beasts haue tenne little whelpes , the which , without the ayde of any others , nourished them all with the substance of their owne teates : and the woman that hath but one childe disdayneth to giue it sucke . all that shall reade this writing shall find it true , and if they will , they may see as i haue seene it by experience , that after the she ape hath had her yonglings , she alwaies hath them in her armes so long as they sucke , so that ofentimes there is such strife betweene the male & the female , which of them shall haue the younglings in their armes , that the beholders are enforced to part them with bats . let vs leaue the beasts that are in the fields , and talke of the birds that are in the nests , the which doe lay egges to haue young , yet haue they no milke to bring them vp . what thing is so strange to see , as a small bird that hath vnder her wings fiue or sixe little naked birds , the which when he hath hatched , she hath neither milk to nourish thē , nor corne to giue them ; they haue neyther wings to flye , fethers to couer them , nor any other thing to defend them : yet in all this weakenesse and pouertie , their mother forsaketh them not , nor committeth them to any other , but bringeth them vp all her selfe . that which nature prouided for the swannes is no lesse maruellous , in especially when they nourish their young signets in the water : for as much as during the time that they cannot swimme , the mothers alwaies in the day are with their yong signets in theis nests , and in the night the fathers carry them vnder their proper wings ( to refresh them ) vnto the water . it is therefore to be thought , since these swannes so louingly beare their younglings vnder their wings , that they would carry them in their armes if they were men , and also giue them sucke with their owne brests if they were women . aristotle sayeth , in his fift booke de animalibus , that the lyons , the beares , the wolues , the eagles , and griffins , and generally all beasts , neuer are , were , nor shall be seene so fierce nor so cruell , as when they haue younglings : and this thing seemeth to bee true : for at that time , we see that many beasts might escape the hunters , yet to saue their younglings they turne backe and put their proper liues in danger . plato saith in his booke of lawes , that the children are neuer so wel beloued of their mothers , as when they are nourished with their proper brests , & that their fathers danceth them on their knees . the which thing is true : for the first loue in all things is the truest loue . i was willing to shew the bringing vp of bruit beasts , to shew the women with childe how pittifull parents they are in nourishing their younglings with their owne brests : and how cruell mothers women are , in committing their children to strangers . it is a maruellous thing to heare the mothers say , that they loue their children ; and on the contrary side to see how they hate them . in this case i cannot tell whether they loue more , eyther the childe or the money : for i see that they couet greatly to hourd vp riches into their chests ; and likewise , they desire as much to cast out their children out of their houses . there are diuers reasons whereby the mothers ought to bee moued to nourish their children ( which they bare in ther wombs ) with their owne proper brests . the first reason is , that the mother ought to haue respect how the yong babe was borne alone , how little hee was , how poore , delicate , naked , tender , and without vnderstanding : and since that the mother brought it forth so weake and feeble , it is neither meet nor conuenient , that in time of such necessitie shee should forsake it , and commit it into the hands of a strange nurse . let women pardon me , whether they bee ladyes , brought vp in pleasures , or other of meaner estate , accustomed with trauels , i force not : but i say , that those which forsake their children in such extremities are not pittifull mothers , but cruell enemies . if it bee crueltie , not to cloath him that is naked , who is more naked then the childe new borne ? if it bee crueltie not to comfort the sad ; who is more sad , desolate and sorrowfull , then the childe which is borne weeping ? if it be vngentlenes not to succour the poore needy ; who is more needy , or more poore then the innocent childe newly borne , that knoweth not as yet neyther to goe , nor to speake ? if it bee crueltie to doe euill to the innocent that cannot speake ; who is more innocent then the infant that cannot complaine of that which is done vnto him ? the mother that casteth out of her house the children borne of her owne body , how can we beleeue that she will receiue in any other of strangers ? when the infant is now great , when hee is strong , when he can speake , when he can goe , when hee can profite himselfe , and get his meate , the mother maketh much of him , and leadeth him about with her : but is little thanke vnto her : for then the mother hath more neede of the childe to bee serued , then the childe hath of the mother to be cherished . if the children were born of the nailes of the fingers of the feete , or of the hands , it were a small matter though their mothers sent them forth to nourish : but i cannot tell what heart can endure to suffer this , since the child is borne of their proper intrailes , that they do cōmit it ( to be broght vp ) into the hands of a stranger . is there ( peraduenture ) at this day in the world any lady , that hath so great cōfidence in any of her friends , parents , or neighbours , that she durst trust any of them with the key of her coffer , wherin her lewels , money , and riches lyeth ? truely , i thinke none . o vnkind mothers ! my pen had almost called you cruell stepmothers , since you lay vp in your heart the cursed mucke of the ground , and send out of your houses that which sprang of your bloud . and if women should say vnto mee that they are weake , feeble , and tender , and that now they haue found a good nurse : to this i answere , that the nurse hath smal loue to the child which she nourisheth , when she seeth the vngentlenesse of the mother that bare it : for truly , she alone doth nourish the childe with loue , that heeretofore hath borne it with paine . the second reason is , that it is a thing very iust , that women should nourish their children , to the ende they may bee like vnto their conditions : for otherwise they are no children , but are enemies : for the childe that doeth not reuerence his mother that bare him , cannot enioy a prosperous life . since the intention of the parents , in bringing vp their children , is for none other purpose , but to bee serued of them when they are olde : they shall vnderstand , that for this purpose there is nothing more necessary then the milke of the proper mother : for where the childe sucketh the milke of a stranger , it is vnlikely that it should haue the conditions of the mother . if a kid sucke a sheepe , they shall perceiue , it shall haue the wooll more faire , & the nature more gentle , then if he had sucked the goat , which hath the wooll more hard , and of nature is more wilde ; wherein the prouerbe is verified , not from whence thou commest , but whereof thou feedest . it auayleth a man much to haue a good inclination : but it helpeth him much more , from his infancy to bee well taught : for in the end we profite more with the customes wherewith we liue , then we doe by nature from whence we came . the third reason is , that women ought to nourish their owne children , because they should bee whole mothers , and not vnperfect : for the woman is counted but halfe a mother that beareth it , and likewise , halfe a mother that nourisheth it : but she is the whole mother , that both beareth it , and nourisheth it . after the duetie considered vnto the father , that hath created vs , and vnto the sonne , that hath redeemed vs , mee thinketh next we owe the greatest dutie vnto the mother , that hath borne vs in her bodie : and much more it is that wee should beare vnto her , if she had nourished vs with her owne brests : for when the good child shall behold his mother , hee ought more to loue her because shee nourished him with her milke : then because shee hath borne him in her body . chap. xix . the authour still perswadeth women to giue their owne children sucke . in the yeere of the foundation of rome , fiue hundred & two , after the obstinate and cruell warre betweene rome and carthage , where the renowmed captaines were , hanibal for the carthaginians , and scipio for the romanes : soone after that warre followed the warre of macedonia , against king philip. the which , when it was ended , that of syria began ; against antiochus , king of syria : for in sixe hundred and thirty yeeres the romanes had alwaies continuall warres in asia , in affrick , or in europe . the noble romanes sent the consull cornelius scipio ( brother to the great scipio the affrican ) for captaine of that warre . and after many battailes , fortune shewed her force in a citie called sepila , the which is in asia the great , where king antiochus was ouercome , and all his realme discomfited : for trees that haue their roots plucked vp , must needes within short time lose their fruites . after that king antiochus was ouercome , and his land spoyled , cornelius scipio came into rome triumphing , for the victory that hee had of asia : so that his brother ( for the victory that hee had of affrica ) was called affricane : so hee was called scipio the asian , because he vanquished asia . the captaines of rome loued honor so much , that they would no other reward nor recompence of their trauel , but that they should giue them the renowme of the realme which they had ouercome . truely they had reason , for the noble hearts ought little to esteem the encrease of their riches , and ought greatly to esteeme the perpetuity of their good name . as sextus cheronensis saith , in his third booke de ambigua iustitia , that cornelius scipio had a long time the gouernment of the people , for as much as hee was consul , censor , & dictator of rome : for he was not onely hardy and couragious , but also he was sage and wise , which thing ought greatly to bee esteemed in a man : for aristotle doeth not determine it , which of these two is most excellent ; either stoutnes , to fight in the warres ; or pollicy , to rule in peace . scipio therfore being dictator ( which was an office then as the emperour is now ) it chanced , that the ten captaines which had beene with him in the warres , violently fought to haue entred into the monastery of the virgins vestals : wherfore the dictator commanded their heads to be cut off : for the romanes punished more cruelly those , that onely required the virgins vestalls , then those that forced the marryed matrons . cornelius scipio was besought of many in rome , that hee would moderate and change his so cruell sentence . and hee which most in this case did importune him , was his brother scipio , the affrican , whose prayer was not accepted . howbeit , in the end the sayd captaines were pardoned , by the request of a sister of the sayde dictator scipio the affrican . and because hee blamed his brother scipio , that he had done more for the daughter of his nurse , then for the sonne of his proper mother , he answered : i let thee know , brother , that i take her more for my mother that brought me vp , and did not beare me : then shee which hath borne me , and in my infancy hath forsaken me : and since i haue had her for my true mother , it is but reason that i haue this for my deare and well beloued sister . these were the words which passed betweene these two brethren . i haue diligently read in holy and prophane writings , that many tyrants haue caused their owne mothers to bee killed which bare them : but i could neuer find that they haue done any discourtesie or disobedience to the nurses which gaue them milke . for the cruell tyrants doe thirst after the bloud of others ; but they feare them whose milke they sucke . the fourth reason that bindeth women to nourish their children is , to keepe them in more obedience : for , if the fathers liue a long time , they must of force come into the hands of their children . and let not old fathers make their accounts , saying , that during the time that they shall haue the gouernment of the house , their children shall be kept in obedience : for in so doing they might abuse themselues : for young men in their youth , feele not the trauailes of this life , not know not as yet , what it meaneth to make prouision for household : for to the stomacke that is full , and cloyed with eating , all meates seeme both vnsauory and noysome . it may well bee , that since the children are not nourished in the house , that they know not their seruants , that they loue not their parents , that they come not neere their brethren nor talke with their sisters , that they are ignorant of their fathers , and doe disobey their mothers : wherefore , since little feare doth abound , and good will fayle , one day they commit some mischieuous offence , wherby they doe lose their life worthily , and the fathers lose the riches , and likewise their honour deseruedly , to the intent that the fathers alwaies keepe their proper children vnder obedience , there is no better meane then to bring them vp in their owne houses , the mother to giue them sucke , and the father to teach them : for when the mother desireth any thing of her childe , shee should not shew him the belly from whence hee came , but the dugges which hee did sucke : for all that which is asked vs , by the milke which we did sucke , truely there is no heart so hard that can deny her . the historiographers say , that antipater among all the grecians was the most renowmed tyrant : & among the romanes , nero. and these two wicked princes were not great tirants because they had committed many tyrannies ; but because they did commit one which was most grieuous of al others : for they do not call a man a glutton or cormorant , because hee eateth euery houre , but because hee deuoureth more at one paste , then others doe in one day . the case was , that antipater in greece , and nero in rome , determined to kill their owne mothers : and the historiographers say , that when nero commanded his mother to be killed , she sent to aske of him why he would put her to death ? whereunto he answered , that hee was cloyed to behold the armes wherein hee was nourished , and therefore he caused her to be killed , to see the intrailes out of the which he came . this case was so horrible , that it seemed to many not to speake it : but cōcluding , i say , as vniustly as the mothers lost the mortall life , so iustly did the children get for them immortall infamy . nothing can be more wieked and detestable to the children , then to kill their mothers which did beare them with paine , and did nourish them with loue : but notwithstanding all this , we doe not read that euer they did kill , dishonour , or yet disobey their nurses which gaue them milke . iunius rusticus , in the fift booke of the bringing vp of children , sayth , that the two gracchi ( renowmed & famous romanes ) had a third brother , being a bastard , who shewed himselfe as valiant and hardy in the warres of asia , as the other two did in the wars of affrica . the which , as he came one day to rome to visite his house , hee found therein his mother which bare him , and the nurse which gaue him sucke ; to the which nurse hee gaue a girdle of gold , and to his owne mother he gaue a iewell of siluer . of the which things the mother being ashamed , considering what her son had done , she asked him , why hee had giuen the nurse the gold , which did but only giue him suck , & that he had not giuen the girdle of gold to her as well as the iewell of siluer , since shee had born , & brought him into the world . whereunto he answered in this manner : maruell not thereat , mother , why i doe this thing , for thou didst beare me but nine moneths in thy wombe , and shee hath giuen mee sucke , and nourished mee these three yeeres with her owne proper pappes : and when thou diddest cast mee from thee out of thy sight , shee receiued mee and nourished mee in her proper armes . fifthly , women ought to enforce themselues to nourish their children , to the end they may keepe them the better , and that in their cradles they be not changed for others . aristotle sayth , that the cuckow commêth to the nest of another bird when she hath laid her eggs , and sucketh them , and layeth in the same place her owne egges : so that the other birde , thinking that they are her owne , hatcheth and nourisheth them vp as her owne , vntill such time as they are able to flye : then the cuckow killeth and eateth the silly bird that hath nourished her ; through the which occasiō the males of those birds are at so great contention ( that they haue beene so deceiued ) that the one of them killeth the other , the which they might let if euery bird did nourish her owne . in the same time that philip raigned in macedonia , ( which was the father of alexander the great ) arthebanus was king of the epirotes , who in his age had a child borne , the which was stolne out of the cradle , and another put in his stead . the nurse which did nourish it , through couetousnes of mony , consented to that treason : for the heart that is with couerousnes ouercome , will not feare to commit any treason . it chanced not long after that king arthebanus dyed , and left ( as hee thought ) his owne sonne for his heire : but within few dayes after , the nurse her selfe , which had consented vnto the robberie , discouered the theft , and sayd , that shee could tell where the lawfull childe of the good king arthebanus was , and that that child which now was heire , was but the sonne of a meane knight : but indeed , it had beene better for those of the miserable realme , that the woman had neuer discouered the secret : for it chanceth oft times , that a man maketh such haste off his horse , that he hurteth his leg , and through that occasion afterwards falleth and breaketh his necke . but what shall we say to the plebeicall women , of base and meane estate , ( i doe not meane the noble , gentle , and vertuous ladies ) whereof they are many , that though in great secret their chiefest friend telleth them any thing , yet before they drinke they will vtter it to another . thus when the treason was discouered , cruell warres betweene these two princes beganne : so that in the end , in a great battaile they were both slayne , the one in defending , and the other in assaulting . at that time olimpias raigned , who was the fayre and worthy wife of philip , and mother of alexander . shee had a brother , named alexander , who was both pollitike & hardy , and hearing the epirotes were in conrouersie , and that two kings were slaine in the field , he placed himself in the realme , more of wil , then of right . and let no man maruell , that this king occupyed the realme ; for in the old time all the tyrrannous princes thought , that all that which they could obtaine without resistance , did vnto them belong by iustice . this king alexander was he which came into italy in the fauour of the tarentines , when they rebelled against the romanes : who afterward was slaine in battel at capua , where his body was vnburied . and truly it was a iust sentence , that the tirant which beteaueth many of their liues , should himselfe taste some shamefull death . i haue declared this historie to this end , that princesses and great ladies should see , that if the wife of king arthehanus had nourished his sonne , they could not haue robbed it in the cradle , nor these two princes had not beene slayne in battaile , nor the common-wealth had not beene destroyed , nor alexander had not entred into the land of another , nor had not come to conquer the country of italy , nor the dead corps had not wanted his graue : for oft times it chanceth , for not quenching a little coale of fire , a whole forrest and house is burned . the diuine plato among the greeks , and licurgus among the lacedemonians , commanded and ordayned in all their lawes , that all the plebeica women ; and those of mean estate , should nourish all their children ; and that those which were princesses & great ladyes , should at the least nourish their eldest and first begotten . plutarch , in the booke of the raigne of princes , saith , that the sixth king of the lacedemonians was thomistes , the which , when hee dyed , left two children , of which , the second inherited the realme , because the queene her selfe had brought it vp : and the first did not inherite , becaue a strange nurse had giuen it sucke , and brought it vp . and hereof remained a custome in the most part of the realmes of asia , that the childe which was not nourished with the papps of his mother , should inherite none of his mothers goods . there was neuer , nor neuer shall be a mother that had such a sonne as the mother of god , which had iesus christ : nor there was neuer , nor neuer shall be a sonne which had such a mother in the world . but the infant would neuer sucke other milke , because hee would not bee bound to call any other mother ; nor the mother did giue him to nourish to any other mother , because that no other woman should call him sonne . i do not maruell at all , that princesses and great ladies doe giue their children foorth to nourish : but that which most i maruell at is , that shee which hath conceiued and brought foorth a childe , is ashamed to giue it sucke and to nourish it . i suppose that the ladies do think , that they deserue to conceiue them in their wombs , & that they sinne in nourishing them in their armes . i cannot tell how to write , and much lesse how to vtter that which i would say , which is , that women are now adayes come into such folly , that they thinke & esteeme it a state to haue in their armes some little dogs : and they are ashamed to nourish and giue their children sucke with their owne brests . o cruell mothers ! i cannot thinke that your harts can bee so stony , to endure to see and keepe fantastic all birds in cages , vnhappy monkeys in the windowes , fisting spaniels betweene your armes , and so neglect and despise the sweete babes , casting them out of your houses where they were borne , and to put them into a strange place where they are vnknowne . it is a thing which cannot be in nature , neither that honestie can endure , conscience permit , nor yet consonant either to diuine or humane lawes , that those which god hath made mothers of children , should make themselues nurses of dogges . iunius rusticus , in the third booke of the sayings of the ancients , saith , that marcus porcio , whose life and doctrine was a lanthorne and example to the romane people , as a man much offended , said on a day to the senate . o fathers conscript ! o cursed rome ! i cannot tel what now i should say , sith i haue seene in rome such monstrous things ( that is to say ) to see women carry parrots on their fists , & to see womē to nourish dogs , giuing them milke from theyr owne breasts . they replyed in the senate , and saide : tell vs marcus porcia , what wouldest thou wee should doe which liue now , to resemble our fathers which are dead ? marcus portio aunswered them . the woman that presumeth to be a romain matrone , ought to be found weauing in her house : and out of that , to bee found in the temple praying to god : and the noble , and stoute romaine , ought to be found in his house , reading bookes , and out of his house , fighting in the plaine field , for the honor of his countrey : and surely these were wordes worthie of such a man. annius minutius was a noble romaine , and captaine of great pompeius , who was a great friend to iulius caesar after the battell of farsalie : for hee was an auncient , and one that could giue good counsell , wherfore hee neuer scaped , but that hee was chosen in rome , for senatour , consull , or censor euery yeare : for iulius caesar was so mercifull to them that hee pardoned , those which had been his most enemies in the warres , were of him in peace best beloued . this annius minutius then beeing chosen censour within rome , ( which was an office hauing charge of iustice ) by chaunce as hee went to visite the wife of another friend of his , the which lay in child-bed , ( because she had great aboundance of milke ) hee found that a little prettie bitche did sucke her : vpon the which occasion they say hee saide these wordes to the senate , fathers conscript , a present mischiefe is now at hand , according to the token i haue seen this day ( that is to say , ) i haue seene a romaine woman denie her owne children her milke , and gaue suck to a filthy bitche . and truly this annius had reason to esteeme this case as a wonder : for the truest and sweetest loues are not , but betweene the fathers and children : and where the mother embraceth the brute beast , and forsaketh her natural child which she hath brought forth , it cannot bee otherwise , but there either wisdome wanteth , or follie aboundeth : for the foole loueth that hee ought to despise , and despiseth that which he ought to loue . yet though the mothers will not giue their children sucke , they ought to do it for the danger which may come to the health of their persons ' : for as the women which bring forth children , doe liue more healthfull then those which beare none : so these which doe nourish them , haue more health then those which doe not nourish them . for although the bringing vp of children be troublesome to women , yet it is profitable for their health . i am ashamed to tell it , but it is more shame for ladyes to do it : to see what plaisters they put to theyr breasts to drie vp their milke : and hereof commeth the iust iudgements of god , that in that place ofte times where they seeke to stoppe their milke , in the selfe same place , they themselues pocure theyr sudden death . i aske now , if women do not enioy their children being young , what pleasure hope they to haue of them when they be olde . what a great comfort is it for the parents to see the young babe , when hee will laugh ? how hee twinckleth his little eyes : when he will weepe , how he will hang the pretie lippe : when he would speake , how he will make signes with his litle fingers : when hee would goe how hee casteth forward his feete : and aboue all , when he beginneth to babble : how he doubleth his words . what thing is more pleasant to the father then to see them , and to the mother to agree to it , when the children doe sucke , they plucke forth the breasts with the one hand , and with the other they plucke their cradle , and further they beat their feete together , and with their wanton eyes , they cast on theyr parents a thousand louing lookes , what is it to see them when they are vexed and angrie , how they will not be taken of the fathers , how they strike their mother : they cast away things of gold , and immediately they are appeased with a little apple , or rushe : what a thing is it to see the innocents how they answere , when a man asketh them ? what follies they speake , when they speak to them ? how they play with the dogges , and runne after the catts ? how they dresse them in wallowing in the dust ? how they make litle houses of earth in the streetes ? how they weepe after the birdes when they flie away ? all the which things are not to the eyes of the fathers and mothers , but as nightingales to sing , and as bread and meate to eate . the mothers peraduenture will say that they will not bring vp their children : because when they are young , they are troublesome , but that after they shold be nourished and brought vppe , they would be glad . to this i answer them , that the mothers shal not deny me , but that some of these things must needes meete in their children , that when they be olde they shal be eyther proud , enuious , couetous , or negligent : that they shal be lecherous , or else theeues , that they shal be blasphemers , or else gluttons , that they shal be rebells , or fooles , and disobedient vnto their fathers . i belieue that at this day there are manie mothers in the world , which did hope to be honoured , and serued with the children which they hadde brought vp : and afterwards , perceyuing their manners , would willingly forgoe the pleasures which they hoped for , so that they might also be deliuered from the troubles , which for their euill demeanours are like to ensue . for that time which the parents hoped to passe with their children in pleasures , they consume ( seeing their vnthriftie life ) in sorrowfull sobbes and sighes . i counsell , admonish , and humbly require princesses and great ladyes , to nourish and enioy their children when they are young and tender : for after that they are great , a man shall bring them newes euery day of diuers sorts and māners they vse : for asmuch as the one shall say that her sonne is in prison : and another shall say that hee is sore wounded : another , that he is hid : others , that hee hath played his cloke : others , that hee is slaundered with a common harlot : another , that he stealeth his goods from him : another , that his enemies doe seeke him : another , thet hee accompanieth with vnthrifts : and finally , they are so slurdie , vnhappie , and so farre from that which is good : that oftentimes the fathers would reioyce to see them die , rather then to see them liue so euill a life . mee thinketh that the knot of loue between the mother and the childe is so great , that not onely she ought not to suffer them to be nourished out of the house one whole yeare : but also she ought not to suffer them to be out of her presence one onely day . for in seeing him , shee seeth that which is borne of her entrailes : she seeth that which shee hath with so great paines deliuered : she seeth him who ought to inherite all her goods : shee seeth him in whome the memorie of their auncestors remaineth : and she seeth him , who after her death ought to haue the charge of her affayres and businesse . concluding therefore , that which aboue is spoken ( i say ) that which the great plutarch saide ; from whom i haue drawn the most part of this chapter : that the mother , ( to bee a good mother ) ought to haue and keepe her childe in her armes to nourish him , and afterwards when he shal be great , she ought to haue him in her hart , to helpe him . for we see oft times great euills ensue , to the mother , and to the childe , because she did not bring him vp her selfe : and to put him to nourish to a straunge breast , there commeth neither honour nor profite . chap. xx. ¶ that princesses & great ladyes ought to bee very circumspect in choosing of their nurses . of seuen propertyes which a good nurse should haue . those which ordayned lawes for the people to liue , were these ; promotheans , which gaue lawes to the egyptians : solon solinon , to the greekes , moyses to the iewes , lycurgus to the lacedemonians , and numa pompilius to the romains : for before these princes came , their people were not gouerned by written lawes , but by good auncient customes . the intention of these excellent princes was , not to giue lawes to their predecessors , for they were now dead : neyther they gaue thē onely for those which liued in their time being wicked , but also for those which were to come , whome they did prestippose would not be good . for the more the world increaseth in yeares , so much the more it is loaden with vices . by this that i haue spoken , i meane , that if the princesses and great ladies euery one of them would nourish their owne childe , i neede not to giue them counsell . but since , i haue supposed that the women which shall be deliuered hereafter , will be as proude and vaine-glorious , as those which were in times past : we will not let to declare here some lawes and aduises how the ladie ought to behaue her selfe with her nurce , and how the nurce ought to content her selfe with the creature . for it is but iust , that if the mother be cruell , and hardie to forsake the creature , that she be sage , pitifull , and aduised to chose her nurce . if a man finde great treasure , and afterwards care not how to keepe it , but doeth commit into the hands of suspected persons , truly we would call him a foole . for that which naturally is beloued , is alwayes of all best kept . the woman ought more wisely to keepe the treasure of her own bodie , then the treasure of all the earth ( if she had it . ) and the mother which doth the contrarie , and that committeth her childe to the custodie of a straunge nurce , not to her whome shee thinketh best , but whom she findeth best cheape : we will not call her a foolish beast , for that name is too vnseemly ) out we will call her a sotte , which is somewhat more honester . one of the things that doth make vs most belieue that the ende of the world is at hand : is , to see the little loue which the mother doth beare to the childe being young , and to see the want of loue which the childe hath beare to his mother being aged . that which the childe doeth to the father and mother , is the iust iudgement of god : that euen as the father would not nourish the child in his house , being young : so likewise that the sonne should not suffer the father in his house , he being olde . returning therefore to the matter , that sith the woman doth determine to drie and shut vp the fountaines of milke which nature hath giuen her , shee ought to bee very diligent ; to search out a good nurse : the which ought not only to content herselfe to haue her milke whole , but also that shee be good of life . for otherwise , the childe shal not haue so much profite by the which hee sucketh , as the nurse shall doe it harme , if shee bee a woman of an euill life . i doe aduise princesses and great dames , that they watch diligently to knowe what their nurses are , before they commit their children to them : for , if such nurses be euill , and slaundered , they are as serpents which doe byte the mother with their mouth , and do sting the childe with her taile . in my opinion it were lesse euill , the mother should suffer that her childe should perish in deliuering it : then for to keepe in her house an euill woman . for the sorrow of the death of the childe is forgotten and brought to nought in time , but the slaunder of her house shall endure as long as shee liueth . sextus cheronensis sayeth , that the emperor marcus aurelius commanded his sonne to be brought vp of a woman , the which was more faire , thē vertuous . and when the good emperour was aduertised thereof , he did not onely send her from his pallace , but also hee banished and exiled her from rome : swearing that if she had not nourished his sonne with her pappes , he would haue commaunded her to haue been torne in pieces with beasts . for the woman of an euill renowme , may iustly bee condemned , and put to death . princesses and great ladyes ought not greatly to passe , whether the nurses be faire or fowle : for if the milke be sweete , white , and tender , it little skilleth though the face of the nurse be white , or blacke . sextus cheronensis saith , in the booke of the nurture of children , that euen as the black earth is more fertile then is the white earth : so likewise , the woman which is browne in countenance , hath alwayes the most substantiall milke . paulus dyaconus , in his greatest hystorie , saieth , that the emperour adocerus did marrie himselfe with the daughter of another emperour , his predecessor called zeno , and the empresse was called arielna : the which in bringing forth a sonne , had a woman of hungarie , maruellous faire , to nourish it , and the case succeeded in such sort , that the nurse for beeing faire , had by the emperor iij. children the one after the other : and his wofull wife neuer had any but the first alone . a man ought to belieue that the empresse arielna did not only repent her selfe , for taking into her house so faire a nurse : but also was sorry that euer shee had any at all ; sith the ribalde thereby was mistresse in the house , and she remained without husband all her life . i doe not say it , for that there are not many foule women vicious , nor yet because there are not many faire women vertuous : but that princesses and great ladyes , ( according to the qualities of their husbands ) ought to bee profitable and tender nurses , to bring vp their children . for in this case there are some men of so weake a complexion , that in seeing a little cleane water , immediately they die to drinke thereof . let therefore this be the first counsell in choosing nurses , that the nurse before shee enter into the house be examined , if shee be honest and vertuous . for it is a trys●e whether the nurse be faire or foule : but that she be of a good life , and of an honest behauiour . secondarily , it is necessary that the nurse which nourisheth the child , be not onely good in behauiour of her life : but also it is necessary that she be whole , as touching the bodily health . for it is a rule vnfallible , that of the milke which we do sucke in our infancie , dependeth all the corporal health of our life . a childe giuen to the nurse to nourish , is as a tree remoued from one place to another . and if it be so ( as in deed it is ) it behoueth in all points , that if the earth wherein it shall be newe put , were no better , that at the least it be not worse : for this should bee a great crueltie , that the mother beeing whole , strong , and well disposed , should giue her childe to a leane woman to nurse , which is feeble , sore , and diseased . princesses and great ladyes , doe chose leane women , weake , and sicke , for to nourish their infants . and in that they doe faile , it is not for that they would erre : but it is because that such feeble and weake nurses , ( by a vaine desire they haue to be nurses in a gentlemans house ) on the one part they say they will little money , and on the other part , they doe make great suites . what thing it is when a princesse or a noble-woman is deliuered of a childe ? to see the deuises of other women among themselues , who shall be the nurse : and how those which neuer nourished their owne children , doe preserue the milke to nourish the children of others ? to procure this thing for women , me thinketh it proceedeth of aboundance of follie , and to condescend to their requests , mee thinketh it is for want of wisedome . they looke not alwayes to the manners and abilitie of the nurse , how apt shee is to nurse their childe : but how diligent shee is to haue to nourish . they eare not greatly whether they be good or no : for if the first be not good , they wil take the second , and if the second pleaseth them not , they will haue the third : and so vpwards , vntil they haue found a good nurse . but i let you to know ( you princesses and great ladyes ) that it is more daunger for the children to chaunge diuers milkes , then vnto the olde men to eate diuers meates . wee see daily by experience , that without comparison , there dyeth more children of noble-women , thē children of women of the meaner estate . and wee will not say , that it is for that they do flatter their children more , nor for that the wiues of labourers doe eate fine meates : but that it chaunceth oft times , that the children of a poore woman doth neither eate nor drinke , but of one kinde of meat , or milke in two yeares : and the child of a ladie shal change and alter three nurses in two moneths . if princesses and great ladyes were circumspect in choosing their nurses , and that they did looke whether they were whole , without diseases , and honest in their manners , and would not regarde so much the importunitie of their suites : the mothers should excuse themselues from many sorrowes , and the children likewise , should bee deliuered from many diseases . one of the most renowmed princes in times past , was titus , the sonne of vespasian , and brother of domitian . lampriains saieth , that this good emperour titus ( the most part of his life ) was subiect to grieuous diseases , & infirmities of his person : and the cause was , for that when hee was young , he was , giue to a sicke nurse to be nourished ; so that this good emperour sucking her dugge but a while , was constrayned to passe all his life after in paine . thirdly , princesses and great ladyes ought to know , and vnderstand the complexion of their children : to the ende that according to the same , they might seeke pitifull nurses : that is to say , if the childe were cholerick , flegmatcke , sanguine , or melancholie . for looke what humor the childe is of , of the same qualitie the milke of the nurse should be . if vnto an old corrupted man they minister medicins conformable to his diseases , for to cure him , why then should not the mother seeke a wholesome nurse to the tender babe , agreable to his complexion , to nourish him ? and if thou sayest , it is iust , that the flesh olde and corrupted bee sustained : i tell thee likewise , that it is much more necessary that the children should bee curiously and well nourished , to multiplie the world : for in the ende wee doe not say , it is time that the young leaue the bread for the aged : but contrarie , it is time , that the olde leaue the bread for the young . aristotle in the booke de secretis secretorum , and iunius rusticus , in the tenth booke de gestis persarum , say : that the vnfortunate king darius ( who was ouercom by alexander the great ) had a daughter of a maruellous beauty . and they say that the nurse which gaue suck to this daughter , all the time that shee did nourish it , did neyther eate nor drinke any thing but poyson : and at the ende of three yeares , when the childe was weyned , and plucked from the dugge , she did eate nothing but colubers , and other venomous wormes . i haue hearde say many times that the emperors had a custome to nourish their heyres and children with poisons when they were young , to the intent that they should not be hurt by poyson , afterwarde when they were old . and this error cometh of those which presume much , and know little . and therefore i say , that i haue heard say , without saying i haue read it . for some declare hystories , more for that they haue hearde say of others : then for that they haue read themselues . the truth in this case is , that as wee vselat this present , to weare chaines of golde about our neckes , or iewells on our fingers , so did the gentils in times past , a ring on their fingers , or some iewell in theyr bosome , replenished with poyson . and because the paynims did neither feare hell , nor hoped for heauen , they had that custome : for if at any times in battell they should finde themselues in distresse , they had rather ende their liues with poyson , then to receyue any iniurie of theyr enemyes . then if it were true , that those princes had bin nourished with that poyson , they would not haue carryed it about them to haue ended their liues . further , i say , that the princes of persia did vse when they had any child borne , to giue him milke to sucke agreable to the complexion hee had . since this daughter of darius was of melancholy humor , they determined to bring her vp with venom and poyson : because all those which are pure melancholie , do liue with sorrow , and die with pleasure . ignatius the venetian , in the life of the fiue emperours , palleolus ( which were valiant emperours in constantinople , ) sayeth : that the second of that name , called palleolus the hardie , was after the xl . yeares of his age , so troubled with infirmities and diseases , that alwayes of the twelue moneths of the yeare , he was in his bed sick nine moneths : and being so sicke as he was , the affayres and businesse of the empire were but slenderly done and looked vnto . for the prince cannot haue so small a feuer , but the people in the common-wealth must haue it double , this emperour palleolus had a wife , whose name was huldonina , the which after she had brought all the physitions of asia vnto her husband , and that shee had ministred vnto him all the medicines shee could learne to helpe him , and in the end seeing nothing auaile , there came by chaunce an old woman , a grecian borne , who presumed to haue great knowledge in hearbes , and sayd vnto the empresse . noble empresse huldouina , if thou wilt that the emperour thy husband liue long , see that thou chafe , anger , and vexe him euery weeke at the least twise : for hee is of a pure melancholy humour , and therefore hee that doth him pleasure , augmenteth his disease : and hee that vexeth him shall prolong his life . the empresse huldouina followed the counsell of this greeke woman , which was occasion that the emperour liued afterwardes sound and whole many yeeres : so that of the nine monethes which hee was accustomed to be sicke euery yeere , in twenty yeeres afterwards he was not sicke three monethes . for where as this greeke woman commaunded the empresse to anger her husband but twice in the week , she accustomably angred him iiii . times in the day . fourthly , the good mother ought to take heede , that the nurse be very temperat in eating , so that she should eate little of diuers meates , and of those few dishes she should not eate too much . to vnderstand the thing yee must know , that the white milke is no other then bloud which is sodden , & that which causeth the good or euill bloud , commeth oft times of an other thing , but that eyther the person in temperate , or else a glutton in●ating , and therefore it is a thing both healthful and necessary , that the nurse that nourisheth the child doe eate good meates : for among men and women it is a generall rule , that in litle eating there is no danger and of too much eating there is no profite . as all the phylosophers say , the wolfe is one of the beasts that denoureth most , and is most greedyest , and therefore hee is most feared of all the shepheards . but aristotle , in his third booke de animalibus saith : that whē the wolfe doeth once feele her selfe great with young , in all her life after shee neuer suffereth herselfe to bee coupled with the wolfe againe . for otherwise , if the wolfe shold yearely bring forth vij . or viij . whelps ( as commonly she doth , and the sheepe but one lambe , there would be in short space , more wolues thē sheepe . beside all this , the wolfe hath an other propertie , which is , that although she be a beast most deuouring and greedie : yet when she hath whelped , she feedeth very temperately , and it is to the ende to nourish her whelps , and to haue good milke . and besides that , she doth eate but once in the day , the which the dogwolfe doth prouide , both for the bitch & whelps . truly it is a monstrous thing to see , and noysome to heare , and no lesse slaunderous to speake : that a wolfe which giueth sucke to viij . whelps , eateth but one only kinde of meate , and the woman which giueth sucke but to one childe alone , will eate of vii . or viii . sortes of meates . and the cause hereof is , that the beast doth not eate but to sustain nature , & a womā doth not eate , but to satisfie her pleasure . princesses and great ladyes ought to watche narrowly , to know when & how much the nurses do eate , which doe nourish their children : for the child is so tender , and the milk so delicate , that with eating of sundry meats they become corrupt , and with eating much they waxefat . if the childrē suck those which are fat & grosse , they are cōmonly sicke : and if they sucke milke corrupted , they oft times goe to bed whole , & in the morne be found dead isidor in his etimologies saith , that the men of the prouince of thrace were so cruell that the one did eate the other : and they did not onely this , but also further to shew more their immanity in the sculs of those that were dead , they dranke the bloud of him that was lately aliue . though men were so cruell to eate mens flesh , and to drinke the bloud of the veines ; yet the women which nourished their children , were so temperate in eating , that they did eate nothing but netles sodden , and boiled in goates milk . and because the women of thrace were so moderate in eating , the phliosopher solon solynon brought some to athens : for the auncients sought no lesse to haue good women in the common-wealth , then to haue hardy and valiant captaines in the warre . chap. xxi . the author addeth three other conditions to a good nurse that giueth sucke : that they drinke no wine , that shee be honest , and chiefly that shee bee well conditioned . the princesses and great ladies may know by this example , what difference there is between the women of thrace , which are fedde with nettles only , and haue brought forth such fierce men , and the womē of our time , which throgh their delicate and excessiue eating , bring forth such weake and feeble children . fiftly , the ladies ought to bee very circumspect , not onely that nurses eate not much , and that they bee not greedy : but also that they be in wine temperate , the which in olde time was not called wine , but venom . the reason hereof is apparant and manifest enough : for if wee doe forbid the fatte meates which lyeth in the stomacke , wee should then much more forbid the moyst wine , which washeth all the veynes of the bodie . and further i say , that as the childe hath no other nourishment but the milke only , and that the milke proceedeth of bloud , and that bloud is nourished of the wine , and that wine is naturally hote , from the first to the last . i say , that woman which drinketh wine , and giueth the child sucke , doth as shee that maketh a great fire vnder the panne , where there is but a little milke : so that the pan burneth , and the milke runneth ouer . i will not denie , but that somtimes it may chaunce , that the childe shal be of a strong complexion , and the nurse of a feeble and weake nature : and then the childe would more substantial milke , when the woman is not able to giue it him . in such a case , ( though with other things milke may be conferred , ) i allow that the nurse drinke a little wine : but it should bee so little , and so well watered , that it should rather bee to take away the vnsauorinesse of the water , then for to taste of any sauour of the wine . i do not speake this without a cause , for the nurse being sicke , and feeble of herselfe , and her milke not substantial , it oftentimes moueth her to eat more then necessity requireth , and to drinke wine which is somewhat nutritiue : so that they supposing to giue the nurse triacle , doe giue her poyson to destroy her childe . those excellent and auncient romaines , if they had been in our time , and that wee hadde deserued to haue beene in their time , ( although our time , for being christians is better ) they had saued vs from this trauell : for they were so temperate in eating meates , and so abstinent , in drinking wines , that they did not only refraine the drinking thereof , but also they would not abide to smell it . for it was counted a greater shame vnto a romane woman to drinke wine , then to be diuorced from her husband . dyonisius alicarnaseus , in his booke of the lawes of the romaines , said : that romulus was the first founder of rome , and that hee occupyed himselfe more in buylding faire houses to amplifye rome , then in constituting lawes for the gouernement of the common-wealth : but amongst fifteene lawes which hee made , the seuenth thereof was , that no romaine woman on paine of death should be so hardie to drinke wine , within the walls of rome . the same hystorian sayth , that by the occasion of this law the custome was in rome , that when any romane ladie would drinke wine , or make any solemne feast , she must needs goe out of rome , where euery one had theyr gardens and dwelling place : because the smel also of wine was prohibited and forbidden women within the circuit of rome . if plinie do not deceiue vs in his . booke of his natural historie , it was an ancient custom in rome , that at each time that parents met , both men and women , they did kisse the one the other in the face , in token of peace : and this ceremonie beganne first , for that they would smell whether the woman had drunke any wine . and if perchance she sauored of wine , the censor might haue bannished her from rome . and if her kinsman found her without rome , hee might freely & without any daunger of law put her to death : because within the circuit and walles of rome , no priuate man by iustice , could put any romaine to death , as aboue is rehearsed . romulus was he which ordained the paine for drunkardes , and ruptilius was hee , which ordained the penaltie for adulterers . and betweene romulus and ruptilius , there was xxxii . yeares : so that they ordyaned this streight law for drunkardes , a long time before they did the law for adulterers . for if a woman be a drunkard , or harlot , truely they are both great faultes , and i cannot tell whether of them is worst : for being a harlot , the woman loseth her name : and for being a drunkarde , shee loseth her fame , and the husband his goods . then if women for , the honestie of their pesons onely , are bound to bee temperate in eating and drinking the woman which nourisheth and giueth the childe sucke , ought to bee much more corrected and sober in this case . for in her is concurrant not only the grauity of their own persons , but the health and life also of the creature , which she nourisheth . therefore it is meete , that the nurse bee kept from wine : since the honor of the one , and the life of the other is in perill . sixtly , the princesses and great ladyes ought to take heede , that theyr nurses be not gotten with child . and the reason hereof is , that in that time when the woman is with childe , her naturall course is stopped , and that corruption is mingled with the pure bloud : so that shee thinking to giue the childe milke to nourish it , giueth it poyson to destroy it . and nothing can bee more vniust , then to put the childe ( which is alreadie borne , and aliue ) in danger for that which is as yet vnborne , and dead . it is a wonderfull thing , ( for a man that will curiously note and mark things ) to see the brute beasts , that all the time they bring vp theyr little ones , they will not consent to accompanie with the males , nor the males will follow the females . and that which is most to hee noted , it is , to see , what passeth betweene the byrds : for the she sparrow will not suffer the male , in any wise to touch nor to come neere her , vntill her little ones be great & able to flie : and much lesse to sit vpon any egges , to hatche them , till the other be fled and gone . plutarch in the seuenth of his regiment of princes , saith , that gneus fuluius ( couzin germaine of pompeyus . ) beeing consull in rome , fell in loue with a young maidē of capua being an orphā , whether he fled for the plague . this mayden was called sabina , and when she was great with child by this consull , shee brought forth a daughter , whom they called faire drusia : & truely she was more commended for her beautie , then shee was for her honestie . for oft times it happeneth that the fayre and dishonest women leaue their children so euill taught , that of their mothers they inherite little goods , and much dishonour this sabina therefore beeing deliuered ( as it was the custome of rome ) she did with her own breasts nourish her daughter drusia . during the which time shee was gotten with childe , by one of the knights of this consul , to whome ( as to his seruant ) hee had giuen her to keepe . wherefore when the consull was heereof aduertised , and that notwithstanding she gaue her daughter suck : he commanded that the knight shold be immediatly beheaded , & his louer sabina forthwith to be cast into a wel . the day of execution came , that both these parties should suffer , wherfore the wofull sabina sent to beseech the consull , that it would please him before her death to giue her audience of one sole worde , that shee would speake vnto him : the which beeing come in the presence of them all , shee said vnto him . o gneus fuluius ; know thou that i did not call thee to the ende thou shouldest graunt me life , but because i would not die before i had seene thy face : though thou of thy selfe shouldest remember , that as i am a frayle woman , and fell into sinne with thee in capua , so i might fall now ( as i haue done ) with another here in rome . for , wee women are so fraile in this case , during the time of this our miserable life , that none can keepe herselfe sure , from the assaultes of the weake flesh . the consull gneus fuluius to these words answered : the gods immortall know sabina , what griefe it is to my wofull hart , that i of my secret offence should be an open scourge . for greater honestie it is for men to hyde your frailnesse , then openly to punish your offences . but what wilt thou i should doe in this case : considering the offence thou hast committed ? by the immortall gods , i sweare vnto thee , and again i sweare , that i had rather thou shouldest secretly haue procured the death of some man , thē that openly in this wise thou shouldst haue slaunderd my house . for thou knowest the true meaning of the common prouerbe in rome , it is better to die in honour , then to liue in infamie . and think not ( sabina ) that i do condemne thee to die because thou forgotest thy faith vnto my person , and that thou gauest thy selfe vnto him which kept thee : for since thou wert not my wife , the liberty thou haddest to come with me from capua to rome , the selfesame thou hadst to goe with another from rome to capua . it is an euill thing for vicious ●e● , to reprooue the vices of others , wherein themselues are faulty . the cause why i condemn thee to dye , is onely for the remembrance of the old law , the which commandeth that no nurse or woman giuing sucke ; should on paine of death be begotten with childe , truly the law is very iust . for honest women do not suffer , that in giuing her child sucke at her breast , she shold hide another in her entrails . these words passed between gneus fuluius the consul , and the ladie sabina of capua . howbeit as plutarche saith , in that place the consull had pitie vpon her , and shewed her fauour , banishing her vpon condition , neuer to returne to rome againe cinna catullus , in the fourth booke of the xxij consulls saith : that caius fabricius , was one of the most notable consulles that euer was in rome , and was sore afflicted with diseases in his life , onely because hee was nourished foure moneths with the milke of a nurse being great with childe : and for feare of this , they locked the nurse with the childe in the temple of the vestall virgines , where for the space of iij. yeares they were kept . they demaunded the consul , why he did not nourish his children in his house ? he answered , that children being nourished in the house , it might bee an occasion that the nurse should begottē with child , and so she should destroy the children with her corrupt milke : and further giue me occasion to do iustice vpon her person : wherefore keeping them so shut vp , wee are occasion to preserue their life , and also our children from perill . dyodorus siculus , in his librairy , and sextus cheronensis saith , in the life of marc. aurelius , that in the isles of baleares there was a custom , that the nurses of young children , ( whether they were their owne or others ) should be seuered from their husbands , for the space of two yeares . and the woman which at that time ( though it were by her husband ) were with child , though they did not chasten her as an adulteresse : yet euery man spake euill of her , as of an offender . during the time of these two yeares to the ende that the husband should take no other wife , they commanded that hee should take a concubine : or that hee should buye a slaue , whose companie hee might vse as his wife : for amongst these barbarous , hee was honoured most that had two wiues , the one with child , and the other not . by these examples aboue recited , princesses and great ladyes may see , what watch & care they ought to take in choosing their nurses , that they be honest , since of them dependeth not onely the health of their children , but also the good fame of their houses . the seuēth condition is , that princesses and great ladies ought to see their nurses haue good conditions : so that they be not troublesome , proud , harlots , liars , malicious , nor flatterers : for the viper hath not so much poyson , as the woman which is euil cōditioned . it little auaileth a man to take wine from a woman , to entreate her to eate little , and to withdrawe her from her husband , if of her owne nature she be hatefull , and euill mannered : for it is not so great dāger vnto the child , that the nurse be a drunkard , or a glutton , as it is if she be harmfull & malitious . if perchaunce the nurse ( that nourisheth the child ) be euil conditioned . truly she is euill troubled , & the house wherin she dwelleth euil cōbred . for such one doth importune the lorde , troubleth the lady , putteth in hazard the childe , & aboue all , is not contented with her selfe . finally , fathers for giuing too much libertie to their nurses , oft times are the causes of manie practises , which they doe : wherewith in the ende , they are grieued with the death of their childrē which foloweth amongst all these which i haue read , i say , that of the ancient roman princes , of so good a father , as drusius germanicus was , neuer came so wicked a son as caligula was , being the iiij emp : of rome : for the hystoriographers were not satisfied to enrich the praise the excellencies of his father , neyther ceased they to blame and reprehend the infamies of his sonne . and they say that his naughtines proceedeth not of the mother which bare him : but of the nurse which gaue him sucke . for often times it chaunceth that the tree is green and good , when it is planted , and afterwardes it becometh drie and withered , onely for being carryed into another place . dyon the greeke in the second book of caesars saieth , that a cursed woman of campania called pressilla , nourished and gaue suck vnto this wicked child . shee had against all nature of women her breasts as hayrie as the beardes of men : and besides that , in running a horse , handling her staffe , shooting in the crosse-bowe , fewe young men in rome were to bee compared vnto her . it chaunced on a time that as shee was giuing sucke to caligula , for that shee was angrie , shee tore in pieces a young child , and with the bloud therof annoynted her breasts : and so she made caligula the young childe , to sucke together both bloud and milke . the saide dyon in his booke of the life of the emperour caligula saieth : that the women of campania ( whereof the saide pressilla was ) had this custom , that whē they would giue their teat to the childe , first they did annointe the nipple , with the bloud of a hedge-hog , to the ende their children might be more fierce and cruell . and so was this caligula , for hee was not contented to kill a man onely , but also hee sucked the bloud that remained on his sworde , and licked it off with his tongue . the excellent poet homer , meaning to speake plainely of the crueltyes of pyrrus , saide in his odisse of him , such wordes : pyrrus was borne in greece , nourished in archadie , and brought vp with tygers milke , which is a cruell beast , as if more plainely he had saide : pyrrus for being borne in greece was sage , for that hee was brought vp in archadie , he was strong and couragious , & for to haue sucked tygars milke , he was very proud and cruell . hereof may be gathered , that the great grecian pyrrus , for wanting of good milke , was ouercome with euill conditions . the selfe same hystorian dyon saith , in the life of tiberius ; that hee was a great drunkard . and the cause hereof was , that the nurse did not onely drinke wine : but also she weyned the childe with soppes dipped in wine . and without doubt the cursed woman had done lesse euill , if in the stead of milke , she had giuen the child poyson , without teaching it to drinke wine : wherefore afterwardes he lost his renowne . for truely , the romane empire had lost little if tiberius had dyed being a childe : and it had wonne much , if he had neuer knowne what drinking of wine had meant . i haue declared all that which before is mentioned , to the intent that princesses and great ladyes might be aduertised , that since in not nourishing their children , they shew themselues cruel : yet at the least , in prouiding for thē good nurses , they shold shew themselues pittifull : for the children oft times follow more the condition of the milke which they sucke , then the condition of their mothers which brought them forth , or of their fathers which begot them . therefore they ought to vse much circumspection herein : for in them consisteth the fame of the wiues , the honour of the husband , and the wealth of their children . chap. xxii . of the disputations before alexander the great , concerning the time of the sucking of babes . ovintus curtins saith , that after the great alexander ( which which was the last king of the macedonians , and first emperour of the greekes ) had ouercome king darius , and that he saw himselfe onely lord of all asia , he went to rest in babylon : for among men of warre there was a custome , that after they had beene long in the warres , euery one should retire to his owne house . king philip ( which was father of king alexander ) alwayes counselled his sonne , that he should leade with him to the warres valiant captaines , to conquere the world : and that out of his realmes and dominions hee should take and chuse the wisest men , and best experimented , to gouerne the empire . hee had reason in such wise to counsell his sonne : for by the counsell of sages , that is kept and maintained , which by the strength of valiant men is gotten and wonne . alexander the great therefore being in babylon , after hee had conquered all the countrey , since all the citie was vicious , and his armie so long without warres , some of his owne men began to robbe one another , others to play their own , some to force women , and others to make banquets and feasts : & when some wee drunk , others raysed quarrels , strifes , and discentions : so that a man could not tell whether was greater , the rust in their armours , or the corruptions in their customes . for the propertie of mans malice is , that when the gate is open to idlenesse , infinite vices enter into the house . alexander the great seeing the dissolution which was in his armie , and the losse which might ensue heereof vnto his great empire , commanded straightly , that they should make a shew and iust thorow babylon , to the end that the men of warre should exercise their forces thereby . and as aristotle saith , in the book of the questions of babylon , the turney was so much vsed amongst them , that sometimes they carryed away more dead and wounded men , then of a bloudie battaile of the enemie . speaking according to the lawe of the gentiles , ( which looked not glory for their vertues , nor feared hell to dye ) at the turney the commandement of alexander was very iust , for that doing as he did to the armie : he defaced the vice which did waste it , and for himselfe he got perpetuall memory , and also it was cause of much suertie in the common-weale . this good prince , not contented to exercise his army so , but ordayned , that daily in his presence the philosophers should dispute , and the question wherein they should dispute , alexander himselfe would propound , whereof followed , that the great alexander was made certaine of that wherein hee doubted : and so by his wisedome all men exercised their crafts and wits . for in this time of idlenesse , the bookes were no lesse marred with dust , because they were not opened , then the weapons were with rust , which were not occupyed . there is a booke of aristotle , intituled the questions of babilon , where he sayd , that alexander propounded , the philosophers disputed , the principalles of persia , replyed , and aristotle determined : and so continued in disputations as long as alexander did eate : for at the table of alexan der , one day the captaines reasoned of matters of warre , and another day the philosophers disputed of their philosophie . blundus saieth , in the booke intituled , italia illustrata , that among the princes of persia there was a custome , that none could sit downe at the table , vnlesse hee were a king that had ouercome another king in battaile ; and none could speake at their table , but a philosopher . and truely , the custome was very notable , and worthy to be noted : for there is no greater folly , then for any man to desire that a prince should reward him , vnlesse hee know that by his works hee had deserued the same . king alexander did eate but one meale in the day , and therefore the first question that he propounded vnto them was ; that the man which did not eate but once in the day , at what houre it was best to eate , for the health of his person , and whether it should be in the morning , noone dayes , or night ? this question was debated among the philosophers , whereof euery one to defend his opinion , alleadged many foundations . for no lesse care haue the sages in their mindes , to issue out of them disputations victorious ; then the valiant captaines haue in aduenturing their persons to vanquish their enemies . it was determined , as aristotle maketh mention in his probleames , that the man which eateth but once in the day , should eate a little before night : for it auayleth greatly to the health of the body , that when the digestion beginneth in the stomacke , a man taketh his first sleepe . the second question that alexander propounded was , what age the childe should haue when hee should be weyned from the dugge . and the occasion of this question was , for that he had begotten a young daughter of a queene of the amazous , the which at that time did sucke : and for to know whether it were time or not to weyne her , there was great dispurations : for the childe was now great to sucke , and weake to weyne . i haue declared this history for no other purpose , but to shew how in babylon this question was disputed before king alexander ; that is to say , how many yeeres the childe ought to haue before it were weyned from the teate : for at that time they are so ignorant , that they cannot demand that that is good , nor complaine of that that is naught . in that case a man ought to know , as the times are variable , and the regions and prouince diuers : so likewise haue they sundry wayes of bringing vp and nourishing their children : for there is as much difference betweene the countreys of one , from the countries of others , in dying , and burying the dead bodies , as there hath beene varieties in the world , by way of nourishing & bringing vp of children . chap. xxiii . of sundry kindes of sorceries , charmes and witchcrafts , which they in olde time vsed in giuing their children sucke , the which christians ought to eschew . it is not much from our purpose if i declare here some old examples of those which are past . strabo in his booke de situ orbis , saith , that after the assirians ( which were the first that raigned in the world ) the siconians had signorie ( which long time after were called arcades ) which were great and famous wrastlers , and schoolemasters at the fence , from whom came the first and best masters of fence , the which the romanes kept alwaies for their playes : for as trogus pompeius sayth , the romanes found it by experience , that there were no better men in waightie affayres , then those of spaine : nor no people apter to playes and pastimes , then those of arcadia . as those siconians were ancient , so they were maruellously addicted to follies , and superstitious in their vsages and customes ; for among other , they honoured for their god the moone : and during the time that shee was seene , they gaue their children sucke , imagining that the moone shined vpon the brests of the mother , it would doe much good vnto the childe . the authous hereof is sinna catullus , in the booke de edicandis pueris : and as the same historian sayth , the aegyptians were great enemies to the siconians , so that all that which the one did allow , the others did repoue , as it appeareth : for , as much as the siconians loued oliues and akorns , they were cloathed with linnen , and worshipped the moone for their god. the aegyptians for the contrary had no oliues , neyther nourished they any okes , they did weare no linnen , they worshipped the sunne for their god : and aboue all , as the siconians did giue their children sucke whiles the moone did shine ; so the aegyptians gaue their children sucke whiles the sunne did shine . among other follies of the caldeans this was one , that they honoured the fier for their god , so that hee that was not marryed could not light fier in his house : because , they sayd , the custodie of gods should be committed to none but to married and ancient men . they had in mariages such order , that the day when any children did marry , the priests came into his house to light new fire ; the which neuer ought to bee put out vntill the houre of his death : and if perchance , during the life of the husband and of the wife , they should finde the fire dead and put out , the marriage betweene them was dead and vndone , yea , though they had beene fortie yeeres together before in such sort and of this occasion came the prouerbe which of many is read , and of few vnderstood ; that is to say , pronoke me not so much , that i throwe water into the fire . the caldeans vsed such wordes when they would diuorce and separate the marriage : for if the woman were ill contented with her husband , in casting a little water on the fire , immedately she might marry with an others and if the husband in like manner , did put out the fire , hee might with another woman contract marriage . i haue not beene marryed as yet : but i suppose there are many christians which wish to haue at this present the libertie of the caldes : for i am well assured , there are many men which would cast water on the fire , to escape from their wiues : also i sweare , that there would be a number of women , which would not onely put out their fire , but also the ashes , imbers , and coales to make themselues free , and to bee dispatched of their husbands , and in especially from those which are iealous . therefore returning to our matter . the caldeans made before the fire all notable things in their lawe , as before their god : for they did eate before the fire , they slept before the fire , they did contract before the fire , and the mothers did neuer giue the children sucke , but before the fire : for the milke ( as they imagined ) did profite the childe when it sucked before the fire , which was their god. the author of this that is spoken , is cinna catuilus . the mauritanians which at this present are called the realms of 〈◊〉 , were in times past warlike men , of whom the romans had great victories , and the more valiant the men were in the warres : so much the more superstitious their wiues were in soceries , charmes , and enchantments ▪ 〈◊〉 the husband that is long ab●●nt from his wife , ought not to maruell though in her bee founde some 〈◊〉 . cicero in the booke de natura deorum , and much more at large , bocc●s sayeth , that as many men and women as were in that realme , 〈◊〉 many gods there were among the people ▪ for euery one had one particular god to himselfe : so that the god of the one , was not the god of the other . and this was to bee vnderstood in the weeke dayes : for in the holy and festiuall dayes they had no other gods , the which altogether they did honour . the manner that they had in choosing gods when a woman was with child was this : shee went to the sacrificer of the idoll , and tolde him that shee was great with childe , and besought him to giue her a god for her child . and the sacrificer gaue her a little idoll of stone , gold , siluer , or of wood , the which the mother hanged at the necke of the child , and as often as the childe did sucke the dugge , so oft the mother putteth the idoll on his face : for otherwise shee had not giuen him a droppe of milke to sucke , vnlesse first shee had consecrated to the god the milke of her brest . that which i haue spoken is little in respect of that i will speake , which is , that if perchance the child dyed before the time , or that any young man by some perilous mishap dyed before hee was somewhat ages : the fathers and kinsmen of the dead did assemble , and came to the idoll of him , and eyther stoned it , ●●ng it , drew it , burnt it , or else they cast it into the deepe well , saying , that sith the gods did kill man without reason , that they might lawfully kill them by iustice . the same bocchas in the second booke de natura deorum sayth , that the allobroges had a custome , that those which were priests of the gods , should from the wombe of their mothers bee chosen vnto that dignitie : and as soone as the childe was born , before he tasted the milke of the brest they earned it into a priestes house : for they had a custome that the man , which had tasted the thinges of the world , merited not to serue the gods in the temples . one of the lawes that they sayde priests had , was that not onely they could not by violence shedde any bloud , nor yet see it , neyther touch it : so that immediately as the priest should by chance touch mansbloud , euen so soone he lost his priesthood . this law afterwards was so narrowly looked vnto , that the priests of the allobroges did not onely not shedde drinke , nor touch mans bloud when they were now men : but also when they were little infants ( those that should bee priests ) they gaue them no milke of the brest at all . and this was their reason . that to sucke milke was no other but to drinke white bloud , for white milke is but sodden bloud , and redde bloud is but raw milke . pulio in the booke de educandis pueris sayeth , that the auncients had a certaine kinde of reedes , that breaking it in sunder , there issued white milke , wherewith they accustomed to nourish their children : but let it bee as it is , that this law prohibite children their milke , which hereafter should bee made priestes of the temples : mee thinketh it a tricke rather of superstitious sorcerers then of religious priests : for there is neyther diuine nor humane law that will forbid , or prohibite any such thing , without the which mans life cannot endure . these were the maners and customes that the ancients had in the nourture of their children . and indeede i maruell not at that they did , for the gentiles esteemed this cursed idol as a great god : as wee christians doe the true and liuing god. i was willing to declare all these antiquities , to the end that princesses and great ladies shoulde haue pleasure in reading them , and knowing them : but not to that end , they should imitate and follow them in any kind of thing : for according to the faith of our christian religion , as sure as wee be of the offences that those did vnto god , through following those superstitions : so sure wee are of the good seruices , which wee doe vnto god in forsaking them . how long time the mothers ought to giue their children sucke , and what age they ought to weine them , not for that which i haue read , nor for that which i haue demaunded in this case , i am able to answere : but forasmuch as aristotle sayeth in the booke aboue named , that the child at the most ought to sucke but two yeares , & at the least one yeare and a halfe : for if hee sucke lesse , he is in danger to be sicke , and if hee sucke more , he shall be alwayes tender . i will not omit that which sextus cheronensis sayeth , in the fourth booke of his common-wealth . and hereof bocohas also maketh mention in the third booke de natura deorum , that when alexander the great passed into india , amongst other renowmed philosophers , there was one with him called arethus , who ( as by chance he was in nissa , an ancient city of india ) there came a mā of the countrey to shew him such antiquities as were there . arethus the philosopher beheld them as a sage and wise man : for the simple man onely beholdeth the doings , and how they seeme : but the sage man enquireth and demandeth of the causes , and from whence they came . among other things he shewed this good philosopher a great house , being in the end of the city , & therin were many women , whereof euery one of them had a chamber , and in euery chamber there was two beds , and adioyning to the one , herbs were sowen in maner of nettles , and adioining to the other , there was kind of twigges , as of rosemary , and in the midst of the house , there were many graues of small children . the phylosopher arethus asked why that house was so great , and the indian answered . this house is to nourish the children which are orphanes , when they bee of their parents and friendes abandoned : for it is a custome in this city , that immediately when the father of one chelde dyeth , the city then taketh him for her sonne . and from that time forward he is called the child of the city , which nourisheth him , and not the childe of the father which begot him . arethus the philosopher secondarily asked him , why there were so many women in that house , without any man among them ? whereunto the indian answered : in this country there is a custome , that the women are seuered from their husbands , all the time they giue their children sucke . for the will of our god is , that the woman be not in company with her husband after , shee is with child , and this not onely vntil such time as shee is deliuered : but also vntill such time as the childe be wayned from the brest . the philosopher arethus thirdly demaunded him , why euery one had her chamber seuerally ? the indian answered . thou knowest that now naturally raigneth so much malice in the woman , that shee alwayes enuyeth the felicity of another , and if they were altogether , they would haue amongst them such quarrels & debates , that they would corrupt the milke which they should giue to the child . fourthly , the philosopher arethus asked ; why in euery chamber there was a great bed , and a little pallet , since there was but one woman , and one child ? whereunto the indian answered . in this india they doe not consent that the nurses should sleepe together in one bed with the young childe , whom they nourish : for when the women are heauy a sleepe , not taking heede to the childe , they many times ouerlay the poore infant , and so smother it aliue . fiftly , the philosopher asked , why ioining to the beds , there was nettles which are without fauour in eating , and dangerous in touching . the indian answered . i let thee know , that in this india ( against al nature ) the childrē weepe not whiles they are young , and therefore they haue growing by the beddes nettles to make them weepe : for our philosophors tell vs , that if dayly the childe doth weepe two houres , it profiteth him not onely for the health of his body , but also for to prolong his life . furthermore the philosopher for the sixt asked , why there were so many twigges like rosemary by the bed side : whereunto the indian aunswered . know thou that in india , there is an olde plague , that wee cannot defende our selues from these witches , the which by their sorceries , and with the onely lookes of their eies destroy many children : and they say , that all the children which shall bee perfumed with those hearbes , can take no hurte through the lookes of those witches . chap. xxiiii . of a letter which marcus aurelius sent to his friend dedalus , in the ende whereof he enuaieth against those women which cure children by sorceries charmes and enchantments . princesses and great ladyes ought to take heed that their nurses be not witches , and that they doe not suffer the babes ( whiles they are yet young ) to take any charmes or sorceries : for the medicine putteth the life of the creature in perill , and those sorceries doe not onelie harme to the body of the child , but also to the soule of her selfe which vseth it . to prayse more them that are past , and to confound more the present . i will that those which shall reade this , doe reade a letter of marcus aurelius , which he sent to a friend of his , in the end whereof it appeareth how great enemies the auncients were to witches , charmers , & to all kind of sorcerers : for truely i know not which was greater , eyther the temperance that they had in nourishing their children being gentiles or the foolish hardinesse which wee haue being christians . here followeth therefore the letter , in the ende of the which hee speaketh against witches and euill women . the letter of the emperour marcus aurelius . marcus aurelius the romane emperour , fellow with his brother annius verus , in the same empire , wisheth to thee dedalus his speciall friend , health to thy person , and good fortune against all euill , since the day that thou diddest take shipping at the hauen of ostia , i read no letter of thine , neyther haue i seen as yet any man of thy house : yea , and moreouer , they could not tell mee , whether thou wert aliue or dead . wherefore thy friends did imagine that some mishap had befallen thee , and thy ship , or else for the misliking of the country , thou shouldest returne againe , because that men , which doe sayle , as thou , goe alwayes in dangar to be drowned by some tempest ; and if they doe escape they despayre in that strange countrey by tolitarinesse : but when i saw fronton thy seruant , i was very ioyfull and much more when i vnderstood thou wert aliue after thy great trauell . truely i receiued great pleasure of that thou writest in thy letter , that thou art contented with the countrey : for that to mee it is a strange thing , that a man beeing nourished in the delitiousnesse of rome , should finde himselfe contented in in an other strange realme and nation , when rome was rome , and italy was named great greece , thither came of all sorts of people , and nations to learne vertues and noblenesse , and others for to giue themselues to vices and pleasures . because , if titus liuins deceyue mee not , rome spent all her treasures in asia , and asia employed all her vices and delicatenes in rome . thou writest to mee in thy letter of so many thinges , and fronton thy seruant hath tolde mee so many newes of that land , that by the immortall gods i sweare vnto thee , i cannot tell what for to write vnto thee , nor what to aunswere thy seruant : for the more the straunge newes doe please the eares in hearing them , so much the more doe they seeme to bee vncredible . the noble and stout personages , though they would bee esteemed and iudged true in their saying , hauing seene many wonders with their eyes : yet when they come to count them , then they ought to bee very moderate in their tongues . for it is a shame to the honest man to declare a thing , wherein may bee any doubt , whether it bee true or not . i will briefly answere al the things of thy letter , and the answere shall bee , not according to thy desire , but according to that i perceyue of thee , and the world : and before i beginne , i beseech thee , if my penne shall erre in writing , that thy heart pardon mee . for thy few yeares as yet doe not let thee know the world : and my white hayres and hoarie beard doth giue mee authority to aduertise thee of that which is to come , and to condemne thee of that which is past . thou sayest that in the sea , thou hast past many perils and dangers , and that for to lighten the shippe , thou diddest cast much of thy goods into the sea . in this case me thinketh thou oughtest greatly to thanke the tempestuous waues , which hauing power to drowne thee , contented themselues with thy marchandize : for they which sayle vpon the foming seas , ought not to regarde so much the goods they loose , as the life which they saue . thou sayest that on the seas thou werte greatly accompanyed with passengers , and that thou hast tarryed longer in thy voiage then thou thoghtest , or diddest desire . this i say vnto thee my friend dedalus , that though the dayes were manie thou diddest stay , yet notwithstanding the griefes were more which thou receyuedst . for it is vnpossible that those men which sayle much , should not be troubled with the marriners , and also in feare of tempests . to that i aunswere thee , the more thou wert loaden with companyons , the lesse thy money weighed : for it is a general rule , that where the iourney is long , and the companie great , there the purse of necessitie , must needes wexe thinne . thou sayest that through the moysture of the sea , as soone as thou wert landed , thou diddest feele thy selfe taken with the goute . to this i answere thee , that thou hast the gout in thy feet , or else in thy hands and if thou hast it in thy feete , it shall be an occasion that thou shalt keepe thy house , and if thou hast it in thy hands , it shall bee an occasion that thou shalt play no more at tables ( as thou werte wont to doe ) and also thou shalt not waste ( as thou hast done ) thy owne money . and if thou hast not changed thy cōdition which thou haddest , i am assured , that onely for to encrease thy goods , thou wilt thinke thy goute welcome . thou sayest in that countrey , thou hast found many soueraigne & expert physitians for to remedy thy diseases . to that i answere , as plato sayeth that in the countrey where there is many physitians , there are many vices , and many vicious : for man by excessiue delicatenes commeth to sicknesse , and by that meane trauell hee is healed . as long as our auncient fathers were without physitians in rome , which was foure hundred yeares , so long and no more they shewed them selues sober in eating and drinking : for euen as by temperance health proceedeth , so of physicke proceedeth gluttonie . thou sayest that the country is verie fertile , and that amongst other things there is much wood which we lacke here in rome . to this i answer that if thou hast much wood , thou hast little bread : for it is an ancient prouerbe , that where the fires are great , the barnes are few . and if thou sayst thou art content with the wood of that country , i let thee know that i am not discontented with the bread of italy : for in the ende a man shall sooner finde wood to heate the euen then corne to carrie to the ●●ill . truly it is a good thing to haue woode for the winter : but it is better to haue corne for the winter and summer : for they call it no hunger , when wood lacked for the aged ; but when bread wanteth for the young . thou sayest in that country there are many waters , and that the water is verie cleare and cold : and further that the aboundance thereof is such , that euery house hath a fountain . to this i answere thee , that where the waters doe abound , there wanteth health continually . and i doe not maruell thereat , for the moyste and dankish places are alwayes most daungerous , vnhealthfull , and noysome . if this had beene in the time of the golden world , when men know not what wine meant , but that all dranke water , without comparison that countrey would haue beene better then this . for the more the drunkennes of wine is infamous , the more sweeter and profitable is that of the water , thou knowest well , that a fountaine which i haue in my gardaine ( by the streete salaria , ) was occasion that at one time seuen of my house dyed together . and if i had not made a conduit to voyde the standing water , i thinke it had made an ende of mee , and of my family . wherfore i pray thee haue respect vnto the health of thy person , rather then to enioy the freshnes of the water . for my part i thinke him onely happie , who hath his bodie healthfull , and his heart at ease . prayse as much the land as they will , enioy thou the freshnes thereof as much as thou canst , and fill thee with the fresh and cold water , and write vnto thy friends how plentie it is : in the end i sweare vnto thee , my deare friende dedalus , that more money shall issue out of rome , to buye wine in candia , then buttes of the cold water of that countrey shall enter into rome . againe , thou sayest that in that countrey there is such aboundance of fruites : and that thou thinkest thou shalt neuer be satisfied therewith . to that i answer . that thing which i best like , is a winter fruite : yet neyther seeing it , nor eating it , i can content my selfe : for the country where fruits abound in winter , is neuer without feuers and sicknesses in summer . octauian augustus that noble emperour of famous memorie , seeing that rome in summer , was very much subiect to diseases : gaue commaundement vpon grieuous penalties , that the fruites of salon should not enter into rome to be solde , and this is a maruellous thing , that the citie of rome by this meanes did not only finde her selfe sound and whole : but also the physitians went out of rome , of their owne wills and affections . for it is a great token that the people is healthfull , when the phisitians are poore . thou sayest that in that countrey there are many iugglers and players : to this i aunswer thee . that theyr pastimes shall not bee vnto thee such , and so pleasaunt , as the griefs and displeasures thou shalt haue , when they cunningly and craftily shall picke thy purse . for most commonly iugglers and plaiers make playes and sportes in jeast , but they will be payde in good earnest . furthermore thou sayest : in that countrey there is great aboundance of vines , and that the wine is sauourie to smell , and very sweete and pleasaunt , for theyr taste : whereunto i answer . that there shall not bee so manie vynes in the fieldes , as drunkardes amongst the people : for , as thou knowest , the day that i marryed torpina , my niece , my vnckle getellius had but onely one vine tree , and yet with the wine that came thereof , he made himselfe , his household , and all those that were at the marriage drunke . that which i will say is not without weeping , ( in the olde time ) mars was the god moste honoured and esteemed , being the god of battells : but now bacchus , which is god of wine , is the most honoured , serued , and exalted . for the time that a romane was wont to employ in the martial camp to handle warlike weapons : now they consume in playing and drinking in the rauernes . titus liuius in his annales , sayeth , that those of gallia transalpina , vnderstanding , how that the italians had planted many vines , came to conquer the countety . so that if they had neuer planted vines in italie , the french-men had neuer destrolyed the countrey . the auncient romaines ( which were prouided against all inconueniences ) considering that wine was the cause of their destruction , commaunded to destroy all the vynes of the empyre , through the which pollicie , they were deliuered from all the french-men : for when the warres were ended , there remained not one french-man in all italie , when they knewe that there were no more vynes therein . thou sayest that in that countrey there are many gentlemen and honorable senators , with whom thou talkest , and passest away the time . to this i answere , that if it be true , there are many idle men , and also few true talkers : for those men which haue spent their youth in the warres , when they are aged , doe not employe their time but in hearing newes , and telling lyes . thou sayedst , that there are very faire women in that countrey , of gesture seemely , and of their persons comely ; to this i answere . that if there be many which be faire , there are as manie which are dishonest . for if the woman with her beautie , hath not wisdome and honestie in her selfe , she putteth her selfe in perill , and her husband in much care , thou sayest that in that countrey there are women which are soothsayers , sorcerers , and enchantours : the which do boast and vaunt themselues that they will heale infants , and that they can weyne them better then others can doe . to this i answere : that i would iudge it much better , that children should neuer be healed by the hands of such euill women . for the profite that they doe by their experience openly , is nothing in respect of the danger wherin they put the creatures , by their sorceries secretly . torquatus laertius my vnckle , had a daughter of a maruellous beautie , the which ( because he had none other childe , ) was heyre of all his patrimonie . the case therefore was such : that as the daughter one day cryed and wept a little too much , the nurse which gaue her sucke , to appease and still her , thinking to giue her sorceries to cast her in a sleepe , gaue her poyson , which destroyed her ; so that when the teares of the innocent babe ceased , then the cryes of the woefull mother beganne . calligula which was the sonne of the good germanicus the great ( though amongst the caesars hee was the fourth , and amongst the tyrants , the first ) when in rome they vsed to giue little scrowles written , which they saide to bee of such vertue , that they could heale all manner of agues , and diseases of young children , hee gaue commaundement by the consent of the sacred senate , that whosoeuer eyther man or woman , which should make them , should immediately by iustice be put to death : and that he which would buye them , and carrie them about to sell , or giue them through the citie of rome , should be whipt and bashed for euer , thy seruant fronton hath told me newes , that thou hast a sonne borne , whereof i am very glad : and moreouer , he saide that a woman of sannia did nourishit , and gaue it sucke : the which ( as by an euill chaunce ) hath a spice of sorcerie . now by the immortall gods i do conjure thee , and for the loue which i beare thee , againe i most earnestly desire thee , that immediatly thou put her away out of thy house , and suffer not , that so wicked a woman should eate bread there one day : for euery creature which is nourished by sorceries and charmes , shal eyther haue his life short , or else fortune shall be contrarie vnto him . i let thee know my friend dedalus , that i haue not maruelled a little at many romains , the which doe permit , and also procure that their children should bee healed and cured with charmes and sorceries ? for my part i take it to bee a thing certaine , that the men which by the will of god fall sicke , shall neuer heale for any diligence that man can do . and whereas children are sicke by euill humors , or that they are not very healthful , because the gods wil take life from them : in this case if their disease proceed of any euill humour , let them aske physitions for naturall medicines . and if their diseases come because the gods are prouoked : then let their fathers appease the gods with sacrifices . for in the end it is vnpossible that the diseases of the heart should be healed by the meanes of any medicines of the bodie . doe not maruell ( my friend dedalus ) if i haue spoken more in this article then in others , that is to say , to perswade thee so much to keepe thy children from witches : for otherwise the cursed women will doe them more harme , then the good milke shal profite them . i haue beene moued and prouoked to write thus much vnto thee , for the great loue which i do beare thee : and also calling to minde that which thou ( when we were in the sacred senate ) oft times toldest me : which was , that thou diddest desire a sonne . and since now thou hast thy petition , i would not thou shouldst prouoke the gods wrath by sorceries : for in the faith of a good man i doe sweare vnto thee , that when the fathers are in fauour with the gods , there needeth no sorceries vnto the children . i had manie other things to write vnto thee : some of the which i will cōmunicate with thy seruant fronton , rather then to send them by letters . and maruel not at this , for letters are so perillous , that if a man be wise , hee wil write no more in a close letter , thē he would declare openly in rome : pardon me my friend dedalus , though indeede i write not vnto thee as thy appetite would , nor yet as my will desireth . for thou hast need to know many things , and i haue not leaue by letter to put thee in trust therewith . i cannot tell what i should write vnto thee of me , but that alwayes the goute doth take me , and the worst of all is , that the more i growe in yeares , the more my health diminisheth : for it is an old course of mans frailtie , that where wee thinke to goe most surest , there haue we most lets . the popinjay which thou didst send me , as soone as i receyued it , my wife did seaze it , and truely it is a maruellous pleasure to heare what thinges it doth speak : but in the end the women are of such power , that when they wil , they impose silence to the liuing , and cause that in the graues the dead men speake . according to that i doe loue thee , and according to that i owe thee , and as i haue vsed , that which i doe sende thee is very little . i say it , because that presently i do send thee but two horses of barbarie , twelue swords of alexandrie , and to fronton thy seruant for a new yeares gift , for his good newes , i haue giuen him an office , which is worth to him . thousand sexterces of rent in cecyl . faustine did bid mee i should send thy wife perusa , a cofer full of odoriferous odours of palestine , and another cofer full of her owne apparrel : the which ( as i thinke ) thou wilt not a little esteeme . for naturally women are of theyr owne goods niggardes : but in wasting & spending of others very prodigall . the almighty gods bee with thee , and preserue thee from euill fortune . the which i humbly beseech to graunt , that vnto thee and mee , and vnto my wife faustine , and to thy wife pertusa , that we all meete merily together in rome : for the heart neuer receyueth such ioy , as when hee seeth himselfe with his desired friend . marcus of mount celio writeth to thee with his own hand . chap. xxv . how excellent a thing it is for a gentleman to haue an eloquent tongue , one of the chiefest things that the creatour gaue to man , was to know , and be able to speake : for otherwise ( the soule reserued ) the brute beasts are of more value , then dumbe men . aristotle in his aesconomices without comparison prayseth more the pythagoricall sort , then the stoicall : saying , that the one is more conforme to reason , then the other is . pythagoras commaunded , that al men which were dumbe , and without speech , should immediately , and without contradiction be banished , and expulsed from the people . the cause why this phylosopher had commanded such things was , for so much as he saide , that the tongue is moued by the motions of the soule , and that he which had no tong , had no soule : and hee which hath no soule is but a brute beast , and he that is a beast , deserueth to serue in the fieldes among brute beasts . it is a good thing not to bee dumbe as bruite beasts are , and it is a greater thing to speake as the reasonable men doe : but it is much more worthy to speake wel , as the eloquent philosophers doe . for otherwise if hee which speaketh , doth not weigh the sentences more then the wordes , oft times the popingayes shall content thē more which are in the cage , then the men which doe reade in schooles . iosephus in the booke de bello iudaico sayeth , that king herod , not onely with his person and goods , but also with all his friends and parents followed , and gaue ayde to marcus anthonius , and to his louer cleopatra , howbeit in the end octauian had the victory : for the man which for the loue of a woman doth enterprise conquests , it is impossible that eyther he lose not his life , or else that hee liue not in infamy , herod seeing that marcus antonius was dead , determined to go towards the emperour octauian , at whose feet he layd his crowne , and made a notable oration , wherein hee spake so pleasant words , and so high sentences , that the emperour octauian did not onely pardon him , for that hee was so cruell an enemie , but also hee confirmed him again vnto his realm : and tooke him for his deare and speciall friend . for among the good men , and noble hearts , many euill workes are amended by a few good works . if blundus , in the booke intituled roma triumphante , do not deceiue me pirrus that great king of the epirotes was stoute and hardy , valiant in armes , liberall in benefices , patient in aduersities , and aboue al renowned to be very sweet in words , and sage in his answeres . they sayde that this pirrus was so eloquent , that the man with whome once hee had spoken , remained so much his , that from that time forward in his absence , hee tooke his part , and declared his life and state in presence . the aboue named blundus sayed and titus liuius declareth the same , that as the romaines were of all things prouided ( seeing that king pyrrus was so eloquent ) they prouided in the senate , that no romane ambassadour should speake vnto him , but by a third person : for otherwise he would haue perswaded them through his sweet words , that they should haue returned againe to rome as his procurers and soliciters : albeit marcus tullius cicero was senatour in the senate , consull in the empire , rich amongst the rich , and hardy amongst men of warre : yet truely none of these qualities caused him eternall memorie , but onely his excellent eloquence . this tullius was so esteemed in rome for the eloquence of his tongue onely , that oft times they heard him talke in the senate three houres together , without any man speaking one word . and let not this bee little esteemed , nor lightly passed ouer : for worldly malice is of such condition , that some man may easily speake foure houres , then another man shal haue patience to heare him one minute . antonius sobellicus declareth that in the time of amilcares the affrican , a philosopher named afronio , flourished in great carthage , who being of the yeares of , dyed in the first yeere of the wars of punica : they demaunded this philosopher , what it was that he knew ? he answered , he knew nothing but to speake well . they demaunded him againe what hee learned ? he answered , hee did learne nothing but to speake well . another time they demaunded him what hee taught ? hee answered , he taught nothing but to speake well . me thinketh that this good philosopher in fourescore yeares and one said , that he learned nothing but to speake well , hee knew nothing but to speake well , and that he taught nothing but to speake well . and truely hee had reason , for the thing which most adorneth mans life , is the sweet pleasant tongue to speake well what is it to see two men in one counsell , the one talking to the other , the one of them hath an euill grace in propounding , and the other excellent in speaking . of such there are some , that in hearing them talke three houres , wee would neyther be troubled nor wearied , and of the contrary part , there are others so tedious , and rude in their speech , that as soone as men perceiue they beginne to speake they auoyde the place . and therefore in mine opinion , there is no greater trouble then to hearken one quarter of an houre a rude man to speake , and to be contrary , there is no greater pleasure then to heare a discreete man though it were a whole weeke . the diuine plato in the booke of lawes sayde , that there is nothing whereby a man is known more then by the words he speaketh : for of the wordes which we heare him speake , we iudge his intention eyther to bee good or euil . laertius in the life of the phylosopher saieth , that a young childe borne at athens , was brought vnto socrates the great phylosopher , being in athens , to the ende he should receyue him into his companie , and teach him in his schoole . the yong childe was strange and shamefast , and durste not speake before his maister , wherefore the phylosopher socrates sayd vnto him , speake friend , if thou wilt that i know thee this sentence of socrates was very profound , i pray him that shall reade this writing , to pause a while thereat . for socrates will not that a man be known by the gesture he hath , but by the good or euill wordes which he speaketh . though eloquence and speaking well , to euery man is a cause of augmenting their honour , and no diminisher of their goods : yet without comparison it shineth much more , & is most necessary in the pallaces of princesses and great lords ; for men which haue common offices , ought of necessity hearken to his naturall countrimen , and also to speake with strangers . speaking therefore most plainely , i say , that the prince ought not to trauell onely to haue eloquence , for the honour of his person : but also it behoueth him for the common-wealth . for as the prince is but one , and is serued of all : so it is vnpossible that hee haue so much as will satisfie and content them all . and therefore it is necessary that hee requite some with money , and that hee content others with good words : for the noble heart loueth better a gentle worde , then a reward or gift , with the tong of a rude man. plato , liuius , herodotus , vulpicius , eutropius , diorus , plinie , and many other innumerable ancient historiographers , doe not cease to prayse the eloquence of greeke princes , and latines in their workes . oh how blessed were those times , when there were sage princes , and discreete lordes : truely , they haue reason to exalt them . for many haue obtayned , and wonne the royall crownes and scepters of the empire , not so much for the great battels they haue conquered , nor for the high bloud and generation from whence they are discended , as for the wisedome and eloquence which they had . marcus aurelius was naturall of rome , borne in mount celio , hee was poore in patrimony , and of base lynage , little in fauour , left and forsakē of his parents ; and besides all this , onely for being vertuous in this life , profound in doctrine , and of so high eloquence , the emperour antonius ( called pius ) gaue him his daughter faustine for wife , who being reproued of many , because he gaue his daughter to so poore a philosopher , answered . i had rather haue a poore philosopher then a rich foole . pulio in his seuenth booke of the romaine lawes sayth , that in rome there was a law very well kept , and obserued of the consels by a custom brought in , that the dictators , censor and emperors of rome , entred into the senate once in the weeke at the least , and in this place they should giue and render account , in what state the common wealth remayned . o would to god that at this present this law were so kept and obserued : for there is none who doth minister so good iustice , as he which thinketh to giue account of his doings . they say that caligula , the fourth emperour of rome , was not onelie deformed infamous , and cruell in his life , but also was an idiot in eloquēce , and of an euill vtterance in his communication : so that hee among all the romane princes was constrained to haue others to speake for him in the senate . this wicked man was so vnfortunate , that after his cruell and infamous death , they drew him throughout rome , and set vpon his graue this epitaph . caligula lyeth here in endlesse sleepe , that stretcht his raigne , vpon the empires head , vnfitte for rule , that could such folly heape , and fitte for death , where vertue so was dead . i cannot tell why princes do praise themselues to be strong and hardie , to bee well disposed , to bee runners , to iust well , and doe not esteeme to be eloquent , since it is true , that those gifts doe profite them onely for their life , but the eloquence profiteth them not onely for to honour their life , but also to augment their renowne : for wee doe reade , that by that many princes did pacifie great seditions in the common wealth , and besides that they deserued immortall memory . suetonius tranquillus in the first book of caesars sayth , that the aduenturous iulius caesar ( being as yet but . yeares of age ) when there dyed in rome an aunt of his called cornelia , at her buriall hee made an oration , in the which hee ( beeing so young , ) shewed maruellous great eloquence , which was so accepted that day in al people , that in the end , euery man iudged him to bee a valiant romane captaine . and as appianus declareth , they say that silla spake these words . that which i perceyue of this young man caius caesar is , that in the boldnesse of his tongue , he declareth how valiant he ought to bee in his person . let therefore princes and great lordes see , how much it may profite them to know to speake well and eloquently , for wee see no other thing dayly but that a man of base lynage , by his eloquence commeth to be exalted : and the other which of linage is nobly borne for want of speaking well , and being eloquent , is the first that discendeth most vilest of all other . the intention whereupon i wrote these things was for no other , but to admonish , perswade , and pray all princes and great lords , that whiles their children are young , they should put them to wise and learned men , to the end they should teach them : not onely how they ought to liue , but also how they ought to speake : for to persons of estate , it is a great infamy to doe , or to inuent to doe a thing , & afterward not to know how to giue a reason thereof . polidorus in the third booke of his commentaries sayth , that when the lacedemonians were put to flight by the athenians : in rota milina , it is called milina , because the battell was in the riuer of miline , the lacedemonians sent a philosopher called heuainus , to treate of peace with the athenians , who made such an eloquent oration to the senate of athens , that he did nor onely obtaine the peace which hee desired for his countrey , but for himselfe also hee wan perpetuall renowne . at the philosophers returne the athenians gaue him a letter which sayd in this sort . chap. xxvi of a letter which the athenians sent to the lacedemonians . the senate , people , & sages of athens wisheth health to the persons , and peace to the common wealth , of you of the senate , and people of the lacedemonians . wee take the immortall gods to recorde , that in the last battell we had no lesse displeasure to see you ouercome , then on the contrary wee had pleasure , to see vs remaine victorious : for in the end , the daungers and inconueniences of the cruell warres are so great , that the euill and danger is certain to them that are vanquished , and the profite is doubtfull to them that haue ouercommed . we would gladly , that that which now yee will , yee would haue willed sooner , and that which now yee require and demaund , that before yee had required and demanded , but what shall we doe , since it was ordayned to your and our wofull destinies , that hee should lose the battell , and that wee of your losse can take no profite : for it is a rule vnfallible , that all that which the gods haue ordayned , no worldly wight can auoyde , nor humane power resist . yee demaund that warre may leaue and cease off , and that wee take truce for three monethes , and that duriyg this time , peace and concord may be concluded . to this wee make answere , that the senate of athens hath not accustomed to grant peace , afterward for to returne to warre : for amongst vs athenians wee haue an ancient law , that freely wee doe accept the cruell warre , and liberally we doe graunt perpetuall peace . in our schooles and vniuersities we trauell to haue sages in time of peace , for to help vs with their counsels in the time of warre . and they doe counsell vs that wee neuer take vpon vs truce vpon suspect condition : and indeed they counsell vs well : for the fayned and dissembled peace is much more perillous , then is the manifest warre . the philosopher heuxinus your ambassadour hath spoken to vs so highly and eloquently in this senate , that it seemed to vs very vniust , if wee should deny him , and gaine-say that hee requireth vs. for it is much more honesty to grant him peace ; which by sweet and pleasant words doth demaund it : then him , which by force and sharpe sword doth require it . let the case therefore be , that the senate , people and sages of athens haue ordained , that warre doe cease with the lacedemonians , and that all discordes , contentions , dissentions , and debates doe end , and that perpetual peace bee granted vnto them : and this thing is done to the end all the world should know , that athens is of such courage with the hardie , and so very a friend to the sages : that she knoweth how to punish the foolish captaines , and suffereth to bee commanded and gouerned by sage phylosophers . yee know right well that all our warre hath not been , but onely for the possession of cities and limits of the riuer milina , wherefore by this letter wee declare vnto you , and by the immortall gods wee sweare , that wee doe renounce vnto you al our right on such condition , that you do leaue vs heuxinus your ambassadour and philosopher . the great athens desireth rather a philosopher for her schooles , then a whole prouince of your realmes . and do not you other lacedemonians thinke , that that which wee of athens doe , is light or foolish , that is to say , that wee desire rather one man to rule , then to haue a whole prouince whereby wee may commaund many . for this philosopher shall teach vs to liue well , and that land gaue vs occasion to dye euill : and sith wee now of your old enemies do become your true friendes , we will not onely giue you perpetuall peace , but also counsell for to keepe it . for the medicine which preserueth health is of greater excellency , then is the purgation which healeth the disease . let the counsell therefore bee such , that as yee will the young men doe exercise themselues in weapons , that so yee doe watch and see that your children in time doe learne good letters : for euen as the warre by the cruell sword is followed : so likewise by pleasant words peace is obtained . thinke not yee , lacedemonians , that without a cause we do perswade you , that you put your children to learne , when as yet they are but young and tender , and that yee doe not suffer them to runne to vices ? for on the one part , wise men shall want to counsell , and on the other , fooles shall abound to make debate . we atbenians , in like manner , will not that yee lacedemonians doe thinke , that wee bee friends to bablers . for our father socrates ordained , that the first lesson which should be giuen to the scholler of the vniuersity , should be , that by no meanes hee should speake any word for the space of two yeares : for it is vnpossible that any man should be wise in speaking , vnlesse he haue patience to be silent . wee thinke , if you thinke it good , that the philosopher heuxinus shall remaine in our senate , and thinke you if wee profite by his presence , that yee may bee assuted that others shall not receyue any damage by the counsels hee shall giue vs : for in athens it is an ancient law , that the senate cannot take vpon them wars ; but by the philosophers first it must bee examined , whether it be iust or not . we write none other thing , but that wee beseech the immortall gods that they bee with you , and that it please them to continue vs in this perpetuall peace : for that onely is perpetuall , which by the gods is confirmed . chap. xxvii . that nurses which giue sucke to the children of princes ought to be discreete and sage women . the pilgrims which trauell through vnknowne countries and strange mountaines ( wth great desire to goe forward , and not to erre ) doe not onely aske the way which they haue to goe , but also do importune those whom they meete , to point them the way with their finger : for it is a grieuous thing to trauell doubtfully in feare and suspition : by this comparison i mean , that since i haue much perswaded , that the fathers do learne and teach their children to speake well , it is but reason that they doe seeke them some good masters . for the counsell hath no authority , if hee which giueth it , seeketh not speedily to execute the same . it is much for a man to bee of a good nature , or else to bee of an euill inclination , to bee rude in vnderstanding , or else to bee liuely in spirit : and this not onely for that a man ought to doe , but also for that hee ought to say : for it is no small thing , but a great good benefite , when the man is of a good nature , of a good vnderstanding , and of a cleare iudgement . this notwithstanding , i say , that all the good and cleare iudgements are not alwayes eloquent , nor all the eloquentest of liuely spirites and vnderstanding . wee see many men which of a small matter can make much : and for the contrarie wee see many men , which haue great knowledge , and yet no mean s to vtter it . so that nature hath giuen them high vnderstanding , and through negligence of bringing vp it is hid . oftentimes i doe maruell that the soule of the babe when it is borne , for the one part is of no lesse excellencie , then the soule of the olde man when hee dyeth . and on the other side i muse at the babe which hath the members so tender , ( wherewith the soule doth worke his operations ) that they little seeme to participate with reasonable creatures . for where the soule doth not shewe her selfe mistresse , it wanteth little but that the man remaineth a beast . it is a wonder to see the children , that as yet being two yeares of age , they lifte heir feete for to goe , they holde themselues by the walls for falling , they wil open their eyes to know and they fourme a defuzed voyce to speake : so that in that age , a creature is none otherwise then as a tree at the first spring . for the tree two moneths beeing past , beareth leaues immediatly : and the childe after ij . years beginneth to frame his words . this thing is spoken , for that the fathers which are wise , should begin to teache their children at that age : for about that time the vynes beare grapes , and other trees their fruite : for the perils of this life are such , that if it were possible , the father before he see his sonne borne , ought to admonish him how he should liue . in mine opinion , as they conueigh the water about to turne the mill : so from the tender youth of the infant , they ought to shewe and teach him to bee eloquent and affable . for truely the childe learneth distinctly to pronounce his words , when he doth sucke the milke of his nurse . we cannot denie , but that the children beeing but two or three yeares olde , it is too soone to giue them maisters or correcters , for at that age a nurse to keepe them cleane is more necessarie , then a maister to correct their speech . on the one part the children are very tender for to learne to speake well : and on the other part it is necessarie , that when they are very young and little , they should be well taught and instructed . i am of that opinion , that princesses and great ladyes should take such nurses to giue theyr children sucke , that they should bee sound , to giue them their milke , and sage for to teach them to speake . for in so young and tender age they doe not suffer , but that shee which giueth them sucke , doth teach them to speake their first words . as sextus cheroner sis in the booke of the diuersitie of the languages , saith : that the toscanes were the first which called the natural tongue of the countrey , the mother tongue , ( which is to say , the tongue of our mother ) to the ende we should take it of the mother which bringeth vs forth : and of the nurse which giueth vs sucke . and in this case we haue lesse neede of the mother then of the nurse . for the children before they know their mothers , which brought them into the world , doe call the nurse mother , that gaue them sucke . plutarche in the second booke of the regiment of princes , saith : that one of the greatest thinges the romaines had in their commonweale was , that of all the languages and manners which they spake ; thoroughout the whole earth , they had colledges and scholes in rome : so that were he neuer so barbarous that entered into rome , immediately hee found that vnderstood him . the romaines vsed that craft and subtiltie , to the ende that when rome sent embassadors into strange countreys , or that some strange countreys came to rome , they would that the ent●rpretours and brokers should be of theyr owne nation , and not of a strange tongue or countrey . and truely the romaines had reason : for the affaires of great importance , are oftentimes craftely compassed by a straungetongue . a man will maruell greatly to read , or heare this that i speake : which is , that the women which nourish the children of princes be eloquent . and truly he that at this doth maruell , hath seen little , and read lesse . for i cannot tell which was greater , the glory that the ancients , had to enjoy so excellent women : or the infamy of them that are present , to suffer dishonest harlots . i will not denie , when i drew neere this matter , that my spirits were not in great perplexitie : first to see in this my writing , of what women my pen should write , ( that is to say ) the dissolute vices of women which i haue s●●n , or else the prowesses and vertues of women whereof i haue read . finally , i am determined to intreate of our graine , and corne , and to leaue the rotten strawe on the earth , as without profite . for the tongue which is noble , ought to publish the goodnes of the good and honest women , to the ende that all know it : for the contrarie , the frailenesse of the wicked ought to bee dissembled , and kept secret , to the ende that no man follow it . men which are sage and noble , treating of women , are bound to visite them , to preserue them , and to defend them : but in no wise they haue licence to slaunder them . for the man which speaketh of the frailenes of women , is like vnto him that taketh a sworde to kill a flie . therefore touching the matter , princesses and great ladies ought not to cease to teach their young children all that they can , sonnes , or daughters . and they ought not to deceyue themselues , saying , that foras much as their daughters are women , they are vnable to learne sciences : for it is not a generall rule , that all men children are of cleane vnderstanding , nor that all the daughters are of rude spirite and wit : for if they and the others did learne together , i thinke there would bee as many wise women , as there are foolish men . though the world in times past did enioy excellent women , there was neuer any nation had such as the greekes had : for though the romanes were glorious in weapons , the greekes were of immortall memorie of letters . i will not deny that in the common wealth of rome , there hath not beene nourished and taught many women of great science : but that the difference of the one and the other was , that the grecian women were learned in philosophy , and the romane women in rethoricke and poetrie . and hereof came that in athens , they esteemed to know how to teach well : and in rome they vaunted how to speake well . euphronius in the third booke of the romane gestes sayeth , that in the third yeare of the consulship of lelius sylla , by chance a greeke ambassador , and an ambassadour of rome , were at wordes in the senate of the rhodians , & the greeke ambassadour sayd to the romane ambassador ; it is true , that amongst you other romanes , you are aduenturous in armes : but for all that , you are vnable in sciences : for truely the women of greece know more in letters , then the men of rome in weapons . as soone as the senate of rome vnderstoode those words , immediatly hereupon grew the cruell wars betweene rome and carthage about the possession of sicill . and no man ought hereat to maruell ; for in the end we see more wars arise by iniurious words , then for to recouer the good that is lost . the romanes and the grecians therefore being ready the one to defie the other , the rhodians came in the middest , and kept them from such debate , and in the end appointed them in this sort . that is to say , that as this iniurie should by weapons haue been determined , they ordayned that by the disputations of women it should bee argued . and truely the romanes were counselled well ; for it was greater shame to the greekes to bee ouercome with the tongues of women , then with the swords of men . the cause thereof was such , that by appointment assembled at rhodes ten roman women , and ten greeke women : all women very well learned , the which in their chairs read certain lessons , euery one after other , and afterwardes the one disputed against the other of sundry and diuers matters . and finally , there was betweene them great difference , for the greeks spake very high things , not so profound , but with an excellent stile . we ought not to maruell that such giftes were in those women : for wee dayly see it by experience , that profound science and high eloquence seldome meeteth in one personage . the greekes were very well pleased to heare the romane women , and the romaines remained astonied to heare the greekes . and vpon this occasion the rhodians iudged in this sort , that euery one of them should be crowned with a crowne of lawrel as vanquishers . and they iudged that in graue sentences the grecians had the best , and in eloquent speech the romanes had the victory . as the aboue named euphronius sayeth , the disputations beeing ended , the romane women returned to rome : & the greeke women to greece , where they were receiued with such triumph and glory , as if they had won a battel , the senate of the rhodians for the memory of those women ( in the place of the disputations ) caused to bee set vp . pillers , in euery one of the which were the names of the women . which was so sumptuous a building that in rhodes there were none like to it , saue only the collyseo . those pillers stood vntill the time of heliogabalus the emperour , who was so euill that he inuented new vices , and destroied the ancient memories . the writers which write in that time , declare yet another thing , wherin the women of greece were differēt from the women of rome . that is to say , that the greeke women were foūd more fairer then the romane women : but the romanes had a better grace & more rich in apparel then the greeks . they sayd also that the greekes were more hardy and stout then the romanes : but the romanes were more honest , pleasant , and gracious then the greekes . and if this be true , i do counsell princesses and great ladies that they haue no more enuy at the honesty of the matrones of rome , then at the boldnes of the ladies of gretia . for women were not born to slay men in the warre , but to spin , sowe , and liue well like good housewiues in the house . chap. xxviii . that women may bee no lesse wise then men , and though they bee not , it is not through default of nature , but for want of good bringing vp . ceasing to speake in generally , it is but reason wee speake particularly , and that wee reduce to memory some ancient histories of wise and discreete women , as well greekes as romans : & for that these ladies ( seeing what others were in times past ) may know what their duty is at this present . in mine opinion , the duty that the men of this present haue to follow the courage that the ancients had in fighting : the selfe same desire ought women of this present to haue , to follow the ancient women in deuout liuing : for there is no good thing in the world at this present day , but the like hath been seene of our ancients heretofore . when any sudden new and vnaccustomed thing doth happen , men that neuer saw the like , vse to say , that there was neuer the like in the world , yet indeed they say not true : for though the thing bee vnto them new , it is through their ignorance and simplenesse which neither haue read it by themselues , nor heard it of others : or this excellency hath the man that is learned , that for what soeuer hee heareth or sayth , hee is nothing abashed at . since women now a dayes are so ignorant , that scarcely any of them can reade well , hee that shall reade this will maruell why i doe perswade them to learne : but the truth known what the ancients were , and what they did know : from this time forward i beleeue they would greatlie reproue the women of this present : for the time which the ancient women spent in vertues and studies : these of this present consume in pleasures and vices . bocchas in the prayse of women sayth , that lucius sylla was a great companion of marius the consull , in the time of the warre of iugurtha and was no lesse a friend of caius caesar , in the time of the first ciuill warres . my penne needeth not to be occupied to write any thing of the life of sylla : for all the historiographers doe not onely reproue the cruelties which he vsed to his enemies , but also condemne him for the little faith he obserued his friends . this consull sylla had three daughters , the one of them was named lelia sabina , the which of all the sisters was least fayre , but amongst all the romanes shee was the most sagest : for shee read openly in rome in a chayre both greeke and latine . after the warres of mithridates , lucius sylla came to rome , where he beheaded three thousand romanes which came to salute him : although before by his word he had assured them all : and in deed , and also iustly lucius sylla had been vtterly vndone for his fact , if his daughter had not made to the senate a wise oration : for often times it chanceth that the wisedome of the good child doth remedy the folly of the wicked father . the historians say , that this lelya sabina had not onely a great grace in reading : but also shee had much excellency in writing : for she wrote many letters and orations with her own hand , which her father lucius sylla afterwards learned by hart : and as he was indeed quicke of spirite , so he vsed to recite them to the senate alwayes for his purpose . and let no man maruaile hereat for there are some of so grosse vnderstanding that that which they write and studie , they can scarcely vtter : & others againe are of such liuely wits , that of that onely which they haue heard , it seemeth maruellous to heare with what eloquence they will talke . because sylla had such and so excellent a daughter in his house , hee was esteemed for a sage and wise councellour throughout all the common wealth . he was counted very absolute in executing , strong in maintaining , & for right eloquent in speaking . finally , of this came this ancient prouerbe which sayth lucius sylla gouerneth his own countrey with the eloquence of his tongue : and is lord of strange nations by the force of his sword . what the great plato hath beene , and what great authority he hath had amongst his countrey men , and amongst the strangers it is apparant : for so much as the greekes do acknowledge him of all other phylosophers to be the prince : and likewise the latines by one consent call him diuine . and me thinketh that in doing this , they doe no phylosopher iniurie : for as plato in his life time had great modestie , so truely in his writing hee exceeded mans capacitie . an historian called hyzearchus declareth that lasterna and axiothea were two greekes very well iearned , and amongst the schollers of plato chiefly renowmed . the one was of so perfect a memory , and the other of so high an vnderstanding , that plato oft times beeing in the chayre , and these two not readie , hee would not beginne to reade . and being demaunded wherefore hee reade not his lecture ? hee answered : i will not reade , for that there wanteth here vnderstanding to conceyue , and also memory to retaine . meaning that lasterna was absent , that axiothe was not yet come . the wisedome of these two women ought to bee much , since plato without them would not vtter one word , vnlesse they were present in his schoole . for plato esteemed more the vnderstanding and memory of those two women alone : then hee did the phylosophy of his other schollers together . aristippus the phylosopher was scholler to socrates , and of the most renowmed of athens . hee had a daughter called aretha , the which was so well learned in greeke and latine letters , that the common renowme sayd , the soule of socrates was entred into aretha : and the cause that mooued them to say this was , because shee read and declared the doctrine of socrates in such wise , that it seemed to most men shee had rather write by hand , then learne by studie . bocchas in the second booke of the prayse of women , sayeth , that this aretha was so excellent a woman , that shee did not only learne for her selfe , but also to teach others : and did not onely teach in diuers schooles , but also shee wrote many and sundrie bookes , one especially in the prayse of socrates , an other of the manner of bringing vp children , an other of the warres of athens , an other of the tyrannicall force , an other of the common wealth of socrates , an other of the infelicity of women , an other of the tillage of the auncients , an other of the wonders of the mount olimpus , an other of the vaine care of the sepulchre , an other of the care of the antes , an other of the workemanshippe of the bees in honey : and shee wrote two others , the one of the vanities of youth , and the other of the miseries of age . this woman did reade openly naturall and morall phylosophy in the schooles of athens , for the space of fiue and twenty yeares : she made fortie bookes , she had a hundred and ten phylosophers to her schollers , shee dyed being at the age of seuentie and seuen yeares , and the athenians after her death , engraued on her graue these words . the slysed stones within their bowels keepe wise aretha , the great and onely wight , that forceth enuie gentle teares to weepe . for greekes decay , on whom the losse doth light . the eye of fame , the heart of vertues life , the head of greece , lyes here engraued , loe more heauenly forme then had that heauenlie wife , which vnderminde the phrigies toyes with woe . within the chest of her vnspotted mind lay thyrmas truth , and eke her honest faith within her hand , as by the gods assignde stoode aristippus penne that vertue wayeth . within the dungeon of her body eke imprisoned was , wise socrates his soule that liued so well , and did so wisely speake , that follies brest , he could to wisodome toule . within her head so ouer heapt with wit lay homers tongue , to staine the poets arte , erst was the golden age not halfe so fit , for vertues impes , as when her life did part . as marcus varro sayth , the sects of the philosophers were more then seuenty , but in the end they were reduced into seuen , and in the end they were brought into three sects chiefly . that is to say , stoickes , peripatetickes , and pythagoriques . of these pythagoriques , pythagoras was the prince , hizearcus , annius rusticus , and laertius , with eusebius and boccas , all affirme one thing , whereunto i did not greatly giue credite , which is : that this phylosopher pithagoras had a sister , not onely learned , but ( if it bee lawfull to speake it ) excellently learned . and they say , that not she of pythagoras , but pythagoras of her learned phylosophy . and of a truth it is a matter whereof i was so greatly abashed , that i cannot tell who could bee maister of such a woman : since shee had pythagoras the great phylosopher to her scholler . the name of the woman was thecclea to whom pythagoras her brother wrot and sent her a letter , when hee read phylosophy at rhodes , and she at samothracia doing the like . the epistle was thus , chap. xxix . of a letter which pythagoras sent to his sister theoclea , hee beeing in rhodes , and shee in sam othracia reading both philosophie . pythagoras thy brother , and disciple to thee theoclea his sister , health & encrease of wisedome wisheth . i haue read the book which thou diddest send mee , of fortune and misfortune , from the beginning to the end : and now i know , that thou art no lesse graue in making , then gracious in teaching . the which doth not chance very oft vnto vs , which are men , and much lesse ( as wee haue seene ) to you women . for the philosopher aristippus was rude in speaking , but profound in writing : and amenides was briefe in writing , and eloquent in speaking . thou hast studyed and written in such sort , that in learning , that thou shewest , thou seemest to haue read all the philosophers : and in the antiquities that thou doest declare , it seemeth that thou hast seene all the time past : wherin thou being a woman shewest thy selfe more then a woman , because the nature of women is to cast their eyes onely in that that is present , and to forget that is past . they tell me that thou doest occupy thy selfe now in writing of our country . and truely in this case i cannot say , but that you haue matter enough to write on : for the warres and trauels of our times haue beene such , and so great , that i had rather reade them in bookes , then to see them with my eyes . and if it bee so , as i suppose it is , i beseech thee heartily , and by the immortall gods i coniure thee , that in writing the affayres of thy countrey thou doest vse thy penne discreetely . i meane , that thou doe not in this case blemish thy writing , by putting therein any flattery or lesing . for oft times historiographers , in blasing more then truth , the giftes of their countrey , cause worthily to be suspected their writing . thou knowest very well , how that in the battell past , the rhodians were ouercome , and that ours remained victorious . mee thinketh thou shouldst not in this case greatly magnifie , extoll , or exalt ours , because in the end they fought to reuenge their iuiury , neyther thou oughtest to blame the rhodians , for they did not fight but in the ayde of rome , i speake this ( my sister ) because for to defend their owne , women shew themselues lyons : and for to defend the things of another man , men shew themselus chickens : for in the end hee onely may bee counted strong , the which defendeth not his owne house , but which dyeth defending his , and another mans . i will not deny the naturall loue of my country , nor i will not deny but that i loue them that write , and speake well thereof : but mee thinketh it is not reason , that they should disprayse the goodnesse and truth of other countries : nor that they should so highly commend the euill and vilenesse of their owne : for there is not in the world this day so barren a realme , but may bee commended for something therein , nor there is so perfect a nation , but in somthings may be reproued . thou canst not deny me , but that amōgst thy brethren i am the eldest , and thou canst not deny but that amongst all thy disciples i am the youngest , and since that for being thy disciple , i ought to obey thee , thou likewise for that i am thy eldest brother oughtest to beleeue me . by the faith of a people , i doe counsell thee my sister , that thou do trauell much to be profound in thy words , vpright in thy life , and honest of thy person : and besides all this , true in thy writing : for i let thee vnderstand , that if the body of the man without the soule is little regarded : i sweare vnto thee that the mouth of a man without truth , is much lesse esteemed . chap. xxx . the authour followeth his purpose , perswading princesses and other ladies to endeauour themselues to be wise , as the women were in olde time . this therefore was the letter , which pythagoras sent to his sister theoclea , whereby is shewed the great humility of him , and the hie eloquence of her , hierchus the greeke and plutarch also in the booke of the gouernement of princes say , that pythagaras had not onely a sister , which was called theoclea , of whom he learned so much philosophy , but also he had a daughter , the wisedome and knowledge of whom surmounted her aunt , and was equall to her father . i thinke it no lesse incredible which is spoken of the daughter , then that which is spoken of the aunt , which is , that those of athens did reioyce more to heare her speake in her house , then for to heare pythagoras reade in the schoole . and it ought to bee beleeued : for the saying of the graue authours on the one part : and by that wee daily see on the other part : for in the end it is more pleasure to heare a man tell mery tales , hauing grace and comelynes in his words , then to heare a graue man speake the truth , with a rude and rough tongue . i haue found in many writings , what they haue spoken of pythagoras , and his daughter : but none telleth her name , saue only in an epistle that phalaris the tyrant wrote , i found this worde written , where hee saith : polychrata , that was the daughter of the phylosopher pythagoras , was young and exceeding wise , more faire then rich , and was so much honoured for the puritie of her life , and so highly esteemed for her pleasaunt tongue : that the word which shee spake spinning at her distaffe , was more esteemed then the phylosophie that her father read in the schoole . and he saide more . it is so great a pittie to see and heare , that women at this present are so dishonest , and in their tongues so malicious , that i haue greater pleasure in the good renowme of one that is dead , then in the infamie of all them which are aliue : for a good woman is more worth with her distaffe spinning , then a hundred euill queenes , with their royall scepters reigning . by the words which phalaris said in his letter it seemed that this daughter of pythagoras was called polichrate . pythagoras therefore made manie commentaryes , as well of his owne countrey , as of strangers . in the end he dyed in mesopotamia , where at the houre of his death , hee spake vnto his daughter polichrate : and saide these wordes . i see my daughter , that the houre wherein i must ende my life approcheth . the gods gaue it mee , and now they will take it from mee : nature gaue me byrth , and now shee giueth me death : the earth gaue me the bodie , and now it returneth to ashes . the woefull fatall destenyes gaue mee a little goods , mingled with many trauells : so that ( daughter ) of al things which i enioyed here in this world , i carrie none with mee : for , hauing all as i had it , by the way of borrowing : now at my death , eache man taketh his owne . i die ioyfully : not for that i leaue thee rich , but for that i leaue thee learned . and in token of my tender heart , i bequeathe vnto thee all my bookes , wherein thou shalt finde the treasure of all my trauells . and i tell thee that that i giue thee , is the riches gotten with mine owne sweate : and not obtained to the preiudice of another . for the loue i beare vnto thee ( daughter ) i pray thee : and by the immortall gods i conjure thee , that thou bee such , and so good , that although i die , yet at the least thou mayst keepe my memorie : for thou knowest well what homer sayth , speaking of achilles , and pyrrhus : that the good life of the childe that is aliue , keepeth the renowne of the father which is dead . these were the wordes which the phylosopher spake to his daughter , lying in his death bed . and thogh perhaps hee spake not these wordes , yet at the least this was the effect and meaning . as the great poet mantuan sayth : king euander was father of the grant pallas , and he was a great friend of king eneas : he vaunted himselfe to discend of the linage of the troyans : and therefore when king eneas , and prince turnus , had great warres betweene them , which of them should haue the princesse lauinia in marriage , ( the which at that time was onely heyre of italie ) king euander ayded eneas , not only with goods , but also sending him his owne sonne in person : for the friendes ought for their true friendes willingly to shead their bloud , and in their behalfe , without demaunding , they ought also to spend their goods this king euander had a wife so well learned , that that which the greekes sayde of her , seemeth to bee fables : that is to say , of her eloquence and wisedome , for they say , that if that which this woman wrote of the warres of troy , had not been through enuie cast into the fire : the name of homer had at this day remayned obscure . the reason hereof is , because that woman was in the time of the destruction of troy , and wrote as a witnesse of sight . but homer wrote after the destruction of troy , as one affectioned vnto the prince achilles , as a friend of the greekes , and enemie of the troians . and truely when a writer is affectioned to any person , his writing of force must be suspected . the wife of this king euander was called by her name nicostrata , albeit others called her carmenta , for the eloquence shee had in her verses . for they say , that she made as easily in meeter as others doe in prose . the historiographers of the gentiles say , that shee prophefied the destruction of troy fifteen years before . she tolde the comming of aeneas into italy , and spake of the warres that should be before the marriage of lauinia , and said how ascanius the sonne of enea should builde alba longa . she sayde further , that of the latine kings should descende the romaines , and that the reuenge which rome should take of greece should bee greater , then that which greece did take of troy. and shee sayde also that the greatest warre which rome should haue , should be against the princes of affricke , and that in the end rome should triumph ouer all the realmes of the earth , and finally a nation vnknowne , should triumph for euer in rome . as eusesebius caesarten saith : the routaines kept these writings in as great estimation in the high capitoll , as the christians kept their faith vnto god. king darius after he was vanquished in the first battell , by king alexander the great ( before he was in the second battel vtterly destroyed ) trauelled and sought many wayes and means to the ende he might be friend vnto alexander : and in very deede king darius was sage to seeke it , but not so happie to obtain it . for to princes the peace is more worth that is honest , then is the victorie which is bloudie . betwixt these two so stoute princes truce was made for three moneths , and in the meane time , the priests of the chaldeans treated peace , with these conditions : that the great alexander should marry the daughter of king darius and that darius should giue her a great quantity of gold : and besides this , that he should endow her with the third part of his realme . and truely these meanes were good : for , among princes , there is nothing that sooner pacifieth olde iniuries , then to make betweene them newe mariages . king alexander excused himselfe of this marriage , saying that hee was but xxiiij , yeares of age , and that hee was too young to bee marryed : because amongst the macedonians there was a custom , that the woman could not be marryed vntill xxv . yeares of age , nor the man vntill xxx . the daughter of king darius was faire , rich , and noble : but the best she wanted , for she was not wise and this was the cause why k : alexander refused her for his wife : for in those dayes women were not marryed because they were rich , but beloued , because they were wise : and finally , the woman that had studyed best , came commonly to the highest marriage . antonius rusticus , and quintus seuerus say , that the great alexander ( after he had forsaken the daughter of king darius , ) marryed a wife which was a poore woman , and deformed , called barsina , which indeede was neyther with riches nor beautie endued : but without doubt in the greeke and latine tongue most excellently learned , and when the princes of macedonie would haue withdrawn him from that marriage : asking him why hee esteemed the rich lesse then the poore ? he aunswered thus . i see my friends , in marriage it suffiseth the husband to bee rich , and the woman wise : for the office of the husband is to winne that which is lost , and the office of the wife is to keepe safe that which is wonne . strabo de situ orbis , saith : that the fifte queene of lides was mirthas , the which of her bodie was so little , that shee seemed to bee a dwarffe : and in quicknes of wit so high , that they called her a giant . for the man that hath a stout stomack , and a little body , may well be called a giaunt : and hee that hath a great body , and a cowards hart may iustly be named a dwarffe . for that this excellent queen mirtha was such a wise wife when she was marryed , and afterwards also a widowe very honest , and aboue all things in phylosophie excellently learned , the lides counted this queen mirtha amongst the seuen kings , of the which they vaunted themselues to be gouerned , as of glorious princes . for the auncients gaue as much glorie to women learned in letters , as vnto the valiant and stoute men expert in armes . cornificius the poete , as laertius saieth , had a sister called cornificia , the which in greeke & latin letters was not onely learned , but also in making metre and epigrames very expert . they write that of this woman , which of few men the like hath been heard : that is to say , that she made verses and epigrams better at the first sight then her brother did with much study . and it is not too much incredible to put any doubt in that that is spoken : for the penne hath more swiftnesse of the liuely spirit , then the tongue hath of the small vnderstanding . this poet cornificius was resident a long time in rome , and was alwayes poore , and voide of all fauour , thogh indeede hee was better learned then others , which were in greater estimation : the which thing dayly chaunceth in the court of princes : for there is no difference , whether they bee fooles or wise : but whether they be acceptable to the princes . aristotle sayeth , vbi multum de intellectu , ibi parum de fortuna . meaning thereby , that men which of memory and vnderstanding are most rich , of the goods of this world are commonly most poore . this poet cornificius therefore going through rome little set by of any , by chaunce a romane named calphurnius to scoffe at him sayd . tell me cornificius , hast thou had any fortunate day since thou wert borne ? for in these twenty yeers that i haue known thee , i neuer saw thee in fauour , and if i bee not deceyued , it is fifteene yeeres since i knew thee haue this coate . the poore poet answered him ; i let thee know my friend , that i cannot tell which is greater thy euill lucke , or my greate felicitie . the romane calphurnius replyed , tell me cornificius , how canst thou call thy selfe happy , since thou hast not a loafe of bread to eate , nor a gowne to put on thy backe , and why sayest thou that i am vnhappy , since thou and thy family may be fed with that alone , which at my table remayneth ? to this the poet answered , i will that thou know my friend and neighbour , that my felicitie is not for that i haue little , but for that i desire lesse then i haue . and thy euill lucke is not for that thou bast much , but for that thou desirest more , and doest little esteem that that thou hast . and if thou be rich , it is for that thou neuer spakest truth : and if i he poore , it is because i neuer tolde lye . for the house that is stuffed with riches , is commonly voyd of the truth . and i tell thee further , that i call my selfe happie , because i haue a sister , which is the best esteemed in all italie , and thou hast a wife the most dishonest in all rome . and sith it is so betweene thee and mee , i referre it to no mans iudgement but to thine : which is better , eyther to be poore as i am with honour , or else to bee rich as thou art , and liue with infamte ? these wordes passed betweene the romane calphurnius , and the poet cornificius . i desire to declare the excellencie of those few auncient women ( as well greekes , as latines , and romanes ) to the intent that princesses and great ladyes may knowe that the auncient women were more esteemed for their sciences then for their beauties . therefore the princesses and great ladies ought to thinke that if they be womē , the other were also in like māner : and if they bee fraile , the others were also weake . if they be marryed , the others also had husbands : if they haue theyr willes , the others had also what they wanted : if they be tender , the others were not strong . finally , they ought not to excuse themselues , saying : that women are vnmeete for to learne . for a woman hath more abilitie to learne sciences in the scholes , then the parate hath to speake words in the cage . in my opinion , princesses and great ladyes ought not to esteeme themselues more then another , for that they haue fairer hayres then others , or for that they are better apparrelled then another : or that they haue more riches then another . but they ought therfore to esteeme themselues , not for that they can doe more then others . to say the trueth , the faire and yeallow hayres , the rich and braue apparel , the great treasurs , the sumptuous pallaces , and strong buildings : these and other like pleasures are not guydes and leaders vnto vertues , but rather spyes and scowtewatches to vices . oh what an excellent thing were it that the noble ladyes would esteeme themselues , not for that they can doe : but for that they knowe . for it is more commendations to know how to teach two philosophers then to haue authority to commaund a hundred knightes . it is a shame to write it , but it is more pittie to see it , that is to say , to reade that wee read of the wisedome and worthinesse of the auncient matrons past : and to see as we do see , the frailenes of these yong ladies present . for they coueted to haue disciples both learned and experimented : and those of this present , desire nothing but to haue seruants , not only ignorant , but deceitfull , and wicked and i doe not maruell , seeing that which i see , that at this present in court she is of little value , & least esteemed amōg ladies , which hath fairest seruants , & is least entertained of gentlemen . what shall i say more in this matter ? but that they in times past striued who shold write better , and compile the best books : and these at this present doe not striue , but who shall haue the richest , and most sumptuous apparrell . for the ladyes thinke it a jolyer matter , to weare a gowne of a new fashion , then the ancients did to read a lesson of phylosophie . the ancient ladyes striued which of them was wisest : but these of our dayes contend who shal be fairest . for at this day the ladyes would choose rather to haue the face adorned with beautie , then the heart endued with wisedome . the auncient ladyes contended which should bee best able to teach others : but these ladyes now a dayes contend how they may most finely apparrell themselues . for in these dayes they giue more honour to a woman richly apparrelled , then they giue to another with honesty beautified . finally , with this word i doe conclude ; and let him marke that shall reade it , that in the olde time women were such , that their vertues caused all men to keepe silence : and now their vices bee such , that they compell all men to speake . i will not by this worde any man should be so bold in general to speake euill of all the ladyes : for in this case i sweare , that there are not at this day so many good vertuous women in the world : but that i haue more enuie at the life they lead in secrete , then at all the sciences which the auncient women read in publike . wherefore my pen doth not shew it selfe extreame , but to those which onely in sumptuous apparrell , and vaine words doe consume their whole life : and to those which in reading a good booke , would not spend one onely houre . to proue my intention of that i haue spoken , the aboue written sufficeth : but to the ende princesses and great ladyes may see ( at the least ) how much beter it shal be for them to know little , then to haue and possesse much , and to be able to do more : i wil remēber them of that which a romain woman wrote to her children , wherby they shal perceiue how eloquent a woman she was in her sayings , and how true a mother in her coūsel . for in the end of her letter she perswadeth her children to the trauels of the warre : not for any other cause , but to auoyde the pleasures of rome . chap. xxxi . of the worthinesse of the lady cornelia , and of a notable epistle shee wrote to her two sonnes which serued in the warres , tiberius and caius , disswading them from the pleasures of rome , and exhorting them to endure the trauels of warre . annius rusticus in the booke of the antiquities of the romanes sayeth , that in rome there were fiue principall iynages , that is to say , fabritii , torquatii , brutii , fabit , and cornelii , though there were in rome other new lynages , whereof there were many excellent personages : yet alwayes these which came of the fiue lynages , were kept , placed and preferred to the first offices of the common wealth . for rome honoured those that were present in such sort , that it was without the preiudice of those that are gone . amongst those v. linages the romaines alwayes counted the cornelii most fortunate , that which were so hardy , and couragious in fight , and so modest in life , that of their family there was neuer found any cowardly man in the field , nor any defamed woman in the twone : they say of this linage of the cornenelii , among many other there were . singular and notable women , among the which the chiefe was the mother of graccht whose name was cornelia , and liued with more honor for the sciences shee read in rome , then for the conquests that her children had in affrike . before her children were brought into the empire , they talked of none other thing but of their strength and hardinesse , throughout the world : and therefore a romain one day asked this woman cornelia , wherof she tooke most vain glory , to see her selfe mistresse of so many disciples , or mother of so valiant children . the lady cornelia answered . i doe esteeme the science more which i haue learned , then the children which i haue brought forth . for in the end , the children keepe in honour the life : but the disciples continue the renowme after death . and she sayd further , i am assured that the disciples daily wil waxe better and better : and it may be that my children will waxe worse and worse . the desires of young men are so variable , that they dayly haue new inuentions . with one accord all the writers doe greatly commend this woman cornelia , in especiall for being wise and honest , and furthermore because she read phylosophy in rome openly . and therefore after her death they set vp in rome a statue , ouer the gate salaria , whereupon there was grauen this epigram . this heape of earth , cornelle doth enclose of wretched gracches , that loe the mother was twise happy in the schollers , that shee chose , vnhappy thrise , in the of spring that shee has . among the latines cicero was the prince of al the romane rethorike , and the chiefest with his pen enditing epistles : yet they say , that he did not onely see the writings of this cornelia , but read them , and did not onely reade them , but also with the sentences thereof profited himselfe . and hereof a man ought not to maruell : for there is no man in the world so wise of himselfe , but may further his doings with the aduise of an other . cicero so highly exalted these writings , that he sayde in his rethorike these or such other like words , if the name of a woman had not not blemished cornelia , truly she deserued to be head of al philosophers : for i neuer saw so graue sentences proceede from so fraile flesh since cicero spake these words of cornelia , it cannot be , but that the writings of such a woman in her time were verie liuelesse , and of great reputation , yet notwithstanding there is no memory of her , but that an author for his purpose declareth an epistle of this maner . sextus cheronensis in his booke of the prayse of women , reciteth the letter which shee sent to her children . shee remaining in rome , and they being at the wars in affricke . the letter of cornelia to her two sons tiberius and caius , otherwise called gracchi . cornelia the romane , that by the fathers side am of the cornelii , & on the mother side of the fabii : to you my two sonnes , gracchii , which are in the warres of affricke , such health to you i doe wish as a mother to her children ought to desire . you haue vnderstoode right well my children how my father dyed , i being but three yeares of age , and that this . yeares i haue remained widdow , and that this . yeares i haue read rethorike in rome . it is . yeeres since i saw you , and . yeares since your brethren , my children dyed in the great plague . you know . yeeres are past since i left my study , and came to see you in cicilia , because you should not forsake the wars , to come to see me in rome : for to mee could come no greater pain then to see you absent from the seruice of the common wealth . i desire my children to shew you how i haue passed my life in labour and trauell , to the entent you should not desire to spende yours in rest and idlenes : for to me that am in rome , there can want no troubles : be yee assured that vnto you which are in the wars shall want no perils : for in warres renowne is neuer solde but by weight , or changed with losse of life . the young fabius , sonne of my aunt , the aged fabia , at the third calends of march brought mee a letter , the which you sent : and truly it was more briefe then i would haue wished it : for betweene so deere children , and so louing a mother , it is not suffered that the absence of your persons should be so farre , and the letters which you write so briefe , by those that goe from hence thither , i alwaies doe send you commendations : and of those that come from thence hither , i doe enquire of newes . some say they haue seene you , others tell mee they haue spoken with you : so that with this my heart is somwhat quieted : for between them that loue greatly , it may bee endured that the fight be seldom , so that the health be certaine . i am sole , i am a widdow , i am aged , and now all my kindred are dead . i haue endured many trauels in rome , and the greatest of all is ( my children ) of your absence : for the paine is greater to be voyd of assured friends , then assault is dangerous of cruell enemies . since you are young , and not very rich , since you are hardie , and brought vp in the trauels of affricke , i do not doubt but that you do desire to come to rome , to see & know that now you are men which you haue seen when you were children : for men doe not loue their country so much for that it is good : as they doeloue it for that it is naturall . beleeue me children , there is no man liuing that hath seene or heard speake of rome in times past : but hath great griefe , sorrow and pitty to see it at this present : for as their hearts are pittifull , and their eyes tender : so they cannot behold that without great sorrow , which in times past they haue seene in great glory . o my children , you shall know that rome is greatly changed from that it was wont to be . to reade that wee doe reade of it in times past , and to see that which wee see of it now present , wee must needs esteeme that which the ancients haue written as a iest , or else beleeue it but as a dreame . there is no other thing now at rome , but to see iustice corrupted , the common-weale oppressed , lies blown abroad , the truth kept vnder , the satyres silent , the flatterers open mouthed , the inflamed persons to bee lords , and the patient to be seruants ; and aboue all , and worse then all , to see the euill liue in rest and contented , and the good troubled and displeased . forsake , forsake ( my children that city , where the good haue occasion to weepe , and the euill haue liberty to laugh . i cannot tell what to say in this matter , as i would say : truly the common weale is at this day such and so woful , that each wise man ( without comparison ) would haue greater pleasure to bee in the wars of affricke , then in the peace at rome : for in the good war , a man seeth of whom he should take heed , but in the euill peace , no man knoweth whom to trust . therefore my children , since you are naturall of rome ; i will tell you what rome is at this present . i let you know that the vestall virgins are now dissolute , the honour of the gods is forgotten , the profite of the common weale no man secketh , of the exercise of chiualrie , there is no memory ; for the orphanes and widdowes there is no man doth answer , to minister iustice they haue no regard , and the dissolute vices of the youth are without measure . finally , rome that in times past was a receite of all the good and vertuous , is now made a denne of all theeues and vitious . i feare me , i feare me , lest our mother rome in short time will haue some sudden and great fall , for both men and cities that fal from the top of their felicitie purchase greater infamie with those that shal come after then the glory that they haue had of them that be past . peraduenture , my children , you desire to see the walles and buildings of rome : for those things which children see first in their youth , the same they loue and keepe alwayes in memory vntill their age . as the auncient buildings of rome are destroied , and the few that are now built : so would i you should lose your earnest affection to come to see them : for indeede the noble hearts are ashamed to see that thing amisse , which they cannot remedie . do not thinke my children , though rome be made worse in manners , that therefore it is diminished in buildings : for i let you vnderstand , if you know it not , that if a wall doth decay , there is no man that doth repayre it . if a house fall , there is no man that will rayse it vppe againe . if a streete bee foule , there is no man that will make it cleane . if the riuer carry away any bridge , there is no man that will set it vp againe . if any antiquity decay , there is no man that will amend it . if any wood be cut , there is no man that wil keepe it . if the trees waxe olde , there is no man that will plant them a new : if the pauement of the streetes bee broken , there is no man that will laye it againe . finally , there is nothing in rome at this day so euill handled , as those things which by the common voyces are ordered . these things ( my children ) though i doe greatly lament ( as it is reason ) yet you ought little to esteeme them all : but this all onely ought to bee esteemed , and with droppes of bloud to be lamented . that now in rome , when the buildings in many places fall downe , the vices all wholy together are raysed vp . o wofull mother rome , since that in thee , the more the wals decay , the more the vices encrease . peraduenture ( my children ) since you are in those frontiers of africke , you desire to see your parents here in rome . and there at i maruell not , for the loue which our naturall country doth giue , the strange country cannot take away . all those which come from those parties doe bring vs no other certaine newes , but of the multitude of those which die , and are slaine in affricke , therefore since you send vs such news from thence , looke not that we should send you any other then the like from hence : for death hath such authority , that it killeth the armed in the warres : and slayeth the quiet in peace . i let you know that licia your sister is dead , drusio your vnckle is dead , torquatus your neighbour is dead , his wise our cosen , and her . daughters are dead : fabius your great friend is dead : euander and his children are dead : bibulus which read for me in the chaire , the last yeare is also dead . finally , there are so many and so good with all that be dead , that it is a great shame and pitty to see ( at this present ) so many euil as do liue : know ye my children , that all these and many others which ye left aliue full high in rome , are now become wormes meat full low vnder the earth , and death also doth summon me vnto the graue . if you ( my children ) did consider what shall become of you hereafter , truely you will thinke it better to weepe a thousand yeares with the dead , then to laugh one houre with those that be aliue . remembring that i bare yee in great paine , and haue nourished you in great trauel , & that yee came of my proper entrailes : i would haue you as children about me for the comfort and consolation of my paines : but in the end beholding the prowesses of these that are past , that bindeth their heires , i am content to suffer so long absēce your persons , onely to the end you may gette honour in chiualrie : for i had rather heare tell you should liue like knights in affricke , then to see you vtterly lost here in rome , my children as you are in the wars of affricke , so i doubt not but that you desire to see the pleasurs of rome : for there is no man in this world so happy , but at his neighbours prosperity had som enuy ; enuy not the vicious , neyther desire to bee among vices : for truly vices are of such condition , that they bring not with thē so much pleasure , as they leaue sorrow behind them , for the true delight is not in pleasure which suddenly vanisheth but in the truth which euer remaineth . i thanke the gods for all these things , first for that they made me wise and not foolish : for to a woman it is a smal matter to be called so fraile , that indeed she bee not foolish the second i thank the gods , because in all times of my troubles , they haue giuen me patience to endure them : for the man onely in this life may be called vnhappie , to whom the gods in his troubles giueth not patiēce . the . i thanke the gods for that those . years which i haue liued , i neuer hitherto was defamed : for the woman by no reason can complaine of her fortune , if in none of her troubles shee hath lost her honour . the fourth , i thanke the gods that in this fortie yeares i haue liued in rome , and remained widow , there was neuer man nor woman that contended with mee : for since we women little profite the commonwealth , it is but reason that shee which with euill demeanors hath passed her life should by iustice receiue her death . the fifth , i giue the gods thankes , that they gaue me children , the which are better contented to suffer the trauells of affrike , then to enioy the pleasures of rome . doe not count me ( my children ) for so vnlouing a mother , that i would not haue you alwaies before mine eyes : but considering that many good mens children haue been lost , onely for being brought vp in the excessiue pleasures of rome , i doe content my selfe with your absence : for the man that desireth perpetuall renon me , though hee bee not banished , hee ought to absent himselfe from his natiue countrey . my deare childrē , i most earnestly desire you that alwayes you accompanie your selues with the good , with the most auncients , and with those which are graue , and most expert in counsell , and with those that haue most seene the world : and doe not vnderstand most of the world , by those that haue seene most countreys for the ripe councell proceedeth not from the man that hath trauelled in many countreys , but from him that hath selt himselfe in many daungers . since the nature of the countrey ( my children ) doth knocke with the hāmer at the heart of man , i feare that if you come and see your friends and parents , you shall alwayes line in care & pensiuenes , and being pensiue , you shall alwayes liue euill contented , and you shall not do that which becometh romane knights to do . and you not being valiaunt knights , your enemyes shall alwayes reioyce ouer you , and your desires shal neuer take effect : for of those men which are carefull and heauy , proceedeth alwaies seruices vnworthie . i desire you heartily , and by this present letter i counsell you , that you will not in any wise seeke to come to rome : for as i haue saide you shall know few of those that did know you : for eyther they are dead or banished , poor , or sick , aged , or come to nought sad , or euill contented : so that sithence you are not able to remedie their griefes , it is best you should not come hither to see their troubles . for no man cōmeth to rome but to weepe with the liuing , or to sigh for thē that be dead . truly ( my children i know not what pleasure is in rome , that shold cause any good man to come hither , and to forsake affrike ? for if there you haue any enemies , here you shal want friends . if you haue the sword that pierceth the body , we haue the tōgue here that destroyeth the renowme . if you be vexed with the thieues of affrike , wee are wounded with the traytours , flatterers , and lyars of italie . if you lacke rest , we haue here too much trouble . finally , seeing that i doe see in rome , and hearing that which i doe heare of affrike , i cōmend your warre and abhorre your peace : if you doe greatly esteem that which i haue said , esteem much more that which i shall say , which is , that wee alwayes heare that you are conquerors of the affricanes , and you shall heare alwayes that we are conquered by vices . therefore if am a true mother , i had rather see you win a perpetuall memory among strangers , then to liue with infamie at home in your countrey . peraduenture with hope that you shallenioy some goods , you will offer to take occasion to come to rome : when this thing shall come to your minds , remember ( my children ) that your father being aliue had not much and that vnto your mother , beeing a widow many things wanted . and remember that your father bequeathed you nothing but weapons , and knowe that from mee you shalll enherite nothing but bookes . for i had rather leaue my children good doctrine , whereby they may liue , then euill riches whereby they may perish . i am not rich , nor i neuer trauelled to bee rich : and the cause was , that i saw many mens children vndone , only through the hope they had to inherit their parents goods , and afterward went a hunting after vices . for they seldome times do any worthy feates , which in theyr youth inherite great treasures . this thing therefore beeing true ( as it is indeede ) i doe not say onely that i would watch , and toyle as many do to get riches and treasures : but also if i had treasor , before i would giue them vnto you , i would ( as the phylosopher did ) cast them into the fire . for i had rather haue my children poore and vertuous in affricke , then rich and vicious in rome . you knowe very well my children , that there was among the tharentines a law well obserued , that the sonnes should not inherit any thing of the fathers but weapons to fight : and that the daughters should inherite the goods , for to marry thēselues withall . truely this law was very iust : for the sonne that hath alwaies respect to the inheritance : will not haue to his father any great confidence . for hee ought to bee called a valiant romain knight , that with his life hath wonne and by his sword hath gotten riches . since you are in straunge realmes , i pray you heartily that you be eonuersant with the good ( as good brethren ) remembring alwayes , that you were my children , and that i gaue you both sucke of mine owne proper breasts . and the day that i shall heare of your disagreement , the same day shall be the end of my life . for the discord in one city of parents doth more harme then a whole armie of enemies . it is good for you ( my children , ) to liue in loue and concord together : but it is more requisite to keepe you with the romain knights . the which with you , and you with them , if you doe not loue together in the warres , you shall neuer haue the vpper hand of your enemies . for in great armies , the discords that arise amongst them , do more harme , then the enemies do against whom they fight . i thinke well ( my children ) that you would be very desirous to know of my estate ( that is to say , ) whether i am in health , whether i am sicke , whether i am poore , whether i am pleased , or whether i am discontented ? in this case i knowe not why you should desire to knowe it ? since you ought to presuppose , that according to the troubles which i haue passed , & the miseries , which with mine eyes i haue seen , i am filled with this world : for wise men after fifty yeares and vpwardes , ought rather to applie theyr mindes how to receyue death : then to seeke for pleasures how to prolong life . when mans flesh is weake , it alwayes desireth to bee well kept , euen vnto the graue . and as i am of flesh and bone , so i do feele the troubles of the world , as all mortall men doe . but for all this doe not thinke that to bee poore or sicke is the greatest miserie : neither thinke that to bee whole and rich is the chiefest felicity : for there is none other felicitie of the old fathers , but for to see their children vertuous . in my opinion it is an honor to the coūtry , that the fathers haue such children , which will take profit with their counsell , and contrariwise that the children haue such fathers which can giue it them : for the childe is happy that hath a wise father , and more happie is the father that hath not a foolish son . i doe write oft times vnto you my children , but there is a law that none be so hardy to write to men of war in the field , except first they inrowle the letters in the senate . therefore since i write vnto you more letters then they would , they do send lesse then i desire . though this law be painefull to mothers which haue children : yet we must confesse it is profitable for the weale publike . for if a man wold write to one in the warre that his family is not well ; he would forsake the warres to remedy it . if a man write vnto him that it is prosperous , hee hath then a desire to enioy it . be not displeased ( my children ) though all the letters i doe send vnto you come not to your hands : for all that i doe not cease to visite the temples for your owne health , nor yet to offer sacrifices for your honor , if we doe please the gods we haue not cause to feare our enemies . i say no more in this case , my children , but but that i beseech the immortall gods , that if your liues may profit the common wealth , then they shorten my dayes , and lengthen your yeares : but if your liues should be to the damage of the common wealth , then those immortall gods i desire , that first i may vnderstand the end of your dayes before that the wormes should eate my flesh . for rather then by your euill life the glory of our predecessors should bee blemished , it were much better both your liues were ended . the grace of the gods , the good renowne amongst men , the good fortune of the romanes , the wisedome of the greekes , the blessing of scipio , and of all other your predecessors be alwayes with you my children . chap. xxxii . of the education and doctrine of children whiles they are young . wherein the author declareth many notable histories . al mortall mē which will trauel , and see good fruits of their trauell , ought to doe as the chiefe artificer did the painted world : for the man that maketh god the head of his workes , it is vnpossible that he should erre in the same : that which we beleeue , and reade by writing , is that the eternal created the world in short space by his might : but preserued it a long time by his wisedome . whereof a man may gather , that the time to doe a thing is short : but the care and thought to preserue it , is long . wee see dayly , that a valiant captaine assaulteth his enemies : but in the end it is god that giueth the victory ; but let vs aske the conquerour , what trauell it hath beene vnto him , or wherein hee hath perceiued most danger ( that is to say ) either to obtain the victory of his enemies , or else to preserue themselues amongst the enuious and malitious . i sweare and affirme , that such a knight will sweare that there is no comparison between the one and the other : for by the bloudy sword in an houre the victory is obtained : but to keep it with reputation , the swet of al the life is required . laertius in the book of the life of phylosophers declareth , and plato also hereof maketh mention , in the bookes of his common wealth , that those of thebes vnderstanding that the lacedemonians had good lawes , ( for the which they were of the gods fauoured , and of men greatly honoured ) determined to send ( by common assent and agreement ) a wise philosopher , the best esteemed amongst them , whose name was phetonius , to whom they commaunded , that hee should aske the lawes of the lacedemonians , and that he should be very circumspect , and warie to see , what their rules and customes were . those of thebes were thē very noble , valiant and honest : so that their principall end was , to come to honour & renowne , to erect buildings , and to make themselues of immortall memory for being vertuous : for in building they were very curious : and for vertues they had good phylosophers . the philosopher phetonius was more then a yeare in the realme of the lacedemonians , beholding at sundry times all thinges therein : for simple men doe not note things , but onely to satisfie the eyes : but the wise mē beholdeth them , for to know and vnderstand their secrets . after the philosopher had well and plainely seene and beheld all the things of the lacedemouians , he determined to returne home to thebes , and beeing arriued , all the people came to see him and heare him : for the vanity of the common people is of such a qualitie , that it followeth new inuentions , and despiseth auncient customes . all the people therefore gathered together , the good philosopher phetonius set vp in the middest of the market place a gibbet , hote yrons , a sword , a whippe , and fetters for the feet ; the which thing done , the thebians were no lesse , as they thought , slaundered then abashed . to the which hee spake these wordes . you thebaines sent mee to the lacedemonians , to the entent that i should learne their lawes and customs . and indeed i haue been there more then a year , behelding all things very diligently : for wee philosophers are bounde , not onely to note that which is done , but also to know why it is done , know yee thebians that this is the aunswere of my ambassage . that the lacedemoniant hang vpon this gibet theeues , with this same sword they beheade traytors , with these hote irons they torment blasphemers and lyers , with these roddes they whp vacabonds , and with these irons doe keepe the rebels , and the others are for players and vnthrifts . finally , i say , that i do not bring you the lawes written , but i bring you the instruments wherewith they are obserued . the thebanes were abashed to see these things , and spake vnto him such words : consider phetonius , we haue not sent thee to the lacedemonians , to bring instruments to take away life : but for the good lawes to gouerne the common wealth . the philosopher phetonius reply ed againe , and answered : thebains , i let you to vnderstand , that if you know what wee philosophers knew , yon should see how farre your mindes were from the truth : for the lacedemonians are not so vertuous , thorough the lawes which were made of them that bee dead , as for the means they haue sought to preserue them that bee aliue : for the matters of iustice consists more in execution , then in commanding or ordayning . laws are easily ordayned , but with difficulty executed : for there are a thousand to make them , but to put them in execution there is not one . full little is that which men know that are present in respect of that those know which are past . but yet according to my little knowledge , i proffer to giue as good lawes to you thebaines , as euer were obserued among the lacedemonians : for there is nothing more easie , then to know the good , and nothing more common then to follow the euill : but what profiteth it , if one will ordaine , and none vnderstand it : if there bee that dooth vnderstand them , there is none that executeth them . if there bee that executeth them , there is none that obserueth them : if there bee one that obserueth them , there is a thousand that reprooueth them : for without comparison , more are they that murmur and grudge at the good , then those which despise and blame the euill . you thebaines are offended , because i haue brought such instruments , but i let you know , if you will haue neyther gybet nor sworde to keepe that which shall bee ordained , you shall haue your bookes full of lawes , and the common wealth full of vices . wherefore i sweare vnto you , that there are more thebaines which follow the delitiousnesse of denis the tyrant , then there are vertuous men that follow the lawes of lycurgus . if you thebaines doe desire greatly to know , with what lawes the lacedemonians doe preserue their common-wealth : i will tell you them all by word , and if you will reade them , i will shew you them in writing : but it shall bee vpon condition , that you shall sweare al openly , that once a day you shall employ your eyes to reade them , and your persons to obserue them : for the prince hath greater honour to see one onely law to be obserued in deed , then to ordaine a thousand by writing . you ought not to esteeme much to be vertuous in heart , nor to enquire of the vertue by the mouth , nor to seeke it by labour and trauell of the feet : but that which you ought greatly to esteeme , is to know what a vertuous law meaneth , and that knowne , immediately to execute it , and afterwards to keepe it . for the chiefe vertue is not to doe one vertuous worke , but in a swet and trauell to continue in it . these therfore were the words that this philosopher phetonius sayde to the thebaines : the which as plato sayeth , esteemed more his words that hee spake , then they did the lawes which he brought . truly in mine opinion , those of thebes are to bee praysed and commended : and the philosopher for his word is worthy to be honoured . for the ende of those was to search lawes to liue well , and the end of the philosopher was to seeke good meanes for to keepe them in vertue . and therefore he thoght it good to shew them and put before their eyes the gibbet , and the sword , with the other instruments and torments : for the euill do refraine from vice , more for feare of punishment , then for any desire they haue of amendment . i was willing to bring in this history , to the end that all curious and vertuous men may see and know how little the ancients did esteeme the beginning , the meane , and the end of vertuous works , in respect of the perseuerance and preseruation of them . comming therefore to my matter , which my penne doth tosse and seeke : i aske now presently , what it profiteth princesses and great ladies that god doe giue them great estates , that they be fortunate in marriages , that they bee all reuerenced and honoured , that they haue great treasures for their inheritances , and aboue all , that they see their wines great with childe , and that afterward , in ioy they see them deliuered : that they see their mothers giuing their children sucke : and finally , they see themselues happy in that they haue found them good nurses , health full and honest . truly all this auayleth little , if to their children when they are young they doe do not giue masters to instruct them in vertues : and they also if they doe not recommend them to good guides , to exercise them in feates of chiualry . the fathers which by sighes penetrate the heauen , by praiers importune the liuing god onelie for to haue children , ought first to thinke why they will haue children : for that iustly to a man may be denied , which to an euill end is procured . in mine opinion , the father ought to desire to haue a child , for that in his age he may sustaine his life in honour , and that after his death hee may cause his fame to liue . and if a father desireth not a sonne for this cause , at the least he ought to desire him , to the end in his age hee may honour his hoary head : and that after his death hee may enherite his goods : but we see few children do these thinges to their fathers in their age , if the fathers haue not taught them in their youth : for the fruit doth neuer grow in the haruest , vnlesse the tree did beare blosoms in the spring . i see oftentimes many fathers complaine of their children , saying that they are disobedient and proude vnto them ; and they do not consider that they themselues are the cause of all those euils . for too much abundance and liberty of youth is no other , but a prophesie and manifest token of disobedience in age . i know not why princes and great lords do toyle , & oppresse so much , & scratch to leaue their children great estates , and on the other side wee see that in teaching them , they are and shewe themselues too negligent : for princes and great lordes ought to make account , that all that which they leaue of their substance to a wicked heyre is vtterly lost . the wise men , and those which in their consciences are vpright , and of their honours carefull , ought to bee very diligent to bring vppe their children , and chiefly that they consider whether they bee meete to inherite their estates . and if perchance the fathers see that their children bee more giuen to folly then to noblenes and wisdome ; then should i bee ashamed to see a father that is wise , trauell all the dayes of his life , to leaue much substance to an euill brought vp childe after his death . it is a griefe to declare , and a monstrous thing to see the cates which the fathers take to gather riches , and the diligence that children haue to spend them . and in this case i say , the sonne is fortunate for that hee doth enherite , and the father a foole for that he doth bequeath . in my opinion , fathers are bound to instruct their children well for two causes , the one for that they are nearest to them , and also because they ought to be their heyres : for truly with great griefe and sorrow i suppose hee doth take his death , which leaueth to a foole or an vnthrift the toyle of all his life . hyzearchus the greeke hystorian in the booke of his antiquities , & sabellicus in his generall hystory sayeth , that a father and a sonne came to complain to the famous philosopher and ancient solon solinon : the sonne complained of the father , and the father of the sonne . first , the sonne informed the quarrell to the philosopher , saying these words . i complaine of my father , because hee being rich hath disinherited mee , and made me poore , and in my steade hath adopted another heyre , the which thing my father ought not , nor cannot doe : for since he gaue me so frayle flesh , it is reason hee giue me his goods to maintaine my seeblenes . to these wordes answered the father : i complaine of my sonne , because hee hath not beene as a gentle sonne , but rather as a cruell enemie : for in all things since hee was borne , hee hath beene disobedient to my will , wherefore i thought it good to disinherite him before my death . i would i were quit of all my substance so that the gods had quit him of his life : for the earth is very cruell that swalloweth not the child aliue , which to his father is disobedient . in that he sayeth , i haue adopted another child for mine heyre , i confesse it is true : and for so much as hee sayeth , that i haue disinherited him , and abiected him from my heritage , hee beeing begotten of my body , hereunto i answere . that i haue not disinherited my sonne , but i haue disinherited his pleasure , to the entent hee shall not enioy my trauell : for there can bee nothing more vniust , then that the young and vicious sonne should take his pleasure of the swet and droppes of the aged father . the sonne replyed to his father and sayde i confesse i haue offended my father , and also i confesse , that i haue liued in pleasures : yet if i may speake the truth , though i were disobedient and euill , my father ought to beare the blame : and if for this cause hee doeth dishenherite mee , i thinke hee doth me great iniurie : for the father that instructeth not his son in vertue in his youth , wrongfully disinheriteth him , though he be disobedient in his age . the father againe replyeth , and sayeth . it is true my sonne , that i brought thee vp too wantonly in thy youth , but thou knowest well that i haue taught thee sundry times , and besides that i did correct thee when thou camest to some discretion . and if in thy youth i did not instruct thee in learning : it was for that thou in thy tender age diddest want vnderstanding , but after that thou hadst age to vnderstand , discretion to receyue , and strength to exercise it ; i beganne to punish thee , to teache thee , and to instruct thee . for where no vnderstanding is in the child , there in vaine they teach doctrine . since thou art old ( quoth the sonne ) and i young : since thou art my father , and i thy sonne : for that thou hast white hayres on thy beard , and i none at all : it is but reason that thou be belieued , and i condemned . for in this world wee see oft times , that the small authoritie of the person , maketh him to loose his great iustice . i graunt thee ( my father ) that when i was a childe , thou diddest cause mee to learne to reade : but thou wilt not denie , that if i did commit any faulte , thou wouldst neuer agree i should be punished . and hereof it came , that thou suffering me to do what i would in my youth , haue bin disobedient to thee euer since in my age . and i say vnto thee further , that if in this case i haue offended , truely mee thinketh thou canst not bee excused : for the fathers in the youth of their children , ought not onely to teach them to dispute of vertues , & what vertue is : but they ought to inforce thē to be vertuous in deed . for it is a good token , when youth ( before they knowe vices ) haue been accustomed to practise vertues . both partyes then diligently heard the good phylosopher solon solinon speake these words : i giue iudgement that the father of this childe be not buryed after his death : and i commaund that the sonne , because in his youth , hee hath ( not obeyed his father who is olde ) should be disinherited whilest the father liueth , from all his substance , on such condition , that after his death , his sonnes should inherite the heritage : and so returne to the heyres of the sonne , and liue of the father . for it were vniust , that the innocencie of the sonne should be condemned for the offence of the father . i do commaund also , that all the goods be committed vnto some faithfull person , to the end they may giue the father meat and drinke during his life : and to make a graue for the sonne after his death : i haue not without a cause giuen such iudgement , the which comprehendeth life and death : for the gods will not that for one pleasure the punishment bee double , but that wee chastise and punish the one in the life , taking from him his honour and goods , and that wee punish others after their death , taking from them memorie and buryall . truely the sentence which the philosopher gaue , was very graue : and would to god wee had him for a iudge of this world presently . for i sweare , that hee should finde manie children now a dayes for to disinherite , and moe fathers to punish . for , i cannot tell which is greater : the shame of the children to disobey their fathers , or the negligence of the fathers in bringing vp their children . sextus cheronens . in the second book of the sayings of the philosophers declareth , that a citizen of athens saide vnto dyogenes the phylosopher , these wordes . tell mee dyogenes : what shall i doe , to be in the fauour of the gods , and not in the hatred of men ? for , oft times amongst you phylosophers i haue hearde say , that there is a great difference between that that the gods will , and that which men loue . dyogenes answered : thou speakest more then thou oughtest to speake , that the gods will one thing , and men another : for the gods are but as a center of mercy , and men are but as a denne of malice , if thou wilt enioy rest in thy dayes , and keepe thy life pure and cleane : thou must obserue these three things . the first , honour thy gods deuoutely : for the man which doeth not serue and honour the gods , in all his enterprises hee shall be vnfortunate . the second , bee very diligent to bring vp thy children well : for the man hath no enemie so troublesome , as his owne sonne , if hee bee not well brought vp . the third thing bee thankefull to thy good benefactors and friends , for the oracle of apollo sayth , that the man who is vnthankefull , of all the world shall be abhorred . and i tell thee further , my friend , that of these three things the most profitable ( though it be more troublesome ) is for a man to teach , and bring vp his children well . this therefore was the answere that the philosopher diogenes made to the demaund of the citizen . it is great pitty and griefe to see a young childe how the bloud doth stirre him to see how the flesh doth prouoke him to accomplish his desire , to see sensuality goe before , and he himselfe to come behind , to see the malitious world to watch him ; to see how the diuell doth tempte him , to see how vices binde him , and in all that which is spoken , to see how the father is negligent , as if hee had no children ; whereas in deede the olde man , by the fewe vertues he hath had in his youth : may easily knowe the infirmityes and vices , wherewith his sonne is incompassed . if the expert had neuer beene ignorant : if the fathers had neuer beene children : if the vertuous had neuer been vicious : if the fine wittes had neuer been deceiued : it were no maruell if the fathers were negligent in teaching their children . for the little experience excuseth men of great offences : but since thou art my father , and that first thou wert a sonne , since thou art old , and hast bin young , and besides all this , since that pride hath inflamed thee , lechery hath burned thee , wrath hath wounded thee , negligence hath hindred thee , couetousnes hath blinded thee , & glotonie surfetted thee : tell mee cruell father , since so many vices haue reigned in thee ; why hast thou not an eye to thy childe whom of thy own bloud thou hast begotten ? and if thou doest it not because he is thy childe , thou oughtest to doe it , because hee is thy neerest . for it is vnpossible that the child which with many vices is assaulted and not succoured , but in the ende hee should be infamed , and to the dishonour of the father most wickedly ouercome . it is vnpossible to keepe flesh well sauoured , vnlesse it bee first salted . it is vnpossible that the fish should liue without water . it is vnpossible but that the rose should wither , which is of the thorne ouergrowne . so like it is vnpossible that the fathers should haue any comfort of their children in their age , vnlesse they haue instructed them in vertue in their youth . and to speake further in this matter ( i say ) that in the christian catholike religion , where in deede there is good doctrine , there alwaies is supposed to bee a good conscience . amongst the writers it is a thing well knowne , how eschines the phylosopher was banished from athens , and with all his familie came to dwell at rhodes : the occasion was , because that hee and the phylosopher demosthenes were in great contention in the common-wealth . wherefore the atheniās determined to banish the one , and to keepe the other with them . and truely they did well : for of the contentions and debates of sages , warres moste commonly arise amongst the people . this phylosopher eschines being at rhodes banished , amōgst others made a solemne oration , wherin he greatly reproued the rhodians , that they were so negligent in bringing vp their children , saying vnto them these words : i let you vnderstand ( lords of rhodes ) that your predecessours aduaunced themselues to descend , and take theyr beginning of the lides : the which aboue all other nations , were curious and diligent to bring vp theyr children : and hereof came came a law that was among them , which saide : wee ordeine and commaund , that if a father haue many children , that the most vertuous should inherite the goods and riches : and if there were but one vertuous , that he alone shold inherit the whole . and if perchance the children were vicious , that then all should be depriued from the heritage . for the goods gottē with trauell of vertuous fathers , ought not by reason to be inherited by vicious childrē . these were the wordes that the philosopher spake to the senate of the rhodes , and because he sayde in that oratiō many other things which touch not our matter , i will in this place omit them : for among excellēt writers , that writing loseth much authority , when the author from his purpose digresseth into an other matter . to say the truth , i doe not maruell that the children of princes and great lords be adulterers and belly-gods : for that on the one part youth is the mother of idlenesse , and on the other , little experience is the cause of great offences . and furthermore , the fathers being once dead , the children enherite their goods as quietly , being loden with vices : as if in deed they were with all vertues endued . if the young children did know for a certaine that the lawes of the lydes should be obserued ( that is to say ) that they should not inherite , vnlesse they be vertuous : it is vnpossible but that they would leade a vertuous life , and not in this wise to run at large in the worlde . for they doe abstaine more from doing euill , fearing to lose that which they doe possesse , then for anie loue to doe that which they ought . i do not denie , but according as the natures of the fathers is diuers , so the inclination of the children is variable . for so much as some following theyr good inclinations , are good : and others , not resisting euill sensualities , are euill . but yet in this matter i say , that it lyeth much in the father that doeth bring them vp , when as yet they are young : so that the euill which nature gaue , by good bringing vp is refrayned . for oft times the good custome doth ouercome all euill inclination . princes and great lordes that will be diligent in the instruction of theyr children , ought to enforme their maisters and tutors that shall teach them , to what vices and vertues their children are moste inclined : and this ought to bee , to encourage them in that that is good , and contrarie , to reproue them in all that is euill . for , men are vndone for none other cause when they be olde : but for that they had so much pleasure when they were young . sextus cheronensis , in the second booke of the auncients saith : that on a day , a cittizen of athenes was buying things in the market , and for the qualitie of his person , the greatest parte of them were superfluous , and nothing necessarie . and in this case the poore are no lesse culpable then the rich , and the riche then the poore . for that is so little , that to sustaine manslife is necessarie , that he which hath least , hath therevnto superfluous . therefore at this time , when athens and her common-wealth was the lanterne of all greece , there was in athens a law long vsed , and of a great time accustomed , that nothing should be bought before a philosopher had set the price . and truly the law was good , and would to god the same law were at this present obserued : for , there is nothing that destroieth a commonwealth more , then to permit some to sell as tyrantes , and others to buye as fooles . when the theban was buying these things , a philosopher was present , who saide vnto him these words . tell me , i pray thee , thou man of thebes , wherefore doest thou consume and wast thy money in that which is not necessarie for thy house , nor profitable for thy person ? the thebane answered him . i let thee knowe , that i doe buye all these things for a sonne i haue of the age of xx . yeares : the which neuer did any thing that seemed vnto mee euil , nor i neuer denyed him any thing , that hee demaunded . this philososopher answered ; oh how happy wert thou , if as thou art a father , thou wert a sonne ? and that which the father saieth vnto the sonne , the sonne would say vnto the father : but i am offended greatly with that thou hast told me . for vntill the childe be xxv . yeares old , he ought not to gainesay his father , and the good father ought not to condiscend vnto the appetites of the sonne . now i may call thee cursed father , since thou arte become subject to the will of thy sonne : and that thy sonne is not obedient to the will of his father , so that thou alterest the order of nature : for so much as the father is become sonne of his sonne , and the sonne is become father of his father . but in the ende , i sweare vnto thee , by the immortall gods , that when thou shalt become old and aged , thou shalt lament and weepe by thy selfe , at that which with thy sonne thou diddest laugh , when he was young . though the words of this phylosopher were fewe : yet a wise man will iudge the sentences to be manie . i conclude therfore that princes and great lordes ought to recommend their children to their maisters , to the ende they may teache them to change their appetites , and not to follow their owne will : so that they withdrawe them from their owne will , and cause them to learne the aduise of another . for the more a man giueth a noble mans sonne the bridle , the more harder it is for them to receyue good doctrine . chap. xxxiii . princes ought to take heede that theyr children bee not brought vp in pleasures and vayne delightes . for ofte times they are so wicked , that the fathers would not onely haue them with sharpe discipline corrected : but also with bitter teares buryed . by experience we see that in warre ( for the defence of men ) rampiers and forts are made according to the qualitie of the enemyes : and those which saile the daungerous seas , doe chuse great ships , which may breake the waues of the raging seas : so that all wise men , according to the quality of the danger , doe seeke for the same in time some remedie . ofte times i muse with my selfe , and thinke if i could finde anie estate , anie age , anie land , anie nation , anie realme , or any world , wherein there hath beene any man that hath passed this life , without tasting , what aduersitie was ? for , if such an one were found , i thinke it should bee a monstrous thing throughout all the earth , and by reason both the deade and liuing should enuie him . in the ende , after my count made , i find that he which but yesterday was rich , to day is poore : hee that was whole , i see him to day sicke : he that yesterday laughed , to day i see him weepe : he that had his hearts ease , i see him now sore afflicted : hee that was fortunate , now i see him vnluckie . finally , him whome lately we knew aliue in the towne , now wee see buryed in the graue : and to be buryed , is nothing else but to be vtterly forgotten : for , mans friendship is so fraile , that when the corps is couered with earth , immediatly the dead is forgotten . one thing me thinketh to all men is grieuous , and to those of vnderstandng no lesse painfull : which is , that the miseries of this wicked world are not equally deuided ; but that oft times all worldly calamityes lyeth in the necke of one man alone . for we are so vnfortunate , that the worlde giueth vs pleasures in sight , and troubles in proofe . if a man should aske a sage man now a daies , who hath liued in meane estate , and that hee would bee contented to tell him what hee hath past , since three yeares that he beganne to speake , vntill fiftie yeares that hee began to waxe olde : what things thinke you he would telvs , that hath chanced vnto him ? truely all these that follow . the griefes of his children , the assaults of his enemyes , the importunities of his wife , the wantonnes of his daughters , sicknes in his person , great losse of goods , generall famine in the citie , cruel plagues in his countrey , extreame colde in winter , noysom heate in summer , sorrowfull deaths of his friendes : and enuious prosperities of his enemyes . finally , hee will say , that hee passed such , and so manie things , that oft times he bewailed the woful life , and desired the sweet death . if the miserable man hath passed such things outwardly , what would he say of those which he hath suffered inwardly ? the which though some discrete men may know , yet truly others dare not tell . for the trauells which the bodie passeth in . yeares , may well bee counted in a day : but that which the heart suffereth in one day , cānot be counted in a hundred yeres . a man cannot denie , but that wee would count him rash , which with a reede would meet another that hath a sword : and him for a foole , that wold put off his shooes to walke vpon the thornes . but without comparison , we ought to esteeme him for the most foole , that with his tender flesh thinketh to preuaile against so manie euill fortunes : for , without doubt , the man that is of his body delicate , passeth his life with much paine . oh how happie may that man bee called , which neuer tasted what pleasure meaneth . for men which from their infancie haue bin brought vp in pleasures , for want of wisedome know not how to chuse the good , and for lacke of force cannot resist the euill : which is the cause , that noble-mens children oft times commit sundry heinous offences . for it is an infallible rule , that the more a man giueth himselfe to pleasures , the more he is intangled in vices . it is a thing worthie to be noted , and woefull to see , how polliticke we be to augment things of honour , how bolde we be to enterprize them : how fortunate to compasse them : how diligent to keepe them : how circumspect to sustaine them : and afterward what pittie it is to see , how vnfortunate we are to loose all that , which so long time we haue searched for , kept , and possessed . and that which is most to bee lamented in this case is , that the goods and honours are not lost for want of diligence and trauell of the father , but for the aboundance of pleasures and vices of the sonne . finally , let the riche man knowe , that that which hee hath wonne in labour and toyle waking , his sonne ( beeing euill brought vp ) shal consume in pleasures sleeping . one of the greatest vanities that reigneth at this , day amongst the children of vanitie is , that the father cannot shewe vnto his sonne the loue which he beareth him , but in suffering him to be brought vp in the pleasures and vanities of this life . truly , he that is such a one , ought not to be called a pittifull father , but a cruell step-father : for no man will denie me this , but that where there is youth , liberty , pleasure , and money , there will all the vices of this world be resident . lycurgus the great king , giuer of lawes , and sage philosopher , ordained to the lacedemonians , that all the children which were borne in citties and good townes , should bee sent to be brought vp in villages , till they were xxv . yeares of age . and liuius saith , that the lygures were , which in olde time were confederates with those of capua , and great enemyes to the people of rome , they had a lawe amongst them , that none should take wages in the warres , vnlesse he had bin brought vp in the fields , or that he had bin a heard man in the moūtains : so that through one of these two waies , their flesh was hardned , their joyntes accustomed to suffer the heate and the cold , and their bodies more meete to endure the trauells of the warres . in the yeare of the foundation of rome . the romalnes made cruell warres with the lygures , against whome was sent gneus fabritius : of the which in the end he triumphed ; and the day following this triumph , hee spake vnto the senate , in these words . worthie senatours , i haue beene these fiue yeares against the ligures , and by the immortall gods i sweare vnto you , that in all this time there passed not one weeke but wee had eyther battell or some perillous skirmish . and that which a man ought most to maruell at is , that i neuer perceyued any feare or cowardlinesse to bee in those barbarous people , whereby they were constrained to demaund peace of the people of rome . these lygures pursued with such fiercenesse the wars , that often times they tooke away from vs all hope to winne the victory : for betweene armies , the great might of the one , doth put alwayes the others in feare . and i wil tell you ( fathers conscript , ) their bringing vp , to the ende the romaine youth should take heereby example . when they are young , they are put to bee sheapheardes , because they should accustome their flesh in those mountaines to endure trauell : by the which custome they are so much masters of themselues ( the countrey being alwayes full of snow and ise in the winter , and also noysom through the extreame heate in the summer ) that i sweare by the god apollo , in all this time of fiue yeares , of those wee haue not seene one prease to the fire in the winter , nor couet the shadow in the summer . doe not yee thinke worthie senators , that i was willing to declare vnto you these things in the senate , for any desire i haue , that you should esteeme any thing the more my triumph : but i doe tell it you to this ende , that you may haue an eye , and take heede to your men of warre , to the ende they may alwayes be occupied , and that you suffer them not to be idle . for it is more perillous for the romaine armyes to bee ouercome with vices , thē to be discomfited with their enemies . and to talke of these matters more at large , me thinketh they should prouide and commaund , that rich men should not be so hardie to bring vppe their children too delicately : for in the ende , it is vnpossible that the delicate person should win with his hands the honour of many victories . that which moued me to say somuch as i haue sayd ( worthie senatours ) is to the ende you may knowe , that the lygures were not ouercome by the power of rome : but because fortune was against them . and since in nothing fortune sheweth her selfe so variable , as in the things of the warre : mee thinketh that though the ligures are nowe vanquished and ouercome , yet notwithstanding you ought to entertain them in loue : and to take them for your confoederates : for it is not good counsell , to hazzard that into the handes of fortune , which a man may compasse by friendship . the authour of this which is spoken , is called iunius pratus , in the booke of the concord of realmes : and hee saieth in that place , that this captaine gneus fabritius , was counted no lesse sage for that he spake , then esteemed valiant for that hee did . in the olde time , those of the isles balleares , ( which now are called maiorque , and minorque ) though they were not counted wise ; yet at the least in bringing vp their children , they shewed rhemselues not negligent . because they were broght vp in hardnes in their youth , and could endure all painefull exercises of the warres . those of carthage gaue fiue prisoners of rome , for one slaue of maiorque . dyodorus siculus saith , in those iles , the mother did not giue the children bread with their own hands : but they did put it on a high poale , so that they might see the bread with theyr eyes , but they could not reach it with their hāds . wherfore when they would eat they should first with hurling of stones , or slinges win it , or else fast . though the worke were of children , yet the inuention came of a high wit : and hereof it came , that the baleares were esteemed for valiant mē , as well in wrastling , as in slinges for to hurle : for they did hurle with a sling to hit a white , as the lygures shoot now in a crosse-bow to hit the pricke . those of great brittaine , which now we cal england , amongst all the barbarous , were men most barbarous : but you ought to know , that within the space of few yeares , the romanes were vanquished of them many times : for time in all things bringeth such change and alteration , that those which once wee knew great lords , within a while after wee haue seene themslaues . herodian in his history of seuerus emperour of rome sayeth , that an ambassadour of brittaine being one day in rome ( as by chance they gaue him a froward answer in the senate ) spake stoutely before them all , and saide these words . i am sorry you will not accept peace , nor graunt truce , the which thing shall bee for the greater iustification of your warre . for afterwardes none can take but that which fortune shall giue : for in the end the delicate flesh of rome shall feele if the bloudy swords of brittaine will cut . the english history sayeth , and it is true , that though the country be very cold & that the water freezeth oft ; yet the women had a custome to carry theyr children where the water was frozen , and breaking the ice with a stone , with the same ise they vsed to rubbe the body of the infant , to the end to harden their flesh , and to make them more apter to endure trauels . and without doubt , they had reason , for i wish no greater pennance to delicate men , then in the winter to see them without fire , and in the summer to want fresh shadow . sith this was the custome of the brittaines , it is but reason we credite iulius caesar , in that hee sayeth in his comentaries , that is to say , that he passed many daungers before hee could ouercome them : for they with as little feare did hide themselues , & diued vnder the colde water , as verily a man would haue rested himselfe in a pleasant shadow . as lucanus and appianus alexandrinus say , amongst other nations which came to succour the greate pompey in pharsalia , were the messagetes , the which ( as they say ) in their youth did suck no other but the milke of camels , and eate bread of akorns . these barbarous people did these things to the end to harden their bodies , to bee able to endure trauell , & to haue their legges lighter for to runne . in this case wee cannot cal them barbarous , but wee ought to call them men of good vnderstanding : for it is vnpossible for the man that eateth much to runne fast . viriatus a spaniard , was king of the lusitaines , and a great enemy of the romaines , who was so aduenturous in the war , and so valiant in his person , that the romaines ( by the experience of his deedes ) found him inuincible : for in the space of . yeares they coulde neuer haue any victory of him : the which when they saw , they determined to poyson him , & did so indeed . at whose death they more reioyced , then if they had wonne the sgniorie of all lusitania : for if viriatus had not dyed , they had neuer brought the lusitanians vnder their subiection . iunius rusticus in his epitomie sayeth , that this viriatus in his youth was a heard-man , & kept cattell by the riuer of guadiana , and after that he waxed older , vsed to robbe , and assault men by the high wayes . and after that he was forty yeares of age , he became king of the lusitaines and not by force , but by election : for when the people saw themselues enuironed and assaulted on euery side with enemies , they chose rather stout , strong and hardy men for their captaines , then noble men for their guides . if the ancient historiographers deceyue me not , when viriatus was a thiefe , hee ledde with him alwayes at the least a hundred theeues , the which were shod with leaden shooes so that when they were enforced to runne , they put off their shooes . and thus although all the day they went with leaden shooes , yet in the night they ranne like swift buckes : for it is a generall rule , that the looser the ioynts are , the more swifter shall the legges be to runne . in the booke of the iests of the lumbardes , paulus diaconus sayeth , that in the olde time those of capua had a law , that vntill the children were married , the fathers should giue them no bed to sleepe on , nor permit them to sit at the table to eate : but that they should eate their meate in their hands ; and take their rest on the ground . and truly it was a commendable law , for rest was neuer inuēted for the yong man which hath no beard ; but for the aged , being lame , impotent and crooked . quintus cincinatus was second dictator of rome , and indeed for his deserts was the first emperour of the earth . this excellent man was brought vp in so great trauell , that his handes were found full of knots , the plough was in his armes , and the swette in his face when hee was sought for to bee dictator of rome . for the ancients desired rather to bee ruled of them that knew not , but how to plough the ground ; then of them that delighted in nothing else , but to liue in pleasures among the people . caligula which was the fourth emperour of rome ( as they say ) was brought vp with such cost and delicatenesse in his his youth , that they were in doubt in rome , whether drusius germanicus his father employed more for the armies then caligula his sonne spent in the cradle for his pleasures . this rehearsed againe , i would now know of princes and great lords what part they would take , that is to say , whether with cincinatus , which by his stootenes wan so many strange countries , or with caligula , that in his filthy lusts spared not his proper sister . in mine opinion , there needeth no great deliberation to aunswere this question ( that is to say ) the goodnesse of the one , and the wickednesse of the other : for there was no battell but cincinatus did ouercome , nor there was any vice but caligula did inuent . suetonius tranquillus in the second booke of caesars sayeth ; that when the children of the emperour augustus caesar entred into the high capitoll , where all the senate were assembled , the senatours rose out of their places , and made a reuerence to the children : the which when the emperour augustus saw , hee was much displeased , and called them backe againe . and on a day beeing demaunded why bee loued his childrē no better , he answered in this wise . if my children will bee good , they shal sit hereafter where i sit now : but if they bee euill , i will not their vices should bee reuerenced of the senators : for the authoritie and grauitie of the good ought not to bee employed in the seruice of those that be wicked . the emperour of rome was alexander , the which though he was young , was as much esteemed for his vertues amongst the romanes , as euer alexander the great was , for his valiantnes amongst the greekes . wee cannot say , that long experience caused him to come to the gouernment of the common-wealth : for as herodian saieth in his sixth booke : the day that the senatours proclaymed him emperour , hee was so little , that his owne men bare him in theyr armes , that fortunate emperour had a mother called manea , the which brought him vp fowel and diligently , that she kept alwayes a great guard of men to take heed , that no vicious man came vnto him . and let not the diligence of the mother to the childe be little esteemed . for princes oft times of their owne nature are good , and by euill conuersation only , they are made euill . this worthie woman keeping alwayes such a faithfull guarde of her childe , that no flatterers should enter in to flatter him , nor malicious to tell him lyes : by chaunce on a day a romane saide vnto her these wordes . i thinke it not meete ( most excellent princesse ) that thou shouldest be so diligent about thy sonne , to forget the affaires of the commonwealth : for princes ought not to be kept so close , that it is more easie to obtaine a suite at the gods , then to speake one word with the prince . to this the empresse manea answered , and saide . they which haue charge to gouerne those which do gouern , without comparison ought to feare more the vices of the king , then the enemyes of the realme . for the enemyes are destroyed in a battell , but vices remaine during the life : and in the end , enemies doe not destroy but the possessions of the land , but the vicious prince destroieth the good māners of the commonwealth . these words were spoken of this worthy romane . by the hystories which i haue declared , and by those which i omitte to recite , all vertuous men may knowe , how much it profiteth them to bring vppe their children in trauels , or to bring them vp in pleasures . but now i imagine , that those which shall reade this , will prayse that which is well written : and also i trust they will not giue their childrē so much their owne wils : for men that reade much , and worke little , are as belles which doe found to call others , and they themselues neuer enter into the church . if the fathers did not esteeme the seruice they doe vnto god , their owne honour , nor the profite of their owne children : yet to preserue them from diseases , they ought to bring them vp in vertue , & withdraw them from vices : for truly the children which haue beene brought vp daintily , shall alwayes be diseased and sickly . what a thing is it to see the sonne of a labourer , the coate without points , the shirt tattered and torne , the feet bare his head without a cap , his body without a girdle , in summer without a hat , in winter without a cloke , in the day plowing , in the night driuing his heard , eating bread of rye or otes , lying on the earth , or else on the straw : and in this trauell to see this yong man so holy and vertuous , that euery man desireth and wisheth that hee had such a sonne . the contrary commeth of noble mens sonnes , the which wee see are nourished and brought vp betweene two fine holland sheetes , layed in a costly cradell , made after the new fashion : they giue the nurse what she will desire ; if perchance the child be sicke , they change his nurse , or else they appoint him a dyet . the father and the mother sleepe neyther night nor day , all the house watcheth , they let him eate nothing but the broth of chickens , they keepe him diligently that hee fall not down the stayres ; the child asketh nothing but it is giuen him immediately . finally , they spend their time in seruing them , they wast their riches in giuing thē their delights , they occupy their eyes but to behold them , and they employ not their hearts but to loue them . but i sweare that those fathers , ( which on this wise doe spend their riches to pamper them ) shall one day water their eyes to bewaile thē : what it is to see the waste , that a vaine man maketh in bringing vp his childe ? specially if hee be a man somewhat aged , and that at his desire hath a childe borne . he spendeth so much goods , in bringing him vp wantonly , whiles he is young , that oft times he wanteth to marrie him when hee commeth to age. and that which worst of all is , that that which hee spendeth and employeth ; he thinketh it well bestowed , and thinketh that too much that hee giueth for gods sake . though the fathers are very large in spending , the mothers very curious , and the nurses full of pleasaunt , and the seruaunts very diligent and attentiue : yet it followeth not that the children shold be more hole then others . for the more they are attended , the more they be diseased : the more they eate , the more they are weake : the more they reioyce , the worse they prosper : the more they waste and spend , so much lesse they profit . and all this is not without the secrete permission of god. for god will not that the clowtes of children be of greater value then the garments of the poore . god without a great mistery tooke not in hand the custody of the poote , and doeth not suffer that the children of the rich men should prosper : for the good bringeth vp his childrē with out the preiudice of the rich , and to the profite of the common-wealth : but the rich bringeth vp his children with the sweate of the poore , and to the dammage of the commonwealth therefore if this thing be true ( as it is ) it is but reason that the wolfe which deuoureth vs do die : and the sheepe which clotheth vs doe liue . the fathers oft times for tendernes will not teach nor bring vp theyr children in doctrine , saying : that as yet hee is too young ; and that there remaineth time enough for to bee learned , and that they haue leisure inough to be taught : and further , for the more excuse of their errour , they affirme , that when the child in his youth is chastned , hee runneth in daunger of his health . but the euill respect which the fathers haue to theyr children , god suffereth afterwardes , that they come to be so slaunderous to the commonwealth , so infamous to theyr parents , so disobedient to , theyr fathers , so euil in their conditions , so vnaduised and light in theyr behauiour , so vnmeete for knowledge , so vncorrigible for discipline , so inclined to lyes , so enuying the truth : that their fathers would not onely haue punished them with sharpe correction : but also they would reioyce to haue them buryed with bitter teares . an other thing there is in this matter worthie to bee noted , and much more worthyer to bee commended , that is : that the fathers and mothers vnder the colour that their children should bee somewhat gratious , they learne them to speake , to bable , and to bee great mockers and scoffers : the which thing afterwardes redoundeth to the great infamie and dishonour of the father , to the great perill of the sonne , and to the greatest griefe and displeasure of the mother . for the childe that is brought vp wantonly , without doctrine in his youth : of necessity must be a foole , when he is old . if this which i haue said be euill , this which i will say is worse , that the fathers and mothers , the gouernours , or nourses , doe teach them to speake dishonest things , the which are not lawfull : and therfore ought not to be suffered to bee spoken in that tender age : nor the grauitie of the auncients ought not to listen vnto them : for there are no men ( vnlesse they be shamelesse ) that will permit their children to be great bablers . those which haue the charge to gouerne good mens children ought to bee very circumspect , that they keepe them in awe , feare , and subjection , and that they ought not to bee contented , although the fathers say they are pleased . for the disordinate loue that the fathers haue to them , is the cause that they can not see whether they be mockers , or euill brought vp . and if it chaunceth ( as oft times it doth ) that the father should come to the maister , to cause him to withdraw correction : in this case ( if the maister be a wise man ) hee ought no lesse to reproue and admonish the father , then to correct the sonne . and if this did not auayle , i counsell him to forsake , and leaue his charge . for the man of an honest nature , after he hath taken any charge in hand ; will either bring it to passe , or else hee will dye in the same . i will not denie , but that it is reason , noble mens sonnes bee more gently brought vp , handled , and honoured , then the sonnes of the plebeians : for more delicately is the palme tree , which bringeth forth dates , cherished , then the oake which bringeth forth akornes , wherewith the hogges are fedde . let princes and great lordes beware , that the pleasures which they gaue their children their youth , bee not so excessiue , nor of so long continuance , that when they would withdraw them , the world had not already festered them . for , the children brought vp with too much delicatenes , are disobedient to their fathers and mothers : or else they are sicke in their bodyes , or worse then that , they are vicious in their behauiours : so that their fathers should be better to burie them quicke , then to bring them vp vicious . chap. xxxiiii . how that princes and great lordes ought to be carefull in seeking wise men to bring vp theyr children : of x. conditions that good scholemaisters ought to haue . when ( he ) that is without ende , gaue beginning to the worlde , in this sort he beganne : the sunday hee created heauen and earth : the monday he created the element , the tuesday hee created the planettes , the wednesday hee created the sunne and the moone , the thursday he created the byrdes in the ayre , and the fishes in the sea , the friday hee created adam , and eue his wife : and truely in that hee created , and how hee created , he shewed himselfe as god : for , as soone as the house was made , hee furnished and peopled it with that that was necessarie , as he could well doe . omitting therefore the creator : and talking of creatures : we see by experience , that a housholder in planting a vine-yarde , immediately maketh a hedge , to the ende that the beasts doe not spoyle it , and eat it vp . and when it is well grown , he hireth some poore labourer to watche , that trauellers do not gather nor eate the grapes therof . the rich man that traffiqueth by sea , after hee hath made a great ship , and bestowed vj. or vij . thousand ducates , if hee be wise , hee will first prouide a man that may gouerne her , before hee will seeke marchandise for to fraight her : for in perillous tempests , the greatnes of the shippe little auaileth , if the pylote be not expert . the housholder that hath manie cowes and sheepe , and likewise hath faire fieldes , and pleasant pastures for his cattell , doth not only seeke heardmen to keepe the cattell , but also dogs to feare the wolues , and cabbaines to lodge the heardsmen . for the cabbaine of the shepheards , and the baying of the dogge , is but as a salueguard of the sheepe , from the rauening of the wolfe . the mightie and valiaunt princes , which in the frontieres of their enemies keepe strong fortresses , seeke alwayes stout and hardy captains to defend their walls : for otherwise it were better the fort should be battered to the ground , then it should come into the power of the enemyes . by the comparisons aboue-named , there is no discreat man but doth vnderstand to what end my penne doth write them : that is , to know , to keepe , and proue , how that men which loue their children well ( adding this vnto it , ) haue great neede of good maisters and gouernours , to teach and bring them vp . for whilest the palme tree is but little , a frost doth easily destroy it . i meane whiles the childe is young if he haue no tutour , he is easily deceiued with the world . if the lorde be wise and of vnderstanding , there is no fortresse so esteemed : neither ship so faire : nor heard so profitable : nor vine so fruitfull : but that hee better esteemeth to haue a good sonne then all these things together : or anie other thing in this world . for the father ought to loue his children as his owne proper : and all residue , as gifts of fortune . if it be so ( as it is indeede , ) since that for to keepe and watch the heard they seeke a good shephearde . if for the vyne , they seeke a good labourer . if for to gouerne the shippe they seeke a good pylot , and for to defend a forte , they seeke a good captaine : why then will not the wise fathers seeke for good maisters , to teache and to bring vp theyr children ? oh princes and great lords , i haue tolde you , and againe doe say : that if you trauell one yeare to leaue your children goods , you ought to sweate . yeares to leaue them well brought vp . for it auaileth little to carry much corne to the mill , if the mill be out of frame . i meane that in vaine riches and treasures are gathered : when the childe that shall inherite them , hath no witte to vse them . it is no small matter to knowe how to choose good gouernours . for the prince is sage that findeth such a one : and much more happie is hee , that of him shall be taught . for in my opion , it is no small charge for one man to bring vp a prince , that shall gouerne manie . as seneca saith : the wise man ought to conferre all things with his friende . but first hee ought to know , who is he that is his friend ? i meane that the wise father ought for his children to seeke one good maister , and to him he should recommend them all : but first he ought to know what hee is ? for , that man is very simple , which wil buy a horse , before he see and proue him , whether he be whole or lame . hee ought to haue many good conditions and qualityes that should bring vp the children of princes and great lords : for by one way they nourish the tender trees in the orchard , and after another sort they plant the wilde trees in the mountaines . therefore the case shal be this , that weewill declare here what conditions and behauiours the maisters and gouernors of noblemens sonnes ought to haue , which may bring them to honour : and theyr disciples to bee well taught and brought vp . for the glorie of the disciple alwayes redoundeth to the honour and praise of his maister . the first condition is , that he which ought to bee a tutor to noble mens children should bee no lesse then . yeares of age , & no more then . because the maister that is yong , is ashamed to commaund , and if he be aged , he is not able to correct . the second , it is necessary that tutors be very honest , and that not onely in purenes of conscience , but also in the outward appearance , and cleanenes of life : for , it is vnpossible the childe bee honest , if the master be dissolute . the third , it is necessarie that tutors and gouernours of princes and great lords be true men , not onely in their wordes , but also in then couenauntes . for to say the trueth , that mouth which is alwayes full of lyes , ought not by reason to be a teacher of the truth . the fourth condition , it is necessarie that the gouernors of princes and great lorde ( of their owne nature ) be liberall : for oft times the great couetousnes of masters , maketh the hearts of princes to be greedy and couetous . the fifth , it is necessarie that the masters and gouernours of princes and great lordes be moderate in wordes and very resolute in sentences : so that they ought to teach the children to speake little , and to harken much . for it is the chiefest vertue in a prince , to heare with patience , and to speake with wisedome . the sixt condition is , it is necessarie that the maisters & tutors of princes &c. be wise men and temperate : so that the grauitie of the maister , may restrain the lightnes of the schollers : for , there is no greater plagues in realms , then for princes to be young , and their teachers to be light . the seuenth , it is necessary that the masters and tutors of princes & great lords be well learned in diuinitie and humanity : in such sort , that that which they teach the princes by word , they may shew it by writing , to the ende that other princes may execute and put the same in vre : for mens harts are sooner moued by the examples of those which are past , then by the words of them that are present . the eight condition : it is necessary that the maisters and tutors of princes , bee not giuen to the vice of the flesh : for as they are young , and naturally giuē to the flesh , so they haue no strength to abide chaste , neither wisedome to beware of the snares . therefore it is necessarie that their maisters be pure and honest : for the disciples shall neuer be chaste , if the maister be vicious . the ninth : it is necessarie that the maisters and tutours of princes and great lordes haue good conditions , because the children of noble-men , ( beeing daintily brought vp ) alwayes learne euil conditions , the which their maisters ought to reforme ; more by good conuersation , then by sharpe correction . for oft times it chaunceth that whereas the master is cruell , the scholler is not mercifull . the tenth : it is necessarie that the maisters and tutours of princes and great lords , haue not onely seene and read many things : but also that they haue proued changeable fortune . for since noble mens sonnes ( by the gifte of god , ) haue great estates , they ought therfore to prouide to speak to manie , to answer to manie , and to entreat with manie : & it is very profitable for them to be conuersant with expert men , for in the end the approued man in counsell hath preheminence . i was willing to bring in these rules in my writing , to the end that fathers may keepe them in their memory , when they doe seeke masters to teach their children ; for in my opinion , the father is more in fault to seeke an euil master , then the master is to make an euill scholer ; for if i choose euill taylers to cut my gowne , it is my fault that the cloth is lost , and my gowne marred . albeit the romans were in all their doings circumspect , yet for this one thing i must enuy the good doctrine which they gaue to noble mens children : for without doubt it is vnpossible that in any city there bee a good common-welth vnlesse they are very circumspect to bring vp young children . sabellicus in his rapsodies sayeth , that in the . yeares of the foundation of rome , quintus seruilius , and lucius germinus then consuls , being in the warre against the volces , the stout aduenturous captaine camillus there rose a great strife and contention in rome amongst the people , and the knights : and that contention was vpon the prouision of offices : for in great common-wealthes it hath beene an auncient quarrell that in knights and gentlemen , there surmounteth pride in commaunding : and among the people , there wanteth patience in obeying . the kinghtes and gentlemen would they should choose a tribune militare in the senate , to speake in the name of all the knights , that were absent and present : for they sayde , that since they were alwayes at the warre , the whole common wealth remayned in the power of the people . the commons on the other part importuned and desired , that a new officer should be created , the which should haue the charge to examine and take account how the youth of rome were brought vp : because the common people did accuse the knightes and gentlemen , that the longer they remained in the warres , the more sensually their children liued in rome . it was decreede then that a tribune militare should bee erected , the which in authority and dignitie should be equall with the senators , and that hee should represent the state of warlike knightes : but the office continued no longer then . yeares in rome , ( that is to say ) til the time that camillus returned from the warres : for things that are grounded of no reason , of themselues they come to nought . all the knightes and gentlemen sought to the vttermost of their power to maintain their preheminence : and on the other side , all the comminalty of rome were against it . in the end the good captaine camillus called all the knightes and gentlemen together , and sayde vnto them these words . i am greatly ashamed to see that the stoutenesse should be so litle of the roman knights , that they shold condiscend to the will of the plebeians : for indeed the mighty do not get so much honor to ouercome the little , as the little doe to striue with the great . i say that the strife and debate amongst you in rome , doth displease me much : therefore ( you knights ) if you will not lose your honours , you must eyther kill them , or ouercome them . you cannot ouercome them , because they are many : and kill them you ought not , for in the end they are yours , and therefore there is no better remedie then to dissemble with them , for things which suffer no force , nor obserue not iustice , ought alwaies , vntill conuenient time , to bee dissembled . the immortall gods did not create romaine knights to gouern people , but to conquer realmes . and i say further , that they did not create vs to teach lawes to ours : but to giue lawes to strangers . and if we be the children of our fathers , and imitators of the ancient romaines : we will not content our selues to commaund in rome , but to commaund those which do command in rome . for the heart of a true romaine doth little esteeme to see himselfe lord of this world : if he know that there is another to conquer . you others did create this tribune militare , we being in the warre : whereof now there is no necessity , since wee are in peace . and the cause why i was willing there shoulde bee none in the common wealth , was for that there was not riches in rome sufficient to acquite the deserts of the romane chiualrie . and if you esteeme an honourable office to be a tribune militare , since you cannot all haue it , mee thinketh you should all want it . for among the noble men and plebeians it is not meete , that one alone should enioy that , which many haue deserued . this history sabellicus declareth , and alleadgeth pulio for his authour , and reciteth that for this good worke that camillus did in rome ( that is to say ) to set the great and the small at one . he was as well beloued of the romaines , as hee was feared of the enemies . and not without a iust cause ; for in my opinion , it is a greater vertue to pacifie his owne , then to robbe strangers . as touching the office of this tribune , wherupon this great contention rose in rome , i cannot tell which was greater , the foolish rashnesse of the knightes to procure it , or the wisedome of camillus to abolish it : for to say the truth , the art of chiualry was inuented more to defend the common wealth , then to bide at home , and haue the charge of iustice : for to the good knight , it seemeth better to bee loaden with weapons to resist enemies , then to be enuironed with bookes to determine causes . returning therefore to that which the people sayde against the souldiers : it was ordained by consent of all , that in rome an office shoulde be erected , and that he which should haue it ; should haue the charge to goe thorow rome , to see what they were in rome that did not instruct their children in good doctrine : and if perchance he found any neighbors child that was euill taught , he chastised and banished the father . and truly the punishment was very iust , for the father deserueth more punishment , for that he doth therunto consent , then the child deserueth more the offences which he doth commit . when rome was rome , and that of all the world the common wealth thereof was commended , they chose for an officer therein the most auncient and vertuous romane , who was called the generall visiter of the children of rome : and it seemeth to bee true , for so much as hee which had this office one yeare , hoped to bee consul , dictator or censor the next ; as it appeared by marcus porcio , who desired to bee corrector of the children , and afterwards succeeded to bee censor of the romane people : for the romanes did not offer the office of iustice to any man , vnlesse hee had experience of all offices . patricius seuensis in the booke of the common-wealth sayth , that before the warres were between carthage and rome , the common wealth of carthage was very well gouerned , and as it beseemed such a noble city : but it is an ancient priuiledge of the warre that it killeth the persons , consumeth the goods , and aboue all , engendreth a new passion and misery ; and in the end destroyeth all good ancient customes . the carthagenians therefore had a custome that the children , and especially those which were of honest men , should be put in the temples from three yeeres till twelue , and so from twelue till twenty they learned crafts , sciences and occupations , and from . til . they instructed thē in the feates of war , and at the end of . yeares they gaue themselues to marriage : for amongst them it was a law inuiolable , that no man should marrie vntill he were thirty yeares of age , and the woman . and after that they were married , the moneth following they ought to present themselues before the senate , and there to choose what kinde of estate they would take vpon them to liue in and what their mindes most desired ( that is to say ) if they would serue in the temples , follow the warre , or trauell the seas , or get their liuing by land , or follow their occupation which they had learned . and looke what estate or office that day they chose , the same they kept and occupyed during their life : and truely the law was very good , because such change of estates and offices in the world , are occasion that presently so many come to destruction . all the excellent and ancient princes had many great philosophers for their masters : and this seemeth to be true by this , that king darius had lichanins the philosopher for his master : the great alexander had aristotle the philosopher for his master , king artaxerces had pindarus the philosopher for his master . the aduenturous and hardy captaine of the athenians palemo had xenocrates the philosopher for his master . xemaides ( onely king of the corinthians ) had chilo the philosopher for his master , and tutour to his children . epamynundus prince of the thebanes had for his master and councellour maruchus the philosopher . vlysses the greeke ( as homer sayeth ) had for his master and companion in his trauels , catinus the philosopher . pirrus ( which was king of the epirotes , and a great defendor of the tharentines ) had for his master and chronicler arthemius the philosopher , of whom cicero speaketh ad atticum , that his sword was sharper to fight then his penne ready for to write . the great king ptholomeus philodelphus was not onely scholer of the most singular philosophers of greece : but also after he was king , he sent for . philosophers , which were hebrewes . cirus king of the persians , that destroyed the great babylon , had for his master pristicus the philosopher . traian the emperour had plutarch for his master , who did not onely teach him in his youth : but also wrote him a booke how he ought to gouerne himselfe and his commōwealth . by these few examples which i haue expressed , and by many other which i omit , princes at this present may see , how carefull princes were in times past , to giue their children wise and learned men . o princes & great lords , since you at this present do presume and take vpon you that which your forefathers did , i would that now you would consider , who brought them to so high estate : & who leaueth them eternall memorie ? for without doubt noble men neuer wan renown for the pleasurs they had in vices , but for the trauels they had in vertues . againe i say , that princes in times past were not famous for their stoutnes , & apt disposition of their bodies , nor for discent of noble lynage , nor for the possessiō of many realmes : or heaping vp of great treasures : but they wanne and obtained immortall renowne , for that their fathers in their youth put them vnder the tuition of wise and learned tutours , which taught them good doctrine ; and when they were of age , gaue them good counsellours , to gouerne the common-wealth . laertius in the life of the phylosophers : and bocchas in the booke of the linage of gods , say thus ; that among the phylosophers of athens there was a custome , that no straunge phylosopher should reade in their schooles , before hee were first examined in naturall and morall phylosophie : for among the greekes it was an auncient prouerbe : that in the schoole of athens , no vicious man could enter , nor idle word be spoken : neyther they did consent that any ignorant phylosopher should come in , to reade there . now as by chaunce many phylosophers were come from the mount olympus : amongst the refidue , there was one came to see the philosophers of athens , who was natiue of thebes , a man ( as afterwardes hee declared himselfe ) in morall and naturall phylosophie very well learned : and since he desired to remaine in athens , hee was examined : and of many and diuers things demanded . and amongst the others , these following were some of them . first , they asked him , what causeth women to bee so froward , since it is true that nature made them shamefaste , and created them simple ? the phylosopher answered . a woman is not froward , but because shee hath too much her will , and wanteth shame . secondarily , they asked him , why young men are vndone ? hee answered : because time aboundeth them for to doe euill , and maisters wanteth to enforce them to doe good . thirdly , they asked him , why are wise men deceyued , as well as the simple ? he answered : the wise man is neuer deceyued , but by him that vseth faire wordes , and hath euill conditions . fourthly , they asked him , of whom men ought most to beware ? he aunswered : that there is to a man no greater enemie , then hee which seeth that thing in thee , which hee desireth to haue in himselfe . fifthly , they asked him , why manie princes begunne well , and ended euill ? hee aunswered : princes begin well , because their nature is good : and they ende euill , because no man doth gaine-say them . sixtly , they asked him , why do princes commit such follyes ? hee answered : because flattterers aboundeth that deceyue them : and true men are wanting , which should serue them . seuenthly , they asked him , why the auncients were so sage , and men at this present were so simple ? hee aunswered : because the auncients did not procure , but to knowe : and these present , doe not trauell , but for to haue . eightly , they asked him , why so manie vices were nourished in the pallaces of princes ? hee aunswered : because pleasures abound , and counsell wanteth . the ninth , they asked him , why the most parte of men liued without rest , and fewe without paine ? he aunswered : no man is more without , and suffereth more paine : then hee that dyeth for the goods of another , and little esteemeth his owne . the tenth , they asked him , whereby they might knowe the common-wealth to bee vndone ? hee aunswered : there is no common-wealth vndone , but onely , where the young are light , and the old vicious . the . they asked him wherwith the common-wealth is maintained ? he answered : the common wealth cānot decay where iustice remaineth for the poore , punishment for the tyrants , weight and measure plentifull : and chiefly if there be good doctrine for the young , and little couetousnesse in the old . affro the historiographer declareth this in the tenth booke de rebus atheniensium . truly in my opinion the words of this philosopher were few , but the sentences were many . and for none other cause i did bring in this history , but to profite mee of the last word , wherein for aunswere hee sayeth , that all the profite of the common wealth consisteth , in that there be princes that restraine the auarice of the aged , and that there bee masters to teach the youthfull . we see by experience , that if the brute beasts were not tyed , and the corne and seedes compassed with hedges or ditches , a man shold neuer gather the fruit when they are ripe . i meane , the strife and debate will rise continually among the people , if the yong men haue not good fathers to correct them , and wise masters to teach them . wee cannot deny , but though the knife be made of fine steele , yet sometimes it hath neede to bee whet : and so in like manner , the young man during the time of his youth , though he doe not deserue it , yet from time to time hee ought to bee corrected . o princes and great lords , i know not of whom you take counsell when your sonne is borne , to prouide him of a master and gouernour whom you chuse not as the most vertuous , but as the most richest , not as the most sagest , but as the most vile and euill taught . finally , you doe not trust him with your children that best deserueth it , but that most procureth it . againe i say , o princes and great lords , why doe you not withdraw your children from their hands which haue their eyes more to their owne profite then their hearts vnto your seruice . for such to enrich themselus doe bring vp princes viciously . let not princes thinke , that it is a trifle to know , how to finde and chuse a good master , and the lord which herein doth not employ his diligence is worthy of great rebuke . and because they shall not pretend ignorance , let them beware of that man whose life is suspitious and extreame couetous . in my opinion , in the pallace of princes the office of tutorshippe ought not to be giuen as other common offices , that is to say , by requests or money , by priuities or importunities , eyther else for recompence of seruices : for it followeth not , though a man hath beene ambassadour in strange realms , or captaine of great armies in warre , or that hee hath possessed in the royall pallace offices of honour , or of estimation , that therefore he should bee able to teach , or bring vp their children : for to bee a good captaine sufficeth onely to be hardy , and fortunate : but for to bee a tutour and gouernour of princes , hee ought to be both sage and vertuous . chap. xxxv . of the two children of marcus aurelius the emperour , of the which the best beloued dyed . and of the masters he prouided for the other named comodus . marcus aurelius the . emperour of rome , in the time that hee was married with faustine , onely daughter of the emperour antonius pius , had onely two sonnes , whereof the eldest was named comodus , and the second verissimus . of these two children , the heyre was comodus , who was so wicked in the . yeares he gouerned the empire , that hee seemed rather the disciple of nero the cruell , then to discend by the mothers side from antonius the mercifull , or sonne of marcus aurelius . this wicked child comodus was so light in speech , so dishonest in person and so cruell with his people , that oft-times hee being aliue , they layed wagers that there was no vertue in him to bee found , nor any one vice in him that wanted . on the contrary part , the second sonne named verissimus , was comely of gesture , proper of person , and in witte very temperate , and the most of all was , that by his good conuersation of all hee was beloued : for the fayre and vertuous princes by their beauty draweth vnto them mens eyes : and by their good conuersation they winne their hearts . the child verissimus was the hope of the common people , and the glory of his aged father : so that the emperor determined that this child verissimus should bee heyre of the empire , and that the prince commodus should bee dishenherited . wherat no man ought to maruell , for it is but iust since the childe dooth not amend his life , that the father doe dishenherite him . when good will doth want , and vicious pleasures abound , the children oft times by peruerse fortune come to nought : so this marcus aurelius being . yeares old , by chance this childe verissimus , which was the glory of rome , and the hope of the father , at the gate of hostia , of a sodaine sicknesse dyed . the death of whom was as vniuersally lamented , as his life of all men was desired . it was a pittifull thing to see , how wofully the father tooke the death of his entirely beloued son : and no lesse lamentable to beholde how the senate tooke the death of their prince , being the heyre : for the aged father for sorrow did not go to the senate , and the senate for a few dayes enclosed themselues in the hie capitoll . and let no man maruell , though the death of this young prince was so taken through rome ; for if men knew what they lose when they lose a vertuous prince , they would neuer cease to bewayle and lament his death . when a knight , a gentleman a squire , an officer , or when any of the people dyeth , there dyeth but one : but when a prince dyeth , which was good for all , and that he liued to the profite of all , then they ought to make account that all do dye , & they ought all greatly to lament it : for oft times it chanceth that after . or . good princes , a foule flocke of tyrants succeede . therfore marcus aurelius the emperor , as a man of great vnderstanding , and of a princely person , though the inward sorrow from the rootes of the heart could not bee plucked : yet hee determined to dissemble outwardly , to bury his grieues inwardly . for to say the truth , none ought ( for any thing ) to shewe extreame sorrow , vnlesse it be that hee hath lost his honour , or that his conscience is burdened . the good prince , as one that hath his vineyarde frozen , wherein was all his hope , contented with himselfe , with that which remaineth , his so deerly beloued sonne being dead : and commaunded the prince comodus to be brought into his pallace , being his onely heire . iulius capitolinus , which was one of those that wrote of the time of marcus aurelius , saide vpon this matter : that when the father saw the disordinate frailenesse , and lightnes , and also the little shame which the prince comodus his sonne brought with him : the aged man beganne to weepe , and shed teares from his eyes . and it was because the simplenesse and vertues of his deere beloued sonne verissimus , came into his minde . although this noble emperour marcus aurelius , for the death of his sonne was very sorrowfull : yet notwith standing this , hee prouided how his other sonne comodus shold be gouerned : and this before that either of age or bodie he were greater . for we cannot denye , but when princes are men , they will bee such as in theyr youth they haue been brought vp . the good father therefore knowing that the euill inclinations of his should doe him damage , and the empire in like manner : he sent throughout all italie , for the moste sagest and expert men , to be gouernours and tutours of comodus the prince . hee made them seeke for the moste profoundest in learning , the most renowmed of good fame , the most vertuous in deedes , and the most deepest in vnderstanding : for as the dust is not swept with fine cloth , but with drye broomes : so the lightnes and follyes of young men are not remedyed but by the hard discipline of the aged . this commaundement being published and proclaimed in rome , and the bruite scattered through italie : there came , and ranne thither diuers kinde of sages , whom he commaunded to be examined . hee being truely informed of the bloud of their predecessours , of the age of their persons , of the gouernement of their houses , of the spending of their goods , of their credite among their neighbours , of the sciences they knew : and aboue all , they were no lesse examined of the purenes of their liues , then of the grauitie of their persons : for there are many men which are graue in open wordes , and verie light in secrete workes . speaking therfore more particularly , hee commanded they should examine the astronomers of astronomy , the phylosophers of phylosophie , the musitians in musicke : the orators in orations : and so forth , of other sciences in order , wherin euery one said hee was instructed . the good emperour was not so contented to doe this once , but sundrie times : and not all in one day , but in many : and not onely by another man , but also by himselfe . finally , they were all examined , as if they had been all one , and that the same one should haue remayned , and been kept for all , to bee the onely master and tutour of the young childe , and prince comodus . to acquire a perfect knowledge , and to be sure not to erre in choyce of things , in my opinion is not onely required experience of himselfe , and a cleare vnderstanding : but also the aduise of another : for the knowledge of things wholly together is easie : but the choyce of them particularly is harde . this thing is onely spoken because the good emperour sent and commaunded to choose gouernours and masters of his children . of many he chose few , and of few the most wisest , of the most wisest , the most expert , of the most expert , the best learned , of the best learned , the most temperate , of the most temperate , the most ancient , and of the most ancient the most noble . certainely such election is worthy prayse , because they be true masters and teachers of princes , which are noble of bloud , ancient in yeers , honest in life , men of little folly , and of great experience . according to the seuen liberall sciences , two masters of euery one were chosen , so that the prince was but one , and the others were . but this notwithstanding , the workes of this prince comodus were contrary to the expectation of his father marcus aurelius , because the intention of the good father was to teach his son all sciences , and the study of the son was to learne all vices . at the bruite of so great a thing as this was , that the emperor sought to prouide tutors for the prince comodus , and that they should not bee those which were best fauoured , but those which were found the most wisest : in short space there came so many philosophers to rome , as if the diuine plato had beene reuiued againe in greece . let vs not maruell at all , if the sages desired the acquaintance of familiarity of this good emperour . : for in the ende there is no man so sage , nor so vertuous in his life , but somtime will seeke after the fauours of the world . since there were many sages , and that of those he chose but foureteene . it was necessary hee should honestly and wisely dispatch and giue the others leaue , as did behoue him . and herein the good emperour shewed himselfe so wise , that shewing to some a merry countenance , to others speaking gently , and to others by a certaine hope , and to others by gifts and presents , and all the good company of the sages departed , and the good emperor dispatched them , not one being sadd which departed , but very well pleased : for it is not comely for the magnificence of a prince , that the man which commeth to his pallace onely for his seruice , should returne murmuring , or without reward . this good emperour shewed him selfe sage to seeke many sages , hee shewed himselfe wise in the choyce of some , and of a good vnderstanding in dispatching others , and in contenting them all : for as wee see dayly by experience , though the election be good , cōmonly great affections thereupon engender : for those for not beeing chosen are sorry , and to see that others chosen are shamefast . in such case likewise , let it not be esteemed litle to serch a good remedie : for the goldsmith oft times demaundeth more for the workemanshippe then the siluer is worth : i meane that sometimes princes doe deserue more honour for the good meanes they vse in their affaires , then for the good sucesse whereunto it commeth : for the one aduenture guideth , but the other wisedome aduanceth . the good emperour not contented with this , prouided that those foureteen philosophers which should remaine in his pallace , should sit at the table and accompany his person : the which thing he did , to see if their life were comformable to their doctrine , and if their words did agree to their workes : for there are many men which are of a goodly tongue , and of a wicked life . iulius capitolinus , and cinna catullus which were writers of this history say , that it was a wonder to see how this good emperour did marke them , to know if they were sober in feeding , temperat in drinking , modest in going , occupyed in studying , & aboue all , if they were very sage in speaking , and honest in liuing . would to god that princes of our time were in this case so diligent and carefull : and that in committing in trust their affayres , they would not care more for one then for others . for speaking with due reuerence , there aboundeth no wisedome in that prince , which committeth a thing of importance to that man whom hee knoweth not , whether hee is able to bring it to passe or not . many talke euill , and maruel that princes and great lords in so many things do erre : and for the contrary i maruell how they hit any at all . for if they committed their weighty affayres to skilfull men , though perhappes they erre once , yet they hitt it a hundred times ; but when they commit theyr businesse to ignorant men , if they hit once , they misse a thousand times againe . in this case , i say , there is nothing destroyeth young princes more , then for that they commit not their affairs to their old and faithfull seruants : for in fine the vnfained loue is not , but in him that eateth the princes breade dayly . it is but reason that other princes take example by this prince , to seeke good masters for their children : and if the masters bee good , and the schollers euill , then the fathers are blamelesse : for to princes & great lords , it is a great discharge of conscience , to see though theyr children bee lost , yet it is not for want of doctrine , but for aboundance of malice . the romane prince had a custom to celebrate the feast of the god genius , who was god of their birth , and that feast was celebrated euerie yeare once , which was kept the same day of the birth of the emperour , ioifully throughout all rome ; for at this day all the prisoners were pardoned , and deliuered out of the prison mamortina . yet notwithstanding you ought to know , that if any had sowed sedition among the people , or had betrayed the armies , or robbed or done any mischiefe in their temples : those three offences were neuer pardoned nor excused in rome . euen as in christian religion , the greatest oath is to sweare by god ; so amongst the romanes there was no greater oath then to sweare by the god genius . and since it was the greatest oath none should sweare it , but by the licence of the senate , and that ought to be betwixt the hands of the priests of the god genius . and if perchance such an oath were taken of light occasion , hee which sware it was in danger of his life . for in rome there was an ancient law , that no man should make any solemne oath , but that first they should demaund licence of the senate . the romaines did not permitte that lyers nor deceyuers should bee credited by their oathes : neyther did they permit them to sweare . for they sayde , that periured men doe both blaspheme the gods , & deceiue men . the aboue named marcus aurelius was borne the . day of aprill , in mount celio , in rome . and as by chance they celebrated the feast of the god genius , which was the day of his birth , there came masters offence iuglers , and common players , with other loyterers , to walke and solace themselues : for the romaines in their great feasts occupied themselus all night in offering sacrifices to the gods , and afterwards they consumed all the day in pastimes . those iuglers and players shewed so much pastime that all those which beheld them were prouoked to laugh , and the romaines ( to say the truth ) were so earnest in matters of pastime , and also in other matters of weight , that in the day of pastimes no man was sad , and in the time appointed for sadnesse no man was merry . so that in publike affaires they vsed all to mourne , or else all to reioyce . sinna catulus saith , that this good emperour was so well beloued , that when he reioyced , all reioyced : and when the romane people made any great feast , he himselfe was there present , to make it of more authoritie , and shewed such mirth therein , as if he alone and none other had reioyced . for otherwise if the prince looke sadly , no man dare shew himselfe merry . the historiographers say of this good emperour , that in ioyfull feasts and triumphs they neuer saw him lesse merry , then was requisite for the feast : nor they euer saw him so merry , that it exceeded the grauitie of his person . for the prince which in vertue presumeth to bee excellent , ought neither in earnest matters to be heauy , nor in things of small importance to shew himselfe light . as princes now adayes goe enuironed with men of armes : so did the good emperour goe accompanyed with sage phylosophers . yea and more then that , which ought most to bee noted , is , that in the dayes of feasts and pleasures , the princes at this present goe accompanied with hungry flatterers : but this noble emperour went accompanied with wise men . for the prince that vseth himselfe with good company , shall alwaie auoyde the euill talke of the people . sextus cheronensis saith , that a senatour called fabius patroclus seeing that the emperour marcus went alwayes to the senate and theaters , accompanied and enuironed with sages : saide one day to him merrily . i pray thee ( my lord ) tell me , why thou goest not to the theater as to the theater , and to the senate as to the senate . for the senate sages ought to goe to giue vs good counsell : and to the theaters , fooles to make vs pastime . to this the good emperour answered : my friend , i say thou art much deceiued . for to the sacred senate , wherein there are so many sages , i would leade all the fooles to the end they may become wise : and to the theaters where all the fooles are , i would bring the sages , to the end to teach them wisedome . truly this sentence was fit for him that spake it . i admonish princes and great lords , that in steed to keepe companie with fooles , flatterers and parasites , they prouide to haue about them wise and sage men , in especially if the fooles bee malitious : for the noble harts with one malitious word are more offended , then if they were with a venemous arrow wounded . therefore returning to our matter , as the emperour was in the feast of the god genius , and that with him also were the foureteene sages ( masters of the prince comodus ) a iugler more cunning then all the rest , shewed sundry trickes , as commonly such vaine loyterers are wont to doe , for hee that in like vanities sheweth most pastime , is of the people best beloued . as the emperour marcus aurelius was sage : so he set his eyes more for to behold these foureteene masters , then he did stay at the lightnes of the fooles . and by chance he espied that fiue of these laughed so inordinatly at the folly of these fooles , that they clapte their hands , they bette their feete , & lost the grauity of sages by their inordinate laughter , the which was a very vncomely thing in such graue persons : for the honest modesty of the body , is a great witnesse of the wisedome and grauity of the minde : the lightnesse and inconstancy of the sages seene by the emperour , and that all the graue romanes were offended with them , he tooke it heauily , as well to haue brought them thither , as to haue beene deceyued in electing them . howbeit with his wisedome then he helped himselfe as much as hee could , in not manifesting any griefe in his heart ; but he dissembled , and made as though hee saw them not : for sage princes must needes feele things as men , but they ought to dissemble them as discreet . the emperour presently would not admonish them , nor before any reproue them , but let the feast passe on , and also a few dayes after , the which being passed , the emperour spake vnto them in secret , not telling them openly , wherein he shewed him selfe a mercifull prince : for open correction is vniust , where secret correction may take place . the things which marcus aurelius sayde to those fiue masters when hee put them out of his house , he himself did write in the third booke , and the first chapter , vnder the title , adstultos pedagogos . and sayde that he saide vnto them these , and such other like words . chap. xxxvi . of the words which marcus aurelius spake to fiue of the foureteene masters which he had chosen for the education of his sonne , and how hee sent them from his pallace for that they behaued themselues lightly at the feast of god genius . friendes , my will was not to foresee that which cannot bee excused , nor i will not command you that , which i ought not to commaund : but i desire that the gods of their grace doe remaine with me , and that with you the same iust gods may goe , and that likewise from mee , and from you , the vnluckie and vnfortunat chances may be withdrawn : for the vnluckie man were better to be with the dead , then remaine here with the liuing . since that now i had receyued you , and with great diligence sought you , to the end you should bee tutors to my sonne ( the prince comodus ) i protest to the immortall gods that i am sorry , and that of your shame i am ashamed , and that of your paine the greatest part is mine . and it can be no otherwise , for in the world there should be no friendshippe so straight , that a man therefore should put his good name in danger . the sages that i haue sought , were not prouided onely to learne the prince comodus : but also to reform all those that liued euill in my pallace . and now i see the contrary , for where i thought the fooles should haue beene made wise , i see that those that were wise , are become fooles . know you not that the fine golde defendeth his purenes among the burning coales ? that the man endued with wisdome sheweth himselfe wise , yea in the middest of many fooles ? for truly as the golde in the fire is proued , so among the lightnes of fooles , is the wisedome of the wise discerned . doe not you know , that the sage is not knowne among the sages , nor the foole among the fooles ? but among fooles wise men do shine , and that among the sages fooles are darkned : for there the wise sheweth his wisedome , and the foole sheweth his folly . doe not you know that in the sore wounds the surgian sheweth his cunning , and that in the dangerous diseases , the physitian sheweth his science ? and that in the doubtfull battels the captain sheweth his stoutenesse ? and that in the boysterous stormes the master sheweth his experience ? so in like maner , the sage man , in the place where there is great ioy and solace of people , ought to shew his wisedom and discretion . do not you know that of a moderate witte there proceedeth a cleare vnderstanding , a sharpe memory , a graue person , a quiet minde , a good name , and aboue all , a temperate tongue : for he onely ought to be called wise , who is discreete in his workes , and resolute in his words . do not you know that it little auayleth to haue the tongue expert , the memory liuely , the vnderstanding cleare to haue great science , to haue profound eloquence , a sweet style , and ample experience , if with all these things you bee as masters , and in your workes as wicked men : certainly it is a great dishonour to a vertuous emperor that he should haue for masters of yong princes those which are schollers of vaine iuglers . do not you know , that if all the men of this world are bound to leade a good life , that those which presume to haue science , are much more bound then others are , which by their eloquence presume to confound the world ? for it is a rule certaine , that alwayes euill workes take away the credite from good words . and to the end it seeme not vnto you that i speake of fauour , i will here bring into your memory an ancient law of rome , the which was made in the time of cinna , which said wee ordaine and commaund , that more grieuous punishment be giuen vnto the sage for one folly only committed by him openly , then to the simple man for a greater offence committed secretly . o iust , and very iust law , o iust and happy romanes , i say vnto all those that together did finde and ordayne the law : for the simple man slayeth but one man with his sword of wrath ; but the sage man killeth many by the euill example of his life : for ( according to the saying of the diuine plato ) the princes and sage men sinne more by the euill examples which they giue , then in the fault and offence they commit . all the ancient writers affirme , that the triumphant rome neuer beganne to decay , vntill the senate was replenished with sage serpents , and destitute of simple doues : for in the ende there is nothing that sooner destroyeth princes , then thinking to haue about them wise men that shold counsell them , when indeed they are malitious , that seeke to deceiue them . what a thing it was in olde time to see the policie of rome before that silla and marius did alter it , before that catilina and catullus did troble it , before that iulius caesar and pompeius slaundered it , before that augustus and marcus antonius destroyed it , before that tiberius and caligula did defame it , and before that nero and domitian did corrupt it ? for , the moste parte of these , although they were valiant , and wanne many realmes : yet notwithstanding the vices which they brought vs , were more then the realms they wanne vs. and the worste of all is , that all our kingdomes are lost , and our vices abide still . if liuius and the other hystoriographers doe not deceyue vs , in olde time they might haue seene in the sacred senate , some romaines so auncient , with hayres so honorable : others so experte men : others aged , so modest , that it was a wonder to see the majesty they did represent , and a comforte to heare that which they sayde . i speake not that without teares , which i will say ; that instead of those graue & auncient aged persons , there sprang vppe other young bablers ; the which are such , and so manie , that all the common-wealth is altered , and rome her selfe slaundered . for that land is cursed , and with much miserie compassed , where the gouernaunce of the young is so euill , that all wish for the reuiuing of the dead . if wee credite that which the auncients wrote , wee cannot denye , but that rome was the mother of all good workes : as the auncient greece , was the beginner of all sciences . so that the effect of the greekes was to speake , and the glorie of the romaines was to worke . but now , through our wofull destinies , it is all contrary : for greece hath banished from it all the speakers to rome , and rome hath banished from it all the sages to greece . and if it be so ( as it is indeed ) i had rather be banished to greece , with the sages : then to take part with rome , among the fooles . by the faith of a christian i sweare vnto you ( my friendes ) that i beeing young , saw an oratour in rome which was brought vp in the palace of adrian my lord , whose name was aristonocus : of his bodie he was of meane stature , leane of face , and also he was of an vnknowne countrey , but he had such a pleasaunt tongue , that though he had made an oration in the senate of three hours long , there was no man but willingly were desirous to heare him . for in the olde time , if hee that made an oration in the senate were eloquent in his speach , he was hearde no lesse , then if god apollo had spoken himselfe . this phylosopher aristonocus was on the one parte so gentle in his speech , and on the other part so dissolute in his life : that hee neuer spake worde to the senate , but it deserued eternall memorie : and out of that place they neuer sawe him doe good workes , but it merited grieuous punishment . as i haue saide , though in that time i was yong , yet i remember , that to see this phylosopher so lost , all the people did pittie : and the worst of all was , that they neuer hoped for his amendment ; since daily more and more , hee lost his honour . for there is no man , that by is eloquence may haue such renowme , but in the ende hee may lose it againe , by his euill life . now i aske you ( my friendes ) sith you are in the reputation of sages , which was better , or to say better , which had beene lesse enuyed ? that this phylosopher had beene a simple man , and of good life , then to bee ( as he was ) a man of high eloquence , and of euill condition ? it was vnpossible , if hee had once hearde of mee that , which many times i haue heard say of him , that he had not counselled me , yea , and further to doe it , he had constrained me , rather to chuse the graue , then to liue in rome with infamie . for he is vnworthie to liue amongst men , whose words of all are approued , and his workes of all condemned . the first dictator in rome was largius , and the first lord of the knights , was spurius . and from the time of the first dictatour , vntill the time of sylla & iulius ( which were the first tyrants ) were foure hundred and fiftie yeares : in the which space , we neuer read that any philosopher spake any vain words nor yet committed any sclaunderous deedes . and if rome had done any otherwise , it had bin vnworthie of such praise and estimation as it had : for it is vnpossible that the people bee well gouerned , if the sages which gouern them , are in their liues dissolute . i protest to the immortall gods , and sweare by the faith of a christian , that whē i consider that which at this present with mine eyes i see : i cānot but sigh for that is past , and weep for that which is present . that is to say , to see then how the armyes fought : to see how the young men trauelled to bee good : to see how well princes gouerned : to see the obedience of the people : and aboue all , it was a maruellous thing to see the liberties and fauours which the sages had : & the subjection & small estimation , that the simple people were in . and now by our euill fortune , we see the cōtrary in these our wofull times : so that i cannot tel , whether first i should bewaile the vertues and noblenesse of them that are past , or the vices and infamies of these which are present . for , wee neuer ought to cease from praising the goodnes of the good : nor to cease from reprouing the wickednes of the euill . oh that i had been in that glorious world , to see so honorable and auncient sages , to gouerne in pleasure : and for the contrary , what griefe and pittie , shame , and dishonour is it , to see now so many dissolute sages , and so many young and busie heads , the which ( as i haue saide ) doe destroy all rome , and slaunder all italie , and dishonor themselues ? for the want of vertue which in them aboundeth , and endamageth the common-wealth : and as the other vices wherewith they are replenished , corrupteth the people in such sorte , that the weale publique is more dishonored through the dissolute life of them , then it is anoyed by the weapons of their enemyes . i say againe , and repeate my friends , that the prosperitie of rome endured . and xv . yeares : in the which time there was a great maiesty of works , and a maruellous simplicitie of words : and aboue all , that the best that it had , was , that it was rich of the good and vertuous men , and poore of euill and vicious loyterers . for in the ende , that citie cannot be called prosperous , which hath in it manie people : but onely that which hath in it fewe vices . speaking therefore more particularly , the cause that moued mee to put you from mee is , because in the day of the great feast of the god genius , you shewed ( in the presence of the senate ) your little wisedome , and your great follie : for so much as all men did behold more the lightnes of your person , then they did the follyes of the jugglers . if perchaunce you shewed your follie , to the intent men should thinke that you were familiar in my royall pallace , i tell you , that the errour of your thought was no lesse then the euill example of your worke : for no man ought to be so familiar with princes , but ( whether it be in sporte or in earnest ) he ought to do him reuerēce . since i gaue you leaue to departe , i knowe you had rather haue to helpe you in your journey a litle money , thē many counsells : but i will giue you both , that is to say , money for to bring you to your journeys end , & also coūcels , to the end ye may liue : and maruel not that i giue coūcel to them that haue an office to counsell others , for it chanceth oft times that the physitian doth cure the diseases of others , and yet indeed he knoweth not his owne . let therefore the last word and counsell bee , when you shall bee in the seruices of princes and great lords , that first you labour to be coūted honest rather then wise . that they doe chuse you rather for quiet men , then for busie heades , and more for your few wordes then for your much babling : for in the pallace of princes , if the wise man be no more then wise it is a great happe if hee bee much esteemed , but if he an honest man , hee is beloued , and well taken of all . chap. xxxvii . that princes and other noble men ought to ouersee the tutours of their children , lest they conceale the secrete faults of their schollers . wee haue before rehearsed what conditions , what age , and what grauitie masters ought to haue , which should bring vp the children of princes . now reason would we should declare , what the counsels should bee that princes should giue to the masters and tutors of their children , before they ought to giue them any charge . and after that it is meete wee declare , what the counsell shall be which the master shall giue to his disciple , hauing the gouernment of him . for it is vnpossible there should happen any misfortune , where ripe counsell is euer present . it shall seeme vnto those that shall profoundly consider this matter , that it is a superfluous thing to treate of these thinges : for eyther princes chuse the good , or els they chuse the euill . if they chuse not good masters , they labour in vain to giue them good counsell : for the foolish master is lesse capable of coūsell then the dissolute scholler is of wholesome admonition . if perchance princes doe make elections of good masters , then those masters both for themselues , and also for others ought to minister good counsels . for to giue counsell to the wise man , it is eyther a superfluous deed , or else it cōmeth of a presumptuous man. though it be true , that hee which dare giue counsell to the sage man is presumptuous , i say in like manner , that the diamond beeing set in gold , loseth not his vertue , but rather increaseth in price and value : i meane , that the wiser a man is , so much the more hee ought to desire to know the opinion of another ; certainely , he that doth so , cannot erre : for to none his owne counsell aboundeth so much , but that hee needeth the counsel and opinion of another . though princes and great lords do see with their eyes , that they haue chosē good masters & tutors to teach their children , yet they ought not therefore to be so negligent of themselues , but that sometimes they may giue the masters counsell : for it may be , that the masters be both noble & stout , that they be ancient , sage , and moderate : but it may be also , that in teaching childrē they are not expert : for to masters and tutors of princes , it is not so much necessary that sciences do abound , as it is shame that experience should want . when a rich man letteth out his farme or manor , to a farmor , he doth not onely consider with himselfe before what rent hee shall pay him , but also he couenanteth with him that he shal keepe his grounds well fenced and ditched , and his houses well repayred . and not contented to receyue the third part of the fruit of his vine : but also he goeth twice or thrice in a year to visite it : and in seeing it hee hath reason , for in the end the one occupieth the goods as a tenant , and the other doth view the ground as chiefe lord. then if the father of the family with so great diligence doth recommend the trees , and the ground to the labourer : how much more ought the father to recommend his children to the masters : for the father giuing counsell to the master is no other , but to deliuer his child to the treasurer of science . princes and great lords cannot excuse themselues of an offence , if after that they haue chosen a knight or gentleman for to be master , or els a learned and wise man to be tutour , they are so negligent as if they neuer had had children , or did remember that their children ought to be theyr heires : certainely this thing should not bee so lightly passed ouer . but as a wise man ( which is carefull of the honour and profite of his child ) hee ought to bee occupied , as well in taking heed to the master , as the master ought to be occupied , in taking heede to the child : for the good fathers ought to know , whether the master that he hath chosen can commaund , and whether his child will obey . one of the noblest princes among the ancients , was seuleucus , king of the assyrians , and husband of estrabonica ( the daughter of demetrius , king of macedony ) a lady for her beauty in all greece the most renowned of her fame , though indeed she was not very fortunate . this is an old disease , that hapneth alwayes to beutiful women , that there be many that desire them , and more that slaunder them . this king seuleucus was first married with another woman , of whome hee had a sonne called antigonus , ' the which was in loue with the second wife of his father , that is to say , with the queene estrabonica , and was almost dead for loue . the which the father vnderstanding , married his son with her : so that she that was his stepmother , was his wife ; and shee that was a faire wife , was a faire daughter , and hee which was his sonne , was made his sonne in law , and hee which was father , was stepfather . the authour hereof is plutarch in his liues , as sextus cheronensis sayeth , in the thirde booke of the sayings of the greekes . the king seuleucus laboured diligently to bring vp his sonne antigonus wel , wherfore he sought him two notable masters : the one a greeke , the other a latine . the k : seuleucus herewith not contented , prouided secretly ( by the means of a seruant of his named parthemius ) that he should haue no other office in the pallace , but that what the masters taught or did to his sonne antigonus in the day , hee should secretly come , and tell him in the night . but by the diligence of parthemius , it came to the knowledge of the tutors , that they had ouer-seers : for in the ende there is nothing accustomablie , but at the last will bee reuealed . since the two phylosophers knew the secret , one day they saide vnto the king seuleucus these wordes : most mighty prince seuleucus , since thou hast of trust committed thy sonne antigonus into our handes , why doest thou appointe thy seruaunt parthemius as accuser of our liues ? if thou accountest vs euill , and him good , thou shalt shewe vs great fauour , if thou wilt discharge vs , and committe to him the ●u●tion of thy sonne ? for wee let thee to knowe , that to men of honour it is vntollerable euill to shame them , and no dishonour to licence them . thou hast appointed parthemius , to goe and dog vs , to see what we do , or say openly , and afterwards to make relation vnto thee secretly : and the worst is , that by relation of the simple , wee should be condemned , beeing sages : for triacle is not so contrary to poyson , as ignoraunce is to wisedome . and truely ( most noble prince ) it is a great matter , that daily inquisition is made of man : for there is no beard so bare shauen , but it wil growe againe . i meane , that there is no man of so honest a life , but if a man make inquisition , he may finde wherewithall to detect . the k : seuleucus answered them thus . consider my friendes , that i knowe right well , that neyther the authoritie of the person , nor the good credite of renowme would bee stayned for any other friende in this world : and if the rude men doe it not , much lesse ought the sages to doe it . for there is nothing that men trauell for so much in this life , as to leaue of them a good renowme after theyr death . since you are sages , and maisters of my sonne , and likewise counsellers of my house , it is not meete that you should with any bee offended : for by all good reason hee alone ought to bee esteemed in the pallaces of princes , that will giue vnto princes good counsell . that which i haue saide to parthemius , was not for the doubt of your faith , neyther to thinke any daunger in your authoritie . and if the thing be well considered , it goeth well for you , and not euill for me : and the reason hereof is , that eyther you are good , or else you are euill : if you be good , you ought to be glad that daily your good seruices be reported vnto mee , for the continual beating into the princes eares of the good seruices of his seruants , must needes cause at the last theyr good seruices to be well rewarded . if you bee euill , and in teaching my sonne negligent : it is but reason that i bee thereof aduertised . for if the father be deceyued in his opinion , the sonne shal receiue poyson in his doctrine , and also because you shall not vndoe my realme , nor slaunder mee by your euill councell . if the fatall destinies permitte that my sonne be euill : i am hee that loseth most therby ; for my realme shall be destroyed , and my renowne vtterly abolished , and in the ende , my sonne shall not enioy the heritage . and if all passe so , you will care little : for you will say you are not in fault since the childe would not receiue your doctrine , wherefore mee thinkes it not euill done to ouer-see you , as you ouersee him : for my duety is to see that you be good , and your duety is to trauell , that your disciples be not euill . this king seuleucus , was an honourable man , and died aged ( as plutarche saieth , and patroclus more plainely declareth , in the third book of the warre of the assyrians ) and for the contrarie his sonne antigonus , came to be a wicked prince in all his doings . and this a man may well perceiue , that if he had not been of his father so much corrected , and of the schoolmaisters so well instructed : without doubt hee would haue proued much more wicked then he was . for young men on the one parte beeing euill inclined , and on the other parte euill taught , it is vnpossible but in the end they should grow to be most vicious , and defamed . in my opinion , though children be not euil inclined , yet the fathers thereof ought not to cease to corect them : for in time to come those that write , will commend the diligence of the fathers , in correcting the vices of their children . i haue declared this example , to counsel that the father be not so negligent , that he should vtterly forget to looke vnto his sonne , thinking that now the maister hath charge of him . and of my counsell , that father ought in this thing to bee so aduertised , that if at the first hee behelde the childe with two eyes : that then he should looke vnto him with sower eyes . for oft times it is more requisite that the masters be punished then the schollers . though princes are not dayly enformed of the life of the masters as king seleucus was : yet at the least ofttimes they ought to enquire of the state , of the life , and of the behauior both of the masters , and also of the children . and this thing they ought not to doe onely once , but also they ought to call the masters , and counsel them likewise , that they haue great respect to the doctrine of their children , thinking alwayes to giue them good counsell , to shew vnto their schollers afterwards : for otherwise the master immediately is discouraged , when hee seeth the father to be negligent , and nothing carefull for the bringing vp of his children . princes in one thing ought to haue great respect ( that is to say ) least the masters beare with the secret vices of children . and he ought not to doe thus , but also to call them vnto him , to aduise them , to warne them , to pray them , to counsell and commaund them , that they haue great respect to the bringing vp of his children : and further , that he giue them some notable counsell , to the entent that the masters afterward may make relation thereof to their schollers : for there is no man so weake , nor child so tender , but the force which hee hath to bee vicious , is enough ( if hee will ) to be vertuous . i would now demaund the masters and tutors which doe gouerne the children of noble and vertuous men , what more strength is required to be a glutton then to be a sobermā ? to be a babler , or to be silent ? to be diligent , or to be negligent ? to be honest , then to be dissolute ? and as of these few i speake , so i could recite many others . in this case i will not speake as a man of science , but as one of experience : and that is , that by the faith of a christian i sweare , that with lesse trauell of the master , and more profite of the scholler , hee may bee sooner vertuous then vicious . for there is no more courage required in one to be euill , then strength in an other for to be good , also the masters commonly haue an other euill property , worse then this , which is , they beare with theyr schollers in some secret vices when they are young , from the which they cannot bee withdrawne afterwards when they are olde . for it chanceth oft times that the good inclination is ouercome by euill custome : and certainely the masters , which in such a case should be apprehended , ought to bee punished as traytors periured . for to the master it is greater treason , to leaue his disciple among vices , then to deliuer a fort into the hands of the enemies . and let no man maruell , if i call such a master a traytor , for the one yeeldeth the fort which is but of stones builded : but the other aduentureth his sonne , who is of his proper body begotten . the cause of all this euill is , that as the children of princes ought to enherite realmes , and the children of great lords hope to enherite the great estates : so the masters are more couetous then vertuous . for they suffer their puples to runne at their owne wils when they be young , to the end to winne their harts when they shall be old : so that the extreme couetousnesse of the masters now a dayes is such , that it causeth good mens sonnes commonly to bee euill and vicious . o tutors of princes , and masters of great lords , i doe admonish you , and besides that i counsell you , that your couetousnes deceiue you not , thinking you shal be better esteemed for being clokers of vices , then louers of vertues . for , there is none ( olde or young ) so wicked , but knoweth that good is better then euill . and further , i may say to you in this case , that oft times god permitteth , ( when those that were children become olde ) their eyes to be opened , whereby they knowe the harme that you haue don them , in suffering them to be vicious in their youth : at what time your duty had been to haue corrected theyr vices . you thought ( as it should seeme ) by your goods to be honoured for your flatterie : but you finde the contrary , that you are despised worthily . for it is the iust iudgement of god , that hee that committeth euill , shall not escape without punishment : and hee that concealeth the euill committed , shall not liue vndefamed . diadumius the hystoriographer , in the life of seuerus the xxj . emperour , declareth ; that apuleius rufinus , who had beene consull twice , and at that time was also tribune of the people ( a man who was very aged , and likewise of great authoritie throughout rome ) came one day to the emperour seuerus , and saide vnto him in this sort ; most inuict prince , alwayes ( augustus , ) knowe that i had two children , the which i committed to a maister , to bring vp : and by chaunce the oldest increasing in yeares , and diminishing in vertues , fell in loue with a romaine ladie , the which loue came too late to my knowledge : for to such vnfortunate men as i am , the disease is alwayes past remedie , before the daunger thereof commeth to our knowledge . the greatest griefe that herein i feele , is , that his maister knewe and concealed the euill , and was not onely not a meanes to remedie it : but also was the chiefe worker of adultery betweene them to be committed . and my sonne made him an obligation , wherein he bound himselfe , if he brought him that romaine ladie , hee would giue him ( after my death ) the house and heritages , which i haue in the gate salaria , and yet heerewith not contented , but he and my sonne together , robbed me of much money . for loue is costly to him that maintaineth it , and alwayes the loues of the children , are chargeable to the fathers . iudge you now therefore , noble prince , this so haynous and slaunderous cause : for it is too much presumption of the subiect to reuenge any iniurie , knowing that the lorde himselfe will reuenge all wrongs . when the emperour seuerus had vnderstood this so heynous a case : as one that was both in name and deede seuere , commaunded good inquisition of the matter to be had : and that before his presence they should cause to appeare , the father , the sonne , and the maister , to the ende eache one should alledge for his own right : for in rome none could bee condemned for any offence , vnlesse the plaintife had first declared the fault before his presence , and that the accused should haue no time to make his excuse . the truth and certaintie ( vpon due examination then knowne , ) and the offenders confessing the offences , the emperor seuerus gaue iudgmēt thus . i commaund that this maister be cast aliue among the beastes of the parke palatine . for it is but meete that beastes deuoure him , which teacheth others to liue like beasts : also i do command , that the sonne be vtterly disinherited of all the goods of his father , and banished the countrey , into the isles of baleares and maiorques . for the childe which from his youth is vicious , ought iustly to be banished the countrey , and be disinherited of his fathers goods . this therefore ( of the maister , and the sonne , ) was done by the complainte of apuleius rufynus . o how vnconstant fortune is , and how oft , not thinking of it , the thred of life doth breake . i say it , because if this master had not beene couetous , the father had not been depriued of his sonne , the childe had not beene banished , the mother had not beene defamed , the common weale had not beene slaundered , the master of wilde beasts had not been deuoured , neyther the emperour had been so cruell against them , nor yet theyr names in histories , to their infamies , had alwayes continued , i doe not speake this without a cause , to declare by writing that which the euill doe in the world : for wisemen ought more to feare the infamy of the little pen , then the slander of the babling tongue . for in the end , the wicked tongue cannot defame but the liuing : but the little penne doth defame them that are , that were , and that shall be . to conclude this , my minde is , that the master should endeuour himselfe that his scholler should bee vertuous , and that hee doe not despayre , though immediately for his paines hee bee not rewarded . for though hee bee not of the creature , let him bee assured that hee shall be of the creator . for god is so mercifull , that hee often times taking pitty of the swette of those that bee good , chasteneth the vnthankefull , and taketh vpon him to require their seruices . chap. xxxviii . of the determination of the emperour , when he committed his childe to the tutors , which hee had prouided for his education . cinna the historian in the first booke of the times of comodus declareth that marcus aurelius the emperour chose foureteene masters learned and wise men , to teach his son comodus , of the which he refused fiue , not for that they were not wise , but for that they were not honest . and so hee kept these nine onely which were both learned in the sciences , and also expert in bringing vp the children of the senators , though indeed they were very vnluckie in the bringing vp of the prince comodus : for this cursed prince had nine masters which instructed him , but hee had aboue nine thousand vices wich vndid him . the emperour marcus aurelius made fiue books of declamations , and in the third booke the . chapter vnder the title adsapientes pedagogos , hee brought in these nine masters , and perswaded them greatly that they should bee diligent and attentiue to teach his sonne comodus . and in this matter hee spake vnto them many and graue sentences , the words whereof do follow . the matter is manifest in rome , and no lesse published thorow out all italy , what paines i tooke to search out so many sages to instruct my sonne comodus : the which all being examined , i kept onely the wisest and the best , and though in very deed , i haue done much , yet i haue not done so much as i am bound . for princes in doubtfull matters ought not onely to demaund counsell of all the good that be aliue : but also to take paine to talke with those which are dead . that is , to reade the deedes of the good in their writings : you were foureteene masters chosen , whereof i haue put out fiue : so that presently you are but nine , & if indeede you bee wise men , you shall not bee offended with that i haue done : for the griefe of euill things proceedeth of wisdome , but the admiration of good things commeth of small experience . i doe not deny , but the wise men doe feele in them passions as men : but in the end , there is no arte nor science that doth excuse vs from the miseries of men . but that whereat i maruell is , how it is possible that a wise man should maruell at any thing in this world : for if the wise man should be astonied at euery thing of the world , it appeareth that there is little constancy or vertue in him at all . returning therefore to our particular talke , i haue taken you to bee masters of my sonne , and you see , of many i chose a few , to the end that with few my sonne should be taught : for as it is the fathers duty to search out good masters ; so it is the masters duty to be diligent about his scholler . the nurse of my sonne comodus gaue him sucke two yeares with her teates , at the gate of hostia , and his mother faustine other two yeares brought him vp wantonly in capua . howbeit this was a sufficient excuse , i would as a pittiful father ( if i could ) giue him correction at the least this twenty yeares : for i sweare by the immortall gods , that to a prince that shall bee an enheritor , one yeeres punishment is more worth then twentie yeares of vaine pleasure . since the nurses which giueth the children sucke knoweth little : and since the mothers that bare them , doe loue them much , and since the childe peraduenture ( as yet ) is but of a weake vnderstanding , they are occupyed about the thinges that are present : considering that chastisemēt is much more better for him , then pleasure . but the wise man which hath vnderstanding ought to thinke of that , that is past , and by much wisdome to prouide for that which is to come : for he cannot be counted wise , tha●●●ely in one thing is carefull . 〈…〉 comodus was borne the last 〈◊〉 of august , in a cittie by danuby . 〈◊〉 shall not forget the day that the gods gaue him vnto me : nor yet this day in the which i commit him vnto you . of greater reason i should remember that day wherein i put him to be taught : then the day which i saw him to be borne . for the gods gaue him mee , as i gaue him to you mortall , since hee is a man : but you shall restore him againe vnto me ; and i likewise him to the gods , as immortall , if hee be wise . what will you i say more vnto you , but if you regarde that any thing at all which i say , you will regarde much more this , which i will say . when the gods determined that i should haue a childe of my wife , and that my woful destenies deserued , that i shold haue such a childe , truely the gods made me a man in the spirite : and i begote him a beast , among the beasts in the flesh . but if you will , you may make him a god among the gods , by science . for princes winne infamie , for being fierce and selfe willed : but they get good renowne , for beeing wise and pacient . i would you should applie this businesse well , and therefore it is necessarie that you examine him oft . for it is a generall rule , that the pretious iewell is little regarded , when hee which hath it knoweth not the value thereof . i require , that you answere mee in this one thing . what did i giue vnto my sonne comodus , when the gods gaue him mee , but fraile and mortall flesh ? by the corruption , whereof his life shall end : but you shall giue him high doctrine , whereby hee shall alwayes deserue perpetuall memory : for the good renowne is not gotten by that the weake flesh doth , but by that the high vnderstanding imagineth , and by that the curious hart executeth . o if this tender age knew what i gaue to his weake flesh , and if his dull vnderstanding could come to the true wisedome which you may giue him : he would call you his right fathers , and mee but his steppe father : for he is the true father that giueth vs doctrine to liue : and hee is but an vniust stepfather that giueth vs flesh to die . certainely , the naturall fathers of children , are but their owne open enemies , and cruell stepfathers ; since we giue them such dull vnderstanding , so weake a memory , a will so froward , life so short , flesh so frayle , honour so costly , health so vncertain , riches so troublesome , prosperitie so scarce , and death so fearefull . finally , wee giue them a nature subiect to infinite alterations , and great misfortunes . reason would not you should little regarde that which i commit vnto your iudgement , that is to say , that you haue the charge of comodus my sonne : for the thing that princes ought chiefly to foresee , is to whome they ought to recommend the gouernement of their children . to bee a master and tutour of a prince in the earth , is to haue an office of the gods which are in heauen : because hee gouerneth him that ought to gouerne vs : he teacheth him that ought to teach vs , hee chastneth him that ought to chasten vs. finally , hee commaundeth one , that ought to command all . what will you that i say more vnto you . truely , hee that hath the charge to teach the children of princes and great lords , is as the gouernour of the shippe , standard of a battell , a defence of the peovle , a guide of the wayes , a father of the orphanes , the hope of pupils , and a treasurer of all : for there is no other true treasure in the common wealth , but the prince which doth maintaine and keepe it in good peace , and perfect iustice . i will tell you furthermore , to the end you shall esteeme it more , that when i doe giue you my sonne to teach , i giue you more then if i gaue you all the riches of the realme . for in him that hath the reformation of the childes life , dependeth the fame of the father after that hee is dead . so that the father hath no greater renowme , then to see his childe leade an honest life . i pray the gods that they may bee so mercifull , and the fatal destinies so fortunate , that if till this time you haue watched to teach the children of others , that frō hence forward you watch to teach this my sonne comodus , which i trust shall be to the comfort of all . for the thing which is vniuersally good to all , ought for to bee preferred before that which tendeth but to the profite and commodity of some . you see my friends , that there is a greate difference to teach the children of princes , and to teach the children of the people , and the cause hereof is , the greatest part of those come to schooles & vniuersities to learne to speake , but i do not giue you my sonne comodus , to the end you should teach him to speake many words , but that you should learne him to doe good works . for all the glory of the princes is , that in the workes which he doth , he be vpright , and in the words that hee speaketh he be very discreet . after that the children haue spent many yeares in schooles , after their fathers haue spent much money vpon them if perchance the child can dispute in greeke or latine any thing at all , though hee bee light and vicious , the father thinketh his goods well imployed : for in rome , now a dayes they esteeme an orator more , which can nought but babble , then a philosopher which is vertuous . o wofull men , that now liue in rome , and much more wofull shall those be , which hereafter shall succeede : for rome is no more that rome , which it was wont to be , that is to say , that the fathers in olde time sent their children to schooles and studies to learne them to bee silent : and now they send them to learne to speake too much . they learned them then to bee sage and temperate : and now they learne them to bee dissolute . and the worst of all is , that the schooles where the sage and patient were wont to be , and from whence issued the good and vertuous workes , are now ful of babling orators , and none issue out from thence at this present , but the euill and vitious . so that if the sacred romane lawes are exalted once in a weeke with their tongs : they are broken ten times in the day , in their works . what will you i say more , since i cannot tell you any thing ( without hurting my mother rome ) but that at this present all the pleasures of vaine men , is to see their children ouercome others by disputing : but i let you vnderstand that all my glory shall bee , when my sonne shall surmount others , not in words , but in silence , not to be troublesome , but to bee patient : not in speaking subtill words , but in doing vertuous works . for the glory of good men is in working much , and speaking little . consider my friends , and doe not forget it , that this day i commit my honor vnto you , i put into your hands the estate of comodus my sonne , the glory of rome , the rest of the people , which are my subiects , the gouernement of italie , which is our country , and aboue all , i referre vnto your discretion , the peace and tranquility of the whole common wealth . therefore hee that hath such a charge , by reason ought not to sleep : for as the wise men say , to great trust is required much diligence . i will say no more , but that i would my sonne comodus should be so wel taught , that he should haue the feare of god , & the science of philosophers , the vertues of the ancient romanes , the approued counsell of the aged , the courage of the romane youth , the constancy of you , which are his masters . finally , i would , that of all the good , he should take the good , as of me hee ought to take the heritage & succession of the empire ; for hee is the true prince , and worthy of the empire , that with his eyes doth behold the great signiories he ought to inherite , and doth employ his heart how to gouerne it , whereby hee shall liue to the great profite of the common wealth . and i protest to the immortall gods , with whom i hope to goe , and to the goodnesse of my predecessors whose faith i am bound to keepe . i protest to the romane lawes , the which i did sweare to obserue in the conquest of asia , wherein i am bound my selfe to continue , and to the friendshippe of the rhodians , the which i haue offered my selfe for to keepe , to the enmitie of the affricanes , the which not for me , but for the oath of my predecessors , i bound my selfe to maintaine . and i protest vnto the vessell of the high capitoll , where my bones ought to bee burnt , that rome doe not complaine of mee , beeing aliue , nor that in the world to come shee curse mee after my death . if perchance the prince comodus my sonne ( by his wicked life ) should bee occasion of the losse or hinderance of the common-wealth . and though you which are his masters vndoe it , for not giuing him due punishment , and hee thorow his wicked gouernement destroy it , yet i discharge my selfe by all these protestations that i haue made , which shall bee witnesses of my will. for the father is bound no more towardes his childe , but to banish him from his pleasures , and to giue him vertuous masters . and if hee bee good , hee shall bee the glory of the father , the honour of himselfe , the wealth of you , and the profite and commodity of the whole common wealth . chap. xxxix . the tutors of princes and noble mens children ought to be very circumspect that their schollers doe not accustome themselues in vices whiles they are young , and specially they must keepe them from foure vices , the good and expert surgeons vnto great daungerous wounds , doe not onely apply medicins and ointments which do resolue and stoppe : but also minister other good playsters for to restraine and heale them . and verily they shew themselues in the one no lesse sage , then in the other expert : for as great diligence ought to bee had to preserue the weake flesh , & to purge the rotten wound , to the end it may be healed : so likewise the wise trauellers learne diligently the way before they take vpon them any iourney ; that is to say , if there bee any dangers in the way , eyther of robbing or slaying , wherein there is any by-path that goeth out of the high-way . truly , hee that in this point is circumspect , is worthy to bee counted a sage mam : for according to the multitude of the perilles of the world , none can be assured , vnlesse hee know first where the daunger is , wherein hee may fall . to shew therfore that which by these parables i meane , i say , that the tutours and master of princes and great lordes , ought not to bee contented onely to know what science , what doctrine , and what vertue they ought to shew , and teach their schollers : but also with greater care and diligence they ought to know from what euilles or wicked customes they ought to withdraw them : for when the trees are tender and young , it is more necessary to bow them , and cut off the superfluous branches with kniues , then to gather their fruits with baskets . those which take vpon them to gouerne moyles of great price and value , and those that tame & breake horses of a good race , take great paines that such beasts be light , that they leape well , and be well made to the spurre and bridle : but they take much more paines that they be gentle , familiar and faithfull ; and aboue all , that they haue no euill qualities . then sith it is so , masters ought diligently to watch ( if they bee good ) that in young princes there be no apparance of any notable vices : for the vertues which the young doe learn , doth not them so much profite , as one onely vice doth them hurt , if they doe thereunto consent , knowing that thereby they may bee hereafter blamed or despised : for if any man knew a beast that is wilde and stubborne , and not gentle , and will buye him at a great price : such a one hath his head more full of follies then of wisedome . albeit that masters ought to withdraw their schollers from many euill customes , amongst all there are foure principals , in any of the which , if the prince bee defamed , the master which hath taught him should deserue great punishment : for according to the humane lawes and customes , all the damage and harme , that the beasts doe to the vineyarde the keeper that hath charge thereof , shall ( as he is bound ) recompence . first , the master ought to reform in such sort the tongus of their schollers , that neyther in sport nor in earnest , they permit them to tell lyes : for the greatest fault that is in a good and vertuous man , is to bee briefe in the truth , and the greatest villany , that is in a vicious man , is to bee long in lyes . merula in that . booke of caesars sayeth , that the first warre that vlpius traianus made , was against the romanes , and with no small victory ouercame the emperour domitian in a battell which they fought together : for as nafica sayde , the pleasures that rome had to see many victories were not so great : as the displeasure was which she tooke , to see her selfe once ouercome . the good vlpius traianus gaue battell to king cebalus , wherein cebalus was not onely ouercome , but also taken , and afterwardes brought before the emperor traianus , which sayde vnto him these words . speake cebalus , why diddest thou rebell against the romaines , since thou knowest that the romanes are inuincible : king cebalus answered him , if the romans could not bee ouercome , how then did i ouercome the emperour domitian ? traian the emperour sayde vnto him againe : thou art greatly deceyued ( king cebalus ) to thinke that when thou ouercamest the emperor , thou hadst ouercome the romanes : for when that romulus founded rome , the gods ordained , that though their emperour dyed in any battell , yet notwithstanding it is not to bee thought , that the empire is ouercome . the historiographers made a great matter of the words that this vlpius traianus spake : for therin he shewed , that the rom : empire was invincible . after that this king cebalus was dead , and that ( for his deserts ) hee was depriued : as the emperour traian was a mercifull prince , so hee prouided that a little child that cebalus had , should bee brought vp in his palace , with intention , that if the child became good , they would giue him the realme which his father , ( through treason ) had lost . for in rome there was an auncient law , that all which the father lost , by reason the sonne should recouer by his faithfull acts . it chaunced that the good traian taking his pleasure in the garden of vulcan , saw the sonne of king cebalus and many other young children of rome , stealing fruit foorth of an orchard ; and it is no wonder , for the locustes did not so much harme to the corne , as the children do to the fruites , when they enter into the orchards . when the emperour afterwardes demaunded him from whence hee came ? hee answered , from his study hearing rethorike , but indeed hee came from stealing of fruit . the emperour traian was so angry and displeased that the child was a lyer , that he commanded he should vtterly be depriued and made voide of all hope , to recouer the realme of his father . the emperour traian was greatly importuned , as wel of strange ambassadours , as of his owne countrimen that he would change that cruell sentence , for princes in a fury doe commaund that , which when they are patient they doe vndo . the emperour traian answered them , if the father of this child which was king cebalus had been a true prince , he had not lost his life , neyther his realme , nor had not put mee , and the empire so many times in daunger : but since the father was a lyer , and the sonne is not true , it were too vniust a thing to render him the realme . for to me it should be great reproach , and to our mother rome , as much dishonour , that shee being the mother of truth , should giue realmes to children beeing lyers , this was it that vlpius traian spake vnto the sonne of king cebalus . marcus aurelius the . emperour of rome had two sonnes , as before we haue rehearsed , the eldest of the which was called comodus , and his father procured greatly to dishen herite him of the empire : for hee would that the second sonne named verissimus should haue enherited it : and hee did not onely determine it , but also spake it oft times openly : for that thing is with great difficulty dissembled , that excessiuely is beloued . by chance an olde senator , and friend of marcus aurelius the emperour one day , both going out of the senate house , sayde vnto him : i maruell at thee , most excellent prince why thou doest dishenherite thy sonne which is eldest , to make thine heyre the youngest , knowing that they are both thy sonnes , and that the gods haue giuen thee no other but them : for the good fathers are bound to chasten their children but they haue not licence to dishenherite them . the emperour marcus aurelius answered him , if thou wert a greeke philosopher , as thou ort a romane citizen , and if thou knowest tke fathers loue towards the child , thou wouldest not take pitty on my sonne which vndoeth the empire : but thou shouldest haue compassion on me his father , which doth dishenherite him : for the child scarcely knoweth what hee looseth , but i that am his father doe bewayle the dammage which i doe vnto him . for in the end , there is not in the world so cruell a father , but if his sonne should bee hurt with the pomell of the sword in the hand , the father would feele ( incontinently ) the dent of his blade at his heart . in this case i sweare vnto thee by the immortall gods , that i do that which i would not doe : and i take that from him which i would not take , for anthonius my lord , and father in law , gaue mee the empire for no other cause , but because hee neuer found in mee any lye : and for this occasion i doe depriue my sonne from it , for that i neuer found in him any truth . for it is not meete that the empire beeing giuen vnto me for that i was true : should bee left in heritage to him that is a lyer : for in the ende it is better that the sonne doe loose the heritage , then the father should loose his renowne . by these two examples , those which are the tutors and masters of princes and great lordes may see , how to bee diligent to keepe them from lyes , whilest they are yong , and it ought to be in such sort , that neyther in pastime , neyther in earnest answering they should bee suffered to tell a lye : for those that for their pleasures were accustomed to lye in their youth , will not fayle for their profite to lye in their age . secondarily , the tutours and masters ought to keepe their disciples , that they bee no gamesters , & that they doe not accustome themselues in their youth to bee vnthrifts : for it is a great token of the decay of the empire , when the prince in his youth is affectionated to play . experience sheweth vs , that to play is a vice , as seneca saieth , which hath the property of a raging dogge : with whom if a man bee once bitten , ( vnlesse hee hath present remedie ) forthwith he runneth mad , and the disease also continueth with him vncurable vntill the houre of his death : players not without a cause are compared to madde dogges : for al those that vse it , hurt their conscience , loose their honour , and consume their substance . it chaunceth oft that in that wherein masters should bee most circumspect , they for the most part , are most negligent : that is to say , that vnder the colour of some honest recreation , they agree to their schollers to vse some pastime , which if therein bee contained no commendable exercise , the children ought not to vse it , nor yet the tutors to suffer it : for vice is of such a propertie , that if a childe in his youth dare play a point , it is to bee feared when he commeth to yeares , hee will play his coate . waying the matter more deeply , and aggrauating this vice , i say further , and affirme , that when the children of princes and great lords play , a man ought not to make account of that which they may winne or loose : for that of all miseries were most miserie , if therefore my penne should forbidde them play . for play ought not to be forbidden to young children , for the money that they lose ; but for the vices which they winne thereby , and for the corrupt manners which therein they doe learne . octauian , who was the second emperour of rome , and one of the fortunatest emperours that euer was , among all his vertues was noted of one thing onely , which is , that from his youth he was much giuen to play at tennis . of the which vice hee was not onely admonished secretly , but also was forbidden it openly . for as cicero sayeth in his booke of lawes , when the emperour was noted of any open vice , they might boldly reproue him in the open senate . when octauian was for this vice reproued by the senate , they sayde hee spake these wordes : you haue reason ( o fathers conscript ) in taking from me my pastime : for it is necessary that the vertues of princes should be so many , that al men might prayse them , and their vices so fewe , that no man might reproue them . these wordes were notable , & worthy of such a rare and excellent prince . for in the end , considering their delicate and wanton bringing vp , together with the liberty that they haue : wee ought to thanke and commend them for the good workes which they doe , and most of all to reioyce for the vices which they want . to our matter therefore , amongst the other wicked vices that children gette in their youth , when they are players : this is one : that they learne to bee theeues and lyers : for the money that they playe , to demaund it their fathers they are afrayde and ashamed : and of theyr owne proper goods , as yet they haue none in their hands . wherefore a man may easily conclude , tha● if children play , of necessitie they must steale . the sixe and thirtieth emperor of rome , was claudius luganus , a man very temperate in eating , moderate in apparrell , vpright in iustice , and very fortunate in chiualry : for he did not onely repulse the gothes from illyria , but also vanquished in a batrell the germaines , wherin were slaine aboue a hundred thousand . this battell was neere vnto the lake verucus , in a place called luganus , and for a memory of that great battell and victory , they called him claudius luganus . for it was a custome among the romaines , that according to the good or euill workes that princes did , so they were iudged , and know by such surnames , whether it were good or euill . this emperour had but one onely sonne , which was a prince of comely personage , and liuely of vnderstanding : but aboue all things giuen to play ; so that these good gifts which nature gaue him to work in vertue , he misused alwayes in play . and amongst young men he desired rather to haunt vice , then among the philosophers to learne vertue . and hereat a man ought not to maruell , for all men of great courage ( vnlesse they be compelled to do vertuous acts ) doe exercise of themselues many detestable vices . it chaunced when this young prince had no more to play nor gage , he robbed out of his fathers chamber a rich iewell of golde , whereof also his master was priuie . and when the knowledge thereof came to the emperours eates , hee immediately dishenherited his sonne of the empire , and caused the head of the master to bee cut off his body , and all those likewise that played with him to be banished the countrey . this act made euery man afrayde , for correction executed after a good sorte , hath this property , that it encourageth the good to be good , and feareth the wicked from their wickednesse . merula in the tenth booke of caesars ( whereas at large hee mentioneth this matter ) sayeth , that the romaines esteemed more the banishment of those players from rome , then to haue drouen out the gothes from illyria , and to say the trueth , they had reason : for a prince deserueth a greater growne of glory to banish the vitious from his palace , then hee doeth for chasing the enemies out of his dominion . chap. xl. ¶ of two other vices , perillous in youth , which the maisters ought to keepe them from : and that is to bee shamelesse in countenance , and addicted to wickednesse , and the lusts of the flesh . thirdlie ; tutours ought to trauel , that that the children which they haue in charge , be not light & worldly : nor that they do consent that they be bolde or shamelesse . and i say , that they doe not suffer them to be light or vnconstant : for of young men vnconstant and light , commeth oftentimes an olde man , fonde , and vnthriftie . i say , that they doe not suffer them to be too rashe : for of too hardie young men , commeth rebellious and seditious persons . i say that they doe not consent they bee shameles : for , of the vnshamefastnes , commeth slaunderous persons . princes and great lords ought to haue much care and circumspection , that their children bee brought vp in shamefastnes with honestie . for , the crowne doth not giue so much glorie to a king , nor the head doth more set forth the man , nor the precious jewell more adorne the breast , nor yet the regal scepter more become the hand , then shamefastnes with honesty , beautifieth a young man. for , a man of what estate soeuer hee be , the honesty which hee sheweth outwardly , doeth most commonly hyde many secret vices , wherewith he is indued inwardly . in the time of the reigne of the emperour helyus pertinax , ( the nineteenth emperour of rome ) two consulls gouerned the common-wealth : the one was named verut , and the other mamillus . one day they came vnto the emperour , and were humble suiters to his highnesse : beseeching him , that it would please him to accept , and receyue their two children into his seruice , the eldest of the which passed not as yet twelue yeares of age : the which request , after the emperour had graunted , the fathers were not negligent to bring them vnto him ; and beeing come before his presence , eache of them made an oration , the one in latine , and the other in greeke . wherewith the emperour was greatly pleased , and all the residue amazed : for at that time none serued the romaine princes , but hee that was very apte to chiualrie , or very toward in sciences . as these two children in the presence of the emperour made their orations , the one of them behelde the emperour in such sorte , that his eyes neuer went off him , neither once mouing his head , to looke downe to the earth : and the other contrarie , behelde the earth alwayes , and neuer lift vp his head during his oration . wherewith the emperour ( beeing a graue man ) was so highly pleased with the demeanours of this childe , that hee did not onely admit him for to serue him at his table , but also hee suffered him to enter into his chamber ; and this was a preferment of great estimation : for princes did not vse to be serued at their tables , nor in their chambers with any , vnlesse they were of his owne kinred , or auncient seruants . and concerning the other childe , which was his companion , the emperour returned againe to his father , saying : that when hereafter hee should bee more shamefaste , hee would receyue him into his seruice . and certainely , the emperour had great reason : for good & graue princes ought not to be serued with light & shamelesse children . i would now demaund fathers which loue their children very well , and would they should bee worthy : what it auayleth their children to be faire of countenance , wel disposed of body , liuely of spirit , white of skinne , to haue yellow hayres , to bee eloquent in speech , profound in science : if with all these graces that nature giueth them , they bee too bolde in that they doe , and shameles in that they say : the author hereof is patritius senensis , in the first booke de rege et regno . one of the most fortunate princes was the great theodosius , the which amongst all other vertues , had one most singular , the which was , that hee was neuer serued in his pallace with any young man that was vnshamefast , or seditious nor with any olde man which was dishonest : for he sayde oft times that princes shall neuer bee well beloued , if they haue about them lyers or slaunderers . this good emperour spake as a man of experience , and very sage : for if the councellers and familiars of princes bee euill taught and vnpatient , they offend many : and if they bee lyers , they deceyue al , and if they be dishonest they slaunder the people . and these offences bee not so great vnto them that commit them , as they bee vnto the prince which suffereth them . the emperour theodose had in his palace two knights , the one called ruffinus , and the other stelliconus , by whose prudence and wisedome the common wealth was ruled and gouerned . and as ignatius baptista sayeth , they two were the tutours and gouernours of the children of theodose , whose names were archadius and honorius : for as seneca saith , when good princes doe die , they ought to bee more carefull to procure masters and tutours which shall teach their children , then to procure realmes or kingdomes for to enrich them . the two masters stelliconus and ruffinus had in the palace of theodose each of them a sonne , the which were maruellous well taught , and very shamefast : and for the contrary , the two princes honorius and arcadius were euill mannered , and not very honest . and therefore the good emperour theodose tooke these children oft times , and set them at his table : and contrary , hee would not once behold his owne . let no man maruel though a prince of such a grauity , did a thing of so small importance : for to say the truth , the shamefast children , and well taught are but robbers of the hearts of other men . fourthly , the tutors and masters of princes ought to take good heed , that when the young princes their schollers waxe great , that they giue not themselues ouer to the wicked vice of the flesh , so that the sensuality and euill inclination of the wanton child , ought to bee remoued by the wisedome of the chaste master . for this cursed flesh is of such condition , that if once by wantonnes the wicket be opened , death shall sooner approch , then the gate shall be shut againe . the trees which budde and cast leaues before the time , our hope is neuer to eate of their fruit in season . i meane , that when children haunt the vice of the flesh , whiles they be yong : there is small hope of goodnesse to bee looked for in them when they be olde . and the elder we see them waxe , the more wee may be assured of their vices . and where wee see that vice encreaseth , there wee may affirme that vertue diminisheth . plato in his second booke of laws ordayneth and commaundeth , that young men should not marry before they were . yeares of age , and the young maydens at . becaust at that age their fathers abide lesse dangers in begetting them , & giuing of them life , and the children also which are borne , haue more strength against the assaults of death . therefore if it bee true ( as it is true indeed ) i aske now , if to bee married and get children ( which is the end of marriage ) the philosophers doe not suffer vntill such time as they bee men : then i say , that masters ought not to suffer their schollers to haunt the vices of the flesh when they bee children . in this case , the good fathers ought not alone to commit this matter to their tutors , but also thereunto to haue an eye themselus . for oft times they will say , they haue been at their deuotions in the temples , when in deed they haue offered veneriall sacrifice to the curtezan . the vice of the flesh is of such condition , that a man cannot giue himselfe vnto it , without grudge of conscience , without hurt of his renowne , without losse of his goods , without shortning of his life , and also without offence to the common-wealth : for oft times , men enclined to such vice , doe rebell , trouble and slaunder the people . seneca satisfied me greatly , in the which he writeth in the second booke de clementia to nero , where hee sayeth these words : if i knew the gods would pardon me , and also that men would not hate mee : yet i ensure thee for the vilenes therof , i would not sinne in the flesh . and truly seneca had reason , for aristotle sayeth , that all beastes after the act of venerie are sorry , but the cocke alone . o gouernours , and masters of great princes and lords , by the immortal gods i sweare , which created vs , i coniure you , and for that you owe to the nobility i desire you that you will bridle with a sharpe snafle your charge , and giue them not the reine to follow vices : for if these young children liue , they will haue time ynough to search , to follow , to attaine , and also to cast off those yokes : for through our frailety , this wicked vice of the flesh , in euery place , in all ages , in euery estate , and at all times ( bee it by reason , or not ) is neuer out of season . what shall i say to you in this case ? if the children passe the furiousnes of their youth without the bridle , then they bee voyde of the loue of god , they follow the trumpet of sensuality , after the sound whereof they runne headlong into the yoake , and loose that that profiteth , to win that which hurteth ? for in the carnall vices he that hath the least of that which sensuality desireth , hath much more therof then reason willeth . considering that the masters are negligent , the children bolde , their vnderstandings blinded , and seeing that their appetites do accomplish beastly motions , i aske now what remayneth to the childe , and what contentation hath hee of such filth and naughtinesse ? truly , since the fleshly and vicious man is ouercome with his appetite , of those that escape best , i see none other fruit , but that their bodies remaine diseased , and their vnderstanding blinded , their memory dulled , their sense corrupted , their will hurted , their reason subuerted , and their good fame lost , and worst of all , the flesh remaineth alwayes flesh . o how many young men are deceyued , thinking that for to satisfie and by once engaging themselues to vices , that from that time forwarde they shall cease to bee vicious , the which thing not onely doth not profite them , but also is very hurtfull vnto them : for fire is not quenched with drye wood , but with cold water . but o god , what shall wee doe , since that now a dayes , the fathers doe as much esteeme their children for being fine , and bolde minions among women , as if they were verie profound in science , or hardie in feates of armes ? and that which is worst , they oft times make more of their bastards gotten in adulterie , then of their legitimate childe conceiued in matrimony . what shall wee say then of mothers ? truely i am ashamed for to speake it , but they should bee more ashamed to doe it , which is , because they would not displease their husbands , they hide the wickednesse of their children ; they put the children of their harlots to the nurse , they redeeme their gages , they giue them money to play at dice , they reconcile them to their fathers when they haue offended , they borrow them money to redeeme them when they are indebted . finally , they are makers of their bodies , and vndoers of their soules . i speake this insidently , for that the masters would correct the children , but the fathers and mothers forbid them . for it little auayleth for one to pricke the horse with the spurre , when hee that sitteth vpon him holdeth him back with the bridle . therfore to our matter , what shall we do to remedy this ill in the young man : which in his flesh is vicious ? truely i see no other remedie , but with the moist earth to quench the flaming fire , and to keepe him from the occasions of vice . for in the warre , honour , by tarrying is obtained : but in the vice of the flesh , the victory by flying is obtayned . the end of the second booke . the third booke of the diall of princes , with the famovs booke of marcvs avrelivs , where hee entreateth of the vertues which princes ought to haue , as iustice , peace , and magnificence . chap. i. how princes and great lordes ought to trauell to administer to all equall iustice . egidius frigulus , one of the most famous and renowmed philosophers of rome , sayde , that that betweene two of the zodaicall signes ( leo and libra ) is a virgine named iustice : the which in times past dwelled among men in earth , and after that shee was of them neglected , shee ascended vp to heauen . this philosopher would let vs vnderstand , that iustice is so excellent a vertue , that she passeth al mens capacitie : since shee made heauen her mansion place , and could finde no man in the whole earth that wold entertaine her in his house . during the time they were chaste , gentle , pittifull , patient , embracers of vertue , honest and true : iustice remayning in the earth with them : but since they are conuerted vnto adulterers , tyrants , giuen to be proud , vnpatient , lyers , and blasphemers , shee determined to forsake them , and to ascend vp into heauen . so that this philosopher concluded , that for the wickednesse that men commit on earth , iustice hath leapt from them into heauen . though this seeme to bee a poeticall fiction , yet it comprehendeth in it high and profound doctrine , the which seemeth to be very cleare , for where wee see iustice , there are few theeues , few murderers , few tirants , and few blasphemers . finally , i say , that in the house or common wealth where iustice remaineth , a man can not committe vice , and much lesse , dissemble with the vicious . homer desirous to exalt justice , could not tell what to say more , but to call kings , the children of the great god iupiter : and that not for that naturalty they haue , but for the office of iustice , which they minister . so that homer concludeth , that a man ought not to call iust princes other , but the children of god. the diuiue plato , in the fourth booke of his common-wealth , saieth : that the chiefest gift god gaue to men is , that they being ( as they be ) of such vile clay , should bee gouerned by justice . i would to god , all those which reade this wryting , vnderstoode right well that which plato said : for , if men were not indued with reason , and gouerned by iustice : amongst all beasts none were so vnprofitable . let reason be taken from man , wherwith he is indued , and iustice whereby he is gouerned : then shall men easily perceyue in what sort he will leade his life . he cannot fight as the elephant , nor defend himselfe as the tygre , nor he can hunte as the lyon , neither labour as the oxe : and that wherby he should profite ( as i thinke ) is , that he should eate beares and lyons , in his life , as now he shall be eaten of worms after his death . all the poets that inuented fictions , all the oratours which made orations , all the philosophers which wrote books , all the sages which left vs their doctrines , and all the princes which instituted lawes , meant nothing else , but to perswade vs to think how briefe and vnprofitable this life is , and how necessary a thing iustice is therin . for the filth and corruption which the bodie hath without the soule : the selfe same hath the common-wealth without iustice . wee cannot denye but that the romaines haue been prowde , enuious , adulterers , shamelesse , and ambicious : but yet with all these faultes , they haue beene great obseruers of iustice . so that if god gaue them so manie triumphs , beeing loaden and enuironed with so many vices : it was not for the vertues they had , but for the great iustice which they did administer . plinie in his second booke saith , that democrites affirmed , there were two gods , which gouerned the vniuersall world : that is to say : reward , and punishment . whereby wee may gather , that nothing is more necessarie , then true and right iustice . for , the one rewardeth the good , and the other , leaueth not vnpunished the euill . saint austine , in the first booke de ciuitate dei , saieth these words : iustice taken away , what are realmes , but dennes of theeues ? truely hee had great reason . for , if there were no whips for vagabonds : gags for blasphemers : fines for periurie : fires for heretiques : sword for murderers : galowes for theeues : nor prisons for rebells : we may boldly say , there would not bee so many beasts on the mountains , as there would be thieues in the common-wealth . in many things , or in the greatest parte of the commonwealth , wee see that bread , wine , corn , fish , wool , and other things necessary for the life of the people wanteth : but we neuer saw but malicious men in euery place did abound . therefore i sweare vnto you , that it were a good bargaine to chaunge all the wicked men in the commonwealth , for one onely poore sheepe in the fielde . in the common-wealth wee see nought else but whipping daylie , beheading , slaying , drowning , & hanging : but notwithstanding this , the wicked which remaine still , are so manie in number , that if all those should be hanged that deserue it by iustice ; a man could hardly finde hang-men sufficient , nor gallowes to hang them vpon . admit according to the varietie of realmes and prouinces , that diuers lawes and customes haue beene instituted therein : yet for a truth there was neuer , nor shall bee found any nation or common wealth in the world so barbarous , but hath beene founded of iustice : for to affirme that men can bee preserued without iustice , is as much as to say , the fish can liue without water . how is it possible that a common wealth may liue without iustice , sith without her cannot bee ruled one onely person ? plinie in an epistle sayeth , that he himselffe hauing the charge of a prouince in affricke , demaunded an old man , and in gouernement expert , what he might doe to administer iustice ? the aged man answered : doe iustice of thy selfe , if thou wilt be a minister thereof : for the good iudge , with the right yeard of his owne life , ought to measure the whole state of the common-wealth . and hee sayde further , if thou wilt be right with men , and cleane before god , beware of presumption in thine office : for the proud and presumptuous iudges oftentimes doe contrarie to their wordes , and also exceede in their deedes . plinie also sayeth , that hee profited more with the counsell this olde man gaue him , then with all that euer he had read in his bookes . o to how much is hee bound that hath taken vpon him to administer iustice ? for if such a one be an vpright man , hee accomplisheth that where vnto hee is bound : but if such a one of himself be vniust , iustly of god hee ought to be punished , and likewise of men to bee accused . when great princes commaund their seruants or subiects any thing , & that they cannot accomplish them in such sort as they had charge to do : then he ought to haue them excused , those excepted , which gouern realms and prouinces : for no man leaueth to administer iustice , but for want of knowledge or experience : or else through aboundance of affection or malice if a captaine lose a battel he may excuse himselfe saying , his men were fled when they should haue assaulted their enemies . a poast may excuse himselfe for that the waters were so high . a hunter may say that beast is escaped another way , and others such like : but a gouernour of a common wealth , what excuse can he haue that he doth not iustice ? cōscience ought to burden him , and also he ought to bee ashamed to take vpon him the charge of any thing , if hee doubt to bring it to effect : for shamefast faces and haughty courages , either ought to put that in execution which they take vpon them , or else they ought to shew a lawful cause why it tooke no effect . let vs knowe what iustice is , & then we shall know what is meete for the administration thereof ? the office of a good iudge is to defend the cōmon wealth , to helpe the innocent , to aide the simple , to correct the offender , to helpe the orphanes , to doe for the poore , to bridle the ambitious : finally , by iustice he ought to giue each one his owne , and to dispossesse those which holde any thing wrongfully of others . when a prince commandeth any man to take the charge of iustice , and such one doth not seek it of himselfe , if perchance he did not in all pointes vprightly in the administration therof , he might haue some excuse saying that though hee hath accepted it , it was not with intent to erre , but because he would obey : what shal we say of many , which without shame , without knowledge , experiēce , & without conscience do procure the office of iustice ? o if princes knew what they giue , when they giue the charge to any to gouern the common-welth , i sweare vnto you , that they were better to giue them goods to find them for twenty yeares , then for to trust them with the charge of iustice twenty daies . what a thing is it to see some men shamelesse , dishonest great talkers , gluttons , ambitious , and couetous , the which without any reasonable cause , authority or knowledge , demaund of princes an office of iustice , as if by iustice they did demaund their owne ? would to god the giuer would haue an eye to those which in this case do demaund . but what shall wee say of those that doe solicite them , procure them , importune them , beseech them , and more then that , euen as without shame they doe demaund it , so without conscience likewise they buy it ? there remaineth in this case more as yet , that is , that if those cursed men doe not attaine to that which they demaund , and if those , ( hauing no conscience ) do not giue it them , then they blaspheme and complain of those which are in fauour with princes , as if they had done them great iniurie . o what trouble is it to good men to accomplish the desires of the euill : for the couetous & ambitious persons doe but desire that the good mē had the like paine in giuing that they haue in demaunding . many times i haue thought with my selfe , wherein so many damages of the common-wealth should consist , such disobedience , such contrarieties , and so many thefts : and in the end i finde , that all or the most part proceed in that , that they prouide for ministers of iustice , not for conscience sake , but for couetousnesse onely . admit that it appertaine to all to desire and procure iustice : yet to none it appertaineth so much to procure and defend it , as to the royall person , which the subiects ought sometime to feare , but princes are bound to minister it equally to all . it is a great matter that princes be pure in life , and that their houses bee well ordered , to the end that their iustice be of credite and authoritie : for he which of himselfe is vniust , giueth no hope that another at his hands shold haue iustice . he which cannot gouerne his owne house , can euill gouerne the common-wealth . those princes which are true in their words , cleane in their liues , and iust in their works , though sometime they erre in the administration of the common wealth , all excuse them , saying , that they erre not thorough the malice of themselues , but rather thorow the euill counsell of others . so that all which the good prince doth , they commend , and all the euill that chanceth , they excuse . plutarch in the second booke of his common wealth , sayeth , that herein some princes differ from others : for the euill prince is onely obeyed , but the good prince is obeyed , feared and loued . and moreouer , hee that is good , maketh heauy things light with his goodnesse : and the tyrant that is euill , maketh things which are light to be very heauy through his naugh tinesse . happie is the prince which is obeyed : but much more happy is he which is obeyed , feared and loued : for the body is weary oftentimes to obey : but the heart is neuer constrained to loue . titus the emperour was once demanded of these two things , that is to say , whether to reward the good , or to punish the euill , were for a prince more naturall ? hee aunswered , as naturall as both the right and left arme is in a man : so necessarie is reward and punishment in a prince . but as wee helpe our selus more with the right arm then with the left : so the prince ought more to endeauour himselfe to reward then to punish . for punishment ought to bee by the handes of a stranger , but reward ought to bee with his owne proper hands . when wee perswade princes to bee iust , and that they doe iustice , it is not to bee vnderstood , that they should be head murderers , banish rebels , and seditious persons , hang theeues , and burie felons aliue : for such or other like things , rather appertaine to bloudy hangmen , then to pittifull kings . all the profit of iustice is , in that the prince be honest of person , carefull for his householde , zealous of the common-wealth , and not large of his conscience : for princes ought not to bee commended for murdering many cruelly : but for reforming the common wealth louingly . plutarch in the comfortable oration that hee wrote to appoloni , speaking of the lawes which promotheus gaue to the egyptians , amongst the residue he recited these three that follow . wee ordaine and commaund that princes lay not hands on others for any crimes or offences done vnto himselfe : for princes ought not to vse their hāds to reuenge their owne iniuries : but rather by iustice to defend other that bee iniuried . wee ordaine and commaund , that all times when they shall bee in their common wealth , and not in wars , they shall not weare weapons defensiue , and much lesse offensiue : for good princes neyther ought to bee hastie , to the ende they may kill : nor yet to haue vices , whereby they may be killed . we ordaine and commaund , that the prince doe not onely not kill with his handes , but also that doe not see them doe iustice with his eyes . for how much noble and worthy a thing it is before the presence of a prince , that al should receyue honor : so slaunderous a thing it is that any in his presence should lose their liues . chap. ii. the way that princes ought to vse in choosing their iudges and officers in their countries . sparthianus in the liues that he wrote of thirty tyrants sayde , that ciriacus the tirant , had a memoriall made of certaine of the senatours , whom he would haue killed : and when the thing was discouered they slew him , they found in the hands of another tyrant named regilius , after hee was dead , a memoriall of those which with his own hands he had depriued of their liues , wherfore they afterward depriued him of his buriall . o how many iudges are there in this world , that doe as much aduance themselues of those , whom they haue caused to be whipt , to bee slaine , to be beheaded , to be hanged , quartered , and slaine , as others doe , which haue redeemed many captiues , or haue married orphanes . those iudges which according to the order of lawes , customes , and iurisdictions to punish the euill . i do wel allow , but to reioice and aduance themselues of them whom they haue condemned , i vtterly abhor : for the vertuous and christian iudge ought rather to shed teares in the churches , then by affection to shed bloud of men in the seate of iudgement . and for the confirmation of that which i haue sayde , i affirme , that the good iudge and gouernor of the common-wealth , ought not to beare in minde , the murthers and slaughters done by others : but to record the iniuryes which they haue done themselues . for in other mens offences , we ought to be silent , and for our owne iniquities wee ought to be penitent . iudges execute some punishments , which men disallow , and god doeth aproue : an other time god condemneth them , though the world do allow them : therefore the surest thing for iudges is , not to reioyce of their brethren whom they haue corrected , but what they themselues for theyr owne offences haue deserued . in iudging others , by false witnes , the iudges many times against theyr wills doe erre : but in their owne matters they can neuer erre ( vnlesse they will ) since the offences which wee commit are alwayes certaine . therefore it grieueth mee much , that there be some so euill : which being accused before god : would excuse themselues before men : yet their owne breethren with false witnesses , they dare condemne , great care ought princes to haue , to examin them whom they wil make iudges , and gouernors . for the iudge which daylie maketh not an account with his conscience in secrete , shall commit euery houre a thousand euills in the common-wealth . oh poore and miserable common-wealth ; where the gouernours and iudges thereof doe not cast their eyes but vnto them whome they ought to chastise , where they doe not thinke in their hearts , but how they may enrich their coffers , where they doe not occupie their handes but to take bribes : and doe not passe the time , but in feastings and bankettes . and i sayd not without a cause bankets . for there are too many iudges , which employ their studyes more to get them friendes , to maintaine their state proudly , then for to reade good bookes , and to iudge mens causes vprightly . the iudge which neuer readeth : the iudge which neuer studyeth : the iudge which neuer openeth booke : the iudge which is neuer in his house : the iudge which day and night robbeth ; how is it possible that hee should execute one true iustice ? there can bee no greater feare in a man , nor slaunder more great in the commonwealth , then when the iudge ( who ought to iudge and chastise the offences of others , ) is alwayes ouerwhelmed with vices . the iudge which presumeth to bee good , and wil be good , and which desireth to be good : a man should finde him no where , vnlesse hee be studying in his house , or else sitting in the place of iustice , &c. let not noble princes trust vppon this , when they prouide iudges , and gouernours , saying : that if they finde any euill , they wil soone cut him off : for such are so euill , that if they want no meanes to get to those offices , they shal want no cautils , nor corrupt friends , to suborne them therin . when noble princes , and great lords shall find any iudge euill , i counsell them to auoyde him immediately , or that they shew themselues not contēted with his doings : for such a one shall forthwith enforce himselfe to do iustice ; with intention , that those of the commonwealth might desire him to be their iudge . although my pen doth reproue these iudges which are extreame and cruell , yet my intention is not to cōmend the others which are negligent and carelesse , the which neyther by knowledge can iudge , nor with stoutnesse punish . the iudges which iudge and gouerne , they ought not to bee with all so familiar , that all dare take vpon them to aske him : for in this case , if some commend his gentle conuersation , others will blame his partiall iustice . i counsell , admonish , and require princes , that they content themselus not onely to be true , pittifull , honest , and vertuous , nor yet to be iust : but that it is as well necessarie they bee obseruers of iustice : for let them know , that there is great difference , between him that is iust , and another that doth minister iustice : for to the prince that is good , commeth honor to his person : but from him that ministreth iustice , commeth profite to the common-wealth . peraduenture , it is no wonder to see the prince that will tell no lye , and to see his ministers not to speake one truth ? peraduenture i do not thinke my selfe slaundered , to see the prince temperate in eating , and to see all his seruants distempred both with eating and drinking ? peraduenture , and it is no cause to muse vpon , to see the princes chast and honest , and to see their seruants in flesh , filthy and dissolute ? peraduenture it is no cause to maruell to see the prince iust , and to loue iustice , and that very few of his ministers do minister it . the end why all these thinges are spoken , is to aduertise princes that they be not so carefull to be chast , sober , true and iust , but that they know , whether their gouernours and iudges are corrupted , couetous , greedy , vnshamefast , lyers or bribers : for if it toucheth vs much that our princes be good , so much more it toucheth vs that the ministers be not euill . one of the things wherein princes ought to prouide with their iudges and gouernours is , that by no meanes they suffer their lawes and and ancient customes to be broken in their commō welth , and that in their steads strange customs be not introduced : for the comminalty is so variable in that they say , and so light in that they aske that they would dayly see a new king , and hourely change a new law . plinie in an epistle that he writeth to escario sayeth , optime apud persius capitalem per legem fuit prohibitum , nouos aut perigrinos mores inducere . as if hee spake more plainely . amongst the persians it was a law inuiolable , that no man should bring into the common-wealth any strange custome : & for such an offence they should pay none other ransome but the losse of their heads . as men dayly doe diminish in vertue ( vnlesse by force they be withholden ) and augment in vanity : so they would inuent new deuises and strange customes , wherewith men should bee decayed , and the common wealth destroied : for straunge meates doe alter mens stomackes . when those of creta were vngently vsed of the rhodians , they did not pray to their gods to send them pestilence , warre , famine , or sedition among their enemies : but that they would suffer som euil maners to be brought in amongst the people . let not those thinke that shall reade this , that it was a small curse that those of creta desired , and that it was a small reuenge which god gaue them of their enemies , if he gaue them that which they did require , for from war famin and pestilence , som may escape but with deuises we see all perish . of many things the historiās do reproue the emperor sergius galba , & for one alone they praise him , that he neuer cōsented that in rome any new law shold be made , nor any old custom broken . and he commanded that those should be grieuously punished which brought in any new law , & he rewarded those which put him in mind of any olde custome , the which bee commaunded to bee obserued . it is a mockery , yea ( better to say ) a slaunder , to see that some young iudges will doe that of the common-wealth , which a taylour doeth of a gowne : ( that is to say ) to turne him , within and without , before & behind , which they ought not to doe , nor the people to consent therevnto . for the prince doeth not sende them to make lawes , nor to bring in new orders , but to the ende that they do only preserue the commonwealth in their good customes . princes ought also to take great care that vnto litle and great , rich & poor , they minister equall iustice : sith there is no diuine nor humaine law , that giueth them power and aucthoritie to corrupt it : for , if a prince cannot without reason d pose of his owne goods , much lesse he can make lawes , and sell iustice . wee doe not denye a prince , but that hee is lorde of beastes , of fysh , of byrds , of mynes , of mountains , of seruants , and of fields . finally , that hee is lord of the sea and land : but therefore we will not graunt him that he is lord of iustice . for there is none other true lorde of iustice , but god : which is the selfe same iustice . when a prince dyeth , and maketh his will , he sayeth : i bequeath all my realms and seigniories to the prince my sonne and legitimate heyre , and doe leaue vnto my second sonne , such an estate and dowrey , and to my daughter such lands , and to all i recommend iustice , to the end they do obserue it , and cause it to be obserued , euery one in his owne countrey . it is much to note , that the father doth not say , that hee leaueth vnto his sonne iustice , but that hee doeth recommend it vnto him : so that the good princes ought not to think that they haue inherited iustice of theyr predecessors , in form of a patrimony , but that god gaue it vnto thē of trust princes of all things may be called lords , saue onely of iustice , whereof they are but onely ministers . wee dare boldely say , that the prince , or great lord , which iudgeth causes not according to the diuine will , but according to their owne affection : wee will not call him a iust iudge , but a rouing theefe . for the prince is much worse , which robbeth god of iustice : then the theefe which stealeth the goods from men . suetonius tranquillus reciteth much wickednes of domitian : and the greatest of al was , the poore , the orphans , and those which could doe little , hee alwayes punished : and the other that were rich , and of authoritie he pardoned . he compounded with some for money , and with others hee dissembled for fauour . lampridius sayde of alexander seuerus , the . emperour of rome , that hee neuer kept in his court any euill man , or suffered any of his parents to be vicious . and when he was demanded on a time , why hee banished one of his cousines : since he was young , and a childe ? hee aunswered them , which intreated for him , and alleadged . that though he was young and his cousin : yet charior est mihi respub : as if more plainely he had saide , i haue none other neerer of kinne to mee in my pallace , then the commonwealth . o high , & much more higher words , worthy for a truth to be writtē in princes hearts ; whereby they ought to be aduertised , that hee said not , i take for my kinne one part of the commonwealth : for , the prince which feareth god , and desireth to be found iust , as he wil indifferently be obeyed of al , so ought he equally to administer iustice to all . if they wil not credit me nor my pen , let them credit plato in the books of his commonwealth : who giueth libertie and licence to all the plebeyans , to the end that euery one doe loue his wife , his children , and his parents . and this sorte of loue hee will not that princes haue , to whome hee perswadeth that first aboue all things , they loue theyr cōmon-wealth : for if the prince doe loue anie thing aboue his common-wealth , it is vnpossible but that one day , for the loue of that he will wring iustice . when plato gaue not licence vnto princes not to enlarge theyr loue on diuers things , peraduenture he would counsell them , least they should doe some wrongs . it chaunceth oft times that princes doe omit iustice : not for that they will not administer it , but because they will not bee informed of things , which they ought to remedie , and looke vnto . and this is vnexcusable , where hee hurteth his honour , burdeneth his conscience . for , at the day of iudgement ( though hee be not accused for malice , yet hee shall be condemned for negligence . ) the prince which is carefull to see , and to enquire the dammages of his realmes : we may say that if he doeth not prouide for them , it is because he can do no more : but he which is negligent to see them , and know them , we cannot say but if he leaue to prouide , it is for that hee will not . the prince or great lorde , which dare take vpon him such things ; what name or renowme may we giue him ? i would not we should call such a one father of the commonwealth : but destroyer of his countrey . for there can be no tyrannie greater , nor more vnequall , then for the physitian to aske his duety for his cure , before hee hath begunne to minister the medicine . that princes and great lords desire to know their reuenues , i allow them : but in that they care not to knowe the dāmages of their commonwealths , i do discommend them . for the people pay tribute to their princes , to the ende they should deliuer them from their enemies , and defend them from tyraunts . for the iudges which wil be euill , though i say much , it will profite little : but vnto those which desire to bee good , that which is spoken ( as i thinke ) sufficeth : notwithstanding that which is spoken i say , that iudges and gouernors ought to consider wel with themselues , and see if they wil be counted for iust ministers or cruell tirants . for , the office of a tyrant is , to robbe the common-wealth : and the office of the good prince is , to reforme the people . noble princes and great lordes , haue more businesse then they thinke they haue : to see all those which will see them , and to heare all those which will complaine vnto them . and the cause hereof is , admitte that which the subiect demaundeth , hee presently cannot giue : nor that whereof hee complaineth , he cannot remedie ; yet notwithstanding they remaine after a sort contented : saying , that they haue now shewed all their complaynts and iniuries vnto their princes . for , the wounded harts oftentimes vtter their inward paines which they feele , without anie hope to receyue comforte of that which they desire . plutarche in his apothegmes sayeth : that a poore and aged woman , desired king philippe of macedonie , ( which was father of king alexander the great ) that hee would heare her with iustice : and sith shee was very importunate vpon him , k : philip saide on a day vnto her . i pray thee woman bee contented : i sweare by the gods , i haue no leysure to heare thy complaint . the old woman answered the king : beholde , k : philippe , if thou hast not time to heare mee with iustice , resigne thy kingdome , and another shall gouerne thy commonwealth . chap. iii. of an oration which a villaine dwelling neere to the riuer of danuby , maae before the senatours of rome , concerning the tyrannies and oppressions which their officers vsed in his countrey , and the oration is diuided into three chapters . in the tenth yeare of the raigne of the good emperour marcus aurelius , there happened in rome a generall pestilence : the which being so outragious , the good emperour went into campaigne , which at time was very healthfull , & without diseases , though it was very drie , and wanted much of that which was necessarie : yet notwithstanding the good emperor was there with all the principall senatours of rome : for in the time of pestilence men doe not seeke where they should reioice their persōs , but where they may saue their liues . marcus aurelius being there in campagnia was sore vexed with a fener : and as his condition was alwaies to bee amongst sages : so at that time his sicknesse required to be visited by physitians . the resort that he had in his pallace was very great , as well of philosophers for to teach , as of physitians for to dispute : for this prince ordered his life in such sorte , that in his absence things touching the warre were well prouided : and in his presence was nothing but matters of knowledge argued . it chaunced one day as marcus aurelius was enuironed with senators , philosophers , physitians , and other sage men , a question was moued among them , how greatly rome was changed , not onely in buildings which almost were vtterly decayed : but also in maners , which were wholly corrupted : the cause of this euill grew , for that rome was full of flatterers and destitute of those which durst say the truth . these , and such other like wordes heard , the emperour tooke vp his hand and blessed him , and declared vnto them a notable example , saying : in the first yeare that i was consull , there came a poore villaine from the riuer of danuby , to aske iustice of the senate against a censor which did sore oppresse the people , and in deed hee did so well propound his complaint , and declare the folly and iniuries , which the iudges did in his country , that i doubt whether marcus cicero could vtter it better with his tongue , or the renowmed homer haue writen it more eloquently with his pen. this villaine had a small face , great lips , hollow eyes , his colour burnt , curled hayre , bare-headed , his shoes of porpyge skinne , his coat of goates skinne , his girdle of bul-rushes , a long beard and thicke , his eye brows couered his eyes , the stomacke and the necke couered with skinnes , heared as a beare , and a clubbe in his hand . without doubt , when i saw him enter into the senate , i imagined it had beene a beast in forme of a man : and after i heard that which he sayd , i iudged him to bee a god ( if there be gods among men . ) for it was a fearefull thing to behold his person , it was no lesse monstrous to heare his words . at that time there was great prease at the dore of the senate , of many & diuers persons , for to solicite the affayres of their prouinces : yet notwithstanding this villaine spake before the others for two causes . the one , for the men were desirous to heare what so monstrous a man would say : the other , because the senators had this custome , that the complaints of the poore should bee heard before the requests of the rich . wherefore this villaine afterwards in the middest of the senate , beganne to tell his tale , and the cause of his comming thither , in the which hee shewed himselfe no lesse bolde in wordes , then hee was in his attire strange , and sayd vnto them in this sort . o fathers conscript , and happy people , i mileno a ploughman , dwelling neere vnto the riuer of danube , doe salute you worthy senators of rome , which are conuented here in this senate ; and i beseech the immortall gods my tongue this day so to gouerne , that i may say that which it conuenient for my country , and that they helpe you others to gouerne well the common-wealth : for without the helpe of god , wee can neyther learne the good , nor auoyde the euill . the fatal destenies permitting it , and our wrathfull gods forsaking vs , our mishappe was such , & to you others fortune shewed herselfe so fauourable , that the proude captaines of rome , by force of armes tooke our country of germany . and i say not without a cause , that at that time the gods were displeased with vs : for if wee germaines had appeased our gods , yee romaines might well haue excused your selues for ouercomming of vs. great is your glory , o romanes , for the victories you haue had , and triumphes which of many realmes you haue conquered : but notwithstanding greater shall your infamie bee in the world to come , for the cruelties which you haue committed : for i let you know , if you doe not know it , that when the wicked went before the triumphant chariots saying , liue , liue , inuincible rome : on the other side , the poore captiues went saying in their hearts , iustice , iustice . my predecessors enhabited by the riuer of danuby , for when the drie earth annoyed them , they came to recreat themselues in the fresh water , and if perchance the vnconstant water did annoy them , then they would return againe to the maine land . and as the appetites and conditions of men are variable , so there is a time to flye from the land , to refresh our selues by the water . and time also when we are annoyed with the water to returne againe to the land . but how shall i speake romaines , that which i would speake ? your couetousnesse of taking other mens goods hath beene so extreame , and your pride of commaunding strange counties hath beene so disordinate , that neyther the sea can suffice you in the deepenesse thereof , neither the land assure vs in the fields of the same . oh how great comfort it is for the troubled men to thinke and bee assured that there are iust gods , the which will doe iustice on the vniust : for if the oppressed men thought themselues not assured , that the gods would wreake their iniury of their enemies , they with their owne handes would destroy themselues . the end why i speake this is , for so much as i hope in the iust gods , that as you others without reason haue cast vs out of ourhouses , so by reason shall others come after vs , and cast you others out of italy , & rome both . there in my countrey of germany , we take it for a rule vnfallible , that he which by force taketh the good of another , by reason ought to lose his own proper right . and i hope in the gods that that which wee haue for a prouerbe in germany , you shall haue for experience here in rome . by the grosse wordes i speake , and by the strange apparrell which i weare , you may wel imagine that i am some rude villaine or barbarian borne : but yet notwithstanding , i want not reason to know , who is iust and righteous in holding his owne : and who is a tyrant in possessing of others . for the rude men of my profession , though in good stile they cannot declare that which they would vtter : yet notwithstanding , wee are not ignorant of that which ought to be allowed for good ; nor which ought to bee condemned for euill . i would say therefore in this case , that that which the euill with all their tyranie haue gathered in many daies , the gods shall take from them in one howre : and contrariwise , all that which the good shall loose in manie yeares , the gods will restore it them in one minute : for speaking the truth , the euill to prosper in riches , is not for that the gods will it , but that they doe suffer it , and though at this houre wee complaine , dissembling wee suffer much , but the time shall come that will pay for all . beleeue mee in one thing , o romanes , and doubt not therein , that of the vnlawfull gaines of the father , followeth after the iust vndoing of their children . many oftentimes doe maruell in my countrey , what the cause is , that the gods doe not take from the wicked that which they winne , immediately as soone as they winne it , and as i thinke the reason hereof is , for the dissembling with them by little and little they gather together diuers things , and afterwardes when they thinke least thereon , it is taken from them all at once : for the iust iudgement of the gods is , that since without reason they haue done euill to others , others by reason should come in like manner which doe euill vnto them . it is vpossible that the valiant and sage man , who in his deeds presumeth to bee wise , should take any taste in in any other mans good : for if hee did , hee would neuer content himselfe with any thing , sith hee hath not a conscience in that which is euil gotten . i know not romanes , whether you vnderstand me , but because you shall vnderstand mee better , i say , that i maruell , and i should rather wonder , how the man keeping another mans goods , can sleepe , or rest one houre , sith hee knoweth hee hath done iniury to the gods , slaundered his neighbours , pleased his enemies , lost his friends , and endamaged those that hee robbed ; and worst of all , that hee hath put his person in perill . and i say that hee hath put his person in perill : for the day that any man determineth to take my goods , hee will also the same day ( if hee can ) take my life . it is an odious thing to the gods , and very slaunderous among men , that men should haue so much ( through their fleshly desires ) vertue bound , and the reine of their euill works so much at liberty , that another mans misery seemeth to him riches , and that his own riches seemeth to himselfe pouerty . i care not whether he be greeke , barbarian romaine , present or absent , i say , and affirme that he is , and shall bee cursed of the gods , and hated of men ; which without consideration will chaunge his good fame into shame , iustice into wrong , right into tyranny , truth into lyes , the certaine for the doubtfull , hating his owne proper , and sighing for that of other mens . hee that hath his chiefe intention to gather goodes for his children , and seeketh not a good name among the renowmed : it is iust that such a one doe not only loose the goods which hee hath gathered , but also that without good name hee remaine shamefull among the wicked . since you other romaines naturally are proude , and pride doth blinde you , you thinke your selues happy , that for hauing so much as you haue more then others , that therfore you should bee more honoured then all , the which truly is not so : for if presently you will not open your eyes , and confesse your owne errors , you shall see , that wheras you auant your selues to be lords of strange countries , you shall find yourselus made slaues with your own proper goods . gather as much as you will , let them doe all you doe commaund them : yet as i thinke , it little auaileth to haue plebeians houses with goods , and contrariwise the hearts to bee possessed with couetousnesse : for the riches which are gotten with couetousnesse , and are kept with . auarice , do take away the good name from the possessor , and do nothing auaile to maintaine his life . it cannot bee suffered many dayes , and much lesse hidde many yeares , that one man should be counted both for rich among the rich , & for honoured among the honorable : for it is vnpossible that hee which is a great louer of temporall goods , should be a friend of his good name . o if the couetous men were of their owne honour as greedy , as they are of the goods of another desirous : i sweare vnto you by the immortall gods , that the little worme or moth of couetousnes would not gnaw the rest of their life , nor the canker of infamie should destroy their good name after their death . hearken yee romanes , hearken what i wil say , and i beseech the gods that you may vnderstand it : for other wise i should loose my labour , and yee others should take no fruit of my wordes . i see that all the world hateth pride , and yet there is none that will follow humanity . euery man condemneth adultery , and yet i see no man that liueth chaste . euerie man curseth excesse , & i see no man liue temperately . euery man prayseth patience , and i see no man that will suffer . euery man blameth sloth , and i see no man but those that are idle . euery man blameth auarice , and yet euery man robbeth . one thing , i say , and not without teares in this senate , openly i do declare it , which is , that with the tongue euery man prayseth vertue , and yet they themselues with al their lims are seruants vnto vices . doe not thinke that i say this onely for the romanes which bee in illyria , but for the senators which i see here in the senate . all you romanes in your deuises about your armes , haue this for your word , romanorum est debellare superbos , et parcere subiectos . truely you should better haue sayde , romanorum est spoliare innocentes , et reddere subiectos : for you romanes are but destroyers of the people that bee peaceable , and robbers of the swette and labours of strangers . chap. iiii. the villaine argueth against the romaines , which without cause or reason conquered their countrey , and proued manifestly that they thorow offending of their gods , were vanquished of the romanes . i aske ye romanes , what occasion yee haue , that are brought vp nigh to the riuer of tiber , against vs that liue in peace , nigh to the riuer of danuby . peraduenture you haue seene vs friends to your foes , or else wee haue shewed our selues your enemies ? peraduenture you haue heard say , that forsaking our owne land , wee should goe conquere forraine realmes ? peraduenture you haue beene aduertised , that wee rebelling against our own lords shold become obedient to the cruell barbarians ? peraduenture yee haue sent vs some ambassadour to desire vs to be your friends , or else there came some from vs to rome , to defie you as our enemies ? peraduenture some king dyed in our realme , which by his testament made you heyres vnto our realme ? whereby you clayme your title , and seeke to make vs your subiects ? peraduenture by some ancient law or custome yee haue found that the noble and worthy germany , of necessity is subiect to the proude people of rome ? peraduenture wee haue destroyed your armies , wee haue wasted your fields , sacked your cities , spoyled your subiects , or fauoured your enemies ? so that to reuenge these iniuries yee should destroy our land : if wee had bin your neighbours , or you ours , it had been no maruell though one should haue destroyed the other . for it chaunceth oftentimes , that through controuersie of a little peece of ground , tedious warres betweene people arise . of a truth none of these thinges which i haue named , hath chaunced betweene ye romains and vs germains . for in germany wee felte your tyranny , as soone as wee heard of your renowne . if yee bee grieued with that i haue sayde , i pray you bee not offended with that i will say , which is , that the name of romanes , and the cruelty of tyrants arriued together in one day vpon our people . and what more to say , i know not romanes , of the litle care the gods doe take , and of the great audacitie that men haue : for i see that hee which possesseth much , doth oppresse him which hath but little , and he that hath but little , wayeth not him that hath much . so disordered couetousnesse striueth with secret malice , and secret malice giueth place to open theft & open robbery no man resisteth , and thereof commeth , that the couetousnesse of a malitious man is accomplished , to the preiudice of a whole state . hearken yee romanes , hearken , by the immortall gods i doe coniure you , giue care to that i will say , which is , consider well what you haue done : for the good wordes bee in vaine , or else men must haue an end , the world in time must needes fall , or else the world shall be no world . fortune must needs make sure the pinne of the wheele , or else that shall bee seene which neuer was seene , which is , that which in eight yeares ye haue wonne , yee shall within eight dayes lose : for nothing can bee more iust , since yee by force haue made your selues tyrants : then the gods by iustice should make you slaues . and doe not thinke you romanes though you haue subdued germany , and bee lords thereof , that it was by any warlike industry : for ye are no more warlike , no more couragious , nor more hardy , ne yet more valiant then wee germaines : but since through our offences wee haue prouoked the gods to wrath , they for the punishment of our disordinate vices ordained , that ye should be a cruel plague and scourge to our persons , do not take your selues to be strong , neither repute vs to bee so weake , that if the gods at that time had fauoured the one part , as much as the other : it might perchance haue happened , yee should not haue enioyed the spoyle . for to say the truth , yee wanne not the victory through the force of weapons that you brought from rome , but through the infinite vices which yee found in germany . therefore since wee were not ouercome for being cowards , neyther for being weake , nor yet for beeing fearefull , but onely for being wicked , and not hauing the gods fauourable vnto vs : what hope yee romanes to become of you , beeing as you are vicious , and hauing the gods angrie with you ? doe nor thinke romanes to be the more victorious , for that ye assemble great armies , or that yee abound in treasures , neither for that you haue greater gods in your ayd , or that yee build greater temples , nor yet for that yee offer such great sacrifices : for i let you know , if you doe not know it , that no man is in more fauour with the gods , then he which is at peace with vertue . if the triumphes of the conquerours consisteth in nothing else but in subtill wittes , politique captains , valiant souldiers , and great armies , without doubt , it would little auayle to carry all this to the warre , since afterwardes wee see by experience , that men can doe no more but giue the battels , and the gods themselues must giue the victories . if i be not deceyued , i thinke that for our offences we haue sufficiently satisfied the gods wrath . but truely i beleeue that the cruelties which yee haue done vnto vs , and the vnthankfulnesse which you haue shewed the gods ( though as yet yee haue not payed it ) yet once yee shall pay it . and hereafter it may chance , that as presently yee count vs for slaues : so in time to come yee shall acknowledge vs for lords . since the trauelling by the way , i haue seene the high mountaines , diuers prouinces , sundry nations , countries so sauage , people so barbarous , such and so many miles as germany is distant from rome . i muse what fond toye came into the romanes heads , to send to conquer germany ? if couetousnesse of treasures caused it , i am sure they spent more money to conquer it , and at this present doe spende to keepe it , then the whole reuenues of germany amounteth , or may amount in many yeares : and perchaunce they may lose it , before they recouer that they spent to conquer it . and if yee say vnto me romanes , that germany is not conquered of rome for euer , but that onely rome should haue the glory to be mistresse of germany : this also , i say is vanitie and folly : for little auayleth it haue the forts and castles of the people , when the hearts of the inhabitants are absent . if yee say , that therefore yee conquered germany , to amplifie and enlarge the limits and bounds of rome : also mee thinketh this is a foolish enterprise . for it is not the point of wise and valiaunt men to enlarge their dominions , and diminish their honours . if ye say ye sent to conquere vs , to the end wee should not be barbarous , nor liue like tyrants , but that you would wee should liue after your good lawes and customes : if it bee so , i am well content . but how is it possible yee should giue lawes to straungers , when yee breake the lawes of your owne predecessours ? great shame ought they to haue which take vpon them to correct others , when they haue more neede to bee corrected themselues : for the blinde man ought not to take vpon him to leade the lame . if this be true , ( as presently it is ) what reason , or occasion had prowde rome , to take and conquer the innocent germanes ? let vs all go therfore to robbe , to kill , to conquer , and to spoyle , since we see the world so corrupt , & so farre from the loue of god , that euery man ( as we may perceyue ) taketh what he can , killeth whom hee will , and that which worste of all is , that neyther those which gouerne will remedie so manie euills as are committed , neyther those which are offended dare complaine . ye chiefe iudges at this day are so harde to be intreated , yee take so little regard vnto the poore oppressed : that they thinke it more quiet , to remaine in trouble at home , then to come and put vp their complaintes before you , here at rome . and the cause hereof is , that there in theyr countrey they haue but one which pursueth them : and heere in this senate they are euill willed of all , and that is ; because hee which complaineth is poor , and the other which is complained on is rich . therefore since fortune would it , and the fatall destinies permit it , that the proud rome should be mistresse of our germanie , it is but reason ye should keepe vs in iustice , and maintaine vs in peace . but you doe not so , but rather those which come thither , doe take from vs our goods : and yee that are heere , doe robbe vs of our good name , saying : that since we are a people without law : without reason : and without a king , ( as vnknowne barbarous ) yee may take vs for slaues . in this case ye romaines are greatly deceyued : for me thinketh with reason , ye cannot call vs without reason : since wee being such as we are , and as the gods created vs , remaine in our proper countreys , without desiring to seeke or invade forreine realmes . for with more reason wee might say , that yee were men without reason : being not contented with the sweet and fertile italie ; but through shedding of bloud , you should desire to conquer all the earth . in that yee say wee deserue to be slaues , because we haue no prince to command vs , nor senate to : gouerne vs , nor armey to defende vs to this i will answere : that since wee had no enemies , we needed no armeys : and sith euery man is contented with his lotte and fortune , wee had no necessitie of a proude senate to gouerne vs , and we being as we are all equall , it neede not wee should consent to haue any princes amongst vs. for the office of princes is , to suppresse tyrants , & to maintaine their people in peace . if yee say further , that wee haue not in our countrey a common-wealth , nor pollicie , but that wee liue as the beasts in the mountaines : in this also you haue but small reason . for we in our countrey did suffer no lyers , neyther rebells , nor seditious persons : nor men that broght vs ( from strange countreys ) any apparell for to be vicious : so that sith in apparell we were honest , and in meate very temperate , wee needed no better behauiour . for though in our countrey there are no merchaunts of carthage , oyles of mauritania , marchants of tyre , steele of cantabria , odours of asia , gold of spaine , siluer of britaine , amber of sidonie , silke of damasco , corne of scicill , wine of candie , purple of arabia : yet for all this we are not brutish , neyther cease for to haue a common-wealth . for these and such other the like things , giue more occasion to stirre vp many vices , then for vertuous men to liue according vnto vertue . blessed and happy is the common-wealth , not where great riches aboundeth , but where vertues are highly commended : not where many light and angry men resort , but where the patient are resident : therefore it followeth , that of the common wealth of rome for beeing rich , wee should haue pitty : and of the common-wealth of germany for being poore , yee ought not to haue enuye . would to god that the contentation wee haue with our pouerty , yee others had the same with your riches . for then neyther ye had robbed vs of our countries , nor we had not come hither now to complaine in rome of your tyranny . i see romanes , that the one differeth much from the other : for ye others , though yee heare our oppressions , yet thereby you lose not your pastime : but wee others can neuer drye the teares of our eyes , nor ceale to bewayle our infinit misfortunes . chap. v. the villaine concludeth his oration against the iudges , which minister not iustice , and declareth how preiudiciall such wicked men are vnto the publike weale . yee would thinke i haue sayde that i can say , but certainly it is not so : for there remaineth many thinges to speake , which to heare yee will bee astonied , yet be ye assured that to speake them i will not bee afrayde , sith you others in doing them are not ashamed . for open offence deserueth not secret correction . i maruell much at yee romaines , what yee meant to send vs ( as you did ) such ignorant iudges , the which , by the immortall god i swear , can neyther declare vs your lawes , and much lesse they can vnderstand ours . and the cause of all this euill is , that yee sent not those which be best able to minister to vs iustice in germany , but those which haue best friendes with you in rome , presuppose that to those of the senate , yee giue the office of censor-ship , more for importunity then for ability . it is little that i can say heere , in respect they dare do there : that which yee commaund them here , i know not : but of the which they doe there : i am not ignorant , which is ; your iudges take al bribes that are brought vnto them openly : and they powle and shaue as much as they can secretly . they grieuously punish the offences of the poore , and dissemble with the faults of the rich : they consent to many euils , to haue occasion to commit greater thefts , they forget the gouernment of the people to take theyr pleasure in vice . and beeing there to mittigate sclaunders , they are those which are moste sclaunderous : and without goods , it auayleth to man to aske iustice . and finally , vnder the colour that they be iudges of rome , they feare not to rob all the land of germanie : what meaneth this yee romanes : shall your pride neuer haue end in cōmāding , nor your couetise in robbing say vnto vs what ye will in words , but oppresse vs not so in deeds . if you do it for our children , loade them with yrons , & make them slaues . for ye cannot charge them with more then they are able to carry : but of commandements and tributs ye giue vs more thē wee are eyther able to carrie or suffer . if you do it for our goods , go thither and take them all . for in our countrey we doe not vse as ye romanes doe , nor haue such conditions as ye haue here in rome , for yee desire to liue poore , that ye may die rich . if ye say that we will rebell , i maruell what yee should meane to thinke so , sith yee haue spoyled vs , robbed vs , and handled vs yll . assure me ye romaines , that ye wil not vnpeople vs , and i will assure you we will not rebell . if our seruice doe not content yee , strike off our heads , as to the euil men . for ( to tell ye the truth ) the knife shall not be so fearfull to our neckes , as your tyrannies be abhorred in our hearts . doe ye know what you haue done ye romains , yee haue caused vs of that miserable realme to sweare , neither to dwell with our wiues , and to sley our owne children , rather then to leaue them in the handes of so wicked and cruell tirants as yee be . as desperate men we haue determined to suffer , & endure the beastly motiōs of the flesh during the time we haue to liue , to the ende wee will not get our wiues with child . for we had rather liue chast or . yeares , then to leaue our childrē perpetuall slaues . if it be true that the children must endure , that which the miserable fathers doe suffer ? it is not onely good to sley them , but also it should bee better , not to agree they shold be borne . ye ought not to doe this romanes , for the lād taken by force ought the better to bee gouerned : to the intent that the miserable captiues seing iustice duly administred presently , should thereby forget the tyrannie passed , & content themselues with per petuall seruitude . and sith it is true , that we are come to complaine of the oppressions which your officers doe , here vpon the riuer of danuby , peradnenture yee which are of the senate , will heare vs : and thogh you are now determined to heare vs , yet you are slow to remedy vs : so that before ye began to reforme an euil custome , the whole common-wealth is already vndone . i will tell you of some things therof , to thintent you may know thē , and then to reforme them . if there come a right poore man to demaund iustice , hauing no money to giue , nor wine to present , nor oyle to promise , not friends to helpe him , nor reuenues to succour him , and maintaine him in expences : after he hath complayned , they satisfie him with words , saying vnto him , that speedily hee shall haue iustice . what will you i should say , but that in the meane time , they make him spend that little which he hath , and giue him nothing though hee demaund much , they giue him vaine hope , and they make him waste the best of his life , euery one of them doth promise him fauour , and afterwards they all lay hands vpon him to oppresse him . the most of them say his right is good , and afterwards they giue sentence against him , so that the miserable person that came to complaine of one , returneth home complaining of all , cursing his cruell destinies , and crying out to the iust and mercifull gods for reuengement . it chanceth also that oft times there commeth to complaine heere in the senate , some flattering man more for malice , then by reason of right or iustice : and yee senatours crediting his double wordes and his fained teares , immediately ordaine a censor , to goe , and giue audience on their complaints who being gone and returned , yee seeke more to remedie , and giue eare to the complaints of the iudge , then to the slanders which were among the people . i will declare vnto you my selfe , o ye romanes , and thereby you shall see how they passe their life in my country . i liue by gathering akorns in the winter , and reaping corn in the sommer , sometime i fish as well of necessity , as of pleasure , so that i passe almost all my life alone in the fields or mountaines . and if you know not why , heare me , and i will shew you . i see such tiranny in your iudges , and such robberies as they commit amōg the poore people , and there are such dissentions in the realme , such iniuries committed therein , the poor cōmon wealth is so spoyled , there are so few that haue desire to do good , and also there are so few that hope for remedy in the senate , that i am determined ( as most vnhappy ) to banish my selfe out of mine own house , and to separate my selfe from my sweete company , to the end my eyes should not behold so miserable a change : for i had rather wander solitary in the fields , then to see my neighbours hourely to lament in the streets . for there the cruell beastes do not offend me , vnlesse i do assault them : but the cursed men though i do serue them , yet dayly they vexe mee : without doubt it is a maruellous paine to suffer an ouerthrow of fortune : but it is a greater torment when one feeleth it without remedy . and yet my greatest griefe is , when my losse may bee remedied , and he which may , wil not : and he that wil , cannot by any means remedy it . o cruell romanes , yee feele nothing that we feele , specially i that speake it , ye shal see how i feele it , only to reduce it to memory , my tongue wil waxe weary , my ioints shiuer , my hart trembles , and my flesh consumeth . what a woful thing is it , in my country to see it , with my eies , to hear with my eares , & to feele it with my hands ? truly the griefes which woful germany suffers are such , & so many : that i beleeue yet the mercifull gods will haue pitty vpon vs. i desire you not to think slander of my words : but i desire you that you would vnderstād wel what i say : for you imagining ( as you presume to be discreet ) shall see right well the troubles that come to vs from men , & among men , with mē and by the hands of men : it is a small matter that we as men do feele them speaking : for according to truth , and also with liberty , if i should declare euery other iust aduertisement which came from the senate , & the tirannie which your iudges commit in the miserable realme : one of these two things must ensue , eyther the punishment of men , or the depriuation of your officers , if i say true . one thing onely comforteth me , wherof i with other infortunate people haue had experience , in that i doe thinke my selfe happy , to know , that the iust plagues proceede not from the iust gods , but through the iust deserts of wicked men : and that our secret fault doeth waken those to the end that they of vs may execute open iustice . of one thing only i am sore troubled , because the gods cannot be contented , but for a small fault they punish a good man much : and for many faultes they punish euill men nothing at al , so that the gods doe beare with the one , and forgiue nothing vnto the other . o secret iudgements of god , that as i am bound to prayse your workes , so likewise if i had licence to condemne them , i durst say , that ye cause vs to suffer grieuous paines , for that yee punish and persecute vs by the hands of such iudges , the which ( if iustice take place in the world ) when they chastice vs with their hands , they doe not deserue for to haue their heades on their shoulders , the cause why now againe , i doe exclaime on the immortall gods , is to see , that in these . dayes i haue beene at rome , i haue seene such deedes done in your senate , that if the least of them had beene done at danuby , the gallowes and gibbets had beene hanged thicker of theeues , then the vineyard is with grapes . i am determined to see your doings , to speake of your dishonesty in apparrel your little temperance in eating , and your disorder in affayres , and your pleasures in liuing : and on the other side , i see , that when your prouision arriueth in our country , wee carry into the temples , and offer it to the gods , wee put it on their heads : so that the one meeting with the other , wee accomplish that which is commaunded , and accurse those that commaunded , and sith therefore my heart hath now seen that which it desireth , my mind is at rest , in spitting out the poyson which in it abideth : if i haue in any thing heere offended with my tong , i am ready to make recompēce with my head . for in good faith , i had rather winne honour , in offering my selfe to death , then you should haue it in taking from me my life . and heere the villaine ended his talke , immediately after marcus aurelius sayde to those which were aboute him : how thinke yee my friendes , what kernell of a nut , what golde of the mine , what corne of straw , what rose of bryers , what mary of bones , and how noble and valiant a man hath he shewed himselfe ? what reasons so hie , what words so well couched , what truth so true , what sentences so well pronounced , and also what open malice hath hee discored ? by the faith of a good man i sweare , as i may bee deliuered from this feuer which i haue , i saw this villaine standing boldly a whole houre on his feet , and all we beholding the earth as amazed , could not answere him one word : for indeede the villaine confuted vs with his purpose , & astonyed vs ; to see the little regarde he bad of his life . the senate afterwardes beeing all agreede , the next day following , wee prouided new iudges for the riuer of danuby , and commaunded the villaine to deliuer vs by writing , all that he sayde by mouth , to the end it might bee registred in the booke of good saying of strangers , which were in the senate . and further , it was agreede , that the saide villaine ( for the wise words hee spake ) should be chosen senator , and of the free men of rome he shold bee one : and that for euer he should bee sustained with the common treasure . for our mother rome hath alwayes beene praysed and esteemed not onely to acquite the seruices ' which haue beene done vnto her , but ' also the good words which were spoken in the senate . chap. . vi. that princes and noble men ought to be very circumspect in choosing iudges and officers , for therein consisteth the profite of the publike weale . alexander the great ( as the historiographers say ) in his youth vsed hunting very much specially of the mountaines , & that which is to be marueled at , he would not hunt deare , goates , hares , nor partridges ; but tygers , leopardes , elephants , crocodils , and lions . so that this mighty prince , did not onely shew the excellency of his courage in conquering proud princes , but also in chasing of cruell & sauage beasts . plutarch in his apothegmes sayeth , that the great alexander had a familiar seruant , named crotherus , to whome oftentimes hee spake these wordes : i let thee to vnderstand crotherus , that the valiant princes ought not onely to be vpright in their realm which they gouerne : but also to bee circumspect in pastimes which they vse , that the authoritie which in the one they haue woune , in the other they doe not lose . when alexander spake these words , truely hee was of more authority then of yeares : but in the ende he gaue this example , more to bee followed , and commaunded , then to bee reproued or blamed , i say to be followed , not in the hunting that he exercised , but in the great courage which hee shewed . to the plebeians and men of discretion , it is a little thing , that in one matter they shew their might , and in other things their small power is known : but to princes and great lords , it is a discommendable thing , that in earnest matters any man should accuse them of pride , and in things of sport , they should count them for light . for the noble and valiant prince , in thinges of importance , ought to shew great wisdome , and in meane things great stoutenes . the case was such , that alexander the great , hunting on the wilde mountaines , by chance met with a cruell lyon , and as the good prince would winne his honor with the lyon , and also the lyon preserue his owne life , they were in griepes the one of the other so fast , that both fell to the earth , where they striued almost halfe an houre , but in the ende the lyon remayned there dead , and the hardy alexander escaped all bloudy . this hunting of alexander and the lyon through all greece was greatly renowmed : i say greatly renowned , because the grauers and painters drew a portrait forthwith in stone-worke , of this hunting , and the grauers hereof were lisippus and leocarcus maruellous grauers of anticke workes , which they made of mettall , where they liuely set forth alexander and the lyon fighting , and also a familiar seruant of his named crotherus , being among the dogges beholding them . so that the worke seemed not onely to represent an ancient thing : but that the lyon , alexander , crotherus , and the dogges , seemed also to bee aliue in the same chase . when alexander fought with the lyon , there came an ambassadour from sparthes to macedonie , who spake to alexander these wordes . would to god , ( immortall prince ) that the force you haue vsed with the lyon , in the mountain , you had employed against some pr : for to be lord of the earth . by the words of the embassadour , and the deedes of alexander , may easily bee gathered : that as it is comely for princes to bee honest , valiant , and stout : so to the contrary , it is vnseemly for them to be bolde and rash : for though princes of theyr goods be liberall , yet of their life they ought not to be prodigall . the diuine plato in the tenth booke of his laws , saith : that the two renowmed phylosophers of thebes , whose names were adon and clinias , fell at variance with themselues , to knowe in what thing the prince is bound to aduenture his life ? clinias saide , that hee ought to die , for any thing touching his honor , adon saide the contrarie . that hee should not hazard his life , vnlesse it were for matters touching the affaires of the cōmonwealth . plato saith , those two philosophers had reason , in that they said : but admit that occasion to dye should be offered the prince : for the one , or the other : : he ought rather to die for that thing touching iustice , then for the thing touching his honor : for there is no great differēce , to die more for the one , then for the other . applying that wee haue spoken , to that we will speake : i say , that we doe not desire , nor we will not , that princes and great lords doe destroy themselues with lions in the chace , neither aduenture their persons in the warres , nor that they put theyr liues in perill , for the cōmon-weale : but wee onely require of them , that they take some paines and care to prouide for thinges belonging to iustice . for it is a more naturall hunting for princes , to hunt out the vices of their commonweales , then to hunt the wilde boares , in the thicke woods . to the end princes accomplish this which we haue spoken we will not aske them time when they ought to eate sleepe , hunt , sporte , and recreate themselues : but that of the houres that bee in the day and night , they take it for a pleasure and commodity one houre to talke of iustice . the gouernment of the comonweale consisteth not , in that they should trauell vntill they sweate and molest their bodyes , shead their bloud , shorten theyr liues , and loose their pastimes : but all consisteth , in that they should be diligent to foresee the dammages of their common-wealth , and likewise to prouide for good mimisters of iustice . wee doe not demaund princes and great lordes to giue vs their goods ; nor wee forbidde them not to eate , to forsake sleepe , or sport , to hunt , or put their liues in daunger : but we desire and beseeche them , that they would prouide good ministers of iustice for the common-weale . first , they ought to be very diligent to search them out , and afterwards , to be more circūspect to examin them : for if wee sigh with teares , to haue good princes , we ought much more to pray that we haue not euil officers . what profiteth it the knight to be nimble , and if the horse be not ready ? what auayleth it the owner of the ship to be sage and expert , if the pilot be a foole and ignorant ? what profiteth the king to be valiant and stout , & the captain of the warre to be a coward ? i meane by this i haue spoken , what profiteth it a prince to be honest if those which minister iustice bee dissolute ? what profiteth it vs that the prince be true , if his officers be lyers . what profiteth it vs that the pr : be sober , if his ministers be drūkards ? what profiteth it that the p : be gentle , & louing , if his officers be cruell & malicious ? what profiteth it vs , that the pr : be a giuer , liberall , and an almes-man , if the iudge which ministreth justice , be a briber , and an open theefe ? what profiteth it the prince to bee carefull and vertuous , if the iudge bee negligent and vicious ? finally , i say , that it little auayleth , that the prince in his house be secretly iust , if adioyning to that hee trust a tirant & open theefe with the gouernment of the common-weale . princes and great lords , when they are within their pallaces at pleasure , their mindes occupied in high things , doe not receyue into theyr secret company but their entire friends . another time they will not , but occupie themselues in pastimes and pleasure : so that they know not what they haue to amend in their persons , and much lesse that which they ought to remedy in their common-weales : i will not bee so eager in reprouing , neyther so satyricall in writing , that it should seeme i would perswade princes , that they liue not according to the highnesse of their estates , but according to the life of the religious : for if they wil keepe themselues from being tyrants , or being outragiously vitious , we cannot deny them sometimes to take their pleasures . but my intention is not , so straightly to commaund princes to be iust , but only to shew them how they are bound to doe iustice . common-wealthes are not lost , for that their princes liue in pleasure : but because they haue little care of iustice . in the end , people doe not murmur when the prince doth recreate his person , but when he is too slacke to cause iustice to be executed . i would to god , that princes took an account with god in the things of their conscience , touching the common wealth , as they doe with men touching their rents and reuenues . plutarch in an epistle hee wrote to traian the emperor saith . it pleaseth mee very well , most : puissant prince , that the prince be such one , as al may say that in him there is nothing worthy of reprehension : but adding therunto , it displeaseth me much more , that he should haue so euill iudges , that all should say , in them were nothing worthy of commendation : for the faults of princes very well may be excused : but the offences of the officers can by no meanes bee endured . many princes and great lords deceiue themselus , in thinking that they do their duety in that they be vertuous in their persons , but it is not so : for it sufficeth not a prince to draw vnto him all vertues , but also hee is bound to root all vices out of the cōmon wealth . admit that princes will not , or of themselues cannot govern the common-wealth ; yet let vs desire and admonish them to seeke good officers to doe it for them : for the poore plebeian hath no account to render but of his good or euil life : but the prince shall render account of his vitious life which he hath led , and of the little care that he hath had of his common wealth . seneca in an epistle he wrote to lucilla , sayth . my deare friend lucilla , i would gladly thou wouldest come and see me heere in rome , : but i pray thee recommend to good iudges the isle of scicile ; for i would not desire to enioy thy sight , if through my occasion thou shouldest leaue the common-wealth out of order . and to the entent thou mayest know what conditions they ought to haue , whom thou shouldest choose for gouernors or iudges : i will let thee vnderstand , that they ought to be graue in their sentences , iust in their wordes , honest in their workes , mercifull in their iustice ; and aboue all , not corrupted with bribes . and if i do aduertise thee of this , it is because if thou diddest take care to gouerne thy common-wealth well , thou shouldest now bee circumspect to examine them , vnto whom presently thou must recommend the gouernement thereof . i would say afterwardes , that all that which the ancient philosophers haue written in many books , and haue left by diuers sentences . seneca did rehearse in these few wordes : the which are so graue and necessarie , that if princes retayned them in their memory , to put them in execution , and iudges had them before their eyes for to accomplish them , they would excuse the common wealth of diuers slaunders , and they should also deliuer themselues from a great burthen of their conscience . it is not a thing voluntary , but necessary , that the ministers of iustice be vertuous , well established , and very honest : for to iudges nothing can bee more slaunderous and hurtfull , then when they should reproue young men of their youth : others may iustly reprehend them of theyr lightnesse . he which hath a publike office in the common wealth , and sitteth openly to iudge therein , ought to obserue a good order in his person , lest hee bee noted dissolute in his doing : for the iudge which is without honesty , and consideration ought to consider with himselfe , that if hee alone haue authoritie to iudge of other mens goods , that there are a thousand which will iudge of his life . it is not onely a burden of conscience to princes , to committe the charge of gouernance of the people to dissolute persons : but also it is a great contempt , and disprayse of iustice : for the sentence giuen of him who deserueth to bee iudged , is among the people little esteemed . plutarch in his apothegmes sayeth , that philip king of macedonie , father of the great alexander , created for iudge of a prouince , a friend of his , who after hee saw himselfe in such office , occupyed himselfe more in kemming his head , then in working or studying his bookes , king philip being enformed of the vanitie and insolency of this iudge , reuoked the power which he had giuen him , and when hee complayned to all of the wrong and griefe which was done vnto him , taking his office from him , k. philip sayde vnto him : if i had giuen the office to thee for none other cause but being my friend ; beleeue mee that nothing in the world could haue sufficed to haue taken it from thee , because i louing thee so entirely as i did , reason would not i should haue depriued thee of this office , wherewith i honoured thee , i gaue thee this office , thinking that thou werte vertuous , sage , honest , and also a man well occupied , and me thinketh thou rather occupiest thy selfe in beholding thy person , thē in gouerning well my common-wealth : which thou oughtest not to consent vnto and much lesse doe in deed : for the iudge ought to bee so occupied , in the administration of the common wealth , that hee should haue no leasure at any time for to combe his heade . these wordes the good philip spake vnto the iudge , whom hee displaced of his office , for beeing too fine & diligent in combing his head , and trimming his person . it is not onely decent for ministers of iustice to bee graue and honest , but also it behoueth them to bee true and faithfull : for to iudge , whose office is to iudge the truth , there can bee no greater infamie , then to be counted a lyer . when two plebeyans bee at variance together for one thing , they come before the iudge for naught els , but that hee should iudge , who hath right and iustice therevnto . therefore if such a iustice bee not counted true , but a lyer , all take his iudgement for false : so that if the plaintife hath no more power , hee will obey iustice , yet at the least he will blaspheme him that gaue sentence . there are some iudges , that presently to get more money , to drawe vnto them more friends , and to continue also in their offices , vse such shamefull shifts with the poore plaintifes , and take such large bribes of the defendant : that both partyes are by himselfe assured of the sentence , in their fauour , before hee come vnto the barre . many goe to the houses of iudges , some to demaund , others to giue instructions , others to worke deceyte , others to win them , others to importune thē , but few to go to visite them : so that for those and such semblables , i doe aduise , and admonish officers , that they be iust in their sentences , & vpright in their wordes . the ministers of iustice ought to be such , and so good , that in their life nothing be worthie of rebuke : neyther in their words any thing worthy of reproche . for , if heerein they be not very circumspect , oftentimes that shall happen , which the gods vvould not , which is : that to the preiudice of the iustice of another , hee shall denie the words of himselfe . it sufficeth not iudges to be true in their words : but it is very necessarie that they bee vpright in their sentences . that is to say , that for loue they bee not too large , neyther for couetousnes they should be corrupted , nor for feare drawne backe , nor with prayers to bee flattered , nor with promises blinded : for otherwise , it were a great shame and inconuenience , that the yarde which they carrie in theyr hands should bee streight , and the life which they lead should be very crooked . to the end iustices be vpright , they ought much to trauell to bee liberall : i meane in things wherein they ought to giue sentence . it is vnpossible that those which haue respect in theyr sentences to fauour their friendes , should not accustomably vse to bee reuenged of theyr enemyes . truely , such a iudge ought not to bee called iust : but a priuate tyrant . hee that with affection iudgeth , and passion punisheth , is greatly deceyued . those in like manner , which haue authority to gouerne , and doe thinke that for borrowing a little of iustice , they should therby encrease and multiplie friends in the common wealth , are much abused : for this acte before men is so heynous , and before god so detestable , that though for a space he refraine his hands , yet in the ende hee will extend his power . for , the redeemer of the world , onely father of trueth , will not permit that such doe take vppon them the title of iustice , which in their offices do shew so extreame wrong . helius spartianus , in the life of anthonius saith : that the good emperour going to visite his empire ( as he was in capua , ) and there demaunding of the state of the censours , whether they were vniust or rightfull ? a man of capua saide in this wise : by the immortall gods , most noble prince , i sweare , that this iudge who presently gouerneth here , is neither iust , nor honest : and therefore mee thinks it necessarie that wee depriue him of his dignitie , and i will recount vnto thee , what befell betweene him and mee : i besought him that for my sake , hee would graunt me foure things , which were all vniust , and hee willingly condescended therevnto : wherof i had no lesse maruell in my hart , then vexation in my bodie . for , when i did desire him , i thought nothing lesse then to obtaine them , but only for the contentation of those which instantly desired me to doe it . and further , this capuan saide ; by the god genius , i sweare likewise , that i was not the more friendly vnto him , for that he sayde he did it for my sake , more then for another : for hee that to mee would graunt these foure , it is to bee beleeued , that vnto others hee would graunt them foure hundreth : for the which , thou oughtest to prouide most noble prince , because good iudges ought to be patient to heare , and iust to determine . by this notable example , iudges ought to haue a great respect , not to those which doe desire them : but to that which they demaund . for in doing their duty , their enemyes will proclaime them iust : and contrary wise , if they doe that they should not doe , their nearest friends wil account them as tyrants . iudges which pretend fauour vnto the common-wealth ; and to bee carefull of their consciences , ought not to content themselues simply to doe iustice : but that of themselues they should haue such an opinion , that none durste presume to come and require at their hands , any vile or dishonest thing . for otherwise , if we note the demaunder to bee vnshamefaste , we must needes somewhat suspect the iudge in his iustice . princes ought also to bee very circumspect that the iudges be not onelie contented to bee iust , honest , and true : but also in them there ought to remaine no auarice , nor couetousnes . for iustice and auarice can seldome dwell in one house . those that haue the charge of the gouernement of the people , and to iudge causes ought to take great heed , that with bribes and presentes they be not corrupted : for it is vnpossible , but that the same day that riches and treasures in the houses of iudges begin to increase , that the same day , the true administration of iustice , should not decay . lycurgus , prometheus , and numa pompylius did prohibite nothing in their law so much , neyther for any other cause they ordained so many punishments : but to the intent iudges should not bee so couetous , nor yet thieues . and of truth they had great consideration , to foresee and forbid it : for the iudge that hath receyued parte of the thefte , will not giue sentence against the stealers thereof . let not iudges be credited for saying they receyue no siluer nor golde , neyther silkes , nor iewells : but that they take onely small presentes , as fruites , fowles , and other trifles . for oftentimes it chaunceth , that the iudges doe eate the fruite , and the poore suter doeth feele the morsell : cicero in the booke of lawes saith , that cato the censor beeing very aged , the senators said vnto him one day in the senate . thou knowest now cato , that presently wee are in the calendes of ianuary ; wherein wee vse to deuide the offices among the people . wherefore wee haue determined to create manlius and calidanus censors , for this yeare : wherefore tell vs ( as thou thinkest ) if they be able and sufficient to supplye the rowme ? cato the censour answered them in this wise . fathers conscript , i let you knowe , that i do not receyue the one , nor admit the other : for , manlius is very rich , and calidanus the citizen extream poore , and truly in both there is great perill . for we see by experience , that the rich officers are too much subiect to pleasures : and the poore officers are too much giuen to auarice . and further , hee said in this case , me thinketh that your iudges whom yee ought to chuse , should not bee so extreame poore , that they should want wherewith to care : neither so rich , that they should surmount in superfluity , to giue themselus too much to pleasurs : for men by great aboundance become vitious , and by great scarcitie become couetous . the censor cato beeing of such authoritie , it is but reason that wee giue credite to his words , since hee gouerned the romane empire so long space , though in deed all the poore bee not couetous , nor all the rich vitious : yet hee spake it for this intent , because both those romans were noted of these two vices : for the poore they desire to scrape , and scratch : and the rich to enioy and keepe . which of those two sortes of men princes should chuse : i cannot , nor dare not rashly determine . and therefore i doe not counsell them , eyther to despise the poore , or to chuse the rich : but that they giue the authoritie of iustice to those , whom they know to bee of good conscience , and not subiect to couetousnesse . for the iudge , whose conscience is corrupted , it is vnpossible hee should minister equall iustice . a man may giue a shrewde guesse of suspition in that iudge , whether hee bee of brittle conscience , or no , if hee see him procure the office of iustice for himselfe : for that man which willingly procureth the charge of conscience of another : commonly little regardeth the burthen of his owne . chap. vii . of a letter which the emperour marcus aurelius wrote to antigonus his friend , answering another which hee sent him out of scicile , wherein hee aduertised him of the cruelty of the romane iudges , and this letter is diuided into v. chapters . marcus aurelius , companion in the empire , tribune of the people , presently being sicke wisheth vnto thee antigonus health & comfort in the banishment . to flye the extreame heate of rome , and to reade some bookes which are brought mee from the realme of palestine ; i am come hither to capua : and for the haste i made to ride great iourneyes , the ague hath ouertaken me , which is more troublesome then perillous : for it taketh me with cold , and plucketh my appetite from me . the , day of ianuary i receyued thy second letter , and it hapned that thy letter and my feuer tooke mee both at one instant : but the feuer grieeued me in such wise , that i could not long endure to reade thy letter : mee thinketh wee haue no stay nor meane , thou beeing so briefe , and i so long : for my long letter hath taken thy grieuous sorrows from mee , but thy short letter could not take my feuer from me : now that my mind is beating of thy trauell , the desire that i haue to remedy it , is enflamed : i would tel thee one thing , & succor thee with som counsel , but i find that the consolation which thou wantest , i cannot giue thee , and that which i can giue thee , thou needest not . in this letter shall not be written that which was in the first : but herein i will trauell the best i can to answer thee . i wil not occupie my self to comfort thee , because i am so out of course with this disease , that i haue neyther will to write , ne yet any fauour in any pleasant things . if perhaps this letter bee not sauoury , nor compendious , neither so comfortable as those which i was wōt to write vnto thee : attribute not the blame vnto my good will , which desireth to serue thee , but to the sicknes that giueth no place thereunto . for it sufficeth the sicke to be contented with medicines , without satisfying theyr friendes . if thy comfort consisted in writing many letters , and offering thee many words : truely i would not sticke to doe that for my feuer : but it neither profiteth thee , nor satisfieth mee , since i haue little , to proffer thee much . talking now of this matter , i doe remember , that the ancient lawes of the rhodians sayd these words . we desire and admonish all men , to visite the captiues , the pilgrimes , and the comfortlesse : and further we ordaine and commaund that none in the common wealth be so hardy to giue counsell , vnlesse therewith hee giue remedy : for to the troubled heart words comforteth little , when in them there is no remedy . of a truth , the law of the rhodians is good , and the romane which shall obserue them much better . assure thy self that i am very desirous to see thee : and also i know that thou wouldest as gladly speake vnto me , to recount mee all thy griefes . truely i doe not maruell , because the wounded heart quieteth himselfe more , declaring his owne griefes , thē hearing another mans consolations . thou writest vnto me of sūdry things in thy letter , the effect whereof , that thou certifiest me is , that the iudges and officers in that realme bee very rigorous and extreame : and that therefore the cicilians are greatly displeased with the senate . hitherto thou hast neuer tolde mee lye , the which moueth me to beleeue all that thou writest now in thy letter . wherefore i take it for a thing most true , that forasmuch as all those of cicill are malitious and enuious , they giue the iudges fitte occasion to bee cruell , for it is a generall rule , where men are out of order , the ministers of iustice ought to bee rigorous . and though in other realms , it chaunced not , it is to be beleeued , that it is true in this realme : whereof the ancient prouerbe sayth , all those which inhabite the isles are euill : but the cicilians are worst of all . at this day the wicked are so mighty in their malice , and the good are so much diminished in their vertues , that if by iustice there were not a bridle , the wicked would surmount al the world , and the good should vanish immediately . but returning to our matter , i say , that considering with what , & how many euils wee are enuironed , and to how many miseries wee are subiect : i doe not maruell at the vanities that men commit , but i am ashamed of the cruelty which our iudges execute , so that wee may rather call them tyrants which kill by violence , then iudges which minister by iustice . of one thing i was greatly astonied , and almost past my sense , which is , that iustice of right pertayneth to the gods , and they being offended , will bee called pittifull : and wee others borrow iustice , and not beeing offended , doe glorifie our selues to be called cruell . i know not what man will hurt another , since wee see that the gods forgiuing their proper iniuries , haue obtained the renowne of mercifull , and wee others punishing the iniuries done vnto another doe remaine with the name of the tirants . if the punishment of the gods were so seuere , as our sinnes are filthy , and that they should measure vs with this measure , the only desert of one offence is sufficient to take life from vs. with reason hee cannot be called a man amongst men , but a sauage amongst the sauages , that forgetting to be of feeble flesh , tormenteth the flesh of his brother . if a man he helde himselfe from toppe to toe , he shall finde not one thing in him to moue him to cruelty : but he shall see in him many instruments to exercise mercy . for hee hath his eyes wherewith hee ought to behold the needy and indigent : hee hath feete to goe to the church and setmons , he hath hands to helpe all : hee hath his tongue to fauour the orphanes , he hath a heart to loue god : and to conclude , hee hath vnderstāding to know the euill , and discretion to follow the good . if men owe much to the gods , for giuing them these instruments to be pittifull , truely , they are bound no lesse vnto them for taking from them all occasions to be cruell . for hee hath not giuen them hornes as to buls , neither nailes as to the cat , nor yet hee hath giuen them poyson , as to the serpent . finally , hee hath nor giuen them so perilous feet , as to a horse to strike , nor hee hath giuen them such bloudie teeth , as to the lyons to bite , then sith the gods bee pittifull , and haue created vs pittifull , and commaunded vs to bee pittifull : why do our iudges desire then to be cruell . o how many cruell and seuere iudges are there at this day in the romane empire , which vnder the colour of good zeale to iustice , aduenture to vndo the common wealth : for not for the zeale of iustice , but for the desire to attaine to renowne : they haue beene ouercome with malice , and denyed their owne proper nature . i doe not maruell that a romane censor should enuie my house , will euill to my friends , fauour mine enemies , dispise my children , with euill eyes behold my daughters , couet my goods , speake euill of my person : but that which i am ashamed of is , that diuers iudges are so greedy to teare mens flesh , as if they were beares , & mans flesh were nointed with honey . chap. viii . the emperour continueth still his letter speaking against cruell iudges , and reciteth two examples the one of a pitifull king of cypres , and the other of a cruell iudge of rome , by the saith of a good man i sweare vnto thee friend antigonus , that i being yong , knew a iudg in rome whose name was licaronicus a man of high stature , his flesh neither too fat , nor too leane , his eyes were somewhat bloudy and red , he was of the linage of the senators , and on his face hee had but a little bearde , and on his head he had many white hayres . this lycaronicus of long time was iudge in rome , in the romane lawes hee was very well learned , and in customes and policies very skilfull and expert , of his owne nature , hee spake little , and in the aunsweres hee gaue , hee was very resolute . amongst all those which were in rome in his time , he had this excellencie , which was : that to all hee ministred equall iustice : and to suters with great speede hee gaue briefe expedition , and dispatched them immediatly . they could neuer withdrawe him by requests , neuer corrupt him with gifts , nor beguile him with words , nor feare him with threatnings : neither would hee receyue a bribe of any man , that would offer it him : and besides this , he was very seuere in condition , churlish in wordes , vnflectible in requests , cruell in punishments , suspitious in affaires , and aboue all , hee was hated of manie , and feared of all . how much this lycaronicus was hated , it cannot bee reported : and of how manie hee was feared , no man can thinke . for in rome when any man was iniuried , hee saide : i pray god that lycaronicus may liue long . when the children did crie , the mothers said vnto them , take heede of lycaronicus , and streight way they helde theyr peace : so that with the only name of lycarcnicus , people were astonyed , and children kept silence . thou oughtest also to knowe antigonus , that when any commotion did arise in a cittie , or in anie other prouince , or that any sclaunder arose and increased therein , they were assured , and they saide that none other should goe thither , but onely lycaronicus : and to say the truth , when he was arriued at that citie or prouince , the rebells were not onely fledde : but also diuers innocents were for feare of his crueltie hidde . for lycaronicus was so resolute a person , that some for euill factes : others for consenting : some for that they fauoured not the good right : others , for that they kept them secrete : none escaped to be tormented of his person , or punished in goods . thinkest thou antigonus , that they haue bin fewe whome this iudge hath caused to bee whipt , and carted , cast into deepe wells , beheaded , taken , banished , and put in the stockes , during the time that the romaines had him with them ? by the immortall gods , i sweare vnto thee , and as god genius the god of nature may helpe me , that the gallowes and gibbettes were so furnished with feete , handes , and heads of men : as the shambles were , with oxen , sheepe , and kyddes . this lycaronicus was so fleshly , to shead humaine bloud , that he was neuer so conuersant , nor hee neuer had so merrie a countenance , as the same day when he should cause any man to be drowned in the riuer of tyber , hanged in mount celio , beheadded in the streete salario , tormented , or cast into the prison marmortina . oh cruell : oh fierce : and vnspeakeable condition , that this iudge lycaronicus had . for it was not possible that hee should be brought vppe betweene the delicate armes of the romanes : but in the vile entrails of you venemous serpents . i returne once more to say : that it is vnpossible he should be nourished with the delicate milke of women , but with the cruell bloud of tygres . if this lycaronicus were cruell , why did they giue him such aucthoritie ? i curse such aucthoritie . if hee did for that hee had great zeale to iustice : i curse such zeale of iustice . if he did it to winne more honour , i curse that honour : for , that man shall be cursed of the gods , and hated of men , which taketh life from others , although it bee by iustice , onely to increase his renowme . the gods are much offended , and the people greatly damaged , where the senate of rome called the iudge gentle , which is corrupted : and him that is cruell , iust . so that nowe amongst the romaine people , those which heale with oyle are not credited , but those onely which cure with fire . if any mā think it , at the least i doe not thinke it , that when licaronicus dyed , all the cruell iudges did end with him : for through all the romane empire there was no more but one lycaronicus ; and at this present there is aboue three or foure in euery common wealth . not without teares i speake that which i will speake , which is , that in those dayes as all the iudges that ministred were pittifull , so was this licaronicus renowmed for cruell . but now since all are cruell , wee hope in a iudge which is pittifull . in the . yeare of the foundation of our mother rome , the first king thereof was romulus , who sent a commaundement to all the neighbours and inhabitants therabouts , to the end that all banished men , al those which were afflicted , all those which were persecuted , and all those which were in necessity should come to rome , for they should bee defended from their enemies , and succoured in their necessities . the fame being spredde throughout italy , of the pitty and clemency which romulus shewed in rome ( if the annalles of the auncients do not deceiue vs : ) rome was more peopled with inhabitants in ten yeers then babylon or carthage in a hundred . o noble heart of romulus , which such things inuented : blessed bee that tongue which commaundeth , that the famous rome with clemency and pitty should bee founded , in the originall bookes , which were in the high capitoll , once i found diuers letters written to the sacred senate , and romane people , & in the beginning of the letters , the words sayd thus . wee the king of parthes in asia , to the fathers conscript of rome , and to the happy romane people of italy , and to all those which with the romane senate are confederate , which haue the name of romanes , and the renowne of clemency , health and tranquility to your persons , wee doe send you , and desire the same of the gods for our selues . behold therefore antigonus , what titles of clemency had our first romanes , and what example of clemency did the emperour leaue for them to come : so that since the barbarous strangers called them pittifull : it is not to be beleeued , that to their subiects or naturall countreymen they were cruell . and as the auncients haue trauelled of all to be well beloued , so they at this present through their cruelties , seeke nothing but to bee feared . if the gods perhappes should reuiue the dead , and should compare the liuing before them in iudgement : i suppose they would say these are not their children but their enemies , not encreasers of the common-wealth but destroyers of the people . i beeing thirty seuen yeares of age , lay in winter season in an isle called chetyn , which now is called cypres , wherein is a little mountain as yet full of wood , which is called the mount of archadia , where groweth an hearbe called ilabia , which the auncients say , that if it bee cut , it droppeth bloud : and the nature of it is , that if one doe rubbe any man , with the bloud thereof hote , although hee would not ) yet hee shall loue him , and if they doe annoint him with the bloude that is colde , hee shall hate him . of this hearbe wee neede not doubt any thing at all , for i did proue it , and anointed one with that bloud , who would sooner loose his life , then that loue which he bare mee . there was a kingin that isle of great example of life , and greatly renowned of clemency , though in deed , neyther by writing , nor by wordes i could neuer know his name : but that hee was buried vnder foure pillars in a tombe of marble , and about the tombe were engrauen these greeke and ancient letters , where amongst other things these wordes were engrauen . the mighty gods whiles they drew out the length of my weake yeares to passe the floud of life , this rule i had my common wealth to strength , to nourish peace and stint vaine blasts of strife . by vertues way if ought i could obtaine , by vices path i neuer sought to get , by dreadles peace if i could right attaine , by clattering armes blind hazard could not let . by curteous meanes if i could ouercome , by raging threates i heaped vp no dread , by secret shiftes if i might guide my dome by open force , i nowlde the paine were spread . by gentle read , if i could chastice eke by sharpe wayes no further proofe i sought in outward sight i neuer thought to stricke before i had to couerte chekes them brought , my free consent could neuer vainely heare , my tongue to tell one sweet entising lye , nor yet my hollow eares would euer heare , their crooked tales that flatter oft awry . my schooled heart was alwayes taught to stay , from eager lust of others heaped good i forst my selfe his proper wealth to way , and stand content as fortune iudgement stoode . my friends decay , i alwayes watcht to ayde , and recked not for bent of enuies bow , in huge expence i neuer lauish payde , my glittring golde , nor spared yet to low . for grieuous faults i neuer punisht wighi , with mind appeased , but erst i would forgiue , my griefe did grow when iust reuenge did hight , and eke i ioyed to pardon men to liue . a mortall man amongst blinde heapes of men , nature my mother produced me here : and therefore loe inclosed in this denne , the eagre wormes my senselesse carcasse teare . amongst the wights that vertue did enhaunce , a vertuous life i freely passed on , and since that death his kingdome did aduance , my heauenlie sprite to haunt the gods is gone . how thinkest thou antigonus , what epitaph was this , and what prince ought he to be , of whom i should say , his life ought to bee glorious , and his memory eternall ? i sweare vnto thee by the law of a good man : and as the gods may prosper me , i tooke not so much pleasure in pompey with his hierusalem : in semiremis with her india : in king cyrus with his babylon : in caius caesar , with his gawles : in scipio with his affrike : as i haue in the king of cypres in his graue . for more glorie hath that king there in that sharpe mountaine being deade : then others haue had , in prowde rome , beeing aliue . chap. ix . ¶ marcus aurelius continueth his letter against cruell iudges . of the words which the emperor nero spake concerning iustice : and of the instructions the emperour augustus gaue to a iudge , which hee sent into dacia . neither for that which i write in this letter , nor yet for that king cirus had in his graue : my intention is not to defende the euil , to the ende that for their euill deedes , and outragiousnesse they should bee punished : for by this means it shold bee worse for mee to fauour them , then for them to bee euill : for they through debility do offend , and i by malice doe erre . but in this case it seemeth vnto mee , and to all others which are of good iudgement , that since frailety in men is naturall , and the punishment which they giue is voluntary : let iudges therefore in ministring iustice shew , that they do it for the weale of the common-wealth , and not with a mind for to reuenge . to the end the faulty may haue occasion to amned the faultes past , and not reuenge iniuries present , the diuine plato in the books of his common-wealth sayde , that iudges ought to haue two things present before their eyes , that is to say , that in iudging things touching the good of others , they shew no couetousnes , and in punishing any man , they shew no reuenge : for iudges haue licence to chastice the bodie : but therefore they haue no licence to hurt theyr hearts . nero the emperour was greatly defamed in his life , and verie cruell in his iustice : and withall his cruelties it chanced , that as one in a day brought him a iudgement for to subscribe , to behead certain murtherers : hee fetching a great sigh , sayd these words : o how happy were i , if i had neuer learned to write , onely to bee excused to subscribe this sentence . certainely , the emperour nero , for speaking such a pittifull word at that time , deserued immortal memory : but afterwardes his so cruell life peruerted so notable a sentence . for speaking the truthe , one euil word sufficeth to deface manie good wordes . o how many realmes and countreyes haue bin lost , not so much for the euills which in those the wicked haue committed , as for the disordinate iustices which the ministers of iustice therein haue executed . for they thinking by rigour to correct the dammages past , haue raysed vppe present slaunders for euer . it is knowne to all men who and what the emperour augustus hath bin , who in all his doings was exceeding good : for , he was noble , valiant , stout , fierce and a louer of iustice , and aboue all , very pittifull . and for so much in other things hee shewed his pitie and clemencie , he ordained that no prince should subscribe iudgements of death with his owne hand : neyther that hee should see iustice done of any with his owne eyes . truely the law was pittifully ordained , and for the cleannes & purenes of emperors very necessary . for , it seemeth better for princes to defend theyr landes with the sharpe sword , then to subscribe a sentence of death with the cruell penne . this good emperour augustus was very diligent to chuse ministers of iustice , and very carefull to teach them how they should behaue themselues in the common-wealth : admonishing them not onely of that they had to doe , but also of that they ought to flie . for the ministers of iustice , oftentimes faile of theyr duetie . in capua there was a gouernour named escaurus , who was a iust iudge , though hee were somewhat seuere : whom the emperour augustus sent to the realme of dace , to take charge of that prouince . and amongst diuers other things hee spake these wordes vnto him , to retaine them in his memorie . friend escaurus , i haue determined to plucke thee from capua : and to put into thy custodie the gouernment of the prouince of dace : where thou shalt represente the royall maiestie of my person : and thou oughtest also to consider well , that as i make thee better both in honour and goods : so thou in like case shouldest make thy selfe better in life , and more temperate in iustice , thou hast been a little too rigorous , and in thy life somewhat too rashe . i counsell thee therefore , i doe desire thee , and furthermore , i doe strictly command thee , that thou chaunge thy trade , and course of life : and haue a great respect to myne honour and good name . for thou knowest right well , that the onely profite and honour of the common-wealth of romaine princes consisteth in hauing good or euill ministers of their iustice . if thou wilt doe that i would wish thou shouldest : i let thee vnderstand , that i doe nor commit mine honour in thy trust , neyther my iustice , to the intent thou shouldest become an enuyer of the innocent , and a scourge of transgressours : but that onely with the one hand thou helpe to sustaine the good , and with the other , thon endeuour to helpe to amend the euill . and if thou wilt more particularly know my intention : i do send thee , to the end thou shouldest be graundfather to the orphans , an aduocate for the widdowes , a playster for the grieued , a staffe for the blinde , and a father to all . let therefore the resolution of all bee , to reioyce mine enemyes , to comfort my friendes , to lift vppe the weake , and to fauour the strong : so that thou bee indifferent to all , and partiall to none : to the ende , that thorough thy vpright dealing , mine may reioyce to dwell there , and strangers desire to come , & serue me here . this was the instruction which the emperour augustus gaue to the gonernour escaurus : and if a man will consider and weigh his wordes well , hee shall finde them compendious enogh , that i would they were written in our iudges hearts . by thy letter thou declarest that the iudges whom the senate sent to that isle , are not very honest , nor yet without some suspicion of couetousnesse : oh wofull commonwealth , where the iudges thereof are cruell , dishonest , and couetous ? for the cruell iudges seeke nought else , but the bloud of innocents , they couet the goods of the poore , and they slaunder the good , to such and so wicked a commonwealth . i would say that it were better to remaine in the mountaines among the bruit beasts , then by such vniust iudges to bee gouerned in a common-wealth : for the fierce lions ( which of all beasts are most cruell ) if in his presence the hunter prostrate himselfe on the earth before him , the lion will neyther touch him nor his garment . o my friend antigonus , dost thou thinke , that if the common-wealth bee vnhappy which hath such iudges , that therefore rome may reioyce which prouided them ? by the faith of a good man i sweare vnto thee , that i count the senators worse which sent them , then the iudges which went thither . it is a great griefe to a noble and stout heart to demand iustice of a man , which neyther is true , nor yet obserueth iustice : but it is a greater griefe to see a iudge , that to many hath executed tyranny , and to many poore men hath done sundry wrongs , afterwards not with the life hee leadeth , but with the authoritie hee hath , presumeth to correct diuers iudges . hee that hath the office to punish the vitious , ought himselfe to bee voyd of all vices : otherwise , he that hath that office , by tyranny executeth iustice : and furthermore , he is a traytor to the common-wealth . it is vnpossible that any iudge should bee good , vnlesse hee hath the authority of his office for accessary , and his pure life for principall . the end why a iudge is sent in prouinces , is to define doubtfull causes , to reforme their manners , to fauour those that can little , and by violence to enforce those that can doe much . and for the most part there is no common-wealth so weake , but may well hang a thiefe vpon the gallouse , though there came no iudge from rome to giue sentence . o how many iudges are there now a dayes in rome , which haue caused diuers to bee hanged , regarding nothing but the first thiefe : and they remaine free , hauing robbed all the people . which ought to thinke themselues assured ; that though punishment be deferred , yet in the end the fault shall not be pardoned : for the offences which men in their life time doe dissemble , the gods after their death doe punish . it is much good for the common wealth , and no lesse honour for the prince , which hath the charge thereof , that the iudge bee honest of person , and diligent in iustice , and that in no vice ( for the which he punisheth other ) he be noted or defamed himselfe . for much is the office of iustice peruerted , when one theefe hangeth another on the gallowes . chap. x. the emperour followeth his purpose in his letter against cruell iudges , and declareth a notable ambassage which came from iudea to the senate of rome , to complaine of the iudges that gouerned that realme . in the third yeare after pompeius took the city of helya , which now is called hierusalem : valerius gracchus a romane borne , was sent at that time into that region for the romans , this gracchus was very stout of courage , subtil in affayres , and honest in life : but notwithstanding all this , in conuersation he was vnbrideled , and in the administration of iustice exceeding rigorous : when the iewes saw themselues not onely subiect to the romanes , but besides that euill handeled : they determined to send their embassador to rome , to the intent to informe the senate of the tyrannies and oppressions which were cōmitted in the land : and for to accomplish the same , they sent a very aged man ( as by the haires of his head did appeare ) who was learned in the hebrewe , greeke , and latine letters . for the hebrews are very apt to all sciences , but in weapons great cowardes . this hebrewe came to rome , and spake to the senate in this wise . o fathers conscript , o happy people , your good fortune and fatall destenyes permitting it , or to say better : we forsaking our god , hierusalem which of all the cities was ladie and mistresse : and of all the hebrewes in palestine mother , wee see it now presently seruant and tributarie to rome : whereof wee iewes ought not to maruell , neyther yee romaines to be prowde . for the highest trees by vehement windes are soonest blowne downe . great were the armies which pompeyus had , whereby we were vanquished : but the greater hath our offences bin , since by them wee doe deserue to be forsaken of our god. for wee hebrewes haue a god , which doth not put vs vnder the good or euil fortune : but doeth gouerne vs with his mercie and iustice . i will that yee heare one thing by mouth , but i had rather ye should see it by experience : which is , that we haue so mercifull god , that though among fiftie thousand euill , there was of vs but ten thousand good : yet he shewed such effectuall tokens of great mercie , that both the aegyptians and the romaines might haue seene howe our god can accomplish and performe more alone , then all your gods together . so it is , we hebrewes ( agreeing in one faith and vnitie ) haue one onely god : and in one god onely we put our whole trust and beliefe ; and him we desire to serue , though we doe not serue him , neyther should serue him , on such condicion to offend him . he is so mercifull , that hee would not let vs proue what his powerfull hand can doe , neyther would hee put our woefull people in captiuity , as hee hath , nor also our god can deceyue vs , neither can our wrytings lye . but the greater offenders wee bee , the greater lords shall yee be ouer vs. and as long as the wrath of god shal hang ouer vs , so long shall the power of yee romaines endure . for our vnhappy chaunce hath not giuen ye our realme for your deserts : nor yet for that yee were the rightfull heyres therevnto : but to the ende ye should bee the scourgers of our offences , &c. after the will of our god shal be fulfilled : after that he hath appeased his wrath and indignation against vs , and that wee shall be purged of our offences , and that hee shall behold vs with the eyes of his clemencie : then we others shall recouer that which wee haue lost , and you others shall loose that which ye haue euill wonne . and it may so chaunce , that as presently of ye romaines we are commaunded : so the time shall come that of yee others we shall be obeyed . and for as much as in this case the hebrewes feele one , and yee romaines feele another : neyther yee can cause me to worship many gods , and much lesse should i be sufficient to draw ye to the faith of one onely god : i referre all to god , the creatour of all things , by whose might we are created and gouerned . therefore touching the effect and matter of my embassage , knowe yee now , that in all former times past , vntill this present , rome hath had peace with iudea , and iudea hath had friendship with rome : so that wee did fauour you in the warres , and you others preserued vs in peace . generally , nothing is more desired then peace , and nothing more hated then warre . and further , all this presupposed , we see see it with our eyes , and also do read of our predecessors : that the world hath beene alwayes in contention , and rest hath alwayes been banished : for indeed , if wee see many sigh for peace , wee see many more employe themselues to warre . if yee others would banish those from you , which doe moue you to beare vs euill will , and wee others knew those which prouoke vs to rebell , neyther rome should be so cruell to iudea , nor yet iudea should so much hate rome . the greatest token and signe of peace , is to dispatch out of the way , the disturberbers thereof : for friendshippe oft times is lost , not so much for the interest of the one , or of the other , as for the vndiscreetnes of the mediators . when one common-wealth striueth against another , it is vnpossible that their controuersies endure long : if those come betweene them ( as indifferent mediators ) be wise . but if such a one which taketh vpon him those affayres , be more earnestly bent then the enemie wherewith the other fighteth ; wee will say , that hee more subtilly casteth wood on the fire , then hee draweth water to quench the heate . all that which i say ( romanes ) is because that since the banishment of archelaus from iudea ( sonne of the great king herode ) in his place you sent vs pomponius , marcus rufus , & valerius to bee our iudges , who haue beene foure plagues , the least whereof sufficeth to poyson all rome . what greater calamity could happen to our poore realme of palestine , then iudges to bee sent from rome to take euill customes from the euill , and they themselues to be inuentors of new vices ? what greater inconuenience , can chance to iustice , then when the iudges which ought to punish the lightnesse of youth , doe glorifie themselues to be captaines of the light in their age ? what greater infamie can bee vnto rome , then when those which ought to bee iust in all iustice , and to giue example of all vertues : bee euill in all euils , and inuentors of all vices ? wherein appeareth your little care , and much tyrannie . for all sayde openly in asia , that the theeues of rome doe hang the theeues of iewrie . what will yee i shall say more , romanes , but that wee little esteeme the theeues which keepe the woods , in comparison of the iudges which rob vs in our owne houses . o how wofull were our fatall destinies , the day that we became subiect to the romanes ? we feare no thieues , which should robbe in the high way , wee feare no fire , which should burne our goods , nor wee feare no tyrants , which should make warre against vs , neyther any assyrians , which should spoyle our countrey : wee feare not the corrupt ayre , that should infect vs , neither the plague , that shold take our liues from vs : but we feare your cruell iudges , which oppresse vs in the commonwealth , and robbe vs of our good name . i say not without a cause they trouble the common wealth : for that layde a part which they say , that laid a part which they meane , and that layde apart which they robbe , immediately they write to the senate to consent vnto them , not of the good which they finde in the ancients , but of the lightnesse which they see in the young . and as the senatours do heare them here , and doe not see them there : so you giue more credite to one that hath beene but three monethes in the prouince , then to those which haue gouerned them common wealth thirty yeares . consider senatours , that you haue made and appointed senators , in this place , for that you were the wisest , the honestest , the best experimented , and the most moderate and vertuous . therefore in this aboue all , shall be seen if yee be vertuous , in that you doe not beleeue all : for if those bee many , and of diuers nations , which haue to doe with you : much more diuers and variable are their ententions and ends , for the which they entreate . i lye if your iudges haue not done so many wrongs in iustice and forsaken their discipline , that they haue taught the youth of iudea inuentions of vices , which neyther haue beene heard of our fathers , neither reade in our books , nor yet seen in our time . you other romanes , since you are noble and mighty , you disdaine to take counsell of men that be poore , the which yee ought not to doe , neyther counsell your friendes to doe it : for to know , and to haue little , seldome times goeth together : as many counsels as iudea hath taken of rome , so many let now rome take of iudea . you ought to know , though our captaines haue wonne many realms by shedding bloud , yet notwithstanding your iudges ought to keepe them , not with rigorous shedding of bloud , but with clemency and winning their heats . o romanes , admonish , command , pray and aduertise your iudges , whom you send to gouerne strange prouinces , that they employ themselues more to the common-wealth of the realme , then their hands to number their fines and forfeites . for otherwise they shal slaunder those which send them : and shal hurt those whom they gouern . your iudges in iust things are not obeyed for any other cause , but for as much as first they haue commaunded marrie vniust things . the iust commaundements make the humble hearts , and the vniust commandements doe turne and conuert the meeke and humble men , to seuere and cruell persons . humane malice is so giuen to commaund , & is troublesome to be commaunded , that though they commaund vs to do good , wee doe obey euill : the more they commaund vs euill , the worse they bee obeyed in the good . beleeue me romanes , one thing : and doubt nothing therein , that of the great lightnesse of the iudges , is sprung the little feare & great shame of the people . each prince which shall giue to any iudge the charge of iustice , whom he knoweth not to be able , doth it not so much for that hee knoweth wel how to minister iustice : but because hee is very craftie to augment his goods . let him be well assured , that when he least thinketh on it , his honour shal be in most infamy , his credit lost , his goods diminished , and some notable punishment light vpon his house . and because i haue other things to speake in secret , i will heere conclude that is open : and finally , i say , that if yee will preserue vs and our realme , for the which you haue hazarded your selues in many perills , keepe vs in iustice , and wee will haue you in reuerence : command vs romans , and we will obey as hebrewes ; giue a pittifull president , and yee shall haue all the realme in safegard . what will yee , i say , more , but that if you be not cruel to punish our weaknesse , we will bee very obedient to your ordinances , before yee prouide for to commaund vs , thinke it well to entreat vs : for by praying with all meekenesse , and not commaunding with presumption , ye shall finde in vs the loue which the fathers are wont to finde in their children : and not the treason which the lords haue accustomed to finde in their seruants . chap. xi . the emperour concludeth his letter against the cruell iudges , and declareth what the grandfather of king boco spake in the senate . al that which aboue i haue spoken , the hebrewes sayde , and not without greate admiration hee was heard of all the senate . o rome without rome , which now hast ought but the walles , and art made a common stewes of vices . what did dest thou tell mee , when a stranger did rebuke and taunt thee in the middest of thy senate ? it is a generall rule , where there is corruption of custom , liberties are alwayes lost , which seemeth most true here in rome . for the romanes , which in times past went to reuenge their iniuries into strange countries : now others come out of strange countries to assault them in their owne houses . therefore since the iustice of rome is condemned , what thinkest thou that i beleeue of that isle of cicile ? tell mee ( i pray thee , antigonus , ) from whence commeth thinkest thou so great offence to the people , and such corrupton to iustice in the common wealth ? if peraduenture thou knowest it not , harken , and i will tell thee . it is an order whereby all goeth without order , thou oughtest for to know that the counsellors of princes being importunate , and the prince not resisting them , but suffering them they deceyue him , some with couetousnesse , other with ignorance , giue from whome they ought to take , and take from whom they ought to giue , they honour them who do dishonor them , they withhold the iust , and deliuer the couetous , they despise the wise , and trust the light . finally , they prouide not for the offences of persons , but for the persons of offices . hearke antigonus , and i will tell thee more . these miserable iudges after they are prouided and inuested in the authority of their offices ( wher of they were vnworthy ) seeing themselues of power to commaund , and that the dignity of their offices is much more , then the desert of their persons : immediately they make themselues to be feared , ministring extreame iustice . they take vpon them the estates of great lords , they liue of the sweat of the poore , they supply with malice that which they want in discretion : and that which is worst of all , they mingle another mans iustice with their owne proper profit . therefore heare more what i will say vnto thee , that these cursed iudges , seeing them selues pestered with sundry affayres , & that they want the eares of knowledge , the sayles of vertue , and the ancors of experience , not knowing how to remedy such small euills , they inuent others more greater , they distribute the common peace , onely for to augment their owne particular profite . and finally , they bewayle their owne damage , and are displeased with the prosperity of another . nothing can bee more iust , that since they haue fallen into offices not profitable for them , they doe suffer ( although they would not ) great damages , so that the one for taking gifts remaine slaundered , and the other , for giuing them remaine vndone . hearken yet , and i will tell thee more . thou oughtest to know , that the beginning of these iudges are pride and ambition , their meanes enuy & malice , and their endings are death and destruction : for the leaues shal neuer be greene where the roots are drie : if my counsell should take place in this case , such iudges should not bee of counsell with princes , neyther yet should they be defended of the priuate , but as suspect men they should not only be cast from the cōmon wealth , but also they should suffer death . it is a great shame to those which demaund offices of the senate , but greater is the rashnesse and boldnes of the counsellers , which doe procure them : and wee may say both to the one , and to the other , that neyther the feare of god doth with draw them , nor the power of princes doth bridle them , nor shame doth trouble them , neyther the common wealth doth accuse them : and finally , neyther reason commaundeth them , nor the law subdueth them . but hearke and i will tell thee more . thou oughtest alwayes to know , what the forme and manner is , that the senatours haue to diuide the offices : for sometimes they giue them to their friends in recompence of their friendship , & other times they giue them to theyr seruants , to acquite their seruices , and sometimes also they giue them to soliciters , to the end they should not importune them , so that few offices remaine for the vertuous , the which onely for beeing vertuous are prouided . o my friend antigonus , i let you to vnderstand , that since rome did keepe her renowne , and the com-wealth was well gouerned , the diligence which the iudges vsed towards the senat , to the end they might giue them offices , the selfe same ought the senate to haue to seeke vertuous men , to commit such charge into their hands . for the office of iustice ought to be giuen not to him which procureth it , but to him that best deserueth it . in the yeare of the foundation of rome , . yeares the romane people had many warres throughout all the world : that is to say , caius celius against those of thrace , gneus gardon his brother against the sardes , iunius scilla against the cimbres ; minutius rufus against the daces , seruilius scipio against the macedonians , and marius consull against iugurtha king of the numedians : and amongst all these , the warre of the numidians was the most renowmed , and also perillous . for if rome had many armies against iugurtha to conquer him : iugurtha had in rome good friends , which did fauour him . king boco at that time was king of the mauritans , who was iugurthas friend : in the end , hee was afterwards the occasion that iugurtha was ouerthrowne , and that marius tooke him . these two kings marius the consull brought to rome , and triumphed of them , leading them before his triumphant chariot , their neckes loaden . with yrons , & their eyes full of teares the which vnlucky fortune al the romaines which behelde lamented , and tooke great pitie of the strangers whō they heard . the night after the triumph was ended , it was decreede in the senate , that iugurtha should bee beheaded , leauing king boco aliue , depriued of his country . and the occasion thereof was this : the romaines had a custom of long time to put no man to execution before that first with great diligēce they had looked the ancient bookes , to see if any of their predecessors had done any notable seruice to rome , whereby the poore prisoner might deserue his pardon . it was found written in a booke , which was in the high capitoll , that the grandfather of king boco was very sage , and a speciall friend to the romane people , and that once hee came to rome , and made diuers orations to the senate , and amongst other notable sentences , there was found in that book , that he had spoken these words : woe be to that realme where all are such , that neyther the good amongst the euill , nor the euil amongst the good are known . woe vpon that realme , which is the entertainer of all fooles , and a destroyer of all sages . woe is that realme where the good are fearefull , and the euill too bold : wo on that realme where the patient are despised , and the seditious commended . wo on that realm which destroyeth those which watch for the good , and crowneth those that watch to doe euill . woe to that realme , where the poore are suffered to bee proud : and the rich tirants . wo to that realme , where all know the euil , and no man doth follow the good . woe to that realme where so many euill vices are openly committed , which in another countrie dare not secrrtly bee mentioned . wo to that realm , where all procure that they desire , where all attaine to that they procure , where all thinke that this is euill , where al speake that they thinke , and finally , where all may doe that which they will. in such and so vnfortunate a realm where the people are too wicked , let euery man beware hee bee not inhabitant : for in short time they shall see vpon him , eyther the yre of the gods , the fury of the men , the depoputation of the good , or the desolation of the tirants . diuers other notable thinges were contained in those orations , the which are not ( at this present touching my letter , but forasmuch as we thought it was a very iust thing , that they should pardon the folly of the nephew for the deserts of the wise grandfather . thou shalt reade this my letter openly to the pretours and iudges , which are resident there , and the case shall bee , that when thou shalt reade it , thou shalt admonish them , that if they will not amend secretly , wee will punish them openly . i wrote vnto thee the last day , that as touching thy banishment , i would be thy friend : and be thou assured , that for to enioy thy old friendshipp , and to performe my word , i will not let to danger my person . i write vnto panutius my secretary to succour thee with two thousand sesterses , wherewith thou mayest releeue thy pouerty : and from hence i send thee my letter , wherewith thou mayest comfort thy sorrowfull hear . i say no more to thee in this case , but that thorough the gods thou mayest haue contentation of all that thou enioyest , health of thy person , and comfort of thy friends : the bodily euils , the cruell enemies , the perillous destenies , bee farre from me . marke , in the behalfe of thy wife rufa , i haue saluted my wise faustine : shee and i both haue receyued with ioy thy salutations , and with thankes wee sent them you againe , i desire to see thy person here in italy , and wish my feuer quartens there with thee in scicilie . chap. xii . an exhortation of the author to princes and noble men , to embrace peace , and to eschew the occasions of warre . octauian augustus , second emperour of rome , is commended of all , for that hee was so good of his person , and so wel beloued of all the romane empire . suetonius tranquillus sayth , that when any man dyed in rome in his time , they gaue great thanks to the gods for that they tooke their life from them , before their prince knew what death meant . and not contented onelie with this , but in their testaments they commaunded their heires and children , that yearely they should offer great sacrifices of their proper goods in all the temples of rome , to the end the gods shold prolong the dayes of their prince . that time indeed might bee called the golden age , and the blessed land , where the prince loued so well his subiects , and the subiects so much obeyed their prince : for seldome times it hapneth that one will be content with the seruices of all , neyther that all will bee satisfied with the gouernement of one . the romans for none other cause wished for the good prince ( more then for themselues ) life , out because he kept the commonwealth in peace . the vertue of this prince deserued much prayse , and the good will of the people merited no lesse commendation : he for deseruing it to them , & they for giuing it to him : for to say the truth , there are few in number that so heartily loue others , that for theyr sakes will hate themselues . there is no man so humble , but in things of honour wil be content to goe before , saue only in death , where he can be content to come behinde . and this seemeth to bee very cleare , in that that now dyeth the father , now the mother , now the husband , now the wife , now the sonne , & now his neighbour , in the end euery man is content with the death of an other , so that he with his owne life may escape himselfe . a prince which is gentle , patient , stout , sober , honest and true , truly hee of right ought to be commended : but aboue all , & more then all , the prince which keepeth his common wealth in peace , hath great wrong if hee not of all beloued ? what good can the common wealth haue , wherin there is warre and dissention ? let euerie man say what he will , without peace no man can enioy his owne , no man can eate without feare , no man sleepeth in good rest , no man goeth safe by the way , no mā trusteth his neighbour . finally , i say , that where there is no peace , there wee are threatened dayly with death , and euery houre in feare of our life . it is good the prince do scoure the realme of theeues , for there is nothing more vniust , thē that which the poor with toile and labour get , should with vagabonds in idlenes be wasted . it is good the prince doe weed the realme of blasphemers , for it is an euident token that those that dare blaspheme the king of heauen , will not let to speake euill of the princes of the earth . it is good the prince do cleare the common wealth of vagabonds & players : for play is so euill a mothe , that it eateth the new gown and consumeth the drie wood . it is good that the prince doe forbidde his subiects of prodigall banquets , & superfluous apparrell : for where men spend much in things superfluous , it chanceth afterwards that they want of their necessaries . but i aske now , what auayleth it a prince to banish all vices from his common-wealth , if otherwise he keepeth it in warre . the only ende why princes are princes ; is to follow the good , and to eschew the euill . what shall you say therefore , since that in the time of warres , princes cannot reforme vices , nor correct the vicious . oh , if princes and noble men knew what damage they doe to their countreyes , the day that they take vppon them warre : i thinke and also affirme , that they would not onely not begin it , nor yet anie priuate person durste scarely remember it . and hee that doth counsell the prince the contrary , ought by reason to bee iudged to the common-wealth an enemie . those which counsel princes to seeke peace , and to keepe peace , without all doubt they haue wrong if they be not heard : if they be loued : and if they be not credited , for the counsellour which for a light ocasion counselleth his prince to beginne warre : i say vnto him eyther choler surmounteth , or else good conscience wanteth . it chaunceth often times that the prince is vexed and troubled , because one certifieth him , that a prouince is rebelled , or some other prince hath inuaded his countrey , and as the matter requireth , the councell is assembled . there are some too rashe counsellours , which immediately iudge peace to bee broken as lightly , as others doe desire that warres should neuer beginne . when a prince in such a case asketh counsell : they ought forthwith not to aunswere him suddenly . for things concerning the warres , ought with great wisedome first to be considered , and then with as much aduisement to be determined . king dauid neuer tooke any warre in hand , though he were very wise , but first hee counselled with god ; the good iudas machabeus , neuer entred into battell , but first hee made his prayer vnto almightie god. the greekes and romanes durst neuer make warre against their enemies , but first they would do sacrifice to the gods , and consulte also with their oracles . the matters of iustice , the recreations of his person , the reward of the good , the punishment of the euill ; and the diuiding of rewards , a prince may communicate with any priuate man : but all matters of warre , hee ought first to counsell with god : for , the prince shall neuer haue perfect victorie ouer his enemyes , vnlesse hee first committe the quarrell thereof vnto god. those which counsell princes , ( whether it be in matters of warre , or in the affaires of peace ) ought alwaies to remember this sentence : that they giue him such counsells alwayes when hee is alone in his chamber , as they would doe if they saw him at the poynt of death very sicke . for , at that instant , no man dare speake with flattery , nor burden his conscience with bryberie . when they entreate of warre , they which moue it ought first to consider , that if it came not well to passe , all the blame will be imputed to their counsell . and if that his substaunce bee not presently able to recompence the losse , let him assure himselfe , that here after his soule shall suffer the paine . men ought so much to loue peace , and so much to abhorre warre , that i belieue that the same preparation that a priest hath in his conscience with god before hee presume to receiue the holy communion : euen the same ought a counsellour to haue , before that vnto his prince hee giueth counsell concerning warre . since princes are men , it is no maruell though they feele iniuties as men , and that they desire to reuenge as men . therefore , for this cause they ought to haue wise men of their counsell , whereby they should mittigate and asswage theyr griefes and troubles . for , the counsellours of princes , ought neuer to counsell thing , they beeing angrie , wherwith after they may iustly be displeased , when they be pacified . following our matter , in counting the goods which are lost , in loosing peace : and the euils which increase in winning warres : i say , that amongst other things the greatest euill is , that in time of warre they locke vp closely all vertues , and set at libertie all vices , during the time that princes and great lords maintaine warre , though they bee lordes of their realmes and dominions by right , yet for a trueth they are not to indeede . for , at that time the lordes desire more to content their souldiours and subiects , then the souldyers and subiects seeke to content the lords . and this they doe , because they through power might vanquish their enemies , and further , through the loue of their money , relieue their necessities . eyther princes are gouerned by that wherevnto by sensualitie they are moued , or else by that wherewith reason is contented . if they will follow reason , they haue too much of that they possesse : but if they desire to follow the sensuall appetite , there is nothing that will content them for , as it is vnpossible to drie vp all the water in the sea : so it is harde to satisfie the heart of man that is giuen to couetousnes . if princes take vpon them warres , saying : that their right is taken from them : and that therefore they haue a conscience : let them beware that such conscience bee not corrupted . for , in the worlde there is no warre iustified : but for the beginning thereof , the princes at one time or an other , haue their consciences burdened . if princes take vpon them warre , for none other cause , but to augment their state and dignitie . i say that this is a vaine hope : for , they consume and lose ( for the moste part , ) more in one or two yeares warres , then euer they get againe during their life . if princes take vpon them warre , to reuenge an iniurie : as well for this also it is a thing superfluous : for , manie goe to the warres being wronged onely with one thing , and afterwards they returne iniuried with manie . if princes take vpon them warres for none other cause but to winne honour : me thinketh also that that is an vnprofitable conquest : for , me thinketh that fortune is not a person so famous , that into her hands a man may commit his honour , his goods , and his life . if princes take vpon them warre to leaue of them in the worlde to come some memorie : this no lesse them the other seemeth to me vaine . for without doubt , if we examine the hystories that be past , we shall finde those to be more in number which haue bin defamed : then those which for vanquishing of their enemyes , haue bin renowmed . it princes take vpon them warres , supposing that there are in an other countrey more pleasures and delights then in their owne ; i say , that to thinke this , proceedeth of little experience , and of lesse conscience . for , to a prince there can bee no greater shame , nor conscience , then to beginne warres in straunge realmes , to maintaine his owne pleasures and vices at home . let no princes deceyue themselues , in thinking that there are in straunge countries more things then in their owne : for in the end , there is no land nor nation in the world , where there is not winter , and summer , night and day , sicknesse and health , riches and pouerty , mirth and sadnesse , friends and enemies , vitious , and vertuous , aliue and dead . finally , i say , that in all parts all things agree in one , saue onely the dispositions of men , which are diuers . i would aske princes and great lords , the which doe and will liue at theyr pleasure , what they want in theyr realmes , yea though they bee little ? if they will hunt , they haue mountaines and parkes : if they will fish they haue pondes : if they will walke , they haue riuers , if they will refresh themselues they haue baynes : if they will bee merry , they haue musitians : if they delight in apparrelling them selues , they haue rich clothes : if they will giue , they haue money : if they desire women , they haue wiues : if they will take their rest , they haue their gardens : if winter annoye them , they haue hote countries : & if they will eate , they want no meats . hee that with peace hath all these things in his owne dominion , why then with warre doe hee seeke them in a strange country ? men oftentimes flye from one countrey to another , not to be more deuoute , nor more vertuous , but to haue greater liberty and oportunitie to haunt vices . and afterwards when they see the endes of their deeds , they cannot refrayne their hearts from sighes , since they might haue enioyed that at home with peace , which in straunge countries , they sought with troubles . there are so few thinges wherewith we are contented in the world , that if perchaunce a man finde in any one place , any one thing , wherewith to content him , let him beware that the diuell doe not deceiue him , saying : that in such another place he may receate himselfe better : for whether soeuer wee goe , wee shall finde such penurie , and want of true pleasures , and comforts , and such plenty and copious aboundance of troubles and torments that for to comfort vs , in an hundred yeares wee scarcely finde one , and to torment vs , wee finde at euery foot a thousand . chap. xiii . the author reciteth the commodities which come of peace , declaring how diuers princes vpon light occasions , haue made cruell warres . dimo an ancient king of ponto , sayd vnto a philosopher that was withhim : tel me philosopher , i haue health , i haue honour , and i haue riches , is there any thing more to bee desired amongst men , or to bee giuen of the gods in this life ? the philosopher aunswered him : i see that i neuer saw , and i heare that i neuer heard : for health riches , and honour , the gods seldome times doe thrust in one person , his time is so short that dooth possesse them , that they haue more reason for to pray that they might bee quieted of them , then for to bee proude for that they possesse them . and i tell thee further king dimo , it little profiteth that the gods haue giuen thee all these thinges , if thou dooest not content thy selfe therewith , the which i thinke they haue not giuen thee , nor neuer will giuen thee : for the gods are so iust in diuiding their gifts , that to them , to whom they giue contentation , they take from them their riches , and those whom they giue riches , they take their contentation . plutarch in the first of his pollitikes putteth this example , and hee declareth not the name of this philosopher . o how great a benefit is that which the gods giue to princes and great lords , in giuing them their health , in giuing them riches , and in giuing them honour : but if besides those hee giueth them not contentation , i say that in giuing them the goods , he giueth them trauell and danger : for if the trauell of the poore be greater then the trauell of the rich : without comparison , the discontentation of the rich is greater then the discontentation of the poore . men little regarding their health become sicke , little esteeming theyr riches become poore , and because they know not what honour is ; they become dishonoured . i meane , that the rash princes vntill such time as they haue bin well beaten in the wars , will alwayes little regard peace . the day that you princes proclaime wars against your enemies , you set at liberty all vices to your subiects : yet you say your meaning is not they should bee euill . i say it is true . yet all this ioyned together , ye giue them occasiō that they be not good . let vs know what thing warre is , and then wee shall see , whether it bee good or euill to follow it . in warres they doe nought else but kill men , robbe the temples , spoyle the people , destroy the innocents , giue liberty to theeues , separate friends , and rayse strife : all the which things cannot bee done without great hurt of iustice , and scrupulosity of conscience . the seditious man himselfe cannot denie vs , that if two princes take vpon them warres betweene them , & that both of them seeme for to haue right , yet the one of them onely hath reason : so that the prince which shall fight against iustice , or defende the vniust cause , shall not escape out of that warre iustified : not issuing out-iustified , hee shall remaine condemned : and the condemnation shall bee , that all the losses , murthers , burnings , hangings , and robberies , which were done in the one , or other common-wealth , shal remaine vpon the account of him , which took vpon him the vniust warre , although he doth not find another prince that will demand an account of him heere in this life , yet hee shall haue a iust iudge that will in another place lay it to his charge . the prince which is vertuous , & presumeth to bee a christian , before he beginne the warre , ought for to consider what losse or profite will ensue thereof . wherein if the end be not prosperous , he loseth his goodes and honour : and if he perchauce attaine to that he desired , peraduenture his desire was to the damage of the common-wealth , and then hee ought not to desire it . for the desire of one should not hurt the profite of all . when god our lord did create princes for princes , and people accepted them for their lordes , it is to beleeue that the gods did neuer commaund such things , nor the men would euer haue excepted such if they had thought that princes wold not haue done that they were bound : but rather that whereunto they were inclined . for if men follow that wherunto their sensuality enclineth them , they alwayes erre : therfore if they suffer themselus to be gouerned by reasō they are alwayes sure . and besides that , princes shold not take vpon thē warres , for the burdening of their consciences , the mis-spending of theyr goods , and the losse of their honour : they ought also to remember the duties that they owe to the common-wealth , the which they are bound to keepe in peace and iustice . for wee others need not gouernours to search vs enemyes , but good princes , which may defend vs from the wicked . the diuine plato in his . booke de legibus sayth : that one demaunded him why hee did exalt the lydians so much , and so much dispraise the lacedemonians , & c ? plato aunswered : if i commend the lydians , it is for that they neuer were occupyed but in tylling the fielde : and if i doe reproue here the lacedemonians , it is because they neuer knew nothing else but to conquere realmes . and therfore i say , that more happy is that realme , where men haue their hands with labouring full of blysters : then where their arms in fighting , are wounded with swordes . these words which plato spake are very true , and would to god that in the gates & harts of princes they were written . plinius in an epistle sayeth : that it was a prouerbe , much vsed amongst the greekes : that hee was king , which neuer saw king . the like may we say , that he onely may enioy peace , which neuer knewe what warres meant . for , simple and innocent though a man bee , there is none but will iudge him more happy , which occupieth his hand kerchiefe to drye the sweate off his browes : then he that breaketh it to wipe the bloud off his head . the princes and great lords which are louers of warres , ought to consider , that they doe not only hurt in generall all men , but also especially the good : and the reason is , that although they of their owne wills doe abstaine from battell , doe not spoyle , doe not rebell , nor slay : yet it is necessary for them to endure the iniuryes , and to suffer their owne losse and damages : for none are meete for the warre , but those which little esteeme theyr life ; and much lesse their consciences . if the warre were only with the euill against the euill , and to the hurte and hinderance of the euill , little should they feele , which presume to be good . but i am sorrie the good are persecuted : the good are robbed : and the good are slaine . for , if it were otherwise ( as i haue saide , ) the euill against the euill , we would take little thought both for the vanquishing of the one , and much lesse for the destruction of the other . i aske nowe , what fame , what honour , what glorie , what victorie , or what riches in that warre can be wonne , wherin so many good , vertuous , and wise men are lost ? there is such penurie of the good in the world , and such neede of them in the common-wealth : that if it were in our power , we with our tears ought to plucke them out of their graues , and giue them life : and not to leade them into the warres , as to a shambles to be put to death . plinie in one epistle , and seneca in another , say : that when they desired a romaine captaine that with his armey he should enter into a great danger , whereof great honour should ensue vnto him , and little profite to the commonwealth . he made answere . for nothing would i enter into that daunger , if it were not to giue life to a romane citizen : for i desire rather to goe enuironned with the good in rome , then to goe loaden with treasures into my countrey . comparing prince to prince , and law to law , and the christan with the pagan : without comparison the soule of a christian ought more to be esteemed thē the life of a romane ; for the good romane obserueth it as a law , to dye in the warre , but the good christian hath the precept , to liue in peace . snetonius tranquillus in the second booke of caesars sayeth , that among all the romane princes there was no prince so well beloued , nor yet in the warres so fortunate as augustus was . and the reason hereof is , because that prince neuer beganne any war , vnles by great occasion he was thereunto prouoked . o , of how manie princes ( not ethnicks , but christians ) we haue heard and read all contrary to this , which is , that were of such large conscience , that they neuer took vpon them any warre that was iust , to whom i swear and promise , that since the warre which they in this worlde beganne , was vniust : the punishment which in another they shall haue is most righteous . xerxes king of the persians being one day at dinner , one brought vnto him verie faire and sauourie figges of the prouince of athens : the which beeing set at the table , hee sware , by the immortall gods , and by the bones of his predecessors , that hee would neuer eate figges of his countrey , but of athens , which were the best of all greece . and that which by words of mouth king xerxes sweare , by valiant deedes , with force and shield hee accomplished , and went forthwith to conquer grecia , for no other cause but for to fill himselfe with the figges of that countrey , so that hee beganne that warre not only as a light prince , but also as a vitious man. titus liuius sayeth , that when the french men did taste of the wine of italy , immediately they put them selues in armes , and went to conquer the country , without hauing any other occasion to make warre against them : so that the frenchmen for the licoriousnesse of the pleasant wines , lost the deare bloud of their owne hearts . king antigonus dreamed one night , that hee saw king methridates with a sithe in his hand , who like a mower did cut all italy , and there fell such feare to antigonus , that hee determined to kill king methridates : so that this wicked prince for crediting a light dreame , set all the world in an vprore . the lumbardes being in pannonia , heard say that there was in italy sweet fruits , sauourie flesh , odorifetous wines , faire women , good fish , little colde , and temperate heate : the which newes moued them not onely to desire them , but also they tooke weapons to goe conquer italie : so that the lumbardes came not into italy to reuenge them of their enemies , but to bee there more vicious and riotous . the romanes and the carthagenians were friendes of long time , but after they knew that there was in spaine great mynes of gold and siluer , immediately arose betweene them exceeding cruell warres , so that those two puissant realmes , for to take from each other their goods , destroied their owne proper dominions . the authors of the aboue saide , were plutarchus , paulus diaconus , berosus , and titus liutus . o secrete iudgements of god , which sufferest such things ! o mercifull goodnes of thee my lord , that permitteth such things , that through the dreame of one prince in his chamber , another for to robbe the treasures of spaine , another to flye the colde of hungarie , another to drinke the wines of italy , another to eate figs of greece , should put all the countrey to fire and bloud . let not my penne bee cruell against all princes which haue vniust warres : for as traianus sayd , iust warre is more worth then fained peace . i commend , approue , and exalt princes which are carefull and stout , to defend and keepe that which their predecessors left them : for admitte that for dispossessing them , hereof commeth all the breach with other princes . looke how much his enemy offendeth his conscience for taking it : so much offendeth he his common-wealth for not defending it . the wordes which the diuine plato spake in the first booke of his lawes , did satisfie me greatly , which were these : it is not meete we should be too extream in commending those which haue peace : nor let vs bee too vehement in reproouing those which haue warre : for it may bee now , that if one haue warre , it is to the end to attaine peace , and for the contrary , if one haue peace , it shall be to the end to make warre . indeed plato sayd very true for it is more worth to desire short warre for long peace , then short peace for long warre . the philosopher chilo being demanded whereby a good or euill gouernour might be knowne , he answered . there is nothing whereby a good and euill man may bee better known then in that for which bey striue . for the tyrannous prince offereth himselfe to aye to take from another , but the vertuous prince trauelleth to defend his owne . when the redeemer of this world departed from this world , hee sayde not , i giue yee my warre , or leaue yee my warre : but i leaue you my peace , and giue you my peace . thereof ensueth , that the good christian is bound to keepe the peace , which christ so much commaunded , then to inuent warre to reuenge his proper iniurie , which god so much hated . if princes did that they ought for to doe , and in this case would beleeue mee : for no temporall thing they should condiscend to shedde mans bloud , if nothing else , yet at the least the loue of him which on the crosse shedd his precious bloud for vs , should from that cleane disswade vs. for the good christians are commaunded to bewayle their owne sinnes : but they haue no licence to shed the bloud of their enemies . finally , i desire , exhort , and further admonish all princes and great lords , that for his sake that is prince of peace , they loue peace , procure peace , keepe peace , and liue in peace . for in peace they shall bee rich , and their people happie . chap. xiiii . the emperour marcus aurelius writeth to his friend cornelius , wherein hee describeth the discommodities of warre , and the vanitie of triumph . marcus aurelius wisheth to thee cornelius his faithfull friend , health to thy person , and good lucke against all euil fortune . within fifteene dayes after i came from the warre of asia , whereof i haue triumphed here in rome , remembring that in times past thou wert a companion of my trauell : i sent immediately to certifie thee of my triumphes : for the noble hearts doe more reioyce of their friends ioy , then they do of their owne proper delights . if thou wilt take paines to come when i send to call thee , bee thou assured , that on the one part , thou shalt haue much pleasure to see the great abundance of riches that i haue brought out of asia , and to beholde my receiuing into rome : and on the other , thou canst not keepe thy selfe from weeping to see such a sorte of captiues ( the which entred in before the triumphant chariots ) bound and naked , to augment the conquerours most glory : and also to them vanquished to be a greater ignomie . seldome times we see the sun shine bright all the day long , but first in the summer there hath beene a mist , or if it be in the winter , there hath beene a frost . by this parable , i meane , that one of the miseries of this world is , that wee shall see few in this world which now bee prosperous : but before haue had fortune , in some cases , very malitious : for wee see by experience , some come to bee very poore , and other chaunce to attaine to great riches : so that through the empouerishing of those , the other become rich and prosperous . the weapon of the one causeth the other to laugh : so that if the bucket that is empty aboue , doth not goe downe , the other which is ful beneath cannot come vp . speaking therefore according to sensuality , thou wouldest haue beene glad that day to haue seene our triumph , with the abundance of riches , the great number of captiues , the diuersity of beasts , the valiantnes of the captaines , the sharpenesse of wittes which wee brought from asia , and entred into rome , wherby thou mightest well know the daungers that wee escaped in the ware . wherefore speaking the truth the matter betweene vs and our enemies was so debated , that those of vs that escaped best , had their bodies sore wounded , and their veins also almost without bloud . i let thee know my cornelius , that the parthians are warlike men , & in dangerous enterprises very hardie and bold . and when they are at home in their country , euery one with a stout hart defendeth his house : and surely they doe it like good men , and valiant captaines : for if we other romanes , without reason , and through ambition , doe goe to take an other mans , it is meete and iust , that they by force doe defend their owne . let no man through the aboundance of malice , or want of wisedom enuie the romane captaine ; for any triumph that is giuen him by his mother rome : for surely to get this onely one dayes honour , he aduentureth his life a thousand times in the field : i will not speake all that i might say of them that wee ledde foorth to the warres , nor of them which wee leaue here at home in rome , which bee all cruell iudges of our fame : for theyr iudgement is not vpright according to equity , but rather proceedeth of malice and enuie . though they take mee for a patient men , and not farre out of order , yet i let thee know my cornelius , that there is no patience can suffer , nor heart dissemble to see many romanes to haue such great enuie , ( which through their malitious tongues ) passe not to backebite other mens triumphes . for it is an olde disease of euill men , through malice to backebite that with theyr tongue , which through their cowardnesse , they neuer durst enterprise with their hands . notwithstanding all this , you you must know , that in the warre you must first often hazard your life , and afterwards to the discretion of such tongues commit your honour . our folly is so foolish , and the desires of men so vaine , that more for one vaine word , then for any profite , wee desire rather to get vaine glory with traue ) , then to seeke a good life , with rest . and therefore willingly wee offer our liues now , to great trauell and paine : onely that among vaine men hereafter we may haue a name . i sweare by the immortall gods , vnto thee my cornelius , that the day of my triumph , whereas to the seeming of all those of this world , i went triumphing in the chariot openly : yet i ensure thee my heart wept secretly : such is the vanitie of men , that thogh of reason wee be admonished , called , and compelled , yet if we flie from her , and contrarie : though wee be rebuked , euill handeled , and dispised of the world , yet we will serue it . if i bee not deceyued , it is the prosperitie of foolish men , and want of good iudgements , that cause the men to enter into others houses by force , rather then to be desirous to be quiet in their owne , with a good will. i meane that wee should in following vertue sooner bee vertuous , then in haunting vices , be vicious : for speaking the truth , men which in all , and for all desire to please the world , must needes offer themselues to great trauell and care . oh rome , rome , cursed be thy folly , and cursed be he that in thee brought vp so much pride , and be he cursed of men , and hated of gods , which in thee hath inuented such pompe . for , very fewe are they , that worthily vnto it haue attained : but infinite are they , which through it haue perished . what greater vanitie , or what equall lightnes can bee , then that a romaine captaine , because hee hath conquered kingdomes , troubled quyet men , destroyed citties , beaten downe castles , robbed the poore , enriched tyrants , caried away treasors , shed much bloud , made infinite widowes , and taken many noble mens liues , should be afterwardes ( with great triumph of rome , ) receyued in recompence of all this damage ? wilt thou now that i tell thee a greater follie , which aboue al other is greatest ? i let thee know , infinite are they that dye in the wars , and one only carieth away the glorie thereof : so that these wofull and miserable men , thogh for their carkas they haue not a graue , yet one captaine goeth triumphing alone through rome . by the immortall gods i sweare vnto thee , and let this passe secretly , as between friends , that the day of my triumph , when i was in my triumphant chariot , beholding the miserable captiues , loden with yrons , and other men carrying infinite treasours , which wee had euill gotten : and to see the carefull widowes weepe for the death of theyr husbandes , and remembred so many noble romans that lost their liues in affrike : thogh i seemed to reioice outwardly , yet i ensure thee i did weepe drops of bloud inwardly . for he is no man borne in the worlde , but rather a furie , bred vp in hell among the furies : that can at the sorrowes of another take any pleasure . i know not in this case what reputation the prince , or captaine should make of himselfe , that commeth from the warres , and desireth to enter into rome ? for , if hee thinke ( as it is reason ) on the wounds he hath in his bodie , or the treasors which he hath wasted , on the places that he hath burnt , on the perills that he hath escaped , on the iniuryes which hee hath receiued , the multitudes of men which vniustly are slaine , the friends which hee hath lost , the enemies which he hath goten , the litle rest that he hath enjoyed , and the great trauels that he hath suffered : in such case i say , that such a one with sorowful sighs ought to lamēt , & with bitter teares ought to be receiued . in this case of triumphing . i neither commend the assyrians , nor enuie the persians , nor am content with the macedonians , nor allowe the caldeans , nor content me with the greekes . i curse the troians , and condemne the cathagenians , because that they proceeded not acording to the zeale of iustice , but rather of the rage of pride , to set vp triumphes , endamaged their countries , and left an occasion to vndoe vs. o cursed rome , cursed thou hast beene , cursed thou art , and cursed thou shalt be : for if the fatall destenies doe not lye vnto mee , and my iudgement deceiue me not , and fortune fasten not the naile : they shall see of thee rome in time to come , that which we others presently see of the realmes past . thou oughtest for to know , that as thou by tyranny hast made thy selfe lady of lords : so by iustice thou shalt returne to bee the seruant of seruants . o vnhappy rome , and vnhappy againe , i returne to call thee . tell mee i pray thee , why art thou at this day so dear of marchandize , & so cheape of folly ? where are the ancient fathers which builded thee , and with their vertues honored thee ? in whose stead presently thou magnifyest so manie tirants , which with their vices deface thee . where are all those noble and vertuous batons , which thou hast nourished , in whose stead thou hast now so many vicious and vagabonds ? where are those , which for thy liberty did shed their bloud , in whose stead now thou hast those , that to bring thee into subiection , haue lost their life ? where are thy valiant captaines , which with such great trauell did endeauour themselues to defend the walls from enemies , in whose stead haue succeeded those that haue plucked them down , and peopled them with vices and vicious ? where are thy great priests , they which did alwayes pray in the temples , in whose stead haue succeeded those , that know not but to defile the churches , and with their wickednesse to moue the gods to wrath ? where are those so many philosophers and oratours which with their counsell gouernd thee ? in whose stead haue now succeeded so many simple and ignorant , which with their malice doe vndoe thee ? o rome , all those auncients haue forsaken thee , and wee succeeded those which now are new , & if thou knewest truely the vertue of them , and diddest consider the lightnesse of vs : the day that they ended their life , the selfe same day not one stone in thee should haue beene lefte vpon another . and so those fields should haue sauoured of the bones of the vertuous , which now stinke of the bodies of the vicious . peraduenture , thou art more auncient then babylon , more beautifull then hierusalem , more rich then carthage , more strōg then troy , more in circuite then corinth , more pleasāt then tirus , more fertile then constantinople , more high then camena , more inuincible then aquileta , more priuiledged then gādes , more enuironed with towers then capua , and more flourishing then cantabria . we see that all those notable cities perished , for all their vertuous defenders : and thinkest thou for to remaine , being replenished with so much vice , and peopled with so many vitious ? o my mother rome , take one thing for a warning , that the glory which now is of thee , was first of them , and the same destructiō that was of them shall hereafter light vpon thee for such is the world . for thus goeth the world , euen as we presently see the troubles of them that be past : so shall those that be to come , see ours that be present . chap. xv. marcus aurelius goeth on with his letter , and declareth the order that the romanes vsed in setting foorth their men of warre , and of the outragious villanies which captaines and souldiers vse in the warre . i will now declare vnto thee , my frend cernelius , the order which wee haue to set foorth men of warre and thereby thou shalt see the great disorder that is in rome : for in the olde time there was nothing more looked vnto , nor more corrected then was the discipline of warre : and for the contrary , now a dayes there is nothing so dissolute , as are our wen of warre . newes once spred abroad throgh the empire , how the prince doeth take vpon him any warre , immediately diuers opinions engender amongst the people , and euery one iudgeth diuersly vpon the warre : for as much as one sayeth it is iust , and the prince that taketh it vpon him is iust . others say , that it is vniust , and that the prince which beganne it is a tyrant : the poore and sedtious persons doe allow it , to the end they might goe , and take other mens goods by force . the rich and patient doe condemne it , because they would enioy theyr owne in quiet : so that they doe not iustifie or condemne warre , according to the zeale of iustice : but according to the little or much profite , that shall follow them of that enterprise : i commād which am a romane emperor , warre to be proclamed , because a city or prouince hath rebelled , and that according to their custome they doe not obserue the ceremonies of rome . first you must vnderstand , the priests must be called to go immediately to pray to the immortal gods : for the romane people neuer went to shead the bloud of theyr enemies in warres : but first the priests did shed the tears of their eyes in the temples . secondly , all the sacred senate doth goe to the temple of the god iupiter , and there they sware all with a solemne oath , that if the enemies , ( against whom they goe ) do require a new confederation with rome , or demaund pardon of their faults committed : that ( all reuengement laid aside ) they shal not deny to giue them mercy . thirdly , the consull which is appointed for to bee the captaine of the warre , went to the high capitoll , and there hee maketh a solemn vow to one of the gods , which liketh him best , that hee will offer him a certaine iewell , if hee returne victorious of the same warre : and though the iewell which hee doth promise , bee of great value , yet all the people are bound for to pay it . the fourth is , that they set vp in the temple of mars the ensigne of the eagle , which is the auncient romane ensigne , and that is , that all the romanes take it for commandement , that no spectacle nor feast bee celebrated in rome , during the time that their brethren be in the warres . the fift , a pretour mounteth vppe to the roppe of the gate of salaria : and there hee bloweth the trumpet for to muster men of warre , and they bring foorth the standers and ensignes , to diuide them among the captaines . how fearefull a thing it is to see , that so soone as the captaine is enuironed with the ensigne , so soone hath he licence to commit all euills and villanies . so that hee taketh it for a brauery to robbe the countries whereby hee passeth , and to deceyue those with whom hee practiseth . what liberty captaines and gouernours of warre haue to doe euill , and to be euill , it is very manifest in those whom they lead in their company : for the sonnes leaue their fathers , the seruants their lords , the schollers their masters , the officers , their offices , the priests their temples , the amorous their loues : and this for none other cause , but that vnder the colour of the warre , their vices should not bee punished by iustice . o my friend cornelius , i know not how i should begin to say that which i will tell thee . thou oughtest to know , that after our men of war are gone out of rome , they neyther feare the gods , neyther honour the temples , they reuerence not the priests , they haue no obedience to their fathers , nor shame to the people , dread of iustice , neyther compassion of their country , nor remember that they are children of rome : and yet very few of them thinke to end theyr life , but that all shame layde aside , they loue the condemned idlenesse , and hate the iust trauell . therefore hearke , i will tell thee more , & thogh it seemeth much that i speake , i ensure thee it is but little in respect of that they do , for so much as some rob temples , others spread rumors : these breake the dores , and those robbe the gods. sometimes they take the free , sometimes they loose the bond . the nights they passe in playes , the dayes in blasphemies , to day they fight like lions , to morrow they flye like cowards . some rebell against the captaines , and others flie to the enemies . finally , for all good they are vnable : and for all euill they are meet . therefore to tell thee of their filthinesse , i am ashamed to describe them . they leaue their owne wiues , and take the wiues of others , they dishonour the daughters of the good , and they beguile the innocent virgines : there is no neighbout but they doe couet , neyther hostesse but that they doe force , they breake their old wedlocke , and yeerely seeke a new marriage : so that they do all things what they list , and nothing what they ought . doest thou thinke presently , my friend cornelius , that there are few euils in rome , fith so many euill women do goe to the warre ? heere for their sake , men offend the gods : they are traytors to their countrey , they deny their patentage , they doe come to extreame pouerty , they liue in infamie , they robbe the goods of others , they waste their owne , they neuer haue quiet life , neyther remayneth any truth in their mouthes : finally , for the loue of them , oftentimes war is moued again , and many good men lose their liues . let vs leaue the reasons , and come to histories . thou knowest right well , that the greatest part of asia , was conquered and gouerned , more with the women amazones , then with any barbarous people . that young , noble and valiant porro , king of iudea , for want of men and abundance of women , was ouercome of the great alexander . hannibal the terrible captaine of the carthagenians was alwayes lord of italy , vntill hee did permit women to goe to the warre . and when he fell in loue with a maden of capua , they saw him immediately turne his shoulders vnto rome . if scipio the affricane had not scoured the romane armyes of leacherie , the invincible numantia had neuer bin wonne . the captaine sylla in the warres of mithridates , and the couragious marius , in the warres of the zimbres , had ouer their enemies so many victories , because in theyr camps they suffered no women . in the time of claudius the emperour , the tharentines and capuanes were very mortal enemres : insomuch as the one against the other , pitched their campes ; and by chaunce one day in the campe of the capuanes , two captaines fell at variance , because they both loued one woman : and when the tharentines perceyued theyr dissension , immediately with their power they gaue them the onset . whereof ensued , that through the naughtinesse of one euill woman , was lost the libertie of that goodly cittie . i had in this warre of parthes sixteen thousand horsemen , and twenty foure thousand footmen , and . thousand women , and the disorder in this case was so great , that from the host i sent my wife faustine , and the wiues of diuers other senatours home to their houses , that they should keepe the olde , and nourish the young . our fathers led women in the olde time to the warres , to dresse meare for the whole , and to cure the wounded : but now we lead them to the ende cowardes should haue occasion to bee effeminate , and the valiaunt to be vicious . and in the ende , theyr enemies doe breake their heads , but the women do wound their hearts . i will that thou know manie other things ( my cornellus , ) and they are , that the gawles , the vulcanes , the flaminii , the regii , the which are priestes of the mother sybilla , of the god vulcane , of the god mars , and of the god iupiter : the feare of the gods set aside , leauing theyr temples desart , laying off their honest garments , nor remembring their holie ceremonies , breaking their streight vowes , an infinite number of them goe to the campe , where they loue more dishonestly then others : for , it is a common thing , that those which once presume to be solicity and shamefaste after they are once fleshed , exceede all others in shame and vice . it is a most dishonest thing to carrie priests to the warres , for their office is to pacifie the gods with teares , and not to threatten men with weapons . if perchaunce princes would say , it is good to carrie priests to the warres to offer sacrifices to the gods : to this i aunswere , that the temples are buylt to pray , and the fields ordained for to fight : so that in one place the gods would bee feared , and in an other honoured and sacrificed . in the yeare of the foundation of rome . . the consul vietro passed in to asia , and went against the palestines the which were rebelled against the romanes , and by the way hee passed by the temple of apollo , in the ysle of delphos : and as there hee made a prayer vnto the god apollo , very long , to the ende he would reueale vnto him whether he should return victorious from asia , or not ? the oracle answered . oh consull victro , if thou wilt returne victorious from thine enemyes , restore our priestes , which thou hast taken from our temples : for wee other gods will not , that the man whome wee choose for our diuine seruice , yee others should lea●e , to all the vices of the world. i● this be true ( as it is true indeed ) that the god apollo saide vnto the consull vietro , mee thinketh it is no iust thing to condescend that the consecrated priestes should goe , and endaunger to loose themselues , in the warres , for as thou knowest cornelius , without doubt , greater is the offence which they doe commit in going for to vndoe themselues , then they doe in the seruice which they doe to princes , beeing desirous to fight . let vs haue the priests in the temples to pray , and let vs see how the captaines are wont to gouerne themselues , and in this case thou shalt finde that the day that the senate doe appoint a senatour for captaine , they proue him if hee can play at the weapons in the theater . the consull leadeth him to the high capitoll with him , the eagle is hanged at his breast , they cast the purple vpon his shoulders , they giue him money of the common treasure , immediately hee groweth into such pride , that forgetting the pouerty past which hee suffered in his country , he thinketh one day to make him emperour of rome . it is a common thing that when fortune exalteth men of low estate , to high degree , they presume much , and know little , and much lesse what they are worth . so that if their feeble force were coequall to their high minde , one alone should suffice to ouercome their enemies , and also to winne many realmes . the captaines haue taken a custome now in rome , and they tell mee that it is an inuention of manritane , that is , that they doe tease their beardes , they crule their haires they clippe their wordes , they doe change their garments , they accompany with murderers , they goe the most part armed , they goe very fast to seeme fierce , and to conclude they little esteeme to be beloued and take it a great glory to be feared . and to the entent thou shouldest know , my cornelius , how much they would bee feared , i will recite thee an history , which is , that i standing one day in penthapolin , a captaine of mine , i hearing him , and he not seeing me , for so much as they would not let him doe all that hee would haue don in the house , he said vnto an hostice of his . yee other villaines did neuer know captaines of armes , therefore know it , if thou doest not know it mother , that the earth can neuer tremble but when it is threatned with a romane captaine , and the gods doe neuer suffer the sunne to shine , but where we others are obeyed . since thou hast now heard that he sayed , heare also the valiantnesse that he hath done . within a short space after , the captaine went vnto a battell in arabia , where he was the first that fledde , and left the standard alone in the field , the which had almost made me to lose the battell : but i to recompence his valiant deed commanded his head to be cut off : for in giuing the onset vpon the enemies , the flying of one man doth more hurt , then the fighting of two thousand doth profite . i haue oftentimes heard the emperour traian my lord say , that the men which in peace seem most fierce , in wars commonly are most cowards . it chanceth that diuers things are compassed , for hauing onely a good eloquence , others for hauing witchcraft , others for being very diligent , others for opening their purse , and truely this is the most and best mean that is occupyed in rome . but the affayres of warre doe not consist in talking many wordes before their friendes : but in fighting manfully in the field against their enemies : for in the end , men most full of words , are for the most part cowards in deedes . what wilt thou i tell thee more , my cornelius , of the iniuries which the captaines doe in the cities , whereby they passe , of the slaunders which they rayse in the prouinces where they abide ? i let thee know , that the litle worme doth not so much harme that gnaweth the wood , the moth to the garments , the sparke vnto the towe , the locust vnto the corne , neither the wyuell to the garners , as the captaines to the people . for they leaue no beast but they lull , nor orchard but they robbe , nor wine but they drinke , nor doue house but they clime , nor temple but they spoile , nor chace but they hunt , no sedition but they rayse , no villany but that they commit . and they do more then they ought to do , for they eate without meaning to pay , and they will not serue vnlesse they be wel payed : and the worst of all is , that if they haue their pay , immediately they change or play it if they be not paide they robbe and mutine forthwith : so that with pouertie they are not content , and with riches they waxe vicious and insolent . the matters is now come to such corruption , and there is at this day men of warre in rome so carelesse , that here no captaine seems but an example of murderers , a sturrer vp of sedicious persons , an enuyer of the good , a partaker with all euill , a thiefe of theeues , a pirate of rouers , and finally , i do not say that they seeme to bee : but i doe affirme that they are the scourge of your vertuous , and a refuge of the vitious . i would not say this , but yet not withstanding , i ought to say it , because it is a thing so farre out of order , and so much to bee laughed at : that these wicked men though they are our familiar enemies , there is no prince that ruleth them , nor iustice that correcteth them , nor feare that doth oppresse them , nor law that subdueth them , nor shame that refraineth them , nor parents that correct them , nor punishment that doth abase them , nor yet death that dooth end them , but now as men which are without remedy , wee let them eate of all . chap. xvi . the emperour marcus aurelius pursueth his letter , shewing the great damages that haue ensued for the wars begunne with strange realmes . o vnfortunate rome who was not wont to haue such euill lucke , but the elder thou art , the more vnluckie i see thee : for by writings wee reade , and also with our eyes we see , that the more fortunate a city or person hath beene in the beginning , the more froward fortune is vnto him in the ending . truly in those ancient times , and in those glorious worlds , i say , when they were peopled with true romanes , and not as now ( they which haue no children but bastards ) the armies were so well taught that came from rome as the philosophers which were in the schooles of greece . if the greeke writings doe not lye vnto me , philip the great king of macedony , for this is so renowmed in histories , and his sonne the great alexander for this was so fortunate in the warres , that they had their armies so well correct , that it rather seemed a senate which gouerned , then a campe which fought . in that wee can gather out of titus liuius , and other writers , from the time of quintus cincinnatus dictator , vntill the noble marcus marcellus , were the most prosperous times of the romane empire . for before kings did trauell , and afterwardes it was persecuted with tirants . in these so happy times , one of the greatest felicities that rome had , was to haue the warre-like discipline well corrected . and then rome beganne to fall when our armies beganne to doe damage : for if those of the war haue truce with vices , the others of the common wealth cannot haue peace with vertues . o cursed bee thou asia , and cursed bee the day that with thee wee had conquest : for wee haue not seene the good that haue followed vs of thy conquest , vntill this present , and the losse & damage which from thee come vnto vs shall be lamented in rome for euer . o cursed asia we spend our treasures in thee , and thou hast giuen vnto vs thy vices . in chaunge of our valiant men , thou hast sent vs thy fine mineons , wee haue wonne thy cities , and thou triumphest of our vertues . wee battered thy fortes , and thou hast destroyed our manners : we triumph of thy realmes , and thou diddest cut the throtes of our friends . wee made to thee cruell warres , & thou conquerest from vs the good peace . with force you were ours , and with good will wee are yours : wee are vniust lords of thy riches , and iust tenants of thy vices . finally , thou asia , art a wofull graue of rome , and thou rome art a filthie sinke of asia . since our auncient fathers did content themselues with rome alone , why should not we their children content our selues with rome and italy ? but that wee must goe to conquer asia , where we aduentured our honour , and spende our treasure ? if those auncient romanes , beeing as they were , so princely barons of life , and so valiant in fighting , and so hardy for to commaund , did content themselues with this little border : why shoulde not wee content our selues , not beeing as they are , hauing a realme rich , and vitious ? i know not what toye tooke vs in the head , to goe conquer asia , and not to contente our selues with rome ? italy was not so poore of riches , nor so destitute of cities , nor so vnpeopled of people , nor so solitary of beasts , nor so vndecked with buildings , nor so barren of good fruits : but that of all these thinges wee had more then our fathers wished , and also more then wee their children deserued : for mee i would say , that it is for want of iudgement , or aboundance of pride , for vs to seeke to exceed our forefathers in seigniorie , when wee are not coequall vnto them in vertue . i was contented with all things of my forefathers , saue onely that they were a little proude and seditious , and herein wee their children doe resemble them well . for so much as we are not onely proude and feditious , but also couetous and malitious : so that in vertuous things wee goe backeward , and in vnlawfull workes wee goe forward . what is become of the great victories that our forefathers had in asia ? what is become of the infinite treasure they haue robbed in the countrey ? what is become of the great number of captiues , that they tooke in the warre : what is become of the riches which euery one brought home to his house ? what is becom of the valiant kinges which they tooke in that conquest ? what is become of the feastes and triumphes , wherewith they entred triumphing into rome ? vvhat wilt thou i say more vnto thee in this case ? ( my friende cornelius ) but that all they which inuented the warre are dead , all those which defended that countrey are dead , all those which entred triumphing into rome are dead : and finallie , all the riches and triumphes which our fathers brought from asia , they and those in short space had an end , except the vices and pleasures whereof wee see there is no end . o if the valiant princes knew , what a thing it is to inuent wars in strange realmes , what trauels they seeke for their persons , what cares in their hearts , what trouble to their subiects , what waste to their treasures , what pouerty to their friends , what pleasures to their enemies , what destruction of the good , what liberty of the euill , and what occasion they giue to strangers to speake , what vniuersall euill they sow in their naturall countries , and what euill poyson they do leaue to their heires : i sweare by the faith of a good man , that if as i feele it , princes did feele it , and as i taste it , princes did taste it , and also as i haue proued it , princes did proue it : i doe not say , that with effusion of bloud i would take realmes by force : but also they offering them to mee with teares , i would not take them willingly . for speaking the truth , it is not the point of valiant princes for to sustain an other mans , to put their owne in ieopardy . i aske now , what profite tooke rome of the conquest of asia ? i admit that it durst conquer it , that it was hardy in winning it , obstinate in fighting , and happy in taking it : should it therefore be fortunate in maintayning it ? i say and affirme , and of that i say , i doe not repent mee : that it is possible to take asia , but it is but a follie to presume to maintaine and defend it . doest thou not thinke it a great folly to presume to maintaine asia , since there neuer commeth newes of a victory , but that it is occasion of an other battell , and that for to sustaine watre , they robbe all italy ? in asia our money is spent , our children are perished . in asia dyed our fathers , for asia they make vs pay tributes : in asia the good horses are consumed : into asia they carry all our corne : in asia all the theeues are nourished : from asia commeth all the seditious persons : in asia all the good doe perish : from asia , they send vs all the vices . and finally , in asia all our treasures are spent , and in asia all our excellent romanes are killed . and sith this is the seruice that asia doth to rome , why will rome continue warre with asia ? other princes before vs haue conquered asia , taken asia , and possessed asia : but in the end , when they saw that it was a countrey , where they feared not the gods , nor acknowledged subiection to their princes , neyther that they were apt to retaine lawes , they determined to forsake them , because they found by experience , that they neyther weary their bodies with warres , neither winne their harts with benefits . those princes being hardy , nor so bold to sustain asia by land , should we others presume to succour it by sea ? they forsake it being neighbours , and will wee others maintaine it beeing strangers ? in my opinion , asia is a country , where all the valiant men haue employed their valiantnesse , where all the fooles haue proued their folly , where al the proud haue shewed their pride , where all the princes entered in with might , where all thetyrants haue employed theyr life : but in the end , it neither profiteth the one to will it , nor to the others to knowe it , and yet much lesse to vanquish it . i know not the man that loueth asia , that willeth well to asia , that speaketh well of asia , or that fauoureth the things of asia : since shee giueth vs occasion to speake daily , to sigh nightly , and to weepe hourely . if men attayned to the secrete to know the fatall destenyes , with the which the goddes haue created asia : they would not striue so much in the conquest therof . for , the gods haue created it in such a signe , that it shold be a common pasture where all feede , a common market , where all sell : a common-inne , where all rest : a common table where all play : a common house , where all dwell : a common countrey , where all remaine : and thereof it commeth , that asia is desired of manie , and gouerned of fewe . for , beeing as it is a common countrey , euery man will make it his owne proper . peraduenture thou wilt thinke my friende cornelius , that i haue spoken now all the euils of asia : but hearken yet i will fourme thee a new question againe . for , according to the dammages which haue followed ( from asia ) to our mother rome , time shall rather want to write , then matter to declare . not without teares i say , that which i will say , that there was neuer any romane captaine that did kill tenne thousand asians , with the weapons he brought into asia : but that hee lost a hundreth thousand romanes , with the vices they brought to rome . so that the asians by the hand of their enemyes dyed with honour , and left vs romanes aliue , full of their vices with infamie . i aske now what they were that inuented to dine in common places , to suppe in secret gardens , to apparel the women as men in the theaters , to colour the flesh of priests with yeallow ? to noynte the women as men in the bath , the senatours going smelling to the senate ? princes to be apparelled with purple , against the auncient decree ? to eate twice in the day , as the tyraunt dennys did , to keepe harlots and concubines as they of tyre doe : to speak blasphemie against the gods , which were neuer hearde of before in the empire ? these said vices of asia , asia hath presently sent to rome . at the same time , when in those parts of the orient , the warre was kindeled : tenne valiant captains brought these vices to rome , whose names my penne shall pardon to tell , because their vile offences should not obscure theyr valiaunt deedes . before that rome conquered asia , we were rich , wee were pacient , wee were sober , we were wise , we were honest , and aboue all , we liued well contented . but now since that time we haue giuen our selues to forget the pollicyes of rome , and to learne the pleasure of asia : so that all vices may be learned in rome , as all sciences may be heard in greece . by this aboue rehearsed , all warlike princes may see , what profite they haue to conquer straunge realms , &c. let vs now leaue the vices , which in the warres are recouered ; and talke of mony which the princes couet and loue . and in this i say , that there is no prince brought into such extreame pouertie , as hee which conquereth a straunge countrey . oh cornelius : thou hast not seene how princes more of a will , then of necessitie , doe waste their treasures : how they demaund that of another mans , and how their owne doeth not suffice them : they take those of churches : they seeke great lones , they inuent great tributes : they demaund great subsidies : they giue strangers occasion to speake , and make themselues hated of their subjects . finally , they pray theyr subiects , and humble themselues to their enemies . since i haue declared the dammages of warre : i will now declare what the originall of warre is . for it is vnpossible that the physition applye vnto the sicke agreeable medecine , if we know not of what humour the sicknes doth proceed . princes , since they came of men , are nourished with men , doe counsell with men , and liue with men , and to conclude , they are men . sometimes through pride , which aboundeth in them , somtimes through want of counsel , they themselues imagine , and other flattrers telleth , that thogh they haue much in respect of other princes , yet they can doe little . also they say vnto them , that if their substaunce bee great , their fame ought to bee greater . further , they tell them , that the good prince ought little to esteeme that hee hath inherited of his predecessors , in respect of the great deale more hee ought to leaue to his successours , also they tell them , that neuer prince left of him any great memory , but inuenting some cruell warre against his enemie . also they tell them that the houre that one is chosen emperour of rome , hee may boldely conquer the whole earth . these vaine reasons being heard of the princes , afterwardes as their fortune is base , and their mindes high , immediately they defie their enemies , they open their treasures , they assemble great armies , and in the end of all , the gods suffer , that they thinking to tkae an other mans goods , they waste and lose their owne . oh princes , i knowe not who doth deceyue yee , that you which by peace may be rich , and by war wil be poore ? oh princes , i know not who doth deceiue you : that you which may be loued , doe seeke occasions to be hated ? oh princes , i knowe not who doth beguyle yee , that yee which may enioy a sure life , doe aduenture your selues to the mutabilitie of fortune ? oh princes , i knowe not who doeth deceyue you : that you so little esteeme and weigh your owne aboundance , and so greatly set by the wants of others ? oh princes , i know not who doth deceiue you , that all hauing need of you , you should haue neede of others ? i let thee to knowe , my cornelius , though a prince bee more quicke and carefull then all other his predecessors haue bin in rome ; yet it is vnpossible that all things touching warre , should succeede vnto him prosperously . for , in the greatest neede of warres , eyther he wanteth money , or his subiects do not succour him , or time is contrarie vnto him , or he findeth perilous pasges , hee lacketh artillerie , or the captaines rebell , or else succour commeth to his aduersaryes : so that hee seeth himselfe so miserable , that thoughtes doe more oppresse his heart , then the enemies do harme his land . though a prince had no warre , but for to suffer men of warre , yet he ought to take vpon him no warre . i aske thee now my cornelius , what trauell so great to his person , or what greater damage to his realme can his enemies do , then that which his own men of warre doe , & c ? the enemies , to doe the worst they can , will but robbe our frontiers : but our men of war do robbe the whole countrey . the enemies we dare , and may resist , but to ours we cannot , nor dare not speake . the enemyes , the worst they can do , is once in a moneth to robbe and runne their wayes : but ours daily do robbe , and remaine still . the enemyes feare their enemies only : but ours doe feare their enemyes , and haue no pitie on their friends . the enemies , the further they goe on , the more they diminish : but ours , the further they goe , the more they encrease . i know no greater warre that princes can haue then to haue men of warre in their realmes : for as experience doth shew vs , before the gods they are culpable , to princes importunate , and to the people troublesome : so that they liue to the damage of all , and to the profit of none . by the god mars i swear vnto thee , ( my friend cornelius ) as hee may direct my hands in the war , that i haue more complaints in the senate , of the thefts which my captaines did in illyria , then of all the enemies of the romane people . both for that i say , and for that i kept secret , i am more afraid to create an ensigne of two hundred men of warre , then to giue a cruell battell to thirty thousand men : for that battell , fortune ( good or euill ) forthwith dispacheth , but with these i can bee sure no time of all my life . thou wilt say vnto me ( cornelius ) that since i am emperour of rome , i should remedy this since i know it : for that prince which dissembleth with the fault of another , by reason hee will condemne him , as if it were his owne . to this i answere , that i am not mighty enough to remedy it , except by my remedy there should spring a greater inconuenience . and since thou hast not beene a prince , thou couldest not fall into that i haue , nor yet vnderstand that which i say : for princes by their wisdom know many things , the which to remedy they haue no power : so it hath beene , so it is , so it shall be , so i found it , so i keepe it , so will i leaue it them , so i haue reade it in bookes , so haue i seen it with my eyes , so haue i heard it of my predecessors : and finally , i say , our fathers haue inuented it , and so will wee their children sustaine it , and for this euill wee will leaue it to our heyres . i will tell thee one thing , and imagine that i erre not therein , which is , considering the great dammage and little profite , which men of warre do bring to our common wealth : i thinke to doe it , and to sustaine it , eyther it is the folly of men , or a scourge giuen of the gods. for there can be nothing more iust , then for the gods to permit , that wee feele that in our owne houses , which wee cause others in strange houses to lament . all those thinges i haue written vnto thee , not for that it skileth greatly that i know them : but that my heart is at ease for to vtter them : for as alcibiades sayde , the chests and the hearts , ought alwayes to be open to their friends . panutius my secretary goeth in my behalfe to visite that land , and i gaue him this letter to giue thee : with two horses ? wherewith i doe thinke thou wilt be contented , for they are genets . the weapons and riches which i tooke of the parthians , i haue now diuided , notwithstanding i do send thee two chariots laden with them . my wife faustine greeteth thee , and shee sendeth a rich glasse for thy daughter , and a iewell with stones for thy sister . no more but i doe beseech the gods to giue thee a good life , and me a good death . chap. xvii . an admonition of the author to princes and great lordes , to the entent that the more they grow in yeares , the more they are bound to refrayne from vices . avlus gelius in his booke de noctibus atticis sayeth , that there was an auncient custome among the romanes , to honour and haue in great reuerence aged men . and this was so inuiolate a law amongst them that there was none so noble of bloud and linage , neyther so puissant in riches , neyther so fortunate in battels that should go before the aged men , which were loden with white hayres : so that they honoured them as they did the gods. amongst other , the aged men had these preheminences , that is to say , that in feasts they sate highest , in the triumphes they went before , in the temples they did sit downe , they spake to the senate before all others , they had their garments furred , they might eate alone in secret , and by their onely word they were credited as witnesses . finally , i say , that in all thinges they serued them , and in nothing they annoied them . after the people of rome beganne warre with asia , they forsooke all their good romane customes immediately . and the occasion hereof was , that since they had no men to sustaine the common-wealth , by reason of the great multitude of people which died in the warre : they ordained that all the young men should marry , the young maides , the widdows , the free and the bond , and that the honour which had beene done vntill that time vnto the olde men , from henceforth should bee done vnto the maried men , though they were yong : so that the most honoured in rome was hee , not of most yeares , but he that had most children . this law was made a little before the first battell of carthage . and the custome that the married men were more honoured then the old , endured vntil the time of the emperour augustus , which was such a friend of antiquities , that hee renued all the walles of rome with new stone , and renued all the auncient customes of the common-wealth . lycurgus in the lawes which he gaue to the lacedemonians , ordayned , that the young men passing by the olde , should doe them great reuerence : and when the old men did speake , then the younger should be silent . and hee ordained also , that if any olde man by casualtie did lose his goods , and came into extreame pouertie , then hee should be sustained of the common wealth : and that in such sustentation they should haue respect , not onely to succour him , for to sustain him , but further to giue him to liue competently . plutarch in his apothegmes declareth , that cato the censor visiting the corners of rome , found an olde man sitting at his dore weeping , and shedding many teares from his eyes . and cato the censour demanding him why he was so euill handled , and wherefore hee wept so bitterly ? the good olde man answered him . o cato , the gods beeing the only comforters , comfort thee in all thy tribulations , since thou art ready to comfort mee at this wofull houre . as well as thou knowest that the consolations of the heart are more necessarie , then the physicke of the bodie : the which being applyed sometimes doeth heale , and an other time they do harme . behold my scabby hands , my swollen legs , my mouth without teeth , my peeled face , my white beard , and my balde head : for thou ( beeing as thou art ) discreete , shouldest be excused to aske mee why i weepe ? for men of my age , though they weepe not for the little they feele : yet they ought to weep for the ouermuch they liue . the man which is loaden with teares , tormented with diseases , pursued with enemies , forgotten of his friends , visited with mishaps , and with euill will and pouertie : i know not why he demandeth long life ? for there can be no sharper reuengement of vices , which wee commit : then to giue vs long life . though now i am aged , i was young , and if any young man should doe me any iniurie , truely i would not desire the gods to take away his life , but that they would rather prolong his life . for , it is great pittie to heare the man ( which hath liued long ) recount the troubles , which he hath endured . know thou cato , if thou doest not know it , that i haue liued . yeares , and in this time , i haue buryed my father , my grand-father , two aunts , and fiue vncles . after that i had buryed . systers , and . bretheren . i haue buryed afterwards , two lawfull wiues , and fiue bond-women , which i haue had as my lemmans . i haue buryed also . children , and . marryed daughters : and therewith not contented , i haue buryed . nephewes , and . nieces , and that which grieueth me most of all is , that i haue buryed two good friendes of mine : one of the which remayned in capua , and the other which remained was resident heere at rome . the death of whome hath grieued me more , then all those of my alyance and parētage . for , in the world there is no like losse to that , where a man looseth him whom entierly he loueth , and of whome also hee is deerely beloued . the fatall destenyes ought to content themselues , to haue annoyed my house with so many misfortunes . but all this , and aboue all this , they haue left me a wicked nephewe , which shall be mine heyre , and they haue left vnto me , that all my life i shall lament . oh cato , for that thou owest to the common-wealth ; i doe desire thee : and by the immortal gods i doe conjure thee , that since thou art a vertuous romane , and censor of the people , that thou prouide for one of these two things : that is to say , that this my nephew doe serue me , or else ordeyne that i dye forthwith . for , it is a great crueltie that those doe pursue mee , which are aliue , since it is now fourtie yeares , that i ceased not to bewayle the dead . cato beeing well informed of that the olde man had tolde him , and since he found all that true which he spake , he called vnto his presence the young nephewe , and sayde vnto him these wordes : if thou wert such a childe as thou oughtest to bee , thou shouldest excuse mee of paine , and thy selfe of trauell . but since it is not so , i pray thee take paciently that which i shall commaund thee : and bee thou wel assured , that i will not commaund thee any thing but that which shal be correspondent to iustice . for , the vicious younglings ( as thou art ) ought to be more ashamed of the vnbrideled youthfulnesse they haue committed : then for all the punishments which is giuen vnto them : first , i commaund thou bee whipt , because thou art become so disobedient , and troublesome to thy graundfather . secondly , i commaunde that thou bee banished the limites of rome : because thou art a vicious young man. thirdly , i commaund that of all the goods which thou hast enherited , thou shalt bee disinherited , because thou doest not obey thy graundfather . and the cause why i giue such seuere sentence is , to the ende that from henceforth the young shall not disobey the aged , and also that those which haue inherited great treasours , shall not thinke that men should permit them to bee more vicious then others . phalaris the tyraunt writing to a friende of his , which was very aged , saide these words : the which seemed rather spoken of a phylosopher , then of a tyrant . i haue maruelled at thee , and am offended with thee ( my friend 〈◊〉 ) to know as i doe , that in yeares thou art very aged , and in workes very young : and also it grieueth mee that thou hast lost the credit of knowledge in the schooles . it grieueth me more , that through thee the priuiledges should bee lost , which the olde men haue accustomed to haue in greece : that is to say , that all the thieues , all the periured , and all the murtherers were more sure , when by white hayres they seemed to bee olde : when they retired to the aultars of the temples . oh what goodnesse , oh what wisedome , what valiantnesse , and what innocencie ought the aged men to haue in the auncient time : since in rome , they honoured them as gods , and in greece they priuiledged those whyte haires as the temples ? plinie in an epistle he wrote to fabarus saith , that pyrrus king of the epyrotes , demaunded of a phylosopher , which was the best citie of the world ? who aunswered him thus : the best citie of the world is molerda , a place of three hundreth fyres in achaia : because all the walles are of blacke stones , and all those which gouerne haue hoary heads . and further he saide : woe bee vnto thee rome : woe be vnto thee carthage : woe be vnto thee numantia : wo be vnto thee egipt : and woe bee vnto thee athens ; fyue cittyes which count themselues for the best of the worlde : whereof i am of a contrary opinion . for , they auaunte themselues to haue whyte walles : and are not ashamed to haue young senatours . this phylosopher saide very well , and i thinke no man will say lesse then i haue saide . of this word senex , is deriued the name of a senatour : for so were the gouernours of rome named : because the first king ( that was romulus , ) chose an hundred aged men to gouerne the common-wealth : and commaunded that all the romane youth should employ themselues to the warres . since wee haue spoken of the honour which in the old time was giuen to the auncient men , it is reason wee know now , from what yeares they accounted men aged : to the end they should reuerently bee honoured as aged men . for the makers of lawes , when they hadde established the honours which ought to be done to the aged , did as well ordain , from what day and yeare they should beginne . diuers auncient phylosophers did put six ages , from the time of the birth of man , vntill the houre of his death . that is to say : childe-hood , which lasteth vntill seuen yeares : infancie , which lasteth vntill seuenteene yeares : youth , which continueth till thirtie yeares : mans estate , which remaineth till fiftie and fiue yeares . age , which endureth till three-score , and eighteene yeares : then last of all , crooked-age , which remaineth till death . and so after man had passed fiue and fifty yeares , they called him aged . aulus gelius in his tenth booke in the , chapter sayth , that fuluius hostilius ( who was king of the romanes ) determined to count all the olde and yong which were amongst the people : and also to know which should be called infants , which yong and which old . and there was no little difference among the romane philosophers , and in the end it was decreed by the king , and the senate , that men till seuenteene years should bee called infants , and till sixe & forty should be called young , and from sixe and forty vpwards they should be called olde . if wee will obserue the law of the romanes , wee know from what time we are bound to call and honor the aged men . but adding hereunto it is reason that the olde men know , to what prowesses and vertues they are bound , to the end that with reason , and not with fainting they bee serued : for speaking the truth , if wee compare duty to duty , the olde men are more bound to vertue then the young to seruice . wee cannot deny but that all states of nations ( great & small , young and old ) are bound to bee vertuous : but in this case , the one is more to bee blamed then the other . for oftentimes if the young men doe offend , it is for that hee wanteth experience : but if the old man offend it is for the aboundance of malice : seneca in an epistle sayde these words : i let thee know my friend lucillus that l am very much offended , and i doe complaine not of any friend or foe , but of my selfe and none other . and the reason why i thinke this , is that i see my selfe old in vices : so little is that wherein i haue serued the gods , and much lesse is that i haue profited him . and seneca sayeth further , hee which prayseth himselfe most to bee aged , and that would bee honoured for being aged , ought to bee temperate in eating , honest in appartell , sober in drinking , soft in words , wise in counsell , and to conclude , he ought to be very patient in aduersity , and far from vices which attempt him . worthy of prayse is the greate seneca for those wordes : but more worthy shall the olde men , if they wil conforme their workes according to these words : for if wee see them for to abandon vices , and giue themselus to vertues : we will both serue them , and honour them . chap. xviii . that princes when they are aged , should be temperate in eating , sober in drinking , modest in apparrell , and aboue all , true in communication . it is consonant to the counsell of seneca , that the aged should bee temperate in eating which they ought to doe , not onely for the reputation of their persons , but also for the preseruation of theyr liues . for the olde men which are drunke and amorous , are persecuted with their owne diseases , and are defamed by the tongues of other . that which the ancient men should eate ( i meane those which are noble and vertuous , ought to bee very cleane , and well dressed , and aboue all , that they doe take it in season & time : for otherwise , too much eating of diuers things , causeth the young to bee sicke , and enforceth the olde to die . young men though they eate dishonestly , very hastily , and eate speaking , we can doe no lesse but dissemble with them : but the olde men which eate much , and hastily , of necessitie we ought to reproue them . for men of honour ought to eate at table with a great grauitie : as if they were in any counsell , to determine causes . it is not mine intention to perswade the feeble olde men not to eate , but onely to admonish them to eate no more then is necessarie . we doe not prohibite them to eate delicate things , but to beware of superfluous things . we doe not counsell them to leaue eating , hauing need : but to withdraw themselues from curiositie . for though it bee lawfull for aged men to eate sufficient , it is not honest for them to eate , to ouercome theyr stomacks . it is a shame to write it , but more shame ought they to haue which doe it ; which is : that the goods which they haue wonne and inherited by their predecessours , they haue eaten and drunken : so that they haue neyther bought house not vyne , nor yet marryed any daughter : but they are naked , and their poore children goe to the tauernes and innes : and the miserable fathers to the hospitalles , and churches . when any man commeth to pouertie , for that his house is burned , or his shippe drowned : or that they haue taken all from him by lawe : or that hee hath spent it in pleading against his enemies , or any other in conueniēce is come vnto him : me thinketh we are all bound to succor him , and the hart hath cōpassion to behold him : but he that spendeth it in apparel not requisite , to seeke delitious wines , and to eate delicate meates : to such a one ( i would say , ) that the pouertie which he suffereth , is not sufficient for his deserts . for of all troubles there is none so great , as to see a man suffer the euil , whereof hee himselfe hath bin the occasion . also , according to the counsell of seneca , the auncients ought to be wel aduertised , in that they should not only be temperate in eating , but likewise they should be sober in drinking : and this both for the preseruation of theyr health : as also for the reputation of their honestie . for , if the olde physitians doe not deceyue vs , humaine bodyes doe drye and corrupt , because they drinke superfluously , and eate more then nature requireth . if i should say vnto the olde men , that they should drinke no wine : they might tell mee , that it is not the counsell of a christian . but presuppose they ought to drinke , and that for no opinion they should leaue it : yet i admonish , exhorte , and desire them , that they drinke little , and that they drinke very temperate . for the disordinate and immeasurate drinking , causeth the young men to be drunke , and the olde men , both drunke and foolish . oh howe much authoritie lost they , and what grauitie doe honorable and ancient men lose , which in drinking are not sober ? which seemeth to be true , forasmuch as the man being loden with wine , although he were the wisest in the world , he should bee a very foole , that would take counsel of such one in his affaires plutarche in a booke which he made , of the fortunes of the romaines , saied : that in the senate of rome , there was an auncient man , who made great exclametions , that a certaine young man hadde in such heinous sort dishonoured him , that for the iniuryes hee had spoken , he deserued death . and when the yong man was called for to answere to that he had said vnto him ; he answered : fathers conscript , though i seeme young vnto you , yet i am not so young , but that i knew the father of this olde man , who was a vertuous and noble romane , and somewhat a kinne to mee . and i seeing that his father had gotten much goods fighting in the warres , and also seeing this oldeman spending them in eating and drinking : i sayde vnto him one day . i am very sorry my lord and vncle , for that i heare of thy honour in the market place : and am the more sorry , for that i see done in thy house , wherein we saw fifty men armed before in our houre , and now wee see a hundred knaues made drunke . and worse then that , as thy father shewed to all those that entered into his house the ensignes hee had wonne in the warres : so now to those that enter into thy house , thou shewest them diuers sorts of wines . my vncle complayned of mee , but in this case i make the plaintife iudge against mee the defendant . and i would by the immortall gods hee deserued no more paine for his workes , then i deserue by my words . for if hee had been wise , he would haue accepted the correction which secretely i gaue him : and had not come openly , to declare his faults in the senate . the complaint of the old man being heard by the senate , and the excuse in like manner of the yong-man : they gaue iudgement , that they should take all the goods from the olde man , and prouide him of a tutour which should gouerne him and his house . and they commaunded the tutour , that from hence forward hee should not giue him one cuppe of wine , since hee was noted of drunkennesse . of truth the sentence which the senate gaue was very iust : for the olde man which giueth himselfe to wine , hath as much neede to haue a gouernour , as an infant , or a foole . laertius made a booke of the feasts of philosophers , and declareth sundry auncient banquets , among the which hee putteth one , where were assembled many great philosophers . and admit that the meates were meane , and simple : yet the bidden guests were sage . and the cause why they did assemble , was not to eate , but to dispute of some graue doctrines , whereof the philosophers did somewhat doubt : for in those dayes , the greater the stoyckes and the peripatetikes were in number : so much the more were the philosophers diuided amongst themselues . when they were so assembled , truly they did not eate , nor drinke out of measure : but some pleasant matter was moued betweene the masters and the schollers , betweene the young and the olde , that is to say , which of them could declare any secret of philosophy , or any profounde sentence . o happy were such feasts , and no lesse happy were they that thether were bidden , but i am sorry that those which now bidde , and those that are bidden , for a truth are not as those ancients were : for there are no feastes now a dayes of philosophers , but of gluttons , not to dispute , but for to murmure , not to open doubtfull things , but to talke of the vices of others , not to confirme auncient amities , but to beginne new dissentions , not to learne any doctrines , but to approue some nouelty . and that which worst of all is , the old striue at the table with the yong , not on him which hath spoken the most grauest sentence : but of him which hath drunke most wine , and hath rinsed most cups . paulus diaconus in the history of the lumbards declareth , that foure olde lumbards made a banquet , in the which , the one dranke to the others yeares , and it was in this manner : they made defyance to drinke two to two , and after each man had declared how many yeares olde hee was : the one dranke as many times as the other was yeeres olde , and likewise his companion pledged him . and one of these foure companions had at the least . yeares : the second , the third . the fourth . so that a man knoweth not what they did eate in this banquet , eyther little or much : but wee know that hee that dranke least , dranke . cups of wine . of this so euill custome came the gothes to make this law , which of many is read , and of a few vnderstood , where it sayeth , we ordaine and commaund on paine of death , that no olde man drinke to the others yeares being at the table . that was made because they were so much giuen to wine , that they dranke more oft then they did eate morsels . the princes and great lords which now are old , ought to be very sober in drinking , since they ought greatly to be regarded & honoured of the yong . for speaking the truth , and with liberty , when the olde man shall be ouercome with wine , hee hath more necessity that the young man leade him by the arme to his house , then that hee should take off his cappe vnto him with reuerence . also princes and great lordes ought to bee very circumspect , that when they become aged , they bee not noted for young in the apparrel which they weare : for although hat for wearing a fine and riche garment , the prince doth not enrich or empouerish his common-wealth : yet wee cannot deny , but that it doth much for the reputation of his person : for the vanity and curiosity of garments , dooth shew great lightnes of mind . according to the variety of ages , so ought the diuersity of apparrell to bee , which seemeth to be very cleare , in that the young maides are attired in one sort , the married women of an other sort : the widdowes of an other . and likewise i would say , that the apparrell of children ought to be of one sort , those of young men of an other , and those of olde men of an other , which ought to be more honester then all . for men of hoary heades ought not to be adorned with precious garments : but with vertuous workes : to goe cleanely , to bee well apparrelled , and to bee well accompanied , wee doe not forbidde the olde , especially those which are noble and valiant men : but to goe fine , to go with great traines , and to go very curious , wee doe not allow . let the old men pardon mee , for it is not the office but of yong fooles : for the one sheweth honesty , and the other lightnesse . it is a confusion to tell it , but it is greater shame to do it , that is to say , that many olde men of our time take no smal felicity to put caules on their heads , euery man to weare iewels on their necks , to lay their caps with agglets of gold , to seeke out diuers inuētions of mettall , to loade their fingers with rich rings , to go perfumed with odoriferous sauors , to weare new fashioned apparrell : and finally , i say , that thogh their face be ful of wrinckles , they cannot suffer one wrinckle to be in their gowne . all the ancient histories accuse quint. hortensius the romane , for that euery time when he made himselfe ready , hee had a glasse before him : and as much space and time had hee to streighten the pleytes of his gowne , as a woman hadde , to trimme the haires of her head . this quintus hortensius being consull , going by chance one day through rome , in a narrow streete met with the other consull : where thorough the streightnes of the passage , the pleights of his gowne were vndone : vppon which occasion hee complained vnto the senate of the other consull , that he had deserued to loose his life . the author of all this is macrobius , in the third book of the saturnales . i can not tell if i be deceyued , but we may say , that all the curiositie that olde men haue to goe fine , well apparrelled , and cleane , is for no other thing but to shake off age , and to pretende right to youth . what a griefe is it to see diuers auncient men , the which as ripe figges do fall : and on the other side it is a wonder to see how in theyr age they make themselues young . in this case ( i say ) would to god wee might see them hate vices , and not to complaine of their yeares which they haue . i pray and exhort all princes and great lordes , whome our soueraigne lord hath permitted to come to age , that they doe not despise to bee aged : for speaking the truth , the man which hath enuie to seeme olde , doth delight to liue in the lightnes of youth . also men of honor ought to be very circumspect : for so much as after they are become aged , they bee not suspected of their friends , but that both vnto their friends and foes , they be counted faithfull . for a lye in a young mans mouth , is esteemed but a lye : but in the mouth of an auncient or aged old man , it is counted as a haynous blasphemie . noble princes and great lordes after they are become aged , of one sort they ought to vse themselues to giue , and of the other to speake . for , good princes ought to sell theyr wordes by weight , and giue rewardes without measure . the auncient do oftentimes complaine , saying : that the young will not bee conuersant with them ; and truely if there be any faulte therein , it is of themselues . and the reason is , that if sometimes they doe assemble together , to passe away the time : if the old man set a talking , he neuer maketh an ende . so that a discrete man had rather goe a dozen miles on foot , then to heare an olde man talke three houres , if with such efficacie we perswade olde men , that they be honest in theyr apparrell : for a truth we will not giue them licence to bee dissolute in theyr words , since there is a great difference to note some man in his apparrell , or to accuse him to bee malitious , or a babler . for to weare rich and costly apparell , iniurieth fewe , but iniurious words hurt manie . macrobius in his first booke of the dreames of scipio , declareth of a phylosopher named crito : who liued an hundred and fiue yeares : and till fiftie yeares hee was farre out of course . but after hee came to be aged , he was so well measured in his eating and drinking , and so warie in his speeche , that they neuer saw him do any thing worthy reprehension : nor heard him speake word , but was worthie of noting . on this condition wee would giue licence to manie , that till fiftie yeares they should bee young : so that from thenceforth they would be clothed as old men , speake as old men , and they should esteeme themselues to be olde but i am sorrie , that all the spring time doth passe in flower , and afterwardes they fall into the graue as rotten , before they finde any time to pull them out . the olde doe complaine that the young doe not take their aduise , and their excuse herein is , that in their words they are too long : for if a man doe demaund an olde man his opinion in a case , immediately hee will beginne to say , that in the life of such , and such kings , and lords of good memory , this was done , & this was prouided : so that when a young man asketh them counsel how hee shall be haue himselfe with the liuing : the olde man beginneth to declare vnto him the life of those which be dead . the reason why the olde men desire to speake so long is that since for their age they cannot see , nor go , nor eate , nor sleepe , they would that all the time their members were occupied to doe their duties , all that time their tongue should bee occupied to declare of their times past . all this being spoken , what more is to say , i know not , but that wee should content our selues , that the olde men should haue their flesh as much punished , as they haue their tong with talke martyred . though it bee very vile for a young man to speake , and slaunder to a young man not to say the truth , yet this vice is much more to be abhorred in old princes , and other noble and worshipfull men , which ought not onely to thinke it their duty to speake truth , but also to punish the enemies thereof , for otherwise the noble and valiant knights should not lose a litle of their authority , if a man saw on their heads but white haires , and in their mouthes found nothing but lyes . chap. xix . of a letter of the emperour marcus aurelius , to claudius and claudinus , reproouing them being olde men , and that they liued youthfully . marke emperor , borne in mount celio , desireth to you my neighbours , claude and claudine health of your persons , and amendment of your liues , i beeing as i am , at the conquest of asia , and you remayning alwayes in the pleasures of rome , wee vnderstand your newes very late , and i thinke our letters arriue there as late . notwithstanding , to those which goe thither , i giue answeres for you others , and of all those which come hither , i demaund of your health . and doe not demand of others how well and how much i loue you , but of your owne proper hearts : and if your heart say , that i am a fained friend , then i take my selfe condemned . if perchance your harts doe tell you that i loue you , beeing true indeed that i hate you , or if i tel you that i hate you , being true that i loue you : of truth i would plucke such a heart out of my body , and giue it to bee eaten of the beasts . for there is no greater deceit , then that which the man doth to himselfe . if a stranger beguile mee , i ought to dissemble it , if an enemie deceiue mee , i ought to reuenge it , if my friend misuse mee , i ought to complaine of him : but if i deceyue my selfe , with whom shall i comfort my selfe ? for there is no patience that can suffer the heart to deceiue himselfe in any thing , which hee hath not deepaly considered . peraduenture , yee will say , i doe not esteeme you , and that i haue not written any letter vnto you of long time , to this i answere . that you doe not attribute the fault to my negligence , but to the great distance of countries that there is from hence to rome : and also to the great affaires of asia : for amongst other discommodities , the warre hath this also , that it depriueth vs of the sweet conuersation of our country . i haue alwayes presumed to bee yours , and at this present am at no mans pleasure , more then at yours : and since you haue alwayes knowne of mee , what you desired to know , i haue espyed in you others that , which of force i must speake . for in the end i haue not seene any possesse so much , to bee worth so much , to know so much , nor in all things to bee so mighty , but that one day hee should neede his poore friend . the diuine plato sayde , and also well , that the man which loueth with his heart , neyther in absence forgetteth , neyther in presence becommeth negligent , neyther in prosperity hee is proud , nor yet in aduersitie abiect , neyther he serueth for profit , nor yet hee loueth for gaine : and finally , he defendeth the case of his friend as his owne . diuers haue beene of the opinions which the auncients held to affirme , for what end friendes were taken , and in the end they were fully resolued , that for foure causes we ought to chuse friends . the first , we ought to haue friends to treate , and to bee conuersant with all : for according to the troubles of this life , there is no time so pleasantly consumed , as in the conuersation of an assured friend . the second is , wee ought to haue friends , to haue friends , to whom we may disclose the secrets of our hearts : for it is much comfort to the wofull hart , to declare to his friend his doubts , if he perceiue that hee doth feele them in deede . the third , we ought to search & chuse friends , to the end they helpe vs in our aduersities : for little profiteth it my heart , that with teares the friends doe heare all that i bewayle , vnlesse afterwards in deede hee will take paines to reforme the same . the fourth , wee ought to seeke and preserue friends to the end they be protectors of our goods , and likewise iudges of our euils : for the good friend is no lesse bound to withdraw vs from the vices whereby wee are slaundered , then to deliuer vs from our enemies , by whom wee may bee slaine . the end why i tolde you all this was , if that in this letter you chance to light vpon any sharpe word , that you take it patiently , considering that the loue that i beare you , doth moue mee to speake , and the faith which i owe vnto you , dooth not suffer mee that i should keepe it close . for many things ought to be borne among friends , though they tell them in earnest , which ought not to be suffered of others , though they speake it in iest . i come therefore to shew the matter , and i beseech the immortall gods , that there be no more then that you haue tolde mee , and that it bee lesse then i suspect . gaius furius your kinsman , and my especiall friend , as hee went to the realme of palestine , and hierusalem , came to see mee in antioch , and hath tolde me newes of italy & rome ; and among others , one aboue all the residue i haue committed to memory , at the which i could not refrain laughing , and lesse to bee troubled after i had thought of it . o how many things doe wee talke in iest , the which after wee haue well considered , giue occasion to be sorrie . the emperor adrian my good lord had a ieaster , whose name was belphus yong , comely and stout , albeit he was very malicious , as such are acustomed to be : and whiles the embassadors of germanie supped with the emperour in great ioye : the same belphus began to jeast of euery one that was present , according to his accustomed manner with a certaine malicious grace . and adrian perceyuing that some chaunged colour , others murmured , and others were angrie : hee saide vnto this ieaster : friend belphus , if thou loue me and my seruice , vse not these spitefull ieasts at our supper , which being considered on , may turne vs to euill rest in our beddes . gaius furius hath told me so manie slaunders chaunced in italie , such nouelties done in rome , such alteration of our senate , such contentions and strife betweene our neighbours , such lightnes of you two , that i was astonnied to heare it , and ashamed to write it . and it is nothing to tell after what sort he tolde them vnto me , vnles you had seen how earnestly he spake them : imagining that as he tolde them without taking any paines , so did i receiue them ( as hee thought ) without anie griefe : though in deede euery worde that hee spake , seemed a sharpe piercing arrowe vnto my heart for ofte times some telleth vs things , as of small importance , the which do pricke our hearts to the quicke . by the opinion of all , i vnderstand that you are very olde , and yet in your own fantasies , you seeme very young . and further they say , that you apparrell your selues a newe now , as though presently you came into the worlde : and moreouer they say , that you are offended with nothing so much , as when they call you olde , and that in theaters where comedies are played : and in the fieldes , where the brute beasts doe run , you are not the hindmost , and that there is no sporte , nor lightnes inuented in rome , but first it is registred in your house . and finally , they say , that you giue your selues so vnto pleasures , as though you neuer thought to receyue displeasures . o claude and claudine , by the god iupiter i sweare vnto you , that i am ashamed of your vnshamefastnes , and am greatly abashed of your manners : and aboue all , i am exceedingly grieued for your offence . for at that time that you ought to lift your hands , you are returned againe into the filth of the world . manie things men commit , which though they seeme graue , yet by moderation of the person that cōmitteth them , they are made light : but speaking according to the truth , i finde one reason , whereby i might excuse your lightes : but to the contrarie , i see tenne whereby i may condemne your follies . solon the phylosopher in his lawes said to the athenians , that if the young offended , hee should be gently admonished , and grieuously punished , because he was strong : and if the olde erre , hee should bee lightly punished , and sharply admonished , sith hee was weake and feeble . to this lycurgus in his lawes , to the lacedemonians , sayd contrarie : that if the young did offend , hee should be lightly punished , and grieuously admonished , since through ignorance he did erre : and the olde man which did euill , should bee lightly admonished , and sharply punished , since thorough malice hee did offend . these two phylosophers beeing ( as they haue bin ) of such authority in the worlde that is past , and considering that their lawes and sentences were of such weight , it should bee much rashnes in not admitting the one of them . now not receiuing the one , nor rereprouing the other : mee thinketh that there is no great excuse to the young for their ignorance , and great condemnation to the aged for their experience . once againe i returne to say that you pardon me , my friends , and you ought not greatly to weigh it , thogh i am somewhat sharpe in condemnation , since you others are so dissolute in your liues : for of your blacke life my penne doth take inke . i remember wel that i haue heard of thee claude , that thou hast beene lusty and couragious in thy youth : so that thy strength of all was enuyed , and the beauty of claudine of all men was desired . i will not write vnto you in this letter , my friends and neighbours , nether reduce to memory , how thou claude hast employed thy forces in the seruice of the comonwealth : and thou claudine hast won much honor of thy beauty : for sundry times it chāced , that men of many goodly giftes are noted of grieuous offences . those which striued with thee are all dead , those whom thou desirest are deade , those which serued thee claudine are dead , those which before thee claudine sighed , are dead : those which for thee dyed , are now dead : and since all those are deade with theyr lightnesse , doe not you others thinke to die , and your follies also ? i doe demand now of thy youth one thing , and of thy beauty another thing , what do you receiue of these pastims of these good entertainements , of these aboundances , of these great contentations , of the pleasures of the world , of the vanitie that is past , and what hope you of all these to carry into the narrow graue ? o simple , simple , and ignoraunt persons , how our life consumeth , and wee perceiue not how wee liue therein . for it is no felicitie to enioy a short or long life : but to know to employ the same eyther well or euill , o children of the earth , and disciples of vanitie , now you know that time flyeth , without mouing his wings , the life goeth without lifting vp his feete , the world dispatcheth vs not telling vs the cause , men doe beguile vs not mouing their lippes , our flesh consumeth to vs vnawares : the heart dyeth , hauing no remedie : and finally our glorie decaieth , as it it had neuer beene , and death oppresseth vs without knocking at the dore . though a man be neuer so simple , or so very a foole , yet hee cannot deny , but it is impossible for to make a fire in the bottome of the sea , to make a way in the ayre , of the thinne bloud to make rough sinewes , and of the soft veines to make hard bones . i meane that it is vnpossible , that the greene flower of youth , be not one day withered by age . chap. xx. the emperour followeth his letter and perswadeth claudius and claudinus being now olde , to giue no more credite to the world , nor to any of his deceitfull flatteryes . that which i haue spoken now , tendeth more to aduertise the young , then to teach the olde : for you others haue now passed the prime time of childhood , the summer of youth , and the haruest of adolescency , and are in the winter of age , where it seemeth an vncomely thing , that those your hoary haires should bee accompanied with such vaine follies . sithens young men know not that they haue to end their youth , it is no maruell , that they follow the world : but the olde men , which see themselues fall into this guile , why will they runne after vices againe ? o world , for that thou art the world , so smal is our force , & so great our debilitie , that thou willing it , and we not resisting it , thou dost swallow vs vp in the most perillous gulfe , and in the thornes most sharpe thou dost pricke vs : by the priuiest wayes thou leadest vs , & by the most stony waies thou carriest vs. i meane , that thou bringest vs to the highest fauours , to the end that afterwards with a push of thy pike thou mightest ouerthrow vs. o world , wherein all is worldly , two and fifty yeeares haue passed since in thee i was first borne , during which time thou neuer toldest mee one truth : but i haue taken thee with ten thousand lyes . i neuer demanded the thing but thou diddest promise it me , and yet it is nothing at all that euer thou diddest perform . i neuer put my trust in thee , but euer thou beguiledst me , i neuer came to thee , but thou diddest vndoo me : finally , neuer saw i ought in thee wherby thou deseruest loue , but alwayes hatred . this presupposed , i know not what is in thee . o world , or what we worldlings want : for if thou hatest vs we cannot hate thee , if thou doest vs iniury , we can dissemble it , if thou spurne vs with thy feet , wee wil suffer it , if thou beatest vs with a staffe , wee wil hold our peace , also though thou persecutest vs , we will not complain , though thou take ours , wee will not demand it of thee , though thou dost beguile vs , we will not call ourselues beguiled , and the worst of all is , that thou doest chase vs from thy house , yet we will not depart from thence . i know not what this meaneth , i know not from whence this commeth : i know not who ought to prayse this same , that wee couet to follow the world , which wil none of vs , and hate the gods which loue vs : oft times i make account of my yeares past , somtimes also i turne and tosse my booke to see what i haue read , and another time i desire my friends to giue mee good counsell : and for no other end i doe it , then to attaine to that i haue spoken , and to know that i will say . i reading rethorike in rhodes , adrian my lord maintaining me there , knowing that i was two and thirty years of age , it hapned in the spring time i found my selfe solitarily , and soluarinesse with liberty smelled the world , and smelling it , i knew it , and know-it , i followed it , and following it , i attained it , & attayning vnto it , therunto i ioyned my selfe , and ioyning my selfe therewith , i proued it , and in prouing it , i tasted it , and in tasting it , mee thought it bitter , and in finding it bitter i hated it , and hating it i left it , and leauing it , is returned , and being returned , i receyued it againe . finally , the world inuiting mee , and i not resisting it , two and fiftie yeares wee did eate our bread together , and in one house wee haue alwayes remayned , wilt thou know after what sort the world and i doe liue in one house together , or better for to say , in one heart remayne ? harken then , and in one word i will tell it thee . when i saw the world braue , i serued him , when hee saw me sad , hee flattered mee , when i saw him wealthy , i asked him , when hee saw mee merry , hee begulled mee , when i desired any thing , hee holpe me to attaine to it , and afterwards when the same i best enioyed , then hee tooke it from me , when hee saw me not pleased , he visited me , when hee saw mee , he forgot me , when he saw mee ouerthrowne , hee gaue mee his hand to releeue mee , when he saw me exalted , hee tripped me againe to ouerthrow me . finally , when i thinke that i haue somewhat in the world , i finde that all that i haue is a burthen . if this which i haue spoken of the world bee any thing , more is that a great deale which yet of my selfe i will say , which is , that without doubt my folly is greater then his malice , since i am beguiled so oft , and yet alwayes i follow the deceyuer . o world , world , thou hast such moods and fashions in thy proceeding , that thou leadest vs all to perdition . of one thing i maruell much , whereof i cannot bee satisfied . which is , since that we may go vpon the bridge , and yet without any gaine wee doe wade through the water , and where as the shallow is sure , wee seeke to runne into the gulfe , and where the way is drie , wee goe into the plash , where wee may eate wholesome meates to nourish the life , wee receyue poyson to hasten death , we seeke to destroy our selues , whereas wee may bee without danger . finally i say , without profite wee commit a fault , though wee see with our eyes the paine to follow . wise men ought circumspectly to see what they do , to examine that they speake , to proue that they take in hand , for to beware whose company they vse and aboue all , to know whom they trust : for our iudgement is so corrupt , that to beguile vs , one is inough , and to make vs not to bee deceyued , tenne thousand would not suffice . they haue so great care of vs , i doe meane the world to be guile vs , and the flesh to flatter vs , that the high way being as it is narrow , the pathway daungerous , and full of prickes , the iourney is long , and the life short : our bodies are neuer but loden with vices , and our hearts are full of sorrows and cares . i haue wondered at diuers things in this world , but that which astonieth mee most is , that those which be good , we make them beleeue they are euill , and those which are euill , wee perswade others to beleeue that they are good . so that wee shoote at the white of vertues , and hit the butte of vices . i will confesse one thing , the which beeing disclosed , i know that infamy will follow mee , but peraduenture some vertuous man will maruell at it , that is , that in those two and fifty yeeres of my life , i haue proued al the vices of this world , for no other entent but for to proue if there bee any thing where in mans malice might be satisfied . and afterwards all well considered , all examined , and all proued , i finde , that the more i eate , the more i dye for hunger , the more i drinke , the greater thirst i haue , the more i rest , the more i am broken , the more i sleepe , the more drousier i am : the more i haue , the more i couet : the more i desire , the more i am tormented , the more i procure , the lesse i attaine . finally , i neuer had so greate paine through want , but afterwards i had more trouble with excesse : it is a great folly to thinke , that as long as a man liueth in this flesh , that he can satisfie the flesh : for at the last cast , shee may take from vs our life ; but wee others cannot take from her , her disordinate couetousnesse : if men did speake with the gods , or that the gods were conuersant with men , the first thing that i would aske them , should bee , why they haue appointed an end to our wofull dayes : and will not giue vs an end of our wicked desires ? o cruell gods , what is it you doe ? or what doe you suffer vs ? it is certaine , that wee shall not passe one good day of life onely , but in tasting this , and that life consumeth . o intollerable life of man , wherein there are such malices , from the which wee ought to beware , and such perils to fall in , and also so many things to consider , that then both shee and wee doe ende to know our selues , when the houre of death approcheth . let those know that know not , that the world taketh our will , and wee others like ignorants cannot deny it him , and afterwardes hauing power of our will , doth constraine vs to that which wee would not : so that many times wee would doe vertuous workes , and for that wee are now put into the worlds hands , wee dare not do it . the world vseth another subtilty with vs , and to the end we should not striue with it , it prayseth the times past , because wee should liue according to the time present . and the world sayeth further , that if wee others employ our forces in his vices , he giueth vs licence , that wee haue a good desire of vertue . o would to god in my dayes i might see , that the care which the worlde hath to preserue vs , the worldlings would take it to withdraw them from his vices . i sweare that the gods should then haue more seruants , and the world and the flesh should not haue so many slaues . chap. xxi . the emperour proceedeth in his letter , and proueth by good reasons , that sith the aged persons will bee serued and honoured of the young , they ought to be more vertuous and honest then the young . i haue spoken all this before rehearsed , for occasion of you claude and claudine the which at and yeeres will not keepe out the prison of the world : you , i say , which haue your bodies weake and corrupted , what hope shall wee haue of young men which are but . yeeres of age ( if my memorie deceiue mee not , when i was there , you had nephewes married , and of their children made sure , and two of the children borne : and since that is true , mee thinketh when the fruite is gathered , the fruit is of no value , and after the meale is taken from the mill , euil shal the mill grinde . i meane that the olde man ought to desire that his daies might be shortened in this world . do not thinke my friends , that a man can haue his house full of nephewes , and yet say , that he is very yong ? for in loding the tree with fruites , the blossoms immediately fall , or else they become withered . i haue imagined with my selfe , what it is that you might doe to see me yong , and cut of some of your yeares : and in the end i know no other reason , but when you married alamberta your daughter with drusius , and your neece sophia the faire , with tuscidan , which were so yong , that the daughters were scarce . veares old , nor the young men . i suppose , because you were rich of yeares , and poore of money , that he gaue to euery one of them in stead of money for dowry ten yeares of yours : hereof a man may gather , that the money of your nephewes haue remayned vnto you , and you haue giuen vnto them of your owne yeares . i vnderstand my friends , that your desire is to bee yong , and very yong : but i greatly desire to see you old and very old i doe not meane in yeares , which in you doth surmount , but in discretion , which in you doth want . o claude and claudine , note that which i wil say vnto you , and beare it alwayes in your memory . i let you know , that to maintaine youth , to deface age , to liue contented , to be free from trauels , to lengthen life , and to auoyde death : these things are not in the hands of men , which doe desire them , but rather in the hands of those which giueth thē : the which according to their iustice , and not according to our couetousnesse , doe giue vs life by weight , and death without measure . one thing the old men do , which is cause of slaundering many , that is , that they will speake first in counsels , they will bee serued of the young in feasts , they will bee first placed , in all that they say they will be beleeued , in churches they will bee higher then the residue , in distributing of offices they will haue the most honour , in their opinions they will not be gainesayde . finally , they , will haue the credite of old sage men , and yet they will leade the life of young doting fooles . all these preheminences and priuiledges , it is very iust that olde men should haue spent their yeares in the seruice of the common-wealth : but with this i do aduise & require them , that the authoritie giuen them with their white haires , bee not diminished by their euill works . is it a iust thing that the humble & honest yong mā do reuerence to the aged man , proud and disdainefull ? is it a iust thing that the gentle and gracious yong man do reuerence to the enuious and malitious old man ? is it a iust thing that the vertuous and patient young man do reuerence to the foolish and vnpatient old man ? is it a iust thing , that the stout and liberal yong man doe reuerence to the miserable & couetous old man ? is it iust that the diligent and carefull young man do reuerence to the negligent old man ? is it iust that the abstinent and sober yong man do reuerence to the greedy and gluttonous old man ? is it iust that the chast and continent yong man do reuerence to the lecherous and dissolute olde man ? mee thinketh these things should not bee such , that thereby the old man shold be honored , but rather reproued and punished . for old men offend more , by the euill example they giue , then by the fault which they cōmit . thou canst not deny me , my friend claude , that it is . years since we both were at the theaters to behold a play whē thou camest late , and found no place for thee to sit in , thou saydest vnto mee who was set , rise my sonne mark , and sithens now thou art yong , it is but iust that thou giue mee place which am aged . if it bee true , that it is three and thirty yeares sithence thou askedst place in the theaters as an olde man : tell me , i pray thee , and also i coniure thee , with what oyntment hast thou annoynted thy selfe , or with what water hast thou washed thy selfe to become young . o claude , if thou hadst found any medicine , or discouered any herbe , wherwith thou couldest take white haires from mens heades , and from women the wrinccles of their face : i sweare vnto thee , and also i doe assure thee , that thou shouldest be more visited and serued in rome , then the god apollo is in his temple at ephesus . thou shouldest well remember annius priscus , the old man , which was our neighbour , and somewhat a kinne to thee : the which , when i tolde him that i could not be filled with his good words , and to behold his auncient white haires , he said vnto me . oh my sonne marke , it appeareth well that thou hast not bin aged , because thou talkest as a young man : for if white haires do honour the person , they greatly hurt the hart . for at that houre when they see vs aged , the strangers doe hate vs , and ours do not loue vs. and he told me more : i let thee know my sonne marke , that many times my wife and i , talking of the yeares of another particularly , when shee beholdeth mee , and that i seeme vnto her so aged : i say vnto her , and sweare that i am yet young , and that these white hayres came vnto mee by great trauells , and the age by sicknes . i doe remember also , that this annius priscus was senatour one yeare : and because he would not seem aged , but desired that men shold iudge him to be young , he shaued his beard and his head , which was not accustomed among the senatours nor censors of rome : and on a day among the other senators , he entred into the high capitoll , one saide vnto him thus . tell me man , from whence comest thou ? what wilt thou ? and why commest thou hither ? how durst thou being no senatour , enter into the senate ? hee answered , i am annius priscus the aged : how chaunceth it now you haue not knowne me ? they replyed vnto him : if thou wert annius priscus , thou wouldest not come hither thus shauen . for , in the sacred senate can none enter to gouerne the commonwealth , vnlesse his person be endued with vertues , and his head with white hayres : and therefore thou art banished , and depriued of thy office. for the olde , which liue as the young ought to bee punished . thou knowest well claude and claudine , that that which i haue spoken , is not the faynings of homer , neyther a fable of ouide : but that you your selues saw it with your eyes , and in his banishment i did helpe him with money : and moreouer he was banished another time for the lightnes hee did commit in the night in the citie : and i maruell not hereof ; for we see by experience , that olde men which are fleshed in vices , are more obstinate to correct then the young . oh what euill fortune haue the old men , which haue suffered themselues to waxe olde in vice ? for , more dangerous is the fire in an old house then in a newe : and a great cut of a sword is not so perillous , as a rotten fistula . though olde men were not honest and vertuous , for the seruice of the gods and the commonwealth , for the saying of the people , nor for the example of the young : yet he ought to bee honest , if it were but for the reuerence of their yeares . if the poore old man haue no teeth , how shall he eate ? if he haue no heate in his stomacke , how can he disgest ? if hee haue no taste , how can he drinke ? if he be not strong , how can hee be an adulterer ? if he haue no feet , how can he goe ? if he haue the palsey , how can he speake : if he haue the gowte in his hands , how can he play ? finally , such like worldly & vicious men , haue employed their forces being young , desirous to proue al these vices : and when they are old it grieueth thē extreamly that they cānot acomplish their desire amongst all these faultes in olde men ( in myne opinion , ) this is the chiefest , that since they haue proued all things , that they should still remaine in theyr obstinate follie . there is no parte but they haue trauelled , no villanie but they haue essayed , no fortune but they haue proued , no good but they haue persecuted , no euill but hath chanced vnto them , nor there is any wickednes , but they haue attēpted these vnhappie men which in this sort haue spent all their youth , haue in the ende theyr combes cut , with infirmities and diseases : yet they are not so much grieued with the vices ( which in them doe abound ) to hinder them from vertues , as they are tormented for want of corporall courage , to further them in their lustes . oh if wee were gods , or that they would giue vs licence to knowe the thoughtes of the olde , as wee see with our eyes , the deedes of the young . i sweare to the god mars , and also to the mother berecynthia , that without comparison , wee would punish more the wicked desires which the aged haue to be wicked : then the light deedes of the young . tell mee claude and claudine , doe you thinke though you behaue your selues as young , you shall not seme to be olde ? knowe you not that our nature is the corruption of our bodie : and that our bodie hindereth our vnderstandings , and that the vnderstandings are kept of our soule , and that our soule is the mother of desires and that our desires are the scourge of our youth , and that our youth is the ensigne of our age , and age the spye of death , and that death in the end is the house where life taketh his harbor : & from whēce youth flyeth a foot , & frō whence age cānot escape a horseback ? i would reioyce that you claude and claudine , would but tell mee what you finde in this life , that so much therwith you should be contented : since no we you haue passed foure-score yeares of life , during the which time , either you haue bin wicked in the worlde , or else you haue bin good . if you haue bin good , you ought to thinke it long vntill you bee with the good gods : if you haue bin euill , it is iust you dye , to the ende you be no worse . for speaking the truth , those which in threescore and ten yeares haue bin wicked in workes , leaue small hope of their amendment of life . adrian my lord , beeing at nola in campania , one brought vnto him a nephew of his from the studie , whereas the yong childe had not profited a little : for hee became a great grecian , and latinist : and moreouer , hee was faire gratious , and honest . and this emperour adrian loued his nephew so much , that he saide vnto him these wordes : my nephewe , i knowe not whether i ought to say vnto thee that thou art good , or euill : for , if thou be euill , life shall be euill employed on thee , and if thou be good , thou oughtest to dye immediately : and because i am worse then all , i liue longer then all . these words which adrian my lord said , doe plainly declare and expresse , that in short space the pale and cruell death doth assault the good , and lengtheneth life a great while to the euill . the opinion of a phylosopher was , that the gods are so profound in their secrets , high in their mysteries , and so iust in their works , that to men which least profite the commonwealth , they lengthen life longest : and though he had not saide it , we others see it by experience . for the man which is good , and that beareth great zeale & friendship to the commonwealth : eyther the gods take him from vs , or the enemyes doe slay him , or the daungers doe cast him away , or the trauells doe finish him . when the great pompeyus and iulius caesar became enemyes , and from that enmitie came to cruell warres , the gronicles of the time declare , that the kings and people of the occidental part became in he fauour of iulius caesar , and the mightiest , and most puissant of al the oriental parts , came in the ayde of great pompeius , because these two princes were loued of a few , and serued and feared of all : amongst the diuersity and sundry nations of people which came out of the orientall part , into the hoast of the great pompeius , one nation came maruellous , and cruell barbarous , which sayde , they dwelled on the other side of the mountaine riphees , which goe vnto india . and these barbarians had a custome , not to liue no longer then fifty yeares : and therefore when they came to that age , they made a greater fire , and were burned therin aliue ; and of their owne wils they sacrificed themselues to the gods. let no man be astonied at that we haue spoken , but rather let them maruell of that wee will speake ( that is to say ) that the same day any man had accōplished fifty yeares , immediately hee cast himselfe quicke into the fire , and his friends made a great feast . and the feast was , that they did eate the flesh of the dead halfe burned , and dranke in wine and water the ashes of his bones : so that the stomacke of the childrē being aliue , was the graue of the fathers being dead . all this that i haue spoken with my tongue , pompeius hath seene with his eyes , for that some being in the camp did accomplish fifty yeares ; and because the case was strange , hee declared it oft in the senate . let euery man iudge in this case , what he will , and condemne the barbarians at his pleasure , yet i will not cease to say what i thinke . o golden world , which had such men . o blessed people , of whom in the world to ome shall be a perpetuall memorie , what contempt of world ? what forgetfulnesse of himselfe ? what stroke of fortune ? what whippe for the flesh ? what little regard of life ? o what bridle for the vertuous ? o what confusion for those that loue life . o how great example haue they left vs , not to feare death . sithens those here haue willingly despised their owne liues , it is not to be thought that they dyed to take the goods of others , neither yet to thinke that our life should neuer haue end , nor our couetousnesse in like manner . o glorious people , and ten thousand fold happy , that the proper sensuality being forsaken , haue ouercom the naturall appetite to desire to liue , not beleeuing in that they saw , and that hauing faith in that they neuer saw , they striued with the fatall destenies . by the way they assaulted fortune , they changed life for death , they offered the body to death , and aboue all , haue wonne honour with the gods , not for that they shoulde hasten death , but because they should take away that which is superfluous of life . archagent a surgeon of rome , and anthonius musus , a physition of the emperour augustus , and esculapius , father of the phisicke , should get little money in that countrie . hee that then should haue sent to the barbarous to haue done as the romanes at that time did , that is to say , to take sirrops in the mornings , pils at night , to drinke milke in the morning , to annoint themselues with grome●seed to bee let bloud to day , and purged to morrow , to eate of one thing , and to abstaine from many , a man ought to thinke , that hee which willingly , seeketh death , will not giue money to lengthen life . chap. xxii . the emperour concludeth his letter , and shewed what perils those olde men liue in , which dissolutely like young children passe their dayes , and giueth vnto them wholesome counsell for the remedy thereof . bvt returning to thee claude and to thee claudine , me thinketh that these barbarous men beeing fifty yeares of age , and you others hauing aboue threescore and tenne , it should be iust , that sithence you were elder in yeares , you were equall in vertue , and though ( as they ) you wil not accept death patiently , yet at the least you ought to amend your euill liues willingly . i doe remember , that it is many yeares sithens , that fabritius the young , sonne of fabritius the olde , had ordayned to haue deceiued mee : of the which , if you had not told me great inconueniences had happned : and sithens that you did me so great a benefite , i would now requite you the same with another the like . for amongst friends there is no equal benefite , then to deceiue the deceyuer : i let you know , if you do not know it , that you are poore aged folks , your eyes are sunke into your heads , the nostrels are shut , the haires are white , the hearing is lost , the tongue faultereth , the teeth fall , the face is wrinkled , the feete swolne , and the stomacke cold . finally i say , that if the graue could speake , as vnto his subiects , by iustice he might commaund you to inhabite his house . it is great pitty of the yong men and of their youthfull ignorance ; for then vnto such their eies are not opened , to know the mishaps of this miserable life , when cruell death doth end their dayes , and adiorneth them to the graue . plato in his booke of the common wealth sayde , that in vaine wee giue good counsels , to fond and light young men : for youth is without experience of that it knoweth , suspitious of that it heareth , incredible of that is tolde him , despising the counsell of an other , and very poore of his own . for so much as this is true that i tell you claude , and claudine , that without comparison , the ignorance which the young haue of the good , is not so much : but the obstination which the olde hath in the euill is more : for the mortall gods many times doe dissemble with a thousand offences commited by ignorance , but they neuer forgiue the offence perpetrated by malice . o claude , and claudine , i doe not maruell that you doe forget the gods , ( as you doe ) which created you , and your fathers , which begot you , and your parents which haue loued you , and your friends which haue honoured you : but that which i most maruell at is , that you forget your selues : for you neuer consider what you ought to bee , vntill such time as you bee there where you would not bee , and that without power to returne backe againe . awake , awake , since you are drowned in your dreames , open your eyes since you sleepe so much , accustome your selues to trauels , sithence you are vagabonds , learne that which behoueth you , since now you are olde . i meane , that in time conuenient you agree with death , before he make execution of life . fifty two yeeres haue i knowne the things of the world , and yet i neuer saw a woman so aged thorough yeares , nor old man with members so feeble , that for want of strength could not ( if they list ) doe good : nor yet for the same occasion should leaue to bee euill , if they list to be euill . it is a maruellous thing to see , and worthy to note , that all the corporall members of man waxeth old , but the inward hart , and the outward tongue : for the heart is alwayes giuen to inuent euills , and the tongue is alwayes able to tell lyes . mine opinion is , that the pleasaunt summer beeing past , you should prepare your selues for the vntemperate winter which is at hand . and if you haue but fewe dayes to continue , you should make hast to take vp your lodging . i meane that sith you haue passed the dayes of your life with trauell , you should prepare your selues against the night of death , to be in the hauen of rest . let mockeryes passe as mockeries , and accept trueth as truth : that is to say , that it were a very iust thing , and also for your honour necessarie , that all shose which in times past haue seen you young and foolish , should now in your age , see you graue and sage . for there is nothing that so much forgetteth the lightnesse and follyes of youth , as doth grauity and constancie in age. when the knight runneth his carriere , they blame him not for that the horses mane is not finely combed : but at the end of his race he shold see his horse amended , and looked vnto : what greater confusion can be to any person , or greater slaunder to our mother rome , then to see that which now a dayes therein we see ? that is to say : that the old which can scarcely creepe through the streetes , to beholde the playes and games as young men , which search for nought else but onely pompe and vanitie ? it grieueth mee to speake it , but i am much more ashamed to see , that the olde romaines do daylie cause the white haires to be plucked out of their heads , because they would not seeme old , to make their beard small , to seem yong , wearing their hosen very close , their shyrts open before : the gowne of the senatour embrodered , the romane signe richly enamelled , the coller of golde at the necke , as those of dace : fringes in their gownes , as those of saphire , hoops in their hattes , as the greekes , and pearls on their fingers , as those of india . what wilt thou i tell thee more , then i haue tolde thee ? but that they weare theyr gownes long and large , as those of tharento , and they weare them of the colour as men of warre : and euery weeke they haue change , as players : and the worste of all is , that they shew themselues as doating with loue , now in their age , as others haue done heretofore in their youth . that old men are ouercome by yong desires , i doe not maruel , for that brutish lust is as naturall , as the daylie foode : but the olde men ( being olde men ) should be so dissolute : herewith men iustly ought to be offended . for the olde men couetous , and of flesh vicious , both offend the gods , and slaunder the commonwealth . oh how many i haue knowne in rome , who in their youth haue been highly praysed and esteemed , and after wardes through giuing themselues to very much lightnes in their age , haue bin of all abhorred . and the worst of all is , that they haue lost all theyr credite , their parents , their fauour , and their poore innocent children theyr profit ? for many times the gods permit , that the fathers committing the offences , the paines should fall vpon their owne children . the renowmed gaguino cato , who discended from the hie linage of the sage catoes , was fiue yeares flamen priest , and administrator to the vestall virgins , three yeers pretor , two yeeres censor , one yeere dictator , & fiue times consull , being . yeares olde , he gaue himself to follow , serue and to desire rosana , and daughter of gneus cursius , a lady of truth verie young and faire , and of many desired , and much made of : time afterwards passing away , and god cupid doing his office , the loue was so kindled inwardly in the heart of this olde man , that hee ranne almost mad : so that after hee had consumed all his goods in seruing her dayly , he sighed , and nightly hee wept , onely for to see her . it chaunced that the saide rosana fell sicke of a burning ague , wherewith shee was so distempered , that shee could eate no meat , but greatlie desired to eates grapes : and sithens there were none ripe at rome , gaguino cato sent to the riuer of rheyn , to fetch some , being farre , and many miles distant from thence , and when the thing was spredde through rome , and that all the people knew it , and the senate vnderstanding the folly of him : the fathers commaunded that rosana should be looked vp with the vestall virgins , & the olde man banished rome for euer , to the end , that to them it should be a punishment , and to others an example . truely it grieued mee sore to see it , and also i had great paines in writing it : for i saw the father dye in infamie , and his children liue in pouertie : i beleeue that all those which shall heare this example , and all those which shall reade this writing , shall finde the fact of this amorous olde man , both vile and filthy , and they will allow the sentence of the senate which they gaue against him for good and iust . i sweare , that if gaguino cato had had as manie young men in his banishment as he left olde men louers that followed his example in rome : there should not be cast away so many men , neyther so many women euill married . it chanceth oft times , that when the olde men ( specially being noble and valiant ) are aduertised of their seruants , are rebuked of their parents , are prayed of their friends , and accused of their enemies to bee dishonest in such a place , they answere , that they are not in loue , but in iest . when i was very young , no lesse in wisedome , then in age , one night in the capitoll i met with a neighbour of mine , the which was so old , that hee might haue taken me for his nephew : to whom i sayde these words : lord fabritius , are you also in loue ? he answered me . you see that my age suffereth me not that i should be a louer , if i should bee , it is but in sport . truly i maruelled to meete him at that houre , and i was ashamed to haue such an answere . in olde men of great age and grauity such request cannot be called loue , but griefe , not pastime , but losse of time , not mocrie , but villanie : for of loue in iest , ensueth infamy indeed . i aske you claude and claudine , what a thing is it , to see an olde man bee in loue ? truely it is no other , but as a garland before the tauerne doores : where al men think that there is wine , and they sell nought else but vineger . they are egges white without , & rotten within , they are golden pilles , the tast wherof are very bitter , and as emptie boxes in shops , which haue newe writings on them , or as a new gate , and within in the house is full of filth and cobwebs . finally , the old louer is a knight of exchetes , which helpeth to lose money , and can deliuer no man from perill . let this word be noted , and alwayes in your memory committed , that the olde man that is vitious , is but as a leeke which hath the head white , and the tale greene . mee thinketh that you ought to breake the wings of time , since that you haue feathers to flye withall : deceyue not your selfe , nor your friends and neighbours , saying , that there is time for all . for the amendment is in your hands , but time is in the hands of god to dispose . let vs come now to remedy this great dammage , doe what you can by the day of youth , and deferre it not vntill the night of age , for ill cutteth the knife , when the edge thereof is dulled : and ill can hee gnawe the bones which is accustomed to eate the flesh . i tell you , and aduertise you , that when the olde and rotten houses beginne to fall , vnderset not them with rotten wood , but with hard timber . i meane with the vpright thoughts of accounts , which we ought to giue the gods of our life , and to men of our renowne . for i say , that if the vine bee gathered of our vertues , wee ought to graffe againe the amendment : and if the shreds of our gatherings be drye and withered through our peruerse workes , wee ought to set them againe with new mould and good desires . the gods are so gentle to serue , and so good to content , that if for all the seruices we owe them , and for the gifts which they giue vs , we cannot pay them in good works : they demaund no more in pauement but good wils . finally , i say , that if thou claude and claudine haue offered the meale of youth to the world , offer now the bloud of age to the gods. i haue written longer then i had thought to haue done . salute all my neighbours , specially drusio the patrician , and noble roman widow . i remember that gobrine your neece did mee a pleasure , that day of the feast of the mother berecinthia , wherfore i send two thousand sesterces , one thousand to helpe to marry her : and the other thousand to helpe for to releeue your pouerty . my wife faustine is sicke , and i send you another . sesterces to giue to the vestall virgins , to pray to the gods for her . my wife sendeth to thee claudine a cofer : by the immortall gods i sweare vnto thee , i cannot tell what is in it . i beseech the gods sithence you are aged to giue you a good death , and to me and faustine , they suffer vs to leade a good life . marcus of mount celio with his own hand writeth this . chap. xxiii . princes ought to take heede that they be not noted of auarice , for that the couetous man is both of god and man hated . the great alexander king of macedony , and darius the vnfortunate king of persians , were not onely contrary in wars and conquests , which they made , but also in the conditions and inclinations which they had : for alexander naturally loued to giue and spend : and darius to the contrarie , to heape , locke and keepe . when the fame of alexander was spredde abroade throughout all the word to bee a prince of honour , and not couetous , his owne loued him intirely , & strangers desired to serue him faithfully . the miserable king darius , as he was noted of great auarice , and of small liberality , so his did disobey him , and strangers hated him : whereof may be gathered that princes and great lords by giuing , do make them selues rich : and in keeping , they make themselues poore . plutarch in his apothegmes declareth , that after king darius was dead , and alexander had triumphed ouer all the orientall parts , a man of thebes being in the market place of athens , setting forth the fortune of alexander for the sundry countryes which hee had conquered , and describing the euill fortune of darius , for the great number of men which hee had lost , a philosopher with a loude voyce sayd , o man of thebes , thou art greatly deceyued , to think that one prince loseth many seigniories , and that the other prince winneth many realmes . for alexander the great , wann nought but stones and couerings of cities : for with his liberality hee had already gotten the good wils of the citizens : and on the contrary , the vnfortunate darius did not lose but stones , and the couertures of cities , for with his couetousnesse and auarice hee had now lost all the hearts of those of asia . and further , this philosopher sayde vnto him , that princes which will enlarge their estates , and amplifie their realmes in their conquests , ought first to winne the hearts , and to bee noble and liberall ; and afterwards to send their armies to conquer the forts , and wals , for otherwise little auayleth it to winne the stones , if the hearts do rebell . whereby a man may gather , that that which alexander wanne , he wanne by liberality and stoutenesse : and that which king darius lost , he lost for being miserable and couetous . and let vs not maruell hereat , for that princes and great lordes which are ouercome with auarice , i doubt whether euer they shall see themselus conquerours of many realmes . the vice of auarice is so detestable , so euil , so odious , and so perillous , that if a man should employ himselfe for to write all the discommodities thereunto belonging , my penne shoulde do nought else , then to presume to drye vp all the water in the sea : for the stomacke where auarice entreth , causeth a man to serue vices , & worship idols . if a vertuous man would prepare himselfe to thinke on the great trauel , and little rest that this cursed vice beareth with him , i thinke that none would be vicious therein . though the couetous man had no other trauell , but alwayes to goe to bed with daunger , and to rise vp with care : mee thinketh that it is a trouble sufficient for such a one when he goeth to bed , thinketh that hee should bee killed in his bedde , or that sleeping his coffers should be rifled : and from that time he riseth , hee is alwayes tormented with feare to lose that which he hath wonne , and carefull to augment that little too much . the diuine plato in the first booke of his common-wealth sayde these words . the men be made rich , because they neuer learned to bee rich : for he which continually , and truly will become rich , first ought to abhorre couetousnesse , before he begin to occupie himselfe to locke vppe goods . for the man which setteth no bond to his desire shall alwayes haue little though hee see himselfe lord of the world . the sentence of the stoyckes doth satisfie my mind much , whereof aristotle in his politikes , maketh mention , where he sayth : that vnto great affayres , are alwayes required great riches : and there is no extreame pouertie , but where there hath beene great aboundance , &c. thereof ensueth , that vnto princes and great lordes which haue much , they want much : because vnto men which haue had little , they can want but little . if wee admonish worldlings not to be vicious , they will alwayes haue excuses to excuse themselues , declaring why they haue been vicious : the vice of auarice excepted , to whome , and with whom they haue no excuse . for , if one vaine reason be ready to excuse , there are two thousand to condemne them . let vs put example in all the principall vices , and wee shall see how this onely of auarice remaineth condemned , and not excused ? if we reason why a noble prince or great lord is hautie and proude ? he will aunswere that hee hath great occasion . for the naturall disposition of men is , rather to desire to commaund with trauell , then to serue with quyetnes and rest . if we reproue any man that is furious , and giuen to anger : hee will aunswere vs , that we maruell not , since we maruell not of the proude : for that the enemy hath no more authority to trouble any man , then the other to take reuenge of him . if we blame him for that he is fleshly and vicious : he will answer vs , that hee cannot abstaine from that sinne : for , if any man can eschew the actes , he fighteth continually with vncleane thoughts . if wee say that anie man is negligent , hee will answere vs , that he deserueth not to be blamed : for , the vilenes of our nature is such , that if we do trauell it , immediately it is wearie : and if we rest it , immediately it reioyceth . if wee rebuke any man that is a glutton , hee will answere vs , that without eating and drinking , wee cannot liue in the world : for the diuine word hath not forbidden man to eate with the mouth , but the vncleane thoughts which come from the heart . as of these few vices we haue declared , so may wee excuse all the residue : but to the vice of couetousnesse , none can giue a reasonable excuse . for with money put into the coffer , the soule cannot profite , nor the bodie reioyce . boetius in his booke of consolation said , that money is good , not when wee haue it in possession , but when wee want it : and in very deede the sentence of boetius is very profound : for , when man spendeth money , he attaineth to that he will , but hauing it with him , it profiteth him nothing . wee may say of these rich and couetous men , that if they heape and keepe , they say it is for deere and drye yeares , and to relieue theyr parents and friends . we may aunswer them , that they doe not heape vp to remedie the poore in like necessityes , but rather to bring the common-wealth to greater pouerty . for then they sell all things deere , and put out their money to great vsurie : so that this couetous man doth more harme with that he doth lend them , then the drie : yeare doth , with that it hath taken frō them . the noble and vertuous men ought not cease to doe well , for feare of dry yeares : for , in the ende if one deare yeare come , it maketh al deere : and at such a time , and in such a case , he onely may be called happie , which for being free and liberall in almes , shall reioyce that his table should be costly ? let all couetous men beware , that for keeping of much goods , they giue not to the diuell theyr soules : for , it may bee that before the deare yeare commeth to sel their corne , their bodyes shal be layd in the graue . oh what good doeth god to the nobles , giuing them liberal harts : and what ill lucke haue couetous men ( hauing as they haue ) their harts so hard laced : for if couetous men did taste how sweet and necessarie a thing it is to giue , they could keepe little for themselues . now sithens the miserable and couetous men haue not the heart to giue to their friendes , to depart to their parents , to succour the poore , to lend to their neighbours , nor to sustaine the orphanes , it is for to bee thought that they will spend it on themselues . truly i say no more , for there are men so miserable , and so hard of that they haue , that they thinke that as euill spent , which among themselues they spend : as that which one robbeth from them of their goods . how will the couetous and miserable wretch giue a garment to a naked man , which dare not make himselfe a coate ? how will hee giue to eate to the poore familiar , which as a poore slaue eateth the bread of branne , and selleth the flower of meale ? how shal the pilgrims lodge in his house , who for pure misery dare not enter ? and how doth he visite the hospitall , and releeue the sicke , that oft times hazardeth his owne health and life , for that hee will not giue one penny to the physition ? how shall hee succour secretly the poore and needy , which maketh his owne children goe barefoote and naked ? how can hee helpe to marry the poore maides being orphanes , when he suffereth his owne daughters to waxe olde in his house ? how will hee giue of his goods to the poore captiues , which will not pay his owne men their wages ? how will he giue to eate to the children of poore gentlemen , which alwayes grudgeth at that his owne spend ? how should wee beleeue that hee wil apparrell a widdow , which will not giue his owne wife a hoode ? how doth hee daily giue almes , which goeth not to the church on the sunday , because hee will not offer one penny ? how shall the couetous man reioyce the heart , sith for spending of one penny , oft times hee goeth supperlesse to bed ? and finally , i say , that hee will neuer giue vs of his own proper goods , which weepeth alwayes for the goods of another . chap. xxiiii . the author followeth his matter , and with great reasons discommendeth the vices of couetous men . one of the thinges wherein the diuine prouidence sheweth , that we do not vnderstand the maner of her gouernement , is to see that shee giueth vnderstanding to a man to know the riches , shee giueth him force to seeke them , subtilly to gather them , vertue to sustaine them , courage to defend them , and also long life to possesse them . and with all this shee giueth him not licence to enioy them , but rather suffereth him , that as without reason hee hath made himselfe lord of an other mans , of right hee should bee made slaue of his owne : thereby a man may know , of how greater excellency vertuous pouerty is , then the outragious couetousnesse : for so much as to the poore , god doth giue contentation of that little hee hath , & from the rich man he taketh contentation of the great deale hee possesseth , so that to the couetous man wee see troubles encrease howerly , and the gaine commeth vnto him but monethly . let vs compare the rich and couetous man to the poore potter , and wee shall see who shall profite most , eyther the potter with his pots that he maketh of the earth , or else the couetous with his money , which he hath in the earth . though i make no answere to this , yet answer herein hath already been made , that the one is much better at ease with the earth , then the other is with the good : for the potter getteth his liuing by selling pots , and the couetous man loseth his soule by keeping riches . i humbly require the high princes and also i beseech the great lordes , and further i admonish the other nobles and plebeians , alwayes to haue this word in memory . i say and affirme , that the more strongly the man keepeth , and locketh his treasure , the more strongly and priuily is he kept : for if hee put two keyes to keepe his treasure , he putteth seuen to his heart not to spend them . let the noble and valiant men beware , that they giue not their mindes to heape vp treasures : for if once their hearts bee kindled with couetousnes , for feare of spending a halfe penny , they will dayly suffer themselues to fall into a thousand miseries . the plebeians which are very rich may say , that they haue not heaped vp much treasures , sithence they cannot behold a hundred , or two hundred duccats . to this i answere , that the estates considered , ten duccates doe as much harme to a treasurer , as to others ten thousand : for the fault consisteth not in keeping , or hiding ( much or litle ) riches : but forsomuch as in keeping them , we cease to doe many good workes . to mee it is a strange matter , that niggardlinesse hath a greater force to the couetous , then conscience hath in others : for there are many , which notwithstanding conscience , do profite with the goods of others , and the couetous hauing more misery then conscience , cannot yet profite with their owne : with much care and lesse diligence the couetous men doe prouide that the millers do not rob the meale , that their beasts make no wasts , that the hunters run not through the corne , that their wine perish not , that those which owe them any thing , doe not go and make themselues bankroutes , that wynets do not eate their corne , and the theeues rob not their goods : but in the end they watch none so well as themselues : for all the others , ( earely or late ) haue alwayes oportunitie to robbe from them somewhat : but the couetous hath neuer the heart to change a duccate . men ought to take great pitty of a couetous man , who by his own will and not of necessity , weareth his gowne all to torne , his shooes out , his points without agglets , an euill fauouted girdle , his coate rent , his hat olde , his hose seame rent , his cap greasie , and his shirt lousie . finally , i say , that diuers of these misers faine that they haue a great summe to pay , and it is for no other thing , but for not wearing a good garment . what can the couetous doe more , then for keeping a penny in his purse , hee will go two moneths , and not trimme his beard ? sithence it is true that these pinch-penies doe behaue their persons so euill , do ye thinke they haue their houses any thing the better furnished ? i say no , but you shal see their chambers full of cobwebs , the dores out of the hinges , the windowes riuen , the glasses broken , the planches loose , the couertures of the house without gutters , the stooles broken , the beds worme-eaten , and chimnies ready to fall : so that to harbour a friend or kinsmen of theirs , they are constrayned to lodge him in theyr neighbours house , or else to sende to borrow all that they want . and passing ouer the garments they weare , & the housen wherein they dwell , let vs see what tables they keepe : for of their gardens they eate no fruite , but that that falleth off the tree , of theyr vines but rotten grapes , of their sheep the sickest , of their corne the wettest , of wine , that which hath taken winde , of lard that is yeallow , of milke , that is turned . and finally i say , the felicitie that gluttons haue in eating , the selfe same haue they in keeping . oh vnhappie are the gluttons , and much more the couetous : for the tast of one consisteth only in the throate , & the felicitie of the other consisteth in that he may locke vp in his chest . wee haue now seene how the couetous weare simple apparell , keepe a poore table , and dwell in a filthie house : and yet they lesse regard those things that touch their honor . for , if they had their eares as open to heare , as they haue their hearts bent at eache houre to gather and heape vp : they should heare how they are called mysers , vsurers , niggards , pinchpennies , oppressors , cruell , vnthankefull , and vnfortunate . finally i say , that in the comon-wealth they are so hated , that all men had rather lay hāds vpon their bodyes to kill them , then tongues on their renowme , to defame them . the couetous man is of all other the most vnlucky . for , if he fall at strife with any , he shal find no one friend that will come to visit him in his house : but he shal haue a hundred thieues which wil rob him of his goods . for to reuenge a couetous enemy , a man neede desire nought else but that he liue long : for , hee is more tormented in his life with his owne couetousnes , then he can be otherwise with any pennance . if rich men would say vnto me , that they doe not reioice to haue faire houses , sithēs they haue thē , neither of curious apparell , since they may weare it , nor of daintie meates , sithens they may eate them , and that that which they doe , is not to be couetous , but for that they are good christians . in so iust a thing , reason would my pen should cease : but i am sorry , they so little esteem things touching their honour , and much lesse the matters touching their conscience . if the auaritious say , hee keepeth goods to do almes , i doe not beleeue it : for dayly we see , if a poor man aske him alms , hee answereth them immediatly , god helpe you , for hee hath neither purse nor money . the couetous vseth this , that he neuer giueth almes in his house , but fat meat , restie bacon , rotten cheese , & hoary bread : so that it seemeth rather that they make cleane their house , then giue almes to the poore . if the couetous man would tell vs , that that which they haue , is to discharge some debts of their predecessors , wherewith they are burdened . i say , it is a vaine excuse , sithens wee see that the willes of their fathers , of their mothers , and of their grandfathers , be not as yet performed , neyther will they thinke to performe them , which seemeth very true . for since the houre that they layde their fathers in the graue , they neuer had any thought of their deade fathers . hee which of pure couetousnesse and misery , suffereth himselfe to dye for hunger and colde : i thinke hee hath small deuotion for to giue almes , and much lesse to doe any man good . if the couetous man say vnto vs , that that which hee keepeth , is for none other cause but for to build a sumptuous chappell , and to leaue of them some memory : to this i answere , that if such a one doeth it with his owne proper swette , and maketh restitution of all the euill that he hath done , it shall be sanctified , and of all good men commended : but if the couetous wil that many liue in great pouerty , onely to make a rich tombe , god doth not command that , neyther dooth the church admit it : for sacrifice done to god with the cries of others is not acceptable . if the couetous tell vs , that thogh they heape treasures , it is not but at their death to distribute it vnto the poore , and to be brought honestly to the ground : i say that i commend this purpose , so his entent bee accordingly performed : but i am sorry the couetous man should thinke hereby to merite , and that hee should thus discharge the wickednesse of his life , for the distribution of a little money after his death . i would thinke it more sure , that princes & great lords should spend their goods to marry poore maydens being orphans in their life , then to commaund money to bee dealt after their death . for oft times the heyres or their executors , the body interred , doe little performe the will of the testator : and much lesse obserue the legacies bequeathed , though it be to the vtter vndoing of the poore orphanes . o what guerdon and commendation deserueth he that iustly and truely dischargeth the legacies of the dead , and of the surplus ( if any be ) or with their owne , releeue the orphanes , and marry the poore maydens , keeping them from the vices of the worlde . suppose that a couetous man chanceth to traffique at medine in spaine , at lions in france , at lisbone in portingall , at london in england , at antwarpe in flaunders , at millaine in lombardy , at florence in italy , at palermo in scicill , at prage in bohemie , and at buda in hungarie : finally , vith his eyes he hath seene all europe , and by traffique he hath knowledge of all asia . admit now that in euery place he hath gotten goods , and that which he hath gotten , was not with whole conscience , but acording to the companies , so hath the offences beene diuers . in this case , if at the houre of death when the couetous man diuideth his money betweene the children , hee might also deuide his offences , so that he dispossessing himselfe of the goods , might thereby bee free from the offences , then it were well . but alas it is not so , for the wicked children liue triumphing on the earth with the goods , and the miserable father goeth weeping to hell with his sinnes . chap. xxv . of a letter which the emperor marcus aurelius wrote to his friend cincinnatus , who beeing a romane knight became a marchant of capua , wherein hee toucheth those gentlemē which take vpon them the trade of marchanaize against their vocation . it is diuided into three chapters , marke the emperour with his brother annius verus , felow in the empire , wisheth to thee cincinnatus of capua , health to thy person , and grace against thy euill fortune . from the feast of our mother berecinthe , i haue seene neyther seruāt of thy house , nor read letter of thy hand , which maketh me suspect greatly that thy health is in danger , or that thou mistrustest our friendshipp : for earnest friendship requireth dayly communication or visitation : i pray thee be not so carelesse from henceforth , and doe not forget vs in such wise . i meane that thou wilt come and see vs , or at the least that thou wilt write vnto vs often : for the letters of faithfull friends , though vtterly they doe not take from vs the desire of the presence : yet at the least , they make vs hope for a meeting . i know that thou mayest answere mee , that in the common wealth of capua thou art so busied , that it is impossible thou shouldest write vnto mee : hereto i answere thee . that in no affayres thou canst be so occupied , that it bee a lawfull let , not to communicate , or write vnto thy friend : for we may well call the time which wee liue , to bee well employed , which is spent in the seruice of god , and in the conuersation of our friends . all the residue that we waste in talking , trauelling , sleeping , eating & resting , wee ought not to write it in the booke of life , but in the register of death : for albeit that in such sēblable works the body is refreshed , yet therewith the heart cannot be comforted . i sweare vnto thee therefore my friend , that it is impossible that man take any contentation of any worldly thing , where the heart is not at rest : for our comfort is not in the sinewes or in the bones of the body , but in the liuely power of the soule , it is long sithence that you and i haue knowne together , it is long time likewise that i loued thee , and thou me : and sith wee are so true olde friends , it is but reason , that with good works wee doe renue our friendship . for falsly they vsurpe the name of friendshippe , which are not conuersant one with the other , no more then if they were strangers . the man which speaketh not to me , which writeth not to mee , which seeth me not , which visiteth me not , which giueth me not , and to whome i giue not . i would not hee were my enemy : but it little auaileth mee that hee cal mee friend , for particular friendship consisteth not in abundance , but that friends do open their harts , and talke with their persons . peraduenture thou wilt say , that the great distance which is from rome to that country , hath been occasion to diminish our friendshippe : for the noble hearts are on fire with the presence of that they loue , and haue great pain with the absence of that they desire . i answere , that the farther the delicious wines are sent , from the place where they grow , the greater strength they haue . i meane , that herein true friends are knowne , when their persons are surthest seuered : for then are their wills most conioyned . tell mee i pray thee cincinnatus , sithence alwayes thou hast found mee a diligent friend in thy seruice , why doest thou mistrust my faithfull good will ? the greene leaues outwardly doe shew that the tree inwardly is not drie , i meane , that the good workes outwardly doe declare the feruentnes of the heart inwardly . if thou cincinnatus presumest to bee a true friend of thy friend , i will thou know this rule of friendship which is : where perfect loue is not , there wanteth alway faithfull seruice : and for the contrary he that perfectly loueth , assuredly shall be serued . i haue beene , am and will be thine , therfore thou shalt doe me great iniurie , if thou art not mine . chap. xxvi . the emperour proceedeth in his letter , & declareth what vertues men ought to vse , and the vices which they ought to eschew . in times past , i beeing yong and thou olde , i did succour thee with money , and thou me with good counsell : but now the world is otherwise changed , in that thy white hayres doe iudge thee to be old , and thy works doe cause thee to be yong : therefore necessity compelleth mee , that we change our stile , which is : that i succour thee with counsell , though thou giue me no money therefore : for i count thy couetousnesse to bee such , that for all the good counsell , and counsellours of rome , thou wilt not vouchsafe to giue one quatrine of capua . now for the good that i wish thee , and for that which i owe to the law of friendshippe , i will presently giue thee a counsell , whereby thou maiest know what a good man ought to doe , to bee beloued of god , and feared and loued of men . if thou wilt quietly leade thy life in this miserable world , retaine this well in memory which i write vnto thee , first , the good deeds thou hast receyued of any , those shalt thou remember : and the wrongs thou hast sustained , them shalt thou forget . secondarily , esteeme much thy owne little , and weigh not the much of an other . thirdly , the company of the good alwaies couet , and the conuersation of the euill dayly flye . fourthly , to the great shew thy selfe graue , and to the small more conuersant . fiftly , to those which are present , do alwaies good works : and of those that be absent , alwaies speake good words . sixtly , weigh little the losse of fortune , and esteeme much things of honour . the seuenth , to winne one thing , neuer aduenture thou manie : nor for many things doubtful do not aduenture any one thing certaine . finally , and lastly , i pray thee , and aduertise thee that thou haue no enemie , and that thou keepe but one friend . he which among the good , will bee counted for good , none of these things hee ought to want , i know well that thou wilt haue great pleasure to see these my counsels well written : but i ensure thee , i shal haue greater pleasure to see them in thy decdes well obserued : for by writing to giue good counsell , it is easie : but by workes to follow the same , is maruellous hard . my faithfull friendship to thee plighted , and thy great ability considered , caused mee alwayes for thee in rome to procure honourable offices , and by my sute thou hast beene edite , and tribune , and master of the horses , wherein thou behauedst thy selfe with such wisedome , that all the senate therefore yeelded mee most hearty thanks , i procuring them for thee , and thou for thy selfe winning such perpetuall renowme . one thing of thee i vnderstand , which with good will i would not haue knowne , and much lesse that any such thing by thee should haue bin committed : that is to say ; that thou leauing thy office of pretorship in the ware by lande , hast taken vpon thee the traffique of a marchaunt by sea : so that those which in rome knew thee a knight , doe see thee now in capua , a marchaunt . my pen indyting this my letter , for a time stood in suspence for no other cause , but onely to see what thing in thee first i might best blame : either the noble office which thou didst forsake , or the vile and base estate which thou hast chosen . and though thou be so much bereaued of thy sences , yet call to minde thy auncient predecessours which died in the warres , onely to leaue theyr children , and nephews armed knights : and that thou presently seekest to loose thy libertie throgh thy couetousnes , which they wan by their valiantnes . i thinke i am not deceyued , that if thy predecessors were reuiued , as they were ambicious of honour , so would they bee greedy to eate thee in morsels , sinues , bones & all . for the childrē which vniustly take honour from their fathers , of reason ought to loose their liues . the castles , townes , houses , mountaines , woods , beastes , iewells , and siluer , which our predecessors haue left vs , in the end by long continuance do perish : and that which causeth vs to haue perpetuall memorie of them , is , the good renowme of theyr life . and therefore if this bee true , it is a great shame for their parentes to haue such children , in whome the renowme of their predecessours doth end . in the flourishing time of cicero the orator , when by his counsel the whole common-wealth was gouerned , hee being then of power , both in knowledge , and of money : salust saide vnto him in his inuectiue , that hee was of base stocke : wherevnto hee aunswered : great cause haue i to render thankes vnto the gods , that i am not as thou art , by whō thy high linage is ended : but my poore stocke by me doth now begin to rise . it is great pittie to see , how many good , noble , and valiaunt men are dead : but it is more griefe to see presently their children vicious & vnthrifts . so that there remaineth as much memory of their infamy , as ther doth of the others honesty . thou makest me ashamed , that thou hast forsaken to conquere the enemyes as a romane knight , and that thou arte become a marchant , as a poore plebeian . thou makest mee to muse a little , my friende cincinnatus , that thou wilt harme thy familiars , and suffer straungers to liue in peace . thou seekest to procure death to those which giue vs life : and to deliuer from death , those which take our life . to rebells thou giuest rest , and to the peace-makers , thou giuest anoyance . to those which take from vs our owne thou wilt giue , and to those which giueth vs of theirs , thou wilt take . thou condemnest the innocents , and the condemned , thou wilt deliuer . a defender of thy countrey thou wilt not bee , but a tyraunt of thy common-wealth . to all these things aduentureth he , which leaueth weapons , and falleth to marchandise . with my self oft times i haue mused , what occasion should mooue thee to forsake chiualrie , wherein thou hadst such honour , and to take in hand marchaundise , where of followeth such in famie ? i say , that it is as much shame for thee to haue gone from the warres as it is honor for those which are born to office in the common-wealth . my friend cincinnatus , my end tendeth not to condemne marchaundise nor marchaunts , nor to speake euill of those which trafficke , by the trade of buying and selling . for , as without the valiant knights , warres cannot bee atchieued : so likewise without the diligent marchants , the commonwealth cannot be maintained ? i cannot imagine for what other cause thou shouldest forsake the warres , and trafficque marchandise , vnlesse it were , because thou now being old and wantest force to assault men openly in the straytes : shouldst with more ease sitting in thy chayre , robbe secretly in the market-place . o poore cincinnatus , sithens thou buiest cheap & sellest deare , promisest much , & performest little : thou buiest by one measure , and sellest by another , thou watchest that none deceyue thee , and playest therein as other marchants accustome . and to conclude , i sweare , that the measure wherewith the gods shall measure thy life , shall bee much iuster then that of thy merites . thou hast taken on thee an office , wherewith , the which they companions in many daies haue robbed , thou in one houre by deceit dost get , and afterwards the time shall come , when all the goods which thou hast gotten , both by truth , and falshood , shall bee lost , not onely in an houre which is long , but in a moment which is but short . whether wee giue much , we haue much , we may do much , or we liue much , yet in the end the gods are so iust , that all the euill we do cōmit shall be punished , and for all the good wee worke , we shall be rewarded , so that the gods oftentimes permit , that one alone shall scourge many , and afterwards the long time punisheth all . chap. xxvii . the emperour concludeth his letter , and perswadeth his friend cincinnatus to despise the vanities of the world , and sheweth though a man bee neuer so wise , yet he shall haue need of another mans counsell . if i knew thy wisedome esteemed the world , and the vanities thereof , so much as the worlde doth possesse thee , and thy dayes , as by thy white hairs most manifestly doth appeare : i need not to take the pains to perswade thee , nor thou shouldest bee annoied in hearing me : notwithstanding thou beeing at the gate of great care , reason would that some should take the clapper to knocke threeat , with some good counsell : for though the rasor be sharpe , it needeth sometimes to be whet . i meane though mans vnderstanding bee neuer so cleare , yet from time to time it needeth counsell . vertuous men oft times doe erre , not because they would fall , but for that the things are so euill of disgestion , that the vertue they haue , sufficeth not to tell them what thing is necessary for their profit . for the which cause it is necessary , that his will bee brideled , his wit fyned , his opinion changed , his memory sharpened , and aboue all , now and then , that hee forsake his owne aduise , and cleaue vnto the counsell of an other . men which couet to make high , sumptuous , faire and large buildings , haue great care that the foundation thereof bee surely layed : for where the foundations are not sure , there the whole buildings are in great danger . the manners and conditions of this world , ( that is to say ) the prosperous estates whereupon the children of vanity are set , are founded of quicke-sand : in that sort , that bee they neuer so valiant , prosperous and mighty , a little blast of winde doth stirre them , a little heat of prosperity doth open thē , a shower of aduersity doth wet thē , and vnawares death striketh them all flat to the ground . men seeing they cannot bee perpetuall , do procure to continue themselues , in raising vp proud buildings , & leauing to theyr children great estates : wherein i count them fooles , no lesse then in things superfluous : for admit the pillers be of gold , the beames of siluer , and that those which ioyne them bee kings , & those which build them noble , & in that mining they consume a . yeares before they can haue it out of the ground , or that they can come to the bottomes : i sweare vnto them , that they shall finde no stedy rocke , nor liuely mountain , where they may build their house sure , nor to cause their memory to bee perpetuall . the immortall gods haue participated all things to the mortal men , immortality onely reserued , & therefore they are called immortall , for so much as they neuer dye , and wee others are called mortall , because dayly we vanish away . o my friēd cincinnatus , men haue an end , & thou thinkest the gods neuer ought to ende . now greene , now ripe , now rotten , fruit is seuered from this life , from the tree of the miserable flesh , and esteem this as nothing , for so much as this is naturall . but oftentimes in the leafe or flower of youth , the frost of some disease , or the perill of some mishap doth take vs away : so that when wee thinke to be aliue in the morning , we we are dead in the night . it is a tedious and long worke to weaue a cloth : yet whē in many daies it is wouen , in one moment it is cut . i meane , that it is much folly to see a man with what toyle hee enricheth himselfe , and into what perill he putteth himself to win a state of honour : and afterwards when wee thinke litle we see him perish in his estate , leauing of him no memory . o my friend cincinnatus , for the loue that is betweene vs , i desire thee , and by the immortall gods i do coniure thee , that thou giue no credit to the world which hath this condition , to hide much copper vnder little gold , vnder the colour of one truth , hee telleth vs a thousand lyes , and with one short pleasure he mingleth tenne thousand displeasures . he beguileth those to whom he pretendeth most loue , and procureth great damages to them , to whom he giueth most goods , hee recompenseth them greatly which serue him in iest , and to those which truly loue him , he giueth mockes for goods . finally , i say , that when wee sleepe most sure , he waketh vs with greatest perill . eyther thou knowest the world with his deceit , or not : if thou knowest him not , why dost thou serue him , if thou dost know him , why dost thou follow him ? tell mee , i pray thee , wouldest not thou take the theefe for a foole , which would buy the rope , wherewith hee should bee hanged , and the murtherer that would make the sword wherewith hee should bee beheaded , and the robber by the hie-way , that would shew the well wherein hee should be cast ? and the traytor that should offer himselfe in place for to be quartered ? the rebel that shold disclose himselfe to be stoned ? then i swear vnto thee , that thou art much more a foole which knowest the world , and will follow it , and serue it . one thing i will tell thee , which is such , that thou neuer oughtest to forget it , that is to say that we haue great need of faith , not to beleeue the vanities which we see , then to beleeue the great malice which with our eares we heare . i returne to aduise thee , to read and consider this word which i haue spoken , for it is a sentence of profound mistery . doest thou thinke cincinnatus , that rich men haue little care to get great riches ? i let thee know that the goods of this world are of such condition , that before the poore man doth locke vp in his chests an . crownes : hee feeleth a thousand griefes and cares in his heart . our predecessors haue seen it , we see it presently , & our successors shall see it : that the money which wee haue gotten is in a certaine number : but the cares and trauels which it bringeth are infinit . we haue few painted houses , and few noble estates in rome , that within a litle time haue not great cares in theyr hearts , cruell enmityes with their neighbours , much euill will of theyr heyres , disordinate importunities of their frends , perilous malices of their enemies , and aboue all in the senate they haue innumerable proces : and oft times to locke vp a little good in their chests , they make tenne thousand blots in their honour . oh how manie haue i knowne in rome , to whom it hath chaunced , that all that they haue gotten in rome , to leaue vnto their best beloued childe : another heyre ( with little care , ) of whom they thought not , hath enioyed it . there can bee nothing more iust , then that all those which haue beguyled others with deceyte in their life , should bee found deceyued in their vaine imaginations after theyr death . iniurious should the gods be , if in all the euils that the euill propound to doe , they should giue them time and place to accomplish the same . but , the gods are so iust and wise , that they dissemble with the euill , to the ende they should beginne , and follow the things according to theyr owne wills and fantasies : and afterwardes at their best time , they cut off their liues , to leaue them in greater torment . the gods should bee very cruell , and to them it should bee great griefe to suffer , that that which the euill haue gathred , to the preiudice of many good , they shold enioy in peace many yeres . mee thinketh it great follie , to knowe that we are borne weeping and to see that wee dye sighing : and yet for all this , wee dare liue laughing ? i would aske of the world and his worldlings , sithens that we enter into the world weeping , and go out of the world sighing : why wee should liue laughing ? for , the rule to measure all parts , ought to be equall . oh cincinnatus , who hath beguyled thee ? to the ende that for one bottle of water of the sea of this worlde for thy pleasure , thou wilt blister thy hand with the rope of cares , and bruse thy bodie in the anckor of troubles : and aboue all to aduenture thine own honour , for a glasse of water of another man. by the faith of a good man , i sweare vnto thee , that for all that great quantitie of water thou drawest , for that great deale of money thou hast , thou remainest as much deade for thyrste , drinking of that water , as when thou wert without water in the cup. consider nowe thy yeares , if my counsell thou wilt accept , thou shalt demaund death of the gods , to rest thee as a vertuous man : and not riches to liue as a foole. with the teares of mine eyes i haue bewayled manie in rome , when i saw them depart out of this worlde : and thee i haue bewayled , and do bewaile ( my friend cincinnatus ) with drops of bloud , to see the return into the world the credite thou hadst in the senate , the bloud of thy predecessours , my friendship , the authoritie of thy person , the honour of thy parentage : the slaunder of thy common-wealth , ought to withdraw thee from so great couetousnesse . oh poore cincinnatus , consider the white honored haires which doe fall , ought to be occupied in the noble armies : sithens thou art noble of bloud , valiant in person , auncient of yeares , and not euill willed in the common-wealth . for , thou oughtest to consider , that more worth is reason , for the pathway of men which are good : then the common opinion , which is the large high way of the euill . for , if it be narow to go on the one side , there is no dust wherewith the eyes be blinded , as in the other . i will giue thee a counsell , and if thou feelest thy selfe euill , neuer count thou mee for friend . lust no more after the greasie fatte of temporal goods , since thou hast short life : for wee see daily manie , before they come to thy age dye , but wee see fewe after thy age liue . after this counsell i will giue thee an aduise , that thou neuer trust present prosperitie : for , then alway thou art in daunger of some euill fortune : if thou art mounted into such pricking thornes as a foole : me thinketh thou oughtest to discend as a sage . and in this sort all will say amongst the people , that cincinnatus is descended , but not fallen . my letter i will conclude , and the conclusion thereof see well thou note , that is to say : that thou and thy trade shall bee cursed : where you other merchaunts will liue poore , to dye rich . once againe i returne to curse you , for the couetousnes of an euill man is alwayes accomplished , to the preiudice of manie good . my wife faustine doeth salute thee , and she was not a litle troubled when she knew thou wert a marchaunt , and that thou keepest a shop in capua . i send thee a horse to ride vppon , and one of the most richest arras of trypolie , to hang thy house withall , a precious ring , and a a pommel of a sword of alexandrie : and all these things i do not send thee , for that i know thou hast neede thereof : but rather not to forget the good custome i haue to giue . pamphile thy aunt and my neighbour is dead , and i can tell thee , that in rome dyed not a woman of a long time , which of her left such renowme : for so much as she forgot all enmities : shee succoured the poore , she visited the banished , she entertained friends , and also i hearde say , that shee alone did light all the temples . prescilla thy cousin hath the health of body , thogh for the death of her mother her heart is heauie . and without doubt she hath reason : for the onely sorrowes which the mothers suffer to bring vs forth , though with drops of bloud we shold bewaile them , yet wee cannot recompence them . the gods be in thy custodie and preserue mee , with my wife faustine , from all euill fortune . marke of mount celio , with his owne hand . chap. xxviii . ¶ the authour perswadeth princes and great lordes to flye couetousnes and auarice , and to become bountifull and liberall , which vertue is euer pertinent to the royall person , &c. pisistratus , the renowmed tyrant among the athenians , since his friends coulde not endure the cruelties that he committed , eache one returned to his owne house , and vtterly forsook him . the which when the tyraunt saw , hee layd all his treasure and garments on a heape together , and went to visite his friends , to whome with bitter teares hee spake these word . all my apparell and money here i bring you , with determination , that if you will vse my company , we will go all to my house , and if you will not come into my company , i am determined to dwell in yours . for , if you bee weary to follow mee , i haue great desire to serue you : sithens you know that they cannot be called faithfull friendes , where the one cannot beare with the other , plutarchus in his apothegmes saith : that this tyraunt pisistratus was verie rich , and extreame couetous : so that they write of him , that the golde and siluer which once came into his possession , neuer man saw it afterwards : but if hee had necessitie to buy anie thing , if they would not present it vnto him willinglie , hee would haue it by force . when he was dead , the athenians determined to weigh him and his treasure : the case was maruellous , that the gold and siluer hee had weied more then his dead body sixe times . at that time in athens there was a philosopher called lido , of whom the athenians demaunded , what they should doe with the treasure and dead body ? mee thinketh ( qd , this philosopher ) that if those which are liuing , did know any siluer or gold which the tyrant tooke from them , it should bee restored againe immediately : and doe not maruell hereat , that i doe not require it to bee put in the common treasure : for god will not permit that the common wealth bee enriched with the theft of tyrants : but with the swet of the inhabitants . if any goods remaine which doe not appeare from whom they haue beene taken , me thinketh that they ought to bee distributed among the poore : for nothing can bee more iust then that which the goods wherewith the tirant hath empouerished many , with the selfe same wee should enrich some . as touching his buriall , me thinketh hee ought to bee cast out to the fowles to bee eaten , and to the dogs to be gnawne . and let no man thinke this sentence to bee cruell : for we are bound to do no more for him at his death , then hee did for himselfe in his life , who being so ouercome with auarice that he would neuer disburse so much money , as should buy him seuen foot of earth wherein his graue should bee made , and will you know , that the gods haue done a great good to all greece to take life from this tirant : first , it is good , because much goods are dispersed , which heretofore lay hid , and serued to no purpose . secondly , that many tongues shal rest : for the treasures of this tirant , made great want in the common-wealth , and our tongues the greatest part of the day were occupied , to speake euill of his person . me thinketh this philosopher hath touched two things , which the couetous man doth in the cōmon-welth , that is to say , that drawing much golde and siluer to the hidden treasure , hee robbeth the marchandize wherewith the people doe liue : the other damage is , that as hee is hated of all , so he causeth rancour and malice in the hearts of all : for he maketh the rich to murmur , and the poore to blaspheme . one thing i reade of in the lawes of the lumbardes , worthy ( of truth ) to bee noted and knowne , and no lesse to be followed , which is , that all those which should haue gold , siluer , money , silkes , and clothes , euery yeare they should bee registred in the place of iustice . and this was , to the ende , not to consent , nor permit them to heap much , but that they should haue to buy , sell , and traffique , wherby the goods were occupied among the people : so that he which did spēd the money to the profit of his house , it was taken for good of the common-wealth . if christians would do that which the lūbards did , there should not be so many couetous men in the common wealth : for nothing can bee more vniust , then one rich man heape vp that which wold suffice . to liue with all : we cannot deny , but that cursed auarice to al sorts of men , is as preiudicial , as the moth which eateth all garments . therefore speaking the truth , there is no house that it doth not defile : for it is more perillous to haue a clod of earth fall into a mans eye , then a beame vpon his foote . agesilaus the renowmed king of the lacedemonians , beeing asked of a man of thebes , what word was most odible to be spoken to a king : and what word was that that could honor him most ? hee aunswered . the prince with nothing so much ought to bee annoyed , as to say vnto him that hee is rich , and of nothing hee ought so much to reioyce , as to be called poore . for , the glory of the good prince consisteth not in that hee hath great treasures : but in that hee hath giuen great recompences . this word without doubt , of all the world was one of the most royallest and worthyest to be committed vnto me morie , alexander , pyrrhus , nicanor , ptholomeius , pompeius , iulius caesar , scipto , hanniball , marcus porlius , augustus , cato , traian , theodose , marcus aurelius : &c. all these princes haue bin very valiaunt and vertuous : but adding hereunto also , the writers which had written the deeds that they did in their liues , haue mentioned also the pouertie which they had at their death . so that they are no lesse exalted , for the riches they haue spent , then for the prowesses they haue done . admit that men of meane estate be auaritious , and princes & great lords also couetous : the fault of the one is not equall with the vice of the other , though in the ende all are culpable : for if the poore man keepe , it is for that hee would not want , but if the knight hoord , it is because he hath too much . and in this case i would say , that cursed bee the knight which trauelleth , to the end that goods abound , and doth not care that betweene two bowes his renowm fall to the ground . sithens princes and great lordes will that men doe count them noble , vertuous , and valiaunt , i would fayne know what occasion they haue to be niggards and hard ? if they say , that that which they keepe is to eate , herein there is no reason : for in the end , where the rich eateth least at his table , there are many that had rather haue that which remaineth , then that which they prouide to eate in their houses . if they say that that which they keepe is to apparrell them , herein also they haue as little reason : for the greatnes of lordes consisteth not in that they should bee sumptuously apparrelled , but that they prouide that their seruants goe not rent not torne . if they say it is to haue in their chambers precious iewels , in their hals rich tapestry , as little would i admit this answere : for all those which enter into princes pallaces , doe behold more if those that haunt their chambers bee vertuous , then that the tapestries be rich . if they say it is to compasse their cities with walles , or to make fortresses on their frontiers : so likewise is this answere among the others very cold . for good princes ought not to trauell , but to be well willed , and if in their realms they be welbeloued , in the world they can haue no walles so strong , as in the hearts of their subiects . if they tell vs that that they keepe is to marry their children , as little reason is that , for sithence princes and great lords haue great inheritances , they need not heape much : for if their children bee good , they shall encrease that shall be left them : and if by mishappe they be euill , they shall as well lose that which shall bee giuen them . if they say vnto vs that which they heape is for the wartes in like manner , that is no iust excuse : for if such warre bee not iust , the prince ought not to take it in hand , nor the people thereunto to condiscend : but if it be iust , the common-wealth then and not the prince shall beare the charges thereof . for in iust warres , it is not sufficient that they giue vnto the prince all their goods , but also they must themselues in person hazzard theyr liues . if they tell vs that they keepe it to giue and dispose for theyr soules , at their dying day : i say it is not onely for want of wisedome , but extreame sollie . for , at the houre of death princes ought more to reioyce , for that they haue giuen , then for that at that time they giue . oh how princes and great lordes are euill counselled , since they suffer themselues to be slaundered for being couetous , onely to heape a little cursed treasure . for experience teacheth vs , no man can be couetous of goods , but needs he must be prodigall of honour , and abandon libertie . plutarche , in the booke which hee made of the fortunes of alexander , saith : that alexander the great had a priuate seruant , called perdicas : the which seeing that alexander liberally gaue all that which by great trauell hee attained : on a day he said vnto him : tell mee , most noble prince , sithens thou giuest all that thou hast vnto others , what wilt thou haue for thy selfe ? alexander answered . the glorie remaineth vnto mee , of that i haue wonne and gotten : and the hope of that which i will giue and winne . and further he said vnto him , i will tell thee perdicas : if i knew that men thought , that all that which i take were for couetousnes , i sweare vnto thee by the god mars , that i would not beate downe one corner in a towne : and to winne all the world , i would not go one dayes iourney . my intention is , to take the glorie vnto my selfe , and to diuide the goods amongst others . these words so high , were worthy of a valiant and vertuous prince , as of alexander which spake them . if that which i haue read in books doe not beguile mee , and that which with these eyes i haue seen : to become rich , it is necessarie that a man giue : for that princes and great lords , who naturally are giuen to bee liberall , are alwayes fortunate to haue . it chaunceth oft times , that some man giuing a little , is counted liberal , and another giuing much , is counted a niggard : the which proceedeth of this , that they know not , that liberalitie and niggardnesse consisteth not in giuing much or little : but to knowe well how to giue . for , the rewardes and recompences , which out of time are distributed , doe neyther profite them which receyue them , neyther agree to him which giueth them . a couetous man giueth more at one time , then a noble and free heart doeth in twentie : thus saith the prouerbe , it is good comming to a niggardes feast . the difference betweene the liberality of the one , and the misery of the other is , that the noble and vertuous doth giue that he giueth to many : but the niggard giueth that hee giueth , to one onely . of the which vnaduisement , princes ought carefully to beware . for if in such case one man alone should be found , which would commende his liberality , there are ten thousand which would condemne his couetousnes . it happeneth ofte times to princes and great lordes , that indeede they are free to recompence , but in giuing , they are very vnfortunate . and the cause is , that they giue it not to vertuous persons and wel conditioned , but to those which are vnthankefull , and doe not acknowledge the benefite receyued . so that in giuing to some , they they haue not made them their friēds , and in not giuing vnto others , they haue made them their enemyes . it sufficeth not vnto princes and great lordes , to haue a great desire to giue , but to know , when , how , or where , and to whom they ought to giue : for if they bee accused , otherwise to heape vp treasures , they ought also to be condemned for that they doe giue . when a man hath lost all that he hath in play , in whores , in banquets , and other semblable vices : it is but reason they bee ashamed : but when they haue spent it , like noble , stout , and liberall men , they ought not to bee discontented ; for the wise man ought to take no displeasure for that he loseth , but for that hee euill spendeth : and hee ought to take no pleasure for that hee giueth , but for that he giueth not well . dion the grecian in the life of the emperour seuerus sayth , that one day in the feast of the god ianus , when hee had giuen diuers rewardes and sundry gifts , as well to his owne seruants , as to str●ngers , and that he was greatly commended of all the romanes , he sayde vnto them . doe you thinke now ( romans ) that i am very glad for the gifts , rewards , and recompences which i haue bestowed : and freely giuen , and that i am very glorious for the prayses you haue giuen mee ? by the god mars i sweare vnto you , and let the god ianus bee so mercifull vnto vs all this yeare , that the pleasure i haue is not so great for that i haue giuen : as the griefe is , for that i haue no more to giue . chap. xxix . the author followeth his intention , and perswadeth gentlemen and those that professe armes , not to abase themselues for gaines sake , to take vpon them any vile function or office . plutarch in his apothegmes sayeth , that king ptolomeus the first , was a prince of so good a nature , and so gentle in conuersation , that oft times he went to supper to the houses of his familiar friendes , and many nights he remayned there to sleepe . and truely in this case hee shewed himselfe to be welbeloued of his : for speaking according to the truth , a prince on whose life dependeth the whole state of the commōwealth , ought to credite few at the table , and also fewer in the bed . another thing this ptolomeus did , which was , when he inuited his friendes to dinner or supper , or other strangers , of some he desired to borrow stools , of others napkins , and of others cups : and so of other things , for hee was a prodigall prince : for all that his seruants in the morning had bought , before the night following he gaue it away . one day all the nobles of his realme of egypt assembled together , and desired him very earnestly , that hee would bee more moderate in giuing : for they sayd , through his prodigality , the whole realme was empouerished . the king answered : you others of egypt are maruellously deceiued , that the poore and needy prince is troubled . in this i dare say vnto you , that the poore and needie prince ought to thinke himselfe happie : for good princes ought more to seeke to enrich others , then to heape vp treasures for themselues . oh happie is the common-wealth which deserueth to haue such a prince , and happy is that tongue , which could pronounce such a sentence . certainly this prince to all princes gaue good example and counsell , ( that is to say ) that for them it was more honor , and also more profite , to make others rich , then to be rich themselues . for if they haue much , they shal want no crauers , and if they haue little , they shall neuer want seruants to serue them . suetonius tranquillus in the booke of caesars , sayth : that titus the emperour one night after supper , from the bottome of his heart fetched a heauie sighe : and hee being demaunded of those which were at his table , why hee sighed so sore ? hee aunswered . wee haue lost at this day my friendes . by the which wordes the emperour meant , that he counted not that day amongst those of his life : wherin he had giuen no reward nor gift . truly this noble prince was both valiaunt and mightie , since hee sighed and had displeasure , not , for that which in many dayes hee had giuen , but because that one day he had failed to giue any thing . pelopa of thebes , was a man in his time , very valiaunt , and also rich , and sith hee was fortunate in getting , and liberall in spending : one asked him , why hee was so prodigall to giue ? he aunswered . if to thee it seemeth that i giue much , to mee it seemeth yet i should giue more : sithens the goods ought to serue me , and not i to honor them . therefore , i will that they call mee the spender of the goods , and not the stewardes of the house . plutarche in his apothegmes , saith : that k. darius flouting at k. alexander , for beeing poore , sent to know where his treasures were for such great armyes ? to whom alexander the great aunswered . tell king darius , that hee keepeth in his coffers , his treasours of mettall : and that i haue no other treasours , then the hearts of my friendes . and further tell him , that one man alone can robbe all his treasors : but he and all the world can not take my treasures from mee , which are my friendes . i durst say , affirming that alexander saide : that hee cannot bee called poore , which is rich of friends . for , we say by experience , alexander with his friendes , tooke king darius treasures from him : and king darius with all his treasures , was not puissant enough to take alexanders friendes from him . those which of theyr naturall inclination are shamefast , and in estate noble , they ought aboue all things to flye the slaunder of couetousnes : for , without doubt greater is that honour which is lost , then the goods that are gotten . if princes and great lordes , of their owne naturall inclination be liberall , let them followe their nature : but if perchaunce of their own nature they are enclyned to couetousnes : let them enforce their will. and if they will not doe it , i tell them which are present , that a day shall come , when they shall repent . for , it is a generall rule , that the disordinate couetousnes , doe raise against themselues all venemous tongues . thinke that when you watch to take mens goods , that others watch in like manner to take your honor . i doe not thinke that your life can be sure : for , there is no law that doeth ordaine , nor pacience that can suffer , to see my neighbour liue in quiet by the sweat of my browes . a poore man esteemeth as much a cloake , as the rich man doeth his delicious life : therefore it is a good consequent , that if the rich man take the gowne from the poore , the poore man ought to take the life frō the rich . phocion amongst the greekes was greatly renowmed : and this , not so much for that hee was sage , as for that hee did despise all worldly riches : vnto whome , when alexander the great ( king of macedonte , ) had sent him an hundred markes of siluer , he said vnto those that brought it : why doth alexander sende this money vnto me , rather then to other phylosophers of greece ? they aunswered him : hee doth send it vnto thee , for that thou art the least couetous , and most vertuous . then aunswered this phylosopher , tell alexander , that though he knoweth not what belongeth vnto a prince , yet i knowe well what pertayneth to a phylosopher . for , the estate and office of phylosophers is , to despise the treasurs of princes : and the office of princes , is to aske counsell of phylosophers . and further phocion said : you shall say also to alexander , that in that hee hath sent mee , hee hath not shewed himselfe a pittyfull friend , but a cruell enemie : for esteeming mee an honest man ( such as hee thought i was ) he should haue holpen me to haue been such . these wordes were worthie of a wise man. it is great pittie , to see valiaunt and noble men to be defamed of couetousnes , and onely for to get a fewe goods , hee abaseth himselfe to vile offices : which appertaine rather to meane persons , then to noble men and valiaunt knights . whereof insueth , that they liue infamed , and all their friēds slandered . declaring further i say , that it seemeth great lightnes , that a knight should leaue the honorable estate of chiualrie , to exercise the handycrafte of husbandrie : and that the horses should bee chaunged into oxen , the speares to mattockes , and the weapons into ploughes : finally , they doe desire to toyle in the fields , and refuse to fight in the frontiers . oh , how much some knightes of our time haue degenerated , from that their fathers haue bin in times past : for their predecessors did aduance themselues of the infidells , which in the the fields they slew , and their children brag of their corne and sheepe they haue in their grounds , our auncient knights were not wont to sigh , but when they saw themselues in great distresse , and their successors weepe nowe , for that it rayned not in the moneth of may. their fathers did striue which of them could furnish most men , haue moste weapons , and keepe most horses : but their children now a dayes contend , who hath the finest witte , who can heape vp greatest treasours , and who can keepe most sheepe . the auncients striued who should keepe most men : but these worldlings at this day striue , who can haue greatest reuenues . wherefore i say , since the one doeth desire as much to haue great rents , as the others did delight to haue many weapons : it is as thogh fathers should take the sword by the pomell , and the children by the scabberd all the good arts are peruerted , and the arte of chiualrie aboue all others is despised : and not without cause , i called it an art : for the ancient philosophers cōsumed a great time to write the lawes that the knights ought to keepe . and as now the order of the the carthaginiās seemeth to bee most streight , so in times past , the order of knighthood was the streightest . to whom i sweare , that if they obserued the order of chiualry , as good & gentle knights : there remained no time vacant for them in life to bee vitious , nor wee should accuse them at theyr death as euil christians . the true and not fayned knight , ought not to bee prowde , malicious , furious , a glutton , coward , prodigall , niggard , a lyer , a blasphemer , nor negligent . finally , i say , that all those ought not to bee iudged as knights , which haue golden spurs , vnlesse he hath therewith an honest life . o if it pleased the king of heauen , that princes would now a daies examine as straightly those , which haue cure of soules , as the romanes did those which had but charge of armies . in old time they neuer dubbed any man knight , vnlesse hee were of noble bloud , proper of person , moderate in speech , exercised in the war , couragious of heart , happy in armes , and honest in life : finally , he ought of all to bee beloued for his vertue , and of none hated for his vice . the knights in whom these vertues shined bright in rome , had diuers liberties , that is to say , that they onely might weare rings , ride on horsebacke through the streetes , they might haue a shield , shut the gates at dinner , they might drinke in cupps of siluer , speake to the senate , and make defyances , they might demand the ensigne , weare weapons , take the charge of embassage , and ward at the gates of rome the author hereof is blondus in the booke de italia illustrata . if plinie deceyue vs not in an epistle , & plutarch in his politikes , seneca in a tragedy , and cicero in his paradoxes : there was nothing wherein the ancients were more circumspect , then in electing of their knights : now it is not so , but that one hauing money to buy a lordship , immediately he is made knight : it is not to fight against the enemies in the field , but more freely to commit vices , and oppresse the poore in the towns . to the end he may be a good christian , hee ought to thinke vpon iesus crucified , & to be a good knight , he ought alwayes to behold the armes of his shield , the which his grandfather , or great grandfather wanne . for they they shall see , that they wanne them not beeing in their houses : but in shedding of the bloud of their enemies in the frontiers . chap. xxx . of a letter which the emperour wrote to mercurius his neighbour , a marchant of samia , wherein men may learne the daungers of those which traffique by sea and also see the couetousnesse of them that trauell by land . marcus aurelius emperor of rome , born in mount celio , wisheth to thee mercurius his speciall friend , health , and consolation in the gods , the onely comforters . it seemeth well , that we are friends , sithens wee doe the works of charity : for i vnderstanding here thy mishap immediatly sent a messenger to comfort thee , and in hearing my disease , thou sendest a friend of thine to visite me . wherefore men may perceiue if thou haddest me in mind , i did not forget thee . i vnderstand that the messenger that went , and the other that came , met in capua : the one carried my desire for thee , and the other brought thy letter for me . and if as diligently thou haddest read mine , as i attentiuly haue heard thine : thou shouldest thereby plainely know , that my heart was as full of sorrow , as thy spirite was full of paine . i was very glad , & great thanks i yeeld thee , that thou sendest to comfort me in my feuer tertian , & thy visitation came at the same houre that it left mee . but if the goddes did leaue this fact in my hands , euen as they thought it good to fixe the feuer in my bones : i would not leaue thee without comfort , nor giue place to the feuer to returne againe . oh how great is our pride , and the misery of mans life . i speake this because i do presume to take many realmes from other , & yet i haue not the power to plucke the feuer out of my owne bones . tell mee i pray thee ( mercurius ) what profite is it to vs to desire much , to procure much , to attaine much , and to presume much , since our dayes are so briefe , and our persons so frayle ? it is long time since we haue been bound together in friendshipp , and many yeeres haue passed since we haue knowne the one the other : and the day that thy friendship trusted my faith , immediately my faith was bound , that thy euils should be mine , and my goods thine : for as the diuine plato sayde , that onely is true friendship , where the bodies are . and the wils but one . i count that suspitious frendshippe where the hearts are so diuided , as the wils are feuered : for there are diuers in rome great friends in words , which dwell but x. house , a sunder , & haue their hearts ten thousand miles distant . when thou wentst from rome , and i came from samia , thou knowest the agreement which we made in capua , whereof i trust thou wilt not deceiue me now , but that i am another , thou here , and that thou shouldest be another , i there : so that my absence with thy presence , and thy presence with mine absence bee alwayes together : by relation of thy messenger , i vnder stood that thou hast lost much goods but as by thy letter i was enformed , the anguish of thy person was much greater . as we vnderstand here thou didst send a shippe laden with marchandize to greece , and the mariners and factors desiring more to profite by their wisedome , then to accomplish thy couetousnesse : did cast the marchandize into the sea , and onely they trauelled to saue their persons , in deede in so straight and perillous a case , thou hast no reason to accuse them , nor yet they are bound to satisfie thee : for no man can cōmit greater folly , then for the goods of others to hazard his owne proper life . pardon mee ( mercury ) i pray thee for that i haue spoken , and also for that i will say , which is , that for so much as the mariners and factors were not thy children , nor thy kinsemen , nor thy friends , so that thy marchandize might haue come to the hauen safe , thou hast little passed , if they had all been drowned in the deepe gulfe of the sea . further , i say , though i would not say it , and thou much lesse heare it , that according to the litle care which you other couetous men haue , of the children and factors of others , and according to the disordinate loue which you haue to your proper goods : whereas thou weepest bitterly for the losse of thy goods , though thou hadst seene all the mariners drowned , thou wouldest not haue shedde one teare : for romane marchants weepe rather for ten crownes lost , which they cannot recouer , then for ten men dying , the which tenne crownes would haue saued . mee thinketh it is neyther iust nor honest , that thou doe that which they tell mee thou doest , to complain of thy factors , and accuse thy mariners , onely to recouer of the poore men by land that which the fishe haue in their possession in the sea : for as thou knowest no man is bound to chaunge health , life nor the renowme of their persons , for the recouery of goods . alas what pittie haue i on thee mercurie ? in that the shippe was loaden with thy marchandise : and the worst of all is : that according to my vnderstanding , and thy feeling , the pyrates haue not caste such farthells into the sea , as thoughts haue burdened and oppressed thy heart . i neuer saw man of such condition as thou art , for that thou seest the ship , ( vntill such time ) as they cast the marchandise ouer the boord , could not sayle safely : and yet thou doest lode thy selfe with riches , to goe to thy graue . o grieuous and cursed riches , with the which neyther in the deepe seas , neither yet in the maine land , our persons are in safeguarde : knowing thy property , i would rather bind my selfe to seeke thy leade and tinne , then thy heart so wounded . for , in the ende , thy leade is together in some place in the bottome of the sea : but thy couetousnesse is seattered through all the whole earth . if perhaps thou shouldst dye , and the surgions with the sharpe rasours should open thy stomacke , i sweare vnto thee , by the mother berecynthia , ( which is the mother of all the gods of rome ) that they should rather finde thy heart drowned with the lead , then in life with thy bodie . now thou canst not be sicke of the feuer tertain as i am , for the heat within thy body , and the pain in thy head , would cause thee to haue a double quartaine : and of such disease thou canst not bee healed on thy bed , but in the ship : not on land , but on the sea : not with phisitions , but with pirats . for the physitions would carry away the money , and the pirats would shew thee where thy leade fell . trouble not thy selfe so much mercury , for though thou hast not thy lead with thee in the land , it hath thee with it in the sea , and thou oughtst inough to comfort thy selfe : for whereas before thou hadst it in thy coffers , thou hast it presently in thy intrailes . for , there thy life is drowned , where thy leade is cast . o mercury , now thou knowest , that the day that thou didst recommende thy goods to the vnknown rocks , and thy shippe to the raging seas , and thy outragious auarice vnto the furious windes , how much that thy factors went desiring thy profit and gaine , so much the more thou mightest haue bin assured of thy losse . if thou hadst had this consideration , and hadst vsed this diligence , thy desire had bin drowned , & thy goods escaped . for , men that dare aduenture theyr goods on the seas , they ought not to be heauy for that is lost , but they ought to reioice for that that is escaped , socrates , the auncient and great philosopher , determined to teach vs , not by words , but by workes , in what estimation a man ought to haue the goods of this world : for he cast into the sea not lead , but golde , not little , but much , not of another mans , but of his owne , not by force , but willingly , not by fortune , but by wisedome . finally , in this worthy fact , hee shewed so great courage , that no couetous man but would haue reioiced , to haue found so much on the land , as this phylosopher did delight to haue cast into the sea. that which socrates did was much , but greater ought we to esteeme that he said , which was this : oh yee deceytfull goods , i will drowne you , rather then you should drowne mee . since socrates feared , and drowned his owne proper goods , why doe not the couetousfeare to robbe the goods of other ? this wise philosopher wold not trust the fine gold : and thou doest trust the harde lead . drawe you two lots , socrates of athens , and thou of samia , see which of you two haue erred , or done well : hee to carry gold from the land to the sea , to bring golde to the land . i am assured , that the auncient romanes would say , that it is he : but the couetous of this present worlde would say , that it is thou . that which in this case i thinke is , that thou in praysing it , dost disprayse thy selfe , and socrates in dispraysing it , of all is praysed and esteemed . chap. xxxi . the emperour followeth his matter , & concludeth his letter , greatly reprouing his friend mercurius for that hee tooke thought for the losse of his goods . hee sheweth him the nature of fortune , and describeth the conditions of the couetous man. this messenger told mee , that thou art very sad , that thou cryest out in the night , and importunest the godds , wakest thy neighbours ; and aboue all , that thou complaynest of fortune , which hath vsed thee so euill : i am sorry for thy griefe : for griefe is a friend of solitude , enemy of company , a louer of darkenesse , strange in conuersation , and heyre of desperation . i am sorry thou cryest in the night ; for it is a sign of folly , a token of small patience , the point of no wise man , and a great proofe of ignorance : for at the houre when all the worlde is couered with darkenesse , thou alone dost discouer thy hart with exclamations . i am sorry that thou art vexed with the gods , saying , that they are cruell : forsomuch as if they haue taken any thing from thee for thy pride , they should restore it againe for thy humility : for as much as we offend the gods through the offence so much do wee appease them with patience . o my friend mercurius , knowest thou not that the patience which the gods haue in dissembling our faults , is greater , then that which men haue in suffering their chastisements ? for wee others vniustly do offend them , and they iustly punish vs. i am sorry that with thy exclamations and complaints thou slaunderest thy neighbours : for as thou knowest , one neighbour alwayes enuieth another , in especially the poore the rich . and according to my counsell , thou shouldest dissemble thy paine , and take all things in good part : for if perhaps thy riches haue caused thy sorrow , thy patience will moue them to compassion . i am sorry thou complainest of thy fortune : for fortune ( sith she is known of all ) doth not suffer her self to be defamed of one : and it is better to thinke with fortune how thou mayest remedy it , then to thinke with what griefe for to complaine . for there are diuers men which to publish their paine are very carefull , but to seeke remedy , are as negligent . o poore innocent mercurius , after so long forgetfulnesse , art thou more aduised to complain of fortune againe , and darest thou defie fortune , with whom all wee haue peace ? wee vnbend our bowes , and thou wilt charge thy launces : thou knowest not what warr meaneth , and yet thou wilt winne the victory : all are deceyued , and wilt thou alone goe safe ? what wilt thou more i say vnto thee : since i see thee commit thy selfe vnto fortune ? doest thou know , that it is shee that beateth downe the high walles , and defendeth the towne-ditches ? knowest thou not , that it is shee that peopleth the vnhabitable deserts , and dispeopleth the peopled cities ? knowest thou not , that it is shee that of enemies maketh friends : and of friendes enemies ? knowest thou not , that it is she that conquereth the conquerours : knowest thou not that it is shee that of traytors maketh faithfull , and of faithfull suspitious . finally , i will thou know , that fortune is shee which turneth realmes , breaketh armies , abasheth kings , rayseth tyrants , giueth life to the dead , and burieth the liuing : doest thou not remember , that the second king of the lacedemonians had ouer his gates such words : the pallace here behold where men doe striue , by fruitlesse toyle to conquere what they can , and fortune eke that princes fancies rine , by his vnbrideled will that alwayes wanne . certainely these words were hie , and proceeded of a high vnderstanding . and if in this case i may bee beleeued , they ought to be well noted of wise men , and not written before the gates , but imprinted within the hearts . better knew he fortune then thou , since hee tooke himselfe for one disinherited , and not as heire : and when hee lost any thing as thou , hee knew that hee receyued it by loane , and not that it was his owne . men in this life are not so much deceyued for any thing , as for to thinke that the temporall goods should remaine with them during life . now that god doth suffer it , now that our wofull fortune doth deserue it , i see no greater mishapps fall vnto any , then vnto them which haue the greatest estates and riches : so that truly wee may boldly say , that hee alone which is shut in the graue , is in safeguard from the vnconstancie of fortune . thy messenger hath tolde mee further , that this sommer thou preparedst thy selfe to rome , and now that it is winter thou wilt sayle to alexandria . o thou vnhappy mercurie , tell me i pray thee , how long it is , sithence thou lost thy sences : for asmuch as when this life doth end , thy auarice beginneth a new : thou foundest two cities very meete for thy traffique , that is to say , rome which is the scourge of all vertues , and alexandria , which is the chiefest for all vices . and if thou louest greatly those two cities , heare , i pray thee , what marchandize are solde therein . in rome thou shalt loade thy body with vices , and in alexandria thou shalt swell thy heart with cares . by the faith of a good man i doe sweare vnto thee , that if perchaunce thou buyest any thing of that which is heere , or sellest ought of that thou bringest from thence : thou shalt haue greater hūger of that thou shalt leaue then contentation of that thou shalt bring . thou doest not remember that wee are in winter , and that thou must passe the sea , in the which if the pirates doe not deceiue mee , the surest tranquility , is a signe of the greatest torment . thou mightest tell mee that thy shippes should returne without fraught , and therefore they shall sayle more surely . to this i aunswere thee , that thou shalt send them more loden with couetousnes , then they shall returne loden with silkes . o what a good change should it bee , if the auarice of italy could bee chaunged for the silke of alexandria . i sweare vnto thee , that in such case thy silke wold fraught a ship & our auarice wold lode a whole nauy that couetousnes is great , which the shame of the world dooth not oppresse : neyther the feare of death doth cause to cease . and this i say for thee , that sithens in this daungerous time thou durst sayle , eyther wisdome wanteth , or else auarice and couetousnesse surmounteth . to satisfie mee , and to excuse thee with those which speake to me of thee , i cannot tell what to say vnto them , but that god hath forgotten thee , and the seas do know thee . i pray thee , what goest thou to seeke ? since thou leauest the gouernement of thy house , and saylest in alexandrie ? peraduentur thou goest to the gulfe arpin , where the mariners cast in thy lead ? take heede mercury , and consider well what thou doest , for peraduenture where as thou thinkest for to take from the fish the hard lead , thou maiest leaue vnto them thy soft flesh , i haue knowne many in rome , which for to recouer one parte of that they haue lost , haue lost all that which was left vnto them . o my friende mercury , note , note ; note well this last word , whereby thou shalt know , what it is that you couetous men doe gape for in this life ? thou seekest care for thy selfe , enuy for thy neighbours , spurs for strangers , a baite for theeues , troubles for thy body , damnation for thy renowne , vnquietnesse for thy life , annoiance for thy friends , and occasion for thy enemies . finally , thou serchest maledictions for thy heyres , and long sutes for thy children . i cannot write any more vnto thee , because the feuer doth so vehemently vexe mee . i pray thee pray to the gods of samia for me : for medicines little profite , if the gods bee angry with vs. my wife faustine saluteth thee , and shee sayeth , that shee is sorry for thy losse : she sendeth thee a rich iewell for fabilla thy daughter , and i doe send thee a commission , to the end they shall giue thee a ship in recompence of thy leade . if thou saylest with it , come not by rhodes ; for we haue taken it from their pirates . the gods bee in thy custody , and giue mee and faustine a good life with ours , and a good name among straungers : i doe not write vnto thee with mine owne hand , for that my sicknesse doth not permit it . chap. xxxii . that princes and noble men ought to consider the misery of mans nature , and that brute beasts are in som points ( reason set apart ) to bee preferred vnto men . midas the auncient king of phrygia , was in his gouernment a cruell tyrant , and contented not himselfe to play the tirant in his owne proper countrey , but also maintained rouers on the sea , and theeues in the land to robbe straungers , this king mydas was well known in the realmes of the orient , and in such sort , that a friend of his of thebes sayde vnto him these words . i let thee to know k. mydas , that all those of thy owne realme doe hate thee , and all the other realmes of asia doe feare thee : and not for this that thou canst do much , but for the crafts and subtilties which thou vsest : by reason whereof all strangers , and all thine owne haue made a vow to god neuer to laugh during the terme of thy life , nor yet to weepe after thy death . plutarch in the booke of politiques sayeth , that when this king mydas was borne , the ants brought corne into his cradell , and into his mouth : and when the nurse wold haue taken it from him , hee shut his mouth , and would not suffer any person to take it from him . they beeing all amazed with this strange sight , demaunded the oracle what this betokened : who aunswered , that the childe should bee maruellous rich , and withall exceeding couetous : which the antes did betoken in filling his mouth with corne and afterwards hee woulde not giue them one onely graine , and euen so it chaunced , that king mydas was exceeding rich , and also very couetous : for hee would neuer giue any thing , but that which by force was taken from him , or by subtiltie robbed . in the schooles of athens at that time nourished a philosopher called sylenus , who in letters and purenesse of life was highly renowned . and as king mydas was knowne of many , to haue great treasures : so this philosopher silenus was no lesse noted for despising them . this philosopher silenus trauelling by the borders of phrygia , was taken by the theeues which robbed the country , and being brought before king mydas , the king sayd vnto him : thou art a philosopher , and i am a king , thou art my prisoner , & i am thy lord : i will that immediately thou tell mee , what ransome thou canst giue mee to redeeme thy person : for i let thee to know , that i am not contented any philosopher should perish in my country , because you other philosophers say , that you will willingly renounce the goods of the world , since you cannot haue it . the philosopher silenus answered him , mee thinketh ( king mydas ) that thou canst better execute tyranny then to talke of philosophy , for we make no account that our bodies bee taken , but that our willes bee at liberty . thy demaund is very simple , to demaund ransome of me for my person , whether thou takest mee for a philosopher or no. if i bee not a philosopher , what moueth thee to feare to keepe me in thy realme : for sooner shouldest thou make mee a tyrant , then i thee a phylosopher . if thou ●akstst mee for a philosopher , why doest thou demaund money of mee : since thou knowest i am a philosopher , i am a crafts man , i am a poet , and also a musitian : so that the time that thou in heaping vp riches hast consumed , the selfe same time haue i in learning spent . of a philosopher to demaund either gold or siluer for ransome of his person , is eyther a word in mockerie , or else an inuention of tyranny : for sithence i was borne in the world , riches neuer came into my hands , nor after them hath my heart lusted . if thou ( king mydas ) wouldest giue mee audience , and in the faith of a prince beleeue mee , i would tell thee what is the greatest thing , and next vnto that the second , that the gods may giue in this life , and it may bee , that it shall bee so pleasant vnto thee to heare , and so profitable for thy life , that thou wilt plucke mee from my enemies , and i may disswade thee from tirannies . when king mydas heard these words , hee gaue him licence to say these two things swearing vnto him to heare him with as much patience , as was possible . the philosopher silenus hauing licence to speake freely , taking an instrument in his hands , began to play and sing in this wise : the senate of the gods when they forethought on earthly wightes to still some royall grace , the chiefest gift the heauenly powers had wrought , had beene to sowe his seede in barren place . but when by steppes of such diuine constraint , they forced man perforce to fixe his line , the highest good to helpe his bootelesse plaint had beene to slyp , his race of slender twine . for then the tender babes both wante to know the deere delight that life doth after hale , and eke the dread , that grisly death doth shew , ere charons bote , to stigian shore doth sayle . these two things the philosopher proued with so high and naturall reasons , that it was a maruellous matter to see with what vehemency sylenas the philosopher sang them , and with what bitternesse mydas the tyrant wept . without doubt the sentences were maruelous profound , which the philosopher spake , and great reason had the king to esteeme it so much : for if wee doe prepare our selues to consider whereof wee are , and what we shall be , that is to say , that wee are of earth , and that we shall returne to earth : we would not cease to weepe , nor sigh . one of the greatest vanities which i finde among the children of vanity is , that they employ themselues to consider the influences of the starres the nature of the planets , the motion of the heauens , and they will not cōsider themselues , of which consideration they should take some profite . for man giuing his mind to thinke on strange things , commeth to forget his owne proper . oh if we would consider the corruption whereof wee are made , the filth whereof wee are engendred , the infinit trauell wherewith we are born , the long tediousnes wherewith we are nourished , the great necessities , and suspitions wherein wee liue , and aboue all , the perill wherein wee dye : i sweare and affirme , that in such consideration wee finde a thousand occasions to wish death , and not one to desire life . the children of vanity are occupyed many yeares in the schooles , to learne rethorike , they exercise themselues in philosophy , they heare aristotle , they learne homere without booke , they study cicero , they are occupied in xenophon , they hearken titus liuius , they forget not aulus gelius , and they know ouid : yet for all this i say , that we cannot say , that the man knoweth little , which doth know himselfe . eschines the philosopher sayde well , that it is not the least , but the chiefest part of philosophy to know man , and wherefore he was made : for if man would deepely consider what man is , he should finde more things in him which would moue him for to humble himselfe , then to stirre him to be proud , if we doe behold it without passion , and if we doe examine it with reason , i know not what there is in man. o miserable , and fraile nature of man , the which taken by it selfe , is little worth , and compared with an other thing is much lesse : for man seeth in brute beastes many things , which hee doth enuy : and the beasts doe see much more in men , whereon if they had reason , they would haue compassion . the excellencie of the soule layde aside , and the hope which we haue of eternall life , if man doe compare the captiuity of men to the liberty of beasts , with reason we may see , that the beasts doe liue a peaceable life , and that which men doe lead is but a long death . if we prepare our selues to consider , from the time that both man and beast come into this world , vntill such time as they both dye , and in how many thinges the beasts are better then men : with reason we may say , that nature like a pittifull mother hath shewed her selfe to beasts , and that she doth handle vs an vniust stepmother . let vs beginne therefore to declare more particularly the originall of the one , and the beginning of the other , and wee shall see how much better the brute beasts are endowed , and how the miserable men are disinherited . chap. xxxiii . the author followeth his purpose , and excellently compareth the misery of men , with the liberty of beasts . we ought deeply to consider , that no wilde nor tame beast is so long before hee come to his shape , as the miserable man is : who with corruption of bloud and vile matter is nine moneths hid in the wombe of his mother . wee see the beast when shee is great ( if neede require ) doth labour all exercises of husbandrie : so that shee is as ready to labour when she is great as if shee were empty . the contrary hapneth to women , which when they are big with child , are weary with going , trobled to be laid , they ride in chariots through the market places , they eate little , they brooke not that they haue eaten , they hate that which is profitable , and loue that which doth them harme : finally , a woman with childe is contented with nothing , and shee fretteth and vexeth with her selfe . sithence therefore it is tru●●hat we are noysome and trouble●●●e to our mothers when 〈◊〉 beare vs in theyr wombes , why doe we not giue them some safe conduct , when they are in deliuering ? o miserable state of mā , since the brute beasts are borne without destroying their mothers : but the miserable men before they are born , are troublesome and carefull , and in the time of their birth , are both perillous to themselues and dangerous to their mothers : which seemeth to be very manifest : for the preparation that man maketh when he wil die , the selfe same ought the woman to doe , when shee is ready to bee deliuered : wee must also consider , that though birdes haue but two feete , they can goe , moue , and runne , immediately when it commeth foorth : but when man is borne , hee cannot goe , nor moue , and much lesse runne . so that a popingey ought more to bee esteemed which hath no hands , then the man which hath both hands and feet . that which they do to the little babe is not but a prognostication of that which he ought to suffer in the progresse of his life : that is to say : that as they are not contented for to put the euill doer in prison , but they lode his hands with yrons , and set his feete in the stockes : so in like manner to the miserable man , when hee entreth into the cha●ter of his life , immediately they binde both his hands and his feete , and lay him in the cradell . so that the innocent babe is first bound and rolled , before hee bee embraced , or haue sucke of the mother . we must note also , that the houre wherein the beast is brought foorth : though it know not the sier which begate it , at the least it knoweth the damme which brought it forth which is apparant for so much as if the mother haue milke , the youngling forthwith doth seeke her teates : and if perchaunce the haue no milke , they goe afterwards to 〈◊〉 themselues vnder her wings . of the miserable man it is not so , but the day that hee is borne , he knoweth not the nurse , that giueth him sucke , neyther the father which hath begotten him , the mother which hath borne him , nor yet the mid-wife which hath receyued him : moreouer hee cannot see with his eies , heare with his eares , nor iudge with the taste , and knoweth neyther what it is to touch or smell : so that wee see him , to whome the seigniory ouer all brute beasts and other things ( that are created ) partayneth to bee borne the most vnable of all other creatures . we must consider also , that thogh the beast be neuer so little , yet it can seeke for the teates of his mother to sucke , or to wander in the fieldes to feede , or to scrape the dunghilles to eate , or else it goeth to the fountains and riuers to drinke , and that he learneth not by the discourse of time , or that any other beast hath taught it ; but as soone as it is borne , so soone doth it know what thing is necessarie for it . the miserable man is not born with so many present commodities : he cannot eate , drinke , nor goe , make himself ready , aske , nor yet complain and that which is more , hee knoweth not scarsely how to sucke ; for the mothers oft times would giue to their children ( if they could ) the bloud of their heart : and yet they cannot cause them to take the milke of their brests . o great misery of mans nature , forsomuch as the brute beasts , as soone as they are come forth of their mothers wombe can know and seeke : but when it is offred vnto man , he cannot know it . we must note also , that to brute beasts nature hath giuen cloathing , wherewith they may keepe themselus from the heate of sommer , and defend themselues from the colde of winter : which is manifest , for that to lambes and sheepe she hath giuen wooll , to birdes feathers , to hogges bristles , to horses hayre , to fishes scales , and to snailes shels . finally , i say , there is no beast , which hath neede with his hands to make any garment , nor yet to borrow it of another . of all this the miserable man is depriued , who is borne all naked , and dyeth all naked , not carrying with him one onely garment : and if in the time of his life he will vse any garment , hee must demaund of the beasts , both leather and wooll : & thereunto he must also put his whole labour and industry . i would aske princes and great lords , if when they are borne , they bring with them any apparrell : and when they dye , if they carry with them any treasure ? to this i answere no : but they dye as they are borne , as well the rich as the poore , and the poore as the rich . and admit that in this life fortune doth make difference betweene vs in estates , yet nature in time of our birth , and death , doth make vs all equall . we must also thinke and consider , that for so much as nature hath prouided the beasts of garments , shee hath hath also taken from them the care of what they ought to eate : for there is no beast that doth eyther plow , sow or labour , but doth content her selfe , and passeth her life eyther with the flyes of the ayre , with the corne that shee findeth in the high-wayes , with the hearbes in the fieldes , with the ants of the earth , with the grapes of the vine , or with the fruites which are fallen . finally ( i say ) that without care all beasts take their rest , as if the day following they should haue no neede to eate . oh , what a great benefite should god doe to the miserable man , if he had taken from him the trauell to apparrell himselfe , and the care to search for things to eate . but what shall the poore miserable man doe , that before he eateth , hee must tyll , sow , hee must reape , and thresh the corne , hee must cleanse it , grinde it , paste it , and bake it : and it cannot bee prouided without care of minde , nor be done without the proper sweate of the browes : and if perchaunce any man did prouide for himselfe with the sweate of others , yet shall hee liue with his owne offences . also in other things the silly beasts doe excell vs : for , in the flowers , in the leaues , in the hearbes , in the straw , in the oates , in the bread , in the flesh , or in the fruits which they eate , or in the waters which they drinke , they feele no paine , although it be not sweet : nor take no displeasure , thogh theyr meates be not sauorie . finally , such as nature hath prouided them , without disguysing , or making themselus better , they are contēted to eate . man could loose nothing , if in this point he agreed with beasts : but i am very sorrie that there are many vicious and prowd men , vnto whom nothing wanteth , eyther to apparell , or eate : but they haue too much to maintaine themselues , and herewith not contented , they are such drunkards , to taste of diuers wines , and such epicures , to eate of sundry sorts of meates , that oft times they spend more to dresse them , then they did cost the buying . now when the beasts are brought foorth , they haue knowledge , both of that that is profitable , and also of that which is hurtfull for them . for we see this , that the sheep doth fly the wolfe , the catte flieth the dogge , the ratte flieth the catte , and the chicken the kyte : so that the beasts in opening the eyes , doe immediately knowe the friendes , whom they ought to followe , and the enemies whome they ought to flye . to the miserable man , was vtterly denyed this so great priuiledge . for , in the worlde there hath bin many beastly men , who haue not onely attayned that , which they ought to know whiles they liued : but also euen as like beasts they passed their dayes in this life , so they were infamed at the time of their death . oh miserable creatures that we are : which liue in this wicked world ; for , wee know not what is hurtfull for vs , what we ought to eate , from what we ought to abstaine , nor yet whom wee should hate : wee doe not agree with those whome wee ought to loue , wee know not in whome to put our trust , from whom we ought to flie , nor what it is we ought to choose , nor yet what wee ought to forsake . finally , i say , that when wee thinke oft times to enter into a sure hauen , within three steps afterwards , wee fall headlong into the deepe sea. wee ought also to consider , that both to wilde and tame beasts , nature hath ginen arms or weaponsto defend themselues , and to assault their enemyes , as it appeareth : for , that to byrds shee hath giuen wings , to the harts swifte feete , to the elephants tuskes , to the serpents scales , to the eagles tallons , to the fawkon a beake , to the lyons teeth , to the bulles hornes , and to the beares pawes . finally i say , that she hath giuen to the foxes subtiltie , to know how to hyde themselues in the earth , and to the fishes little finnes , how to swimme in the water . admit that the wretched men haue few enemyes , yet in this they are none otherwise priuiledged then the beasts : for we see ( without teares it cannot be told ) that the beasts which for the seruice of man were created : with the selfe same beasts , men are now a dayes troubled and offended . and to the ende it seeme not wee should talke of pleasure , let euery man bethinke with himselfe , what it is that we suffer with the beasts of this life : for , the lyons doe feare vs , the wolues deuoure our sheep , the dogges do byte vs , the cats scratche vs , the beare doeth teare vs , the serpents poyson vs , the bulls hurt vs with their hornes , the byrds doe ouerflye vs , the rats doe trouble vs , the spyders doe annoy vs , and the worste of all is , that a little flye sucketh our bloud in the day , and the poore flea doth hynder and let vs from sleeping in the night . oh poore and miserable man , who for to sustaine this wretched life , is enforced to begge all things that he needeth of the beasts . for the beasts do giue him wooll , the beasts doe drawe him water , the beasts doe carrie him from place to place , the beasts doe plough the lande , and carryeth the corne into their barnes . finally i say , that if the man receyue any good , hee hath not wherewith to make recompence : and if they doe him any euill , hee hath nought but the tongue to reuenge . wee must note also , that though a man loade a beast with strypes , beate her , and driue her by the fowle wayes , though hee take her meate from her , yea , though her younglings dye : yet for none of all these she is sad , or sorrowfull , and much lesse doth weepe : and though she should weep , she can not . for beasts little esteme their life , and much lesse feare death . it is not so of the vnhappy and wretched man , which cānot but bewaile the vnthankfulnesse of theyr friendes , the death of their children , the wants which they haue of necessaries , the cases of aduersitie which doe succeed them , the false witnes which is brought against them , and a thousand calamityes which doe torment their hearts . finally i say , that the greatest comforts that men haue in this life , is to make a riuer of water with the teares of their eyes , let vs enquire of princes and great lordes , what they can doe when they are borne : whether they can speake as orators , if they can runne as postes , if they can gouern themselues as kings if they can fight as men of warre , if they can labour as labourers , if they can worke as masons , if they knowe to teach as maisters ? these litle children would answer , that they are not onely ignorant of all that wee demaund of them , but also that they cannot vnderstand it , let vs returne to aske them , what it is that they knowe , since they know nothing of that we haue demaunded them ? they will answer , that they can doe no other thing , but weepe at their byrth , and sorrow at theyr death . though all those ( which saile in this so perillous sea ) doe reioyce and take pleasure , and seeme to sleepe soundly : yet at the last there cometh the winde of aduersitie , which maketh them all know their follies . for , if i be not deceiued , and if i know any thing of this world : those which i haue seene at the time of their birth take ship weeping : i doubt whether they will take land in the graue laughing ? oh vnhappy life ! ( i should say rather death ) which the mortalls take for life : wherein afterwards we must spend and consume a great time , to learne all artes , sciences , and offices : and yet notwithstanding , that whereof we are ignorant , is much more then that which wee knowe . wee forget the greatest part , saue only that of weeping , which no man needeth to learne : for wee are borne , and liue weeping , and vntill this present wee haue seene none to die in ioy . wee must note also that the beasts doe liue and dye , with the inclinations wherwith they were borne : that is to say , that the wolfe followeth the sheepe : and not the birdes : the hound followeth the hares , and not the rattes : the sparrow flyeth at the birdes , and not at the fish , the spider eateth the flyes , and not the herbes . finally , i say , that if wee let the beast search his meate quietly , we shall not see him giuen to any other thing . the contrary of all this hapneth to men , the which though nature hath created feeble , yet gods intention was not they should bee malitious : but i am sorry , since they cannot auoyd debility , that they turne it into malice . the presumption which they haue to bee good , they turne to pride : and the desire they haue to be innocent , they turne into enuy . the fury which they should take against malice , they turne into anger , and the liberality they ought to haue with the good , they conuert into auarice : the necessity they haue to eate , they turne into gluttonie : and the care they ought to haue of their conscience , they turne into negligence . finally , i say , that the more strength beasts haue , the more they serue , and the lesse men are worth , so much the more thankes haue they of god : the innocency of the brute beastes considered , and the malice of the malitious men marked without comparison , the company of the brute beast is lesse hurtfull , then the conuersation of euill men . for in the end , if hee bee conuersant with a beast , yee haue not but to beware of her : but if yee bee in company with a man , there is nothing wherin yee ought to trust him : wee must note also , that it was neyther seene or read , that there was any beast that took care for the graue : but the beasts being dead , some were torne in peeces with lions , other dismembred by the bears , others gnawn with dogs , other remain in the fields : other are eaten of men , and other by the ants. finally , the entrailes of the one , are the graues of others . it is not so of the miserable man , the which consumeth no small treasure to make his tombe , which is the most vainest thing that is in this miserable life : for there is no greater vanity nor lightnes in man , then to be esteemed for his goodly and sumptuous sepulture , and little to weigh a good life . i will sweare , that at this day all the dead doe sweare , that they care little if their bodies be buried in the deepe seas , or in the golden tombes , or that the cruell beasts haue eaten thē , or that they remaine in the fieldes without a graue : so that their soules may be among the celestiall companies . speaking after the lawe of a christian , i durst say , that it profiteth little the body to be among the painted and carued stones , when the miserable soule is burning in the fierie flames of hell . o miserable creatures , haue not wee sufficient wherewith to seeke in this life , to procure , to trauell , to accomplish , to sigh , and also what to bewayle , without hauing such care & anguish to know where they shall bee buried ? is there any man so vaine , that hee dooth not care that other men should condemne his euil life , so that they praise his rich tombe ? to those that are liuing i speake and say of those that are dead , that if a man gaue them leaue to returne into the world , they would bee occupied more to correct their excesse , and offences , then to adiourne and repayre their graues , and tombes though they haue found them fallen downe . i cannot tell what to say more in this case , but to admonish men that it is a great folly to make any great account of the graues . chap. xxxiiii . the emperour marcus aurelius writeth this letter to domitius a citizen of capua to comfort him in his exile , beeing banished for a quarrell betwixt him and another about the running of a horse , very comfortable to those that haue beene in fauour and now fallen in disgrace . marke the romane emperour , borne at mount celio , to thee domitius of capua , wisheth health and consolation from the gods the onely comforters . the bitter winter in these partes haue raysed bosterous winds , and the winds haue caused much raine , and the much raine hath caused great moystures : the which engendreth in me sundrie diseases . among the which the gowt of my hands is one , and the statica in my legges is another , eschines the philosopher sayde , that the liberty of the soule , and the health of the body , cannot bee esteemed too much , and much lesse also bought for money . tell mee , i pray thee , what can hee doe , or what is hee worth , that hath neyther liberty nor health ? the diuine plato in his bookes of his common wealth , reciteth three things . the first , that the man which oweth nothing , cannot say that hee is poore : for the day that i owe money to another , another , and not my selfe is lord of mine owne . the second , the man which is no seruant nor captaine , hath not reason to say , that any thing makes him vnhappy : for fortune in nothing sheweth her selfe so cruell , as to take from vs the liberty of this life . the second , which plato sayde , is that among all temporall goods there is none more greater , nor greater felicity then the treasure of health : for the man which is persecuted with sicknes , with riches can haue no contentation . in the time of our olde fathers , when rome was well corrected , they did not onely ordaine the things of their common-wealth : but also they prouided for that which touched the health of euerie person . so that they watched to cure the body , and they were circumspect to destroy vices . in the time of gneus patroclus and iulius albus , they say that the city of rome was ordinarily visited with sicknesse : wherefore first they did forbid , that in the moneth of iuly and august , there should bee no stewes for women : for the bloud of the young was corrupted in veneriall acts . the third , that no man shoulde bring any fruit from salon or campania to sell , during these two moneths in rome : for the delicate ladies of rome for extreame heate , and the poore for their pouerty , did not eate in sommer but fruites : and so the market places were full of fruites , and the houses full of agues . the thirde , they did defend that no inhabitant should bee so hardy , to walke after the sunne was set : for the young men , through the lightnesse they vsed in the nights , took diseases which vexed them in the dayes . the fourth , they did prohibit that no man should bee so hardy to sell openly in rome , wine of candie or spaine . for , in the great heate of the summer , as the sunne is very hote , so the wine as poyson doth kill young men . the fifth , that they should purge the priueyes , and make cleane the streetes and houses : for , of the corruption of the ayre , is engendred the plague among the people . when rome was rich , when rome prospered , all these things were obserued in the common-wealth . but since catilina the tyraunt did rebell , since scylla and marius did slaunder it : since caesar and pompeyus did playe the tyrants : since octauius augustus , and marcus antonius did robbe it : since caligula and nero did defame it : they cared little whether they entred into rome , to sell the wine of spaine or candia . for , they feared more the knife of the enemyes , then the heate of the summer . great reason had the auncients , to forbid those things in rome , for to say the trueth , they are not healthfull . when i was young in rome , my head did not ake , with talking in the night , nor i did feele my bloud chased with drinking wine : then i was not troubled to ieatte , in the heate in the summer , nor i was annoyed to go bare-legged in the winter . but nowe that i am olde , there is no heate but offendeth me , nor colde but pearseth mee . for men through much euill rule in their youth , come to grieuous diseases in their age . oh if mortall men , after that they be olde , could at any time worke with the gods , that they should become young againe : i sweare vnto thee , by the faith of a good man , that they would behaue themselues so well , that the world should not againe deceyue them . since men haue been vicious in their youth , i do not maruell thogh they are full of diseases when they are old . for , how can he loue his health , which hateth vertue ? all that which i haue spoken here before is to the end you may knowe and belieue that i am sicke , and that i cannot write vnto thee so long as i would , and as thou desirest : so that hereof it followeth , that i shall bewayle thy paine , and thou shalt be grieued with my gowt . i vnderstod here how at the feast of the god ianus , through the running of a horse , great strife is raised betweene thee and thy neighbor patricius : and the brute was such , that they haue confiscated thy goods , battered thy house , banished thy children , and depriued thee from the senate for tenne yeares . and further , they banished thee out of capua for euer , and haue put thy fellow in the prison mamortine : so that by this little furie , thou hast cause to lamet al the dayes of thy life : al those which come from thence do tell vs , that thou art so woefull in thy heart , and so chaunged in thy person , that thou doest not forget thy heauie chaunces , nor receiuest consolation of thy faithfull friends . thinke not that i speake this , that thou shouldest be offended : for according to the often chaunges which fortune hath shewed in mee , it is long since i knew what sorrow meant : for truly the man which is sorowful , sigheth in the day , watcheth in the night , delyteth not in companie , and with onely care hee resteth . the light he hateth , the darknes he loueth , with his bitter teares hee watereth the earth , with heauy sighs he pierceth the heauens , with infinit sorrowes he remembreth that that is past , and foreseeth nothing that which is to come . he is displeased with him that doeth comfort him , and hee taketh rest to expresse his sorrowes . finally , the vnfortunate man is contented with nothing , and with himselfe continually hee doeth chafe . beleeue mee domitius , that if i haue wel touched the conditions of the sorrowfull man , it is for no other cause , but for that my euill fortune hath made me taste them all . and hereof it commeth , that i can so well discribe them : for in the end , in things which touch the sorrowes of the spirite , and the troubles of the body , there is great difference from him that hath read them , & frō him that hath felt them . if thou diddest feele it there , as i doe feele it here , it is sufficient to giue thee and thy friendes great dolour , to thinke that for so small a trifle thou shouldst vndoe thee , and al thy parentage : and speaking with the truth , i am very sorry to see thee cast away : but much more it grieueth me , to see thee drow ned in so little water . when men are noble , and keepe their hearts high , they ought to take their enemies agreeable to their estates . i meane , that when a noble man shall aduenture to hazard his person and his goods , he ought to do it for a matter of greate importance : for in the end , more defamed is hee that ouercommeth a labourer , then he which is ouercome with a knight : o how variable is fortune , and in how short space doth happen an euil fortune ? in that which now i will speake ? i doe condemne my selfe , and accuse thee . i complaine to the gods , i reclaime the dead , and i call the liuing , to the end they may see , how that before our eyes wee suffer the griefes , and know them not , with the hands wee touch them , and perceyue them not , wee goe ouer them & see them not : they sound in our eares , and wee heare them not : dayly they doe admonish vs , and wee doe not beleeue them . finally , we feele the perill , where there is no remedy for our griefe : for as experience doth teach vs , with a little blast of wind , the fruit doth fal , with a little sparke of fire the house is kindled , with a little rocke the shippe is broken , at a little stone the foote doth stuinble , with a litle hooke they take great fish , and with a litle wound dyeth a great person . for all that i haue spoken , i doe meane that our life is so frayle , and fortune so fickle , that in that parte where wee are surest harnessed , wee are soonest wounded . and seneca writing to his mother albina , which was banished from rome , sayde these words . thou albina art my mother , and i thy sonne , thou art aged , and i am young : i neuer beleeued in fortune , though shee would promise to bee in peace with mee . and further hee sayde , all that which is in mee , i count it at the disposition of fortune , as well of riches , as of prosperity : and i keepe them in such a place , that at any boure in the night when shee listeth , shee may carry them away , and neuer wake me . so that thogh shee carry those out of my cofers , yet shee should not robbe mee of this in my entrals , without doubt such wordes were maruellous pithie , and very decent for such a a wise man. the emperour adrian my lord , did weare a ring of gold on his finger , which hee sayd was of the good drusius germanicus ; and the words about the ring in latine letters sayd thus : illis est grauis fortuna quibus est repentina : fortune to them is most cruell , whom suddenly shee assaulteth . we see oftentimes by experience that in the fystula which is stopped , and not in that place which is open , the surgeon maketh doubt . in the shallow water , and not in the deepe seas , the pilot despayreth . the good man of armes is more afraide of the secret ambushmnt , then in the open battell . i meane , that the valiaunt men ought to beware , not of straungers but of his owne , not of enemies but of friends , not of the cruell warre , but of the fained peace , not of the vniust damage but of the priuy euil . o how many men wee haue seene , whom the mishaps of fortune could neuer change , and yet afterwards hauing no care she hath made them fall . i aske now what hope can man haue , which will neuer trust to the prosperity of fortune : since for so light a thing , we haue seen such trouble in capua , and so great losse of thy person and goods ? if wee know fortune , we would not make so great complaint of her . for speaking the truth , as shee is for all , and would content all , though in the end shee mocke all , she giueth and sheweth vs all her goods , and we others take them for inheritance . that which she lendeth vs , wee take it for perpetuall , that which in iest shee giueth vs , we take it in good earnest : and in the end , as she is the mocker of all , so shee goeth mocking of vs : thinking that shee giueth vs another mans , & she taketh our own proper . i let thee know , that knowing that of fortune which i know , i feare not the turmoyles of her trauels , neither doth her lightnings or thunders astonish me nor yet will i not esteeme the pleasantnesse of her goodly fayre flatteries . i will not trust her sweete reioysings , neyther wil i make accoūt of her friendships , nor i will ioyne my selfe with her enemies , nor i will take any pleasure of that shee giueth mee , neyther griefe of that shee taketh from mee ; nor i will haue respect when she telleth me truth , nor i doe not regard it , though she tell me a lye . finally , i would not laugh for that shee asketh me , nor i will weepe for that she sendeth mee . i will now tell thee ( my friend domitius ) one thing , and heartily i desire thee for to keepe it in memory : our life is so doubtfull , and fortune is so sodaine , that when shee threatneth shee striketh not alwayes , neyther doth shee threaten alwayes when shee striketh . the man which presumeth to bee sage , and in all things well prouided goeth not so fast , that at euery steppe hee is in danger of falling , nor so softly , that in long time hee cannot arriue at his iorneyes end : for false fortune gauleth in stead of striking , and in steade of gauling striketh . therefore since in yeares i am older then thou , and haue more experience of affayres : if thou hast marked that i haue tolde thee , thou wilt remember well that which i will say vnto thee , which is , that that part of thy life is troublesome , which vnto thee seemeth to be most sure . wilt thou that by example i tell thee all that , which by words i haue spoken ? behold hercules of thebes , who escaped so many dangers both by sea and land , and afterwards came to dye in the armes of a harlot . agamemnon the great captaine of the greekes , in the x. yeares which hee warred against troy , neuer had any perill , and afterwards in the night , they killed him entring into his owne house . the inuincible alexander the great , in all the conquests of asia did not die , and afterwards with a little poyson ended his life in babylon , pompeius the great , dyed not in the conquest of his enemies : and afterwards his friend ptolomeus slew him . the couragious iulius caesar in . battels could not bee ouercome , and afterwardes in the senate , they slewe him with . wounds . hannibal , the terrible captaine of carthage , slewe himselfe in one moment ( which the romanes could not do in . yeares ) onely because he would not come into the hands of his enemies . asclipius medius , brother of great pompeius , in . yeeres that he was a rouer on the seas , neuer was in any perill : afterwards drawing water out of a well , was drowned therein . ten captains whom scipio had chosen in the conquest of affricke , ieasting on a bridge , fell into the water , and there were drowned . the good bibulus going triumphing in his chariot at rome , a tile fell on his head : so that his vaine glory was the end of his good life . what wilt thou more i say vnto thee , but that lucia my sister hauing a needle on her breast , and her childe betweene her armes ; the childe laying his hand vpon the needle , and thrust it into her breast , whereby the mother dyed . gneus ruffirius , which was a very wise man , and also my kinsman , one day combing his white hayres , strake a tooth of the combe into his heade , wherewith hee gaue himselfe a mortall wound ; so that in short space after his life had end , but not his doctrine nor memory . how thinkest thou domitius : by the immortal gods i do sweare vnto thee , that as i haue declared to thee this small number , so i could recite thee other infinite . what mishappe is this after so many fortunes ? what reproch after such glory ? what perill after such surety , what euill lucke after such good successe , what darke night after so cleare a day , what euill entertainement after so great labour : what sentence so cruell after so long processe ? o what inconuenience of death after so good beginning of life ? being in their steade , i cannot tell , what i would , but i had rather chuse vnfortunate life and honorable death then an infamous death and honourable life . that man which will bee counted for a good man , and not noted for a brute beast , ought greatly to trauell to liue well , and much more to dye better : for the euill death maketh men doubt that the life hath not bin good , and the good death is the excuse of an euill life . at the beginning of my letter , i wrote vnto thee , how that the gowte troubleth mee euill in my hand . i say it were to much to write any longer : and though the letter bee not of my owne hand ; these two dayes the loue that i beare thee , and the griefe that holdeth me , haue striued together . my will desireth to write , and my fingers cannot hold the penne . the remedy hereof is , that since i haue no power to doe what i would as thine : thou oughtest to accept what i can , as mine . i say no more herein , but as they tell mee thou buildest now a house in rhodes : wherefore i do send thee a thousand sexterces to accomplish the same . my wife faustine saluteth thee , who for thy paine is sore grieued : they tell vs thou hast beene hurt , wherefore she sendeth thee a weight of the balme of palestine . heale thy face therewith , to the end the scarres of that wound doe not appeare . if thou findest greene almonds , & new nuts , faustine desireth thee that thou wilt send her some . by another man shee sendeth a gowne for thee , and a kirtle for thy wife . i conclude , and doe beseech the immortall gods to giue thee all that i desire for thee , & and that they giue me all that thou wishest me . though by the hands of others i write vnto thee , yet with my heart i loue thee . chap. xxxv . that princes and noble men ought to bee aduocates for widdowes , fathers of orpnans , and helpers of those which are comfortlesse . macrobius in the . booke of the saturnals sayeth , that in the noble citie of athens , there was a temple called misericordia , which the athenians kept so well watched and locked , that without leaue & licence of the senate , no man might enter in . there were the images of pittifull princes onely , and none entered in there to pray , but pittifull men . the athenians abhorred always seuere and cruell deeds , because they would not be noted cruell . and thereof commeth this manner of saying , that the greatest iniurie they could say vnto a wan was , that hee had neuer entred into the schoole of the philosophers to learne , nor into the temple of misericordia to pray : so that in the one , they noted him for simple , and in the other they acused him for cruell . the historiographers say , that the most noble linage that was at that time , was of a king of athens , the which was exceeding rich and liberall in giuing , and aboue all very pittifull in pardoning . of whom it is written , that after the great treasures which he had offred in the temples , and the great riches he had distributed to the poore : hee tooke vpon him to bring vp all the orphans in athens , and to feede all the widdowes . o how much more did that statute of the sayde pittifull king shine in that temple , who nourished the orphanes : then the ensignes which are set vp in the temples of the captains which had robbed the widows . all the auncient princes , i say , those that haue beene noble and valiant , & that haue not had the name of tyrants , though in some thinges they were noted : yet they alwayes haue beene praysed , esteemed , and commended to be mercifull and gentle : so that they recompenced the fiercenesse and cruelty which they shew to their enemies , with the mercy and clemency which they vsed to the orphans . plutarch in his politiques sayeth , that the romanes among themselues ordained , that all that which remayned of banquets and feastes , which were made at mariages and triumphs should bee giuen to widdows and orphanes . and this custome was brought to so good an order , that if any rich man would vse his profite of that which remayned , the orphanes might iustly haue an action of felony against him , as a thing robbed from them . aristides the philosopher in an oration hee made of the excellency of rome , sayth : that the princes of persia had this custome , neuer to dine nor suppe , but first the trumpets should blow at their gates , the which were more loude , then harmonius . and it was to this end , that all the widdowes and orphanes shoulde come thither : for it was a law amongst them , that all that which was left at the royall tables , should bee for the poore and indigent persons . phalaris the tirant writing to a friend of his , sayde these wordes : i haue receyued thy briefe letter , with the rebuke likewise which thou gauest me therein , more bitter then tedious , and admit that for the time it grieued mee , yet after i came to my selfe , i re ceyued thereby great comfort . for in the ende , one louing rebuke of his friēds is more worth then a fayned flattery of his enemie , amongst the things whereof thou accusest mee , thou sayest that they take mee for agreat tyraunt , because i disobey the gods , spoyle the temples , kyll the priestes , pursue the innocents , robbe the people , and the worst of all , that i doe not suffer mee to be entreated , nor permit that any man be conuersaunt with mee . to that they say i disobey the gods , in very deede they say true . for if i did all that the gods would i should doe i should doe little of that men doe aske mee . for as much as they say i robbe the temples : there vnto also i graunt : for the immortall gods doe demaund rather of vs pure hearts , then that wee should buylde their temples . : for that they say i kill the priests , i confesse also that it is true . for they are so dissolute , that i thinke i doe more seruices to the gods to put them to death , then they doe in doing their sacrifices while they liue . for that they say i robbe the temples , i also confesse it : for i defending it as i doe from enemyes , it is but meete and reasonable they finde me and my seruāts : for that they say i suffer me not to be entreated , it is true : for daily and hourely they aske mee so many vniust and vnreasonable things , that for them and for mee it is better to denye them , then for to graunt them . for that they say that i am not conuersant with any : i confesse it is true , for euer when they come into my pallace , it is not so much to doe mee seruice , as to aske some particular thing for their profite . for that they say i am not pittifull among the miserable , and will not heare the widdowes and orphanes , in no wise to that i will agree : for i sweare vnto thee , by the immortall gods , that my gates were neuer shut to widdowes and orphanes . pulto in the life of the emperour claudius sayth , that once a poore widdow came before claudius the emperour with weeping eyes , to desire him of iustice . the good prince being moued with compassion , did not onely weepe as shee : but with his owne hands dried her teares . and as there was about the emperour many noble romaines , one amongst them , saide thus vnto him : the authority & grauitie of romaine princes , to heare their subiects in iustice sufficeth onely : though they drye not the teares of theyr faces . this emperour claudius aunswered , good princes ought not to bee contented , to doe no more then iust ludges : but in doing iustice a man must know that they are pittiful . for oftentimes those which come before princes , doe returne more contented with the loue they shewe them : then with the iustice they minister vnto them : and further he saide . for as much as you say : that it is of small authority , & also of lesse grauitie , that a prince doe weepe with a widdowe , and with his hands wipe her eyes : i aunswere thee , that i desire rather to bee partaker of the griefes with my subiectes , then to giue them occasion to haue their eyes full of teares . certainely these wordes are worthie to bee noted , and no lesse followed . admit that clemencie in all things deserueth to bee praised : yet much more ought it to be cōmended , when it is executed on women . and if generally in all , much more in those which are voyde of health and comfort . for , women are quickly troubled , and with greater difficultie comforted . plutarche and quintus curtius say , that good entertainment which alexander the great , shewed vnto the wise and children of king darius ( after hee was vtterly vanquished ) exalted his clemencie : in such sort , that they gaue rather more glorie to alexander , for the pittie and honesty which hee vsed with the children , then for the victorie he had of the father . and when the vnhappie king darius knewe the clemencie and pittie , which the good king alexander vsed towards his wife and his children , hee sent vnto him his embassadors , to the ende that on his behalfe , they should thanke him for that that is past , and should desire him , that hee would so continue in time to come : saying , that it might chaunce , that the gods and fortune , would mittigate theyr wrath against him . alexander aunswered vnto the embassadours these wordes : yee shall say in my behalfe to your king darius , that hee giue mee no thankes , for the good and pittifull worke which i haue shewed or done to his captiue women , since hee is certaine , i did it not for that hee was my friend : and that i would not cease to doe it , for that he is mine enemie . but i haue done it , for that a gentle prince is bound to doe in this case . for , i ought to employe my clemencie vnto women , which can doe nought but weepe : and my puissant power princes shall feele , which can doe nought else but wage battell , &c. truely those wordes were worthie of such a prince . manie haue enuie at the surname of alexander , which is great . and he is called alexander the great , because if his heart was great in the enterprises hee tooke vppon him , his courage was much more greater in citties and realmes which he gaue . manie haue enuie at the renowme which they giue pompeyus : because they call him great : for , this excellent romaine , made himselfe conquerour of xxii . realmes , and in times past hath bin accompanyed with xxv . kings . manie haue enuie at the renowme of scipto the africane , because hee ouercame and conquered the great and renowmed cittie of carthage : the which citty in riches was greater then rome , in armes and power , it surmounted all europe . many haue enuie at scipio the asian , who was called asian because he subdued the prowd asia : the which vntill his time was not , but as a church-yarde of romaines . many haue great enuie at the immortall name of charles the great , because being as he was ( a little king ) he did not only vanquish and triumph ouer many kings and realms : but also forsooke the royall sea of his owne realme . i doe not maruell that the prowde princes haue enuie against the vertuous and valiant princes : but if i were as they , i would haue more enuie at the renowm of anthoninus the emperour , then of the name and renowme of all the princes in the worlde . if other princes haue attained such prowd names , it hath bin for that they robbed many countreys , spoyled many temples , cōmitted much tiranny , dissembled with many tyrants , pesecuted diuers innocents , and because they haue takē from diuers good men , not onely their goods , but also theyr liues : for , the world hath such an euill propertie , that to exalte the name of one onely , he putteth downe . neyther in such enterprises , nor yet with such titles wanne the emperour anthoninus pius , his good name and renowme . but , if they call him authoninus the pittifull , it is because hee knewe not , but to bee the father of orphanes : and was not praysed , but because hee was the onely aduocate of widdowes . of this most excellent prince is read , that he himselfe did heare , and iudge the complaints and proces in rome , of the orphanes : and for the poore , and widdowes , the gates of his pallace were alwayes open : so that the porters which hee kept within his pallace , were not for to let the entrie of the poore : but for to let , and keepe backe the rich . the hystoriographers , oftentimes say , that this good prince sayde : that the good and vertuous princes , ought alwayes to haue theyr hearts open , for the poore , and to remedie the widdowes , and father-lesse , and neuer to shutte their gates against them . the god apollo sayeth : that the prince which will not speedily iudge the causes of the poore , the gods will neuer permit that hee be well obeyed of the rich . o high and worthie wordes , that it pleased not the god apollo , but our liuing god , that they were written in the hearts of noble princes . for , nothing can be more vniust or dishonest , then that in the pallaces of princes and great lordes , the rich and the fooles should be dispatched , and the widdowes and orphanes friendes , should haue no audience ? oh happie : and not once , but an hundreth times treble happie is hee , that will haue commiseration : remembring the poore afflicted , and oppressed ; and open his hande to comforte and relieue them : and doeth not shutte his coffers from helping them : vnto him ( i assure and promise ) that at the streight day of iudgement , the proces of his life shall be iudged with mercie and pittie . chap. xxxvi . ¶ that the troubles , griefes , and sorrowes of widdowes are much greater then those of widowers : wherefore princes and noble-men ought to haue more compassion vpon the women then on men . it is great pity to see a noble and vertuous man sorrowful , alone , and a widower , if especially he liued contented when he was married . for if hee will not marrie , he hath lost his sweete companie : and if he thinke to marrie another , let him be assured hee shall scarcely agree with his seconde wife . there is much sorow in that house , where the woman that gouerned it is dead : for immediately the husband forsaketh himselfe , the childrē do lose their obedience , the seruants become negligent , the hand-maydes become wanton , the friends are forgotten , the house decayeth , the goods waste , the apparell is lost : and finally , in the widdowers house , there are many to robbe , and few to labour . both heauy and lamentable are the thoughtes of the widdower : for , if hee thinketh to marry , it grieueth him to giue his children a stepmother . if he cannot be marryed , hee feeleth greater paine , seeing him all the day to remaine alone : so that the poore miserable man sigheth for his wife hee hath lost , and weepeth for her whome he desireth to haue . admit that this bee true , there is great difference frō the cares and sorrows of womē , to that of men . a thing very cleare : for so much as the widdower lawfully may go out of his house , hee may go to the fields , he may talke with his neighbours , hee may be occupyed with his friendes , hee may follow his sutes , and also he may be conuersant , and refresh himselfe in honest places . for , commonly men are not so sorrowfull , in taking the death of their wiues , as the wiues are , in taking the death of their husbands . all this is not spoken in the disfauour of wise and sage men , whom we see make small streams , with the teares of their eyes , for the death of their wiues . but for many other vaine and lightmen : which the . dayes ( of the funerall past ) a man doth see without any shame , to goe throughout their streets , beholding the ladies and dam sells , which are in the windowes . truely the wofull women which are honest , vse not such lightnesse . for , whiles they are widdows , it is not lawfull for them to wander abrode , to go out of their houses , nor to speake with strangers , nor practise with her owne , nor bee conuersaunt with her neighbours , nor plead with their creditors , but agreable to their woefull estate , to hyde and withdraw themselues within their houses , and to lock themselues into their owne chambers : and they thinke it their dutyes , to water theyr plants with teares , and importune the heauens with sobs and sighes . oh how wofull ? o how grieuous ? o how sorrowfull is the state of widdows ? for somuch as if a widdow goe out of her house , they take her for dishonest . if shee will not come out of her house , she loseth her goods : if she laugh a litle , they count her light . if shee laugh not , they count her an hypocrite . if she go to the church , they note her for a gadder . if she go not to the church , they say she is vnthankfull to her late husband . if she go ill apparelled , they account her a niggard . if she go cleanly & handsom , they say now she wold haue a new husband . if she doe maintaine herselfe honestly , they note her for presūptuous . if she keepe company , immediately they suspect her house . finally i say , that the poore miserable widdowes shall finde a thousand which iudge their liues , and they haue not one that will remedie their paine . much looseth that woman which loseth her mother , which hath borne her or her sisters , which shee loueth , or the friends which she knoweth , or the goods which she hath heaped vp : but i say and affirme , that there is no greater losse in the worlde vnto a woman , then the losse of a good husband . for in other losses , there is but one onely losse : but in that of the husband , all are lost together . after that the wife doth see her louing husband in the graue , i woulde aske her ; what good could remaine with her in her house ? since wee know , that if her husband were good , hee was the hauen of all her troubles , the remedie of all her necessities , the inuētor of all her pleasurs , the true loue of her heart , the true lord of her person , and idoll whom she honored . finally , hee was the onely faithfull steward of her house , and the good father of all her children and familie . whether familie remaineth or not , whether children remaineth or not , in the one , and in the other , trouble and vexation remayneth most assuredly , to the poore widdow . if perchaunce shee remaine poore , & haue no goods , let euery man imagine what her life can bee ? for the poor , miserable , and vnhappy woman , eyther will aduenture her person to get , or will loose her honestie to demaunde . an honest woman , a noble and worthy woman , a delicate woman : a sweete woman : a woman of renowme : a woman that ought to haue care to maintaine children and familie , ought to haue great reason to be full of anguish & sorrow : to see , that if she will maintaine her selfe with the needle , shee shall not haue sufficiently to finde her bread and water . if she gaine with her bodie , shee looseth her soule ; if shee must demaund of others , shee is ashamed . if shee fulfill the testament of her husband , she must sell her gownes . if shee will not pay his debtes , they cause her to bee brought before the iudges . as women naturally are tender , what heart will suffer them to endure such inconueniences ? and what eyes can abstayne to shed infinite teares ? if perchaunce goods do remaine to the miserable widdow , she hath no little care to keepe them ? she is at great charges and expences , to sustaine and maintaine her selfe , in long suite about her lands , much trouble to augment them : and in the end , much sorrowe to depart from them . for all her children , and heyres , doe occupie themselues more to bethinke them , how they might inherit , then in what sort they ought to serue her . when i came vnto this passage , a great while i kept my penne in suspence , to see whither i ought to teach this matter , or no : ( that is to say ) that oftentimes the poore widdowes put openly the demaund of their goods : and the iudges doe secretly demaund the possession of their person . so that first , they doe iniurie to her honor , before they do minister iustice to her demaunds . though perchaunce shee hath no childe , yet therefore shee remaineth not without any comfort : and for that the parents of her husband doe spoyle her of her goods . for , in this case their heires oftentimes are so disordered , that for a worne cloake , or a broken shirt , they wil trouble and vexe the poore widdowe . if perchance the miserable widdow haue children : i say , that in this case shee hath double sorrow : for , if they are young , shee endureth much paine to bring them vp : so that each houre and moment theyr mothers liue in great sorrows , to bethinke them only of the life & death of their children . if perhaps the children are olde , truely the griefes which remaine vnto them are no lesse . for so much as the greatest part of them are either proud disobedient , malicious , negligent , adulterers , gluttons , blasphemers , false lyars , dull-headed , wanting witte , or sickly . so that the ioy of the woefull mothers is , to bewaile the deaths of their well beloued husbands , and to remedy the discordes of theyr youthfull children . if the troubles which remaine vnto the careful mothers with their sonnes be great : i say that those which they haue with their daughters , bee much more . for if the daughter be quicke of wit , the mother thinketh that shee shall be vndone , if shee be simple , she thinketh that euery man will deceyue her . if she be faire , shee hath enough to doe to keepe her . if shee be deformed , she cannot marrie her . if she be well mannered , she will not let her go from her . if shee be euill mannered , she cannot endure her . if she be too solitary , she hath not wherewith to remedy her . if she be dissolute , she will not suffer her to bee punished . finally , if she put her from her , she feareth she shal be slaundered . if she leaue her in her house , she is afraid she shal be stollen . what shall the wofull poor widdow doe , seeing herselfe burdened with daughters , and enuironed with sonnes , and neyther of them of sufficient age : that there is any time to remedy them : nor substance to maintaine them ? admit that shee marrie one of her sonnes , and one daughter , i demand therfore if the poor widdow wil leaue her care & anguish ? truly i say no : thogh she chuse rich personages , & wel disposed , she cānot scape , but that day that shee replenished her selfe with daughters in law , the same day she chargeth her heart with sorrows , trauels and cares . o poore widdowes , deceyue not your selues , and doe not imagine that hauing married your sonnes and daughters , from that time forwardes , yee shall liue more ioyfull and contented : for that layde aside , which their nephewes doe demaund them , and that their sonnes in law do rob them ; when the poore olde woman thinketh to be most surest , the young man shall make a claim to her goods : what daughter in law is there in this world , who faithfully loueth her stepmother ? and what sonne in law is there in the world , that desireth not to bee heyre to his father in lawe ? suppose a poore widdow to be fallen sicke , the which hath in her house a sonne in law , and that a man aske him vpon his oath , which of these two things hee had rather haue : eyther to gouerne his mother in law , with hope to heale her , or to bury her , with hope to inherite her goods ? i sweare , that such would sweare , that he could reioyce more to giue a ducket for the graue , then a penny for a physition to cure and heale her . seneca in an epistle sayeth , that the fathers in law naturally do loue their daughters in law , and the sons in law are loued of the mothers in law. and for the contrary he saieth , that naturally the sonnes in law doe hate their mothers in law : but i take it not for a generall rule , for there are mothers in law which deserue to be worshipped , and there are sonnes in law which are not worthie to be beloued . other troubles chaunce dayly to these poore widdowes , which is , that when one of them hath one onely sonne whom she hath in steade of a husband , in stead of a brother , in steade of a sonne , shee shall see him dye : whom sith shee had his life in such great loue , shee cannot though she would , take his death with patience : so that as they bury the deade body of the innocent childe , they burie the liuely heart of the woefull and sadde mother . then let vs omit the sorrowes which the mothers haue when their children dye , and let vs aske the mothers what they feele when they are sicke ? they will aunswere vs , that alwayes , and as oftentimes as their children bee sicke , the death of their husband then is renued , imagining that it will happen so vnto them as it hath done vnto others . and to say the truth , it is no maruell if they doe feare . for , the vine is in greater perill when it is budded , then when the grapes are ripe . other troubles oftentimes increase to the poore widdowes , the which amongst others , this is not the least : ( that is to say ) the little regard of the friendes of her husband , and the vnthankfulnes of those which haue been brought vp with him . : the which , since hee was layde in his graue , neuer ented into the gates of his house , but to demaund recompence of their old seruices , and to renew and beginne new suites . i would haue declared , ( or to say better , briefly touched ) the trauells of widdowes , to perswade princes that they remedie them , and to admonish iudges to heare them , and to desire all vertuous men to comfort them . for , the charitable worke of it selfe is so godly , that hee deserueth more which remedyeth the troubles of the one onely : then i which write their miseries altogether . chap. xxxvii . of a letter which the emperour marcus aurelius wrote to a romane lady , named lauinia comforting her for the death of her husband . marcus of mount celio , emperour of rome , chiefe consull , tribune of the people , high bishop appointed against the daces , wisheth health and comfort to thee lauinia , noble and worthy romane matron , the late wife of the good claudinus . according to that thy person deserueth , to that which vnto thy husband i ought , i thinke well that thou wilt suspect that i weigh thee little : for that vnto thy great sorrowes , complaints , and lamentations , are now arriued my negligent consolations . when i remember thy merites which cannot fayle , and imagine that thou wilt remember my good will , wherewith alwayes i haue desired to serue thee : i am assured , that if thy suspition accuse mee , thy vertue and wisdome will defend me : for speaking the truth , though i am the last to comfort thee : yet i was the first to feele thy sorrowes . as ignorance is the cruell scourge of vertues , and sputre to all vices : so it chaunceth oft times , that ouer much knowledge putteth wise mē in doubt and slaundereth the innocent : for as much as wee see by experience , the most presumptuous in wisedome , are those which fall into most perilous vices . we find the latines much better with the ignorance of vices , then the greekes with the knowledge of vertues . and the reason hereof is , for that of things which we are ignorant , we haue no paine to attaine vnto them , and lesse griefe also to lose them . my intention to tell thee this , was , because that i knew that which i would not haue knowne , and haue heard that which i would not haue heard , that is to say , that the dayes and troubles of claudinus thy husband are ended , and now thy sorrowes ( lauinia his wife ) doe beginne . it is now a good while that i haue known of the death of the good claudinus my friend , and thy husband , though i did dissemble it . and by the god mars i sweare vnto thee , that it was not for that i would not bewaile him , but because i would not discomfort thee : for it were extreame cruelty , that shee which was so comfortlesse , and sorrowfull , for the absence of so long time : should bee killed with my hand , through the knowledge of the death of her so desired husband . it were too vnkind and vnseemely a thing , that shee , of whom i haue receyued so many good works , should receiue of me so euill newes . the auncients of carthage held for an inuiolable law , that if the father did tell the death of his sonne , or the sonne the death of the father , or the woman the death of her husband , or the husband the death of his wife , or any other semblable , wofull , and lamentable death : that he should bee cast into the prison among them , which were condemned to die . it seemed to those of carthage , that he which sayde vnto another , that his brother , kinsman or friend was dead , immediately they should kill him , or hee ought to dye , or at the least hee should neuer bee seene in his presence . if in this case the law of the carthaginians was inst : then i ought to be excused , though i haue not told this heauie newes . for as oft as we see him , who hath brought vs any euill tidinges : our sorrowes by his sight , is renewed againe . since claudinus thy husband dyed , i haue not had one houre of rest , for to passe the time away : for feare least such woefull and sorrowfull newes , should come to thy knowledge . but now that i know that thou knowest it . i feele double paine . for now i feele his death , my care , and thy want of consolation : and the dammage by his death shall followe the romaine empire . thou hast lost a noble romaine , valiaunt in bloud , moderate in prosperities , pacient in aduersities , couragious in daungers , diligent in affaires , wise in counsels , faithful to his friends , subtill and wary of his enemyes , a louer of the common-wealth , and very honest in his person : and aboue all , and wherof i haue most enuie is , that hee neuer offended man in his life , nor hurt any with his tongue . we finde seldome times so many vertues assembled in one man. for saying the truth , if a man doe narrowly examine the vices of manie , which presume to be very vertuous : i sweare that he should finde more to reproue , then to praise . since thou hast lost so good a husband , and i so faithfull a friend : wee are bound , thou to bewaile so great a losse , and i , to sigh for so good a companion . and this i do not desire for claudine , who now resteth among the gods : but for vs others , which remaine in daunger of so many euills . for the dead doe rest , as in the sure hauen : and we others doe faile , as yet in raging sea. o thou heauy heart , how doe i see thee , betweene the bell and the clappers ( that is to say ) that thou wantest the companie of the good : and art enuironned with the flocke of euill . for the which occasion i doubt often times , whether i may first bewaile the euill which liue : or the good which are dead ? because in the ende , the euill men do offend vs more , which we finde : then doth the good men which we loose . it is a great pittie to see the good and vertuous men dye : but i take it to be more sorrow to see the euill and vitious men liue . as the diuine plato sayeth , the gods to kill the good which serue them , and to giue long life to the euill which offend them , is a mysterie so profound , that daily wee doe lament it , and yet wee can neuer attayne to the secretes thereof . tell me i pray thee lauinia , knowest thou not now , that the gods are so mercifull , with whom we go when we dye , and that men are so wicked , with whom we be whiles we liue : that as the euill were borne to dye : so the good dye to liue . for the good man though hee dye , liueth : and the euill man though he liue dyeth , i sweare vnto thee by the mother berecynthia , and so the god iupiter do preserue mee , that i speake not this , which i will speake fainedly : which is , that considering the rest that the dead haue with the gods , and seeing the sorrowes and troubles wee haue here with the liuing : i say and affirme once againe , that they haue greater compassion of our life , then wee others haue of their death . though the death of men were as the death of beasts , that is to say , that ther were no furyes nor diuels , which should torment the euill , and that the gods should not rewarde the good : yet wee ought to be comforted , to see our friends die , if it were for no other , but to see them deliuered , from the thraldome of this world . the pleasure that the pilot hath to bee in sure hauen , the glorie that the captaine hath to see the day of victorie , the rest that the traueller hath to see his journey ended , the contentation that the workeman hath , to see his work come to perfection , all the same haue the dead , seeing themselues out of this miserable life . if men were borne alway to liue , it were reason to lament them , when we see them dye : but since it is true that they are borne to dye , i would say , since needes dye wee must , that wee ought not to lament those which dye quickly , but those which liue long . i am assured that clandine thy husband , remembring that which in this life hee hath passed and suffered , and seeing the rest that hee hath in the other : though the gods would make him emperour of rome , he would not be one day out of his graue . for returning to the worlde , hee should dye againe , but being with the gods , hee hopeth to liue perpetually . ladie lauinia , most earnestly i desire thee , so vchemently not to pierce the heauens with thy so heauie sighes , nor yet to wette the earth with thy so bitter teares : since thou knowest that claudine thy husband is in place where there is no sorrowe , but mirth , where there is no paine , but rest : where hee weepeth not , but laugheth , where hee sigheth not , but singeth , where he hath no sorrowes , but pleasures , where hee feareth not cruell death , but enioyeth perpetuall life . since therefore this is true , it is but reason the widdow appease her anguish , considering that her husband endureth no paine . oftentimes with my selfe i haue thought , what the wddowes ought to imagine , when they see themselues in such cares and distresse . and after my count made , i finde that they ought not to thinke of the companie past , nor wofull sollitarines wherein they are presently , and much lesse they ought to thinke on the pleasures of this world : but rather to remember the rest in the world to come for the true widdowe ought to haue her conuersation among the liuing : and her desire to be with the dead . if till this present thou hadst paine and trouble , to looke for thy husband to come home : haue thou now ioy , that hee looketh for thee in heauen : wherein i sweare vnto thee , that thou shalt be better vsed of the gods , then he was here of men . for , in this world wee know not what glorie meaneth , and there they know not what paines are . licinius and posthumius thy vnkles , tolde mee that thou art so sorrowfull , that thou wilt receiue no comfort : but in this case i thinke not that thou bewailest so much for claudinus : that alone doest thinke thou hast lost him : for since wee did reioyce together in his life , wee are bound to weepe together at his death . the heauie and sorrowfull hearts , in this worlde feele no greater griefe : then to see others reioyce at their sorrowes . and the contrary heereof is , that the wofull and afflicted heart feeleth no greater ioy , nor rest in extream mishappes of fortune , then to thinke that others haue sorrow and griefe of their paine . when i am heauie and comfortles , i greatly ioy to haue my friend by me : and my heart doth tell me , that what i feele , hee feeleth : so that all which my friend with his eyes doeth bewayle , and all that which of my griefes he feeleth , the more wherewith hee burdeneth himselfe , and the more thereof he dischargeth me . the emperour octauian augustus , ( the hystories say ) on the riuer of danuby , found a kinde of people which had this straunge custome , that with eyes was neuer seene , nor in bookes at any time neuer read : which was , that two friendes assembled , and went to the aulters of the temples , and there one friend confederate with another : so that theyr hearts were marryed , as man and wife are marryed : touching their bodies , swearing , and promising there to the gods , neuer to weepe , nor to take sorrow , for any mishappe that shold come to their persons . so that my friend should come to lament and remedy my troubles , as if they had bin his owne : and i should lament and remedie his , as if they had bin mine . oh glorious world , o age most happie , o people of eternall memorie ! wherein men are so geentle , & friends so faithfull : that theyr owne trauells they forgot , and the sorrows of strangers they bewayled . o rome without rome , o time euill spent , o time to vs others euill employed , o wretches that alwaies are carelesse , now a dayes the stomacke and intrailes , are so seuered from the good , and the hearts so ioyned with the euill : that men forgetting themselus to be men , become more cruell then beasts . i labour to giue thee life : and thou seekest to procure my death . thou weepest to see mee laugh , and i laugh , to see thee weepe . i procure that thou doe not mount , and thou seekest that i might fall . finally , without the profite of anie , wee cast our selues away : and without gaine , we doe reioyce to ende our liues . by the faith of a good man i sweare vnto thee ( lady lauinia ) that if thy remedy were in my handes , as thy griefe is in my heart : i would not be sorrie for thy sorrowes , neyther thou so tormented for the death of thy husband . but alas , though i miserable man haue the heart to feele thy anguish , yet i want the power to remedie thy sorrowes . chap. xxxviii . ¶ the emperor proceedeth in his letter , and perswadeth widdows to put theyr willes to the will of god , and exhorteth them to liue honestly . since thy remedie , & my desire cannot be accomplished , because it is a thing vnpossible to receiue , & speake with the dead : and not hauing power , mee thinkes that thou and i should referre it to the gods : who can giue , much better then wee can aske . o ladie lauinia , i desire thee earnestly , and as a friend i counsell and admonish thee , and with all my heart i require thee , that thou esteeme that for well done , which the gods haue done : that thou conforme thy selfe to the will of the gods , and that thou will nought else , but as the gods will. for they onely knowe they erre not : wherfore they haue assaulted thy husband with so sudden death , and vnto thee his wife , haue lent so long life . the gods beeing as they are , so mighty , and so sage , what is hee that can be iudge of their profound iudgements . the gods knowe right well those which serue them : and those which offend them : those which loue them , and those which hate them : those that praise them , and those that blaspheme them : those that yeelde them thanks , and those which are vnthankefull . and i tell thee further , that oftentimes the gods are serued more with them which are buryed in the graues , then with those which goe weeping through the temples . wilt thou now enter into account with the gods ? thou oughtst to note and consider , that they haue left thee children to comfort thy selfe , they haue left thee goods , wherewith thou mayest auoyde pouertie , they haue left thee friends , by whome thou shalt be fauoured , they haue left thee parents , of whom thou art beloued , they haue left thee a good name for to be esteemed : and health , wherewith thou mayest liue . finally i say , that small is that which the gods take from vs , in respect of that they leaue vs. after one sort we ought to behaue our selues with men , and after another wee ought to serue the gods. for to men sometimes it is requisite , to shew a countenance for to humble them : but to the gods it is necessary , to lye flat on the grounde with thy stomacke to honour them . and if the oracle of apollo doe not deceyue vs , the gods are sooner with humilitie , ( wherewith wee worship them ) appeased : then with presumptuous sacrifices ( which wee offer vnto them ) contented . since thou art widdow ( lady lauinia ) and art a wise and vertuous woman : beseech the gods to preserue thy children , to defend thy renowme , and not to seuer thy friendes from thee , and that thou scatter not thy goods : to preserue thy person in health , and aboue all , to bee in theyr fauour . thou canst not winne , nor loose so much in all thy life , as the gods can giue , or take from thee in one houre . would to god the widow knew , how little shee winneth among men , and how much she loseth among the gods , when shee is not pacient in aduersitie : for impatience oftentimes prouoketh the gods to wrath . we see it in mans bodie by experience , that there are sundrie diseases , which are not cured with wordes spoken : but with the hearbs therevnto applyed . and in other diseases , the contrary is seene , which are not cured with costly medicines , but with comfortable wordes . the ende of this comparison tendeth to this effect , that all the afflicted harts should know , that somtimes the the hart is more comforted with one benefite which they doe : then with an hundred words which they speake , and at an other time , the sorrowfull hart is more lightned with one worde of his friendes mouth : then with all the seruice of others in the worlde . oh wretch that i am : for , as in the one , and in the other , i am destitute , so in all i do want . for , considering thy greatnes , and weyghing my little knowledge , i see my selfe very vnable : for , that to comfort thee , i want science : and for to helpe thee i want riches . but i cease not to haue great sorrow : if sorrow in payment may be receyued . that which with my person i can doe , neyther with paper or iuke i will requite . for the man which with word only comforteth ( in effect being able to remedy ) declareth himselfe to haue beene a fayned friend in times past : and sheweth , that a man ought not to take him for a faithfull friend in time to come . that which the romaines with the widdowes of rome haue accustomed to doe , i will not presently doe with rhee ( lady lauinia ) that is to say , that thy husband being dead , all goe to visite the widdow , all comfort the widdow : and within a few dayes after , if the wofull widdow haue neede of any smal fauor with the senate , they withdraw themselues together , as if they had neuer knowne her husband , nor seene her . the renowme of romaine widdowes is very dayntie : for of their honestie or dishonestie , dependeth the good renowme of their person , the honour of their parents , the credite of their childrē , and the memory of the dead . for this therfore , it is healthfull counsell , for wise men to speake few words to widowes , and to doe infinite good works . what auaileth it wofull widowes , to haue their cofers filled with letters and promises , and their eares stuffed with words , and flatteries ? if hitherto thou hast taken mee for thy neighbour , and parent of thy husband , i beseech thee henceforth that thou take mee for a husband in loue , for father in counsell , for brother in seruice , and for aduocate in the senate . and all this so truly shall be accomplished , that i hope thou wilt say : that which in many i haue lost , in marcus aurelius alone i haue found . i know well ( as thou doost in like maner ) that when the hearts with sorrowes are ouerwhelmed , the spirits are vexed and troubled , the memory is dulled , the flesh doth tremble , the spirit doth change , and reason is withdrawne . and since that presently sorrow and care , in thy house doe remaine : let the gods forsake me , if i abandon thee , let them forget mee , if i remember thee not . but as claudine remained thine , wholly till the houre of death : so marcus aurelius will euermore be thine , during his life . since i loue thee so entirely , and thou trustest me so faithfully , and that thou with sorrowes art so replenished , and my heart with care so oppressed : let vs admit , that thou lady lauinia , hast the aucthority to command me in thy affaires , and i licence to counsell & aduertise thee of things , touching thy honour and person . for oftentimes the widowes haue more neede of a meane remedy , then of a good counsell : i earnestly desire thee to leaue the lamentation of the romane widowes , that is to know : to shut the gates , to teare their haires , to cut their garments , to goe bare legged , to paint the visage , to eate solitarily , to weepe on the graues , to chide her chamberlaines , to poure out water with teares , to put acornes on the graues , and to bite their nailes with the teeth : for these things , and such other semblable lightnesse , behooueth not the grauity of romane matrons , either to see them or else to know them . since there is no extremity but therein vice is annexed : i let thee know ( lady lauinia ) if thou bee ignorant thereof , that the widowes which are so extreame , doe torment themselues , doe trouble their friends , do offend the gods , do forsake theirs , & in the end they profit not the dead : and to the enuious people , they giue occasion to talke . i would thinke and me seemeth , that the women which are matrons , and widowes , ought to take vpon them such garment , and estate , the day that the gods take life from their husbands : as they entend to weare during their life . what auaileth it that a widow bee one moneth shut vp in her house , and that afterwards within a yeare she is met in euery place of rome , what auaileth it , that for few dayes she hideth her selfe from her parents , and friends , and afterwards shee is found the first at the theaters : what profiteth it , that widowes at the first doe mourne , and goe euill attired , and afterwards they dispute , and complaine of the beauty of the romane wiues ? what forceth it , that widowes for a certaine time doe keepe their gates shut , and afterwards their houses are more frequented then others ? what skilleth it , that a man see the widowes weepe much for their husbands , and afterwards they see them laugh more for their pastimes ? finally , i say , that it little auaileth the woman , to seeme to suffer much openly for the death of her husband : if secretly she hath another husband already found ? for the vertuous , and honest widow immediatly as she seeth another man aliue , she renueth her sorrow for her husband that is dead . i will shew thee ( lady lauinia ) a thing that befell in rome , to the end thou thinke not i talke at pleasure . in the olde time , in rome there was a noble & worthy romane lady , wife of the noble marcus marcellus , whose came was fuluia . and it happened so , that this woman seeing her husband buried in the field of mars , for the great priese she had , she scratched her face , shee ruffled her haire , shee tore her gowne , and fell downe to the earth in a sound , by the reason whereof two senatours kept her in their armes , to the end she should torment her selfe no more . to whom gneus ●l●uius the censour said . let fuluia goe out of your hands , she will this day doe all the penance of widowes speaking the truth , i know not whether this romane spake with the oracle , or that hee were a diuine : but i am ●ssured that all hee spake came to paile . for that this fuluia was the wise of so excellent a romane , as that good marcus marceilus was : i would that so vnlucky a chance had not happened vnto her , which was : that whiles the bones of her husband were a burning , she agreed to be married to another : and which was more , to one of the senatours that lifted her vp by the armes , she gaue her hand , as a romane to a romane , in token of a faithfull marriage . the case was so abhominable , that of all men it was dispraised that were present : and gaue occasion that they neuer credite widowes afterwards . i doe not speake it ( lady lauinia ) for that i thinke thou wilt do so . for by the faith of a good man , i sweare vnto thee , that my heart neither suspected i● , nor yet the aucthority of so graue a romane doth demand it : for to thee onely the fault should remaine , and to me the wonder . heartily i commend vnto thee thy honesty , which to thy selfe thou oughtest , and the care which behooueth so worthy and notable a widow . for if thou art tormented , with the absence of the dead : thou oughtest to comfort thee , with the reputation of the liuing . at this present i will say no more to thee , but that thy renowne among the present be such , and that they speake of thee so in absence : that to the euill , thou giue the bridell to be silent : and to the good , spurres to come and sefue thee . for the widow of euill renowne , ought to be buried quicke . other things to write to thee i haue none . secret matters are dangerous to trust , considering that thy heart is not presently disposed to heare newes . it is reason thou know that i with thy parents and friends haue spoken to the senate , which haue giuen the office that thy husband had in constantinople , to thy sonne . and truly thou oughtest no lesse to reioyce of that , which they haue said of thee , then for that they haue giuen him . for they say , though thy husband had neuer beene citizen of rome : yet they ought to haue giuen more than this , onely for thy honest behauiour . my wife faustine saluteth thee , and i will say i neuer saw her weepe for any thing in the world so much , as shee hath wept for thy mishap . for shee felt thy losse , which was very great : and my sorrow , which was not little . i send thee foure thousand sexterces in money , supposing that thou hast wherewith to occupy them , as well for thy necessaries , as to discharge thy debts . for the complaints , demaunds , and processes which they minister to the romane matrons are greater , then are the goods that their husbands doe leaue them . the gods which haue giuen rest to thy husband o claudine , giue also comfort to thee his wife lauinia . marcus of mount celio , with his owne hand . chap. xxxix . that princes and noble men ought to despise the world , for that there is nothing in the world but plaine deceit . plato , aristotle , pythagoras , empedocles , democrates , seleucus , epicurus , diogenes , thales , and methrodorus , had among them so great contention to describe the world , his beginning and propertie : that in maintaining euery one his opinion , they made greater wars with their pens , then their enemies haue done with their lances . pythagoras sayde , that that which wee call the world is one thing , and that which wee call the vniuersall is an other : the philosopher thales said , that there was no more but one world : and to the contrarie , methrodorus the astronomer affirmed , there were infinit worlds : diogenes sayd , that the world was euerlasting . seleucus sayd , that it was not true : but that it had an ende : aristotle seemed to say , that the world was eternall . but plato sayde clearely , that the world hath had beginning , and shall also haue ending . epicurus sayd , that it was round as a ball , empedocles saide , that it was not as a bowle , but as an egge . chilo the philosopher ( in the high mount olimpus ) disputed that the world was as men are : that is to say , that hee had an intellectable and sensible soule . socrates in his schoole sayeth , and in his doctrine wrote that after thousand yeares , all things should returne as they had beene before : that is to say , that he himselfe should bee borne anew , and should be nourished and should reade in athens . and dennis the tytant should returne to play the tyrant in syracuse . iulius caesar to rule rome , hannibal to conquer italy , and scipio to make warre against carthage , alexander to fight against king darius , and so foorth in all others past . in such and other vaine questions and speculstions , the auncient philosophers consumed many yeares . they in writing many bookes haue troubled their spirites , consumed long time , trauelled many countryes , and suffered innumerable dangers , and in the end they haue set forth few truthes and many lyes . for the least part of that they knew not , was much greater then all that which they euer knew . when i tooke my penne in my hand to write the vanity of the world : my intention was not to reproue this material world , the which of the four elements is compounded : that is to say , of the earth that is cold and drie : of the water that is moist and cold : of the ayre that is hote and moist , of fire that is drie and hote : so that taking the world in this sort , there is no reason why we should complaine and lament of it , since that without him we cannot liue corporally , when the painter of the world came into the world , it is not to be beleeued , that he reproued the water which bare him , when hee went vpon it : nor the ayre that ceased to blow in the sea , nor the earth that trembled at his death , nor the light which ceased to light , nor the stones which brake in sunder , nor the fish which suffered themselues to bee taken , not the trees which suffered themselues to be drie , nor the monuments that suffered themselues to bee opened : for the creature acknowledged in his creator omnipotency , and the creator founded in the creature due obedience . oftentimes , and of many persons wee heare say , o woefull world , o miserable world , o subtill world , o world vnstable , and vnconstant ! and therefore it is reason wee know what the world is , whereof the world is , from whence this world is , whereof this world is made , and who is lord of this world ? since in it all things are vnstable , all things are miserable , all things deceitfull , & all things are malicious , which cannot be vnderstood of this materiall worlde . for , in the fire , in the aire in the earth , and in the water , in the light , in the planets , in the stones , and in the trees , there are no sorrowes , there are no miseryes , there are no deceytes , nor yet any malice . the world wherein wee are borne , where we liue , and where we die , differeth much from the world whereof we doe complaine : for the world against whom wee fight , suffereth vs not to be in quyet one howre in the day . to declare therefore my intention , this wicked world is no other thing , but the euill life of the worldlings , the earth is the desire , the fire the couetise , the water the inconstancie , the ayre the folly the stones are the pride , the flowers of the trees the thoughts , the deepe sea , the heart . finally i say , that the sunne of this world is the prosperity , and the moon is the continuall change . the prince of this so euill a world is the diuell , of whom iesvs christ laid ; the prince of this world shall now be cast out : and this the redeemer of the world sayeth : for , he called the worldlings and their worldly liues the world : for since they be seruants of sinne , of necessity they must be subiects to the diuell . the pride , the auarice , the enuie , the blasphemie , the pleasures , the leachery , the negligēce , the gluttony , the ire , the malice , the vanity , & the follie . this is the worlde against which wee fight all our life , and there the good are princes of vices , and the vices are lordes of the vicious . let vs compare the trauels which we suffer of the elements , with those which wee endure of the vices , and wee shall see , that little is the perill wee haue on the sea and the land , in respect of that which encreaseth our euill life . is not he in more danger that falleth throgh malice into pride , then hee which by chaunce falleth from a high rocke ? is not hee who with enuie is persecuted , in more danger then he that with a stone is wounded ? are not they in more perill that liue among vitious men , then others that liue among brute and cruell beasts . doe not those which are tormented with the fire of couetousnes , suffer greater danger thē those which liue vnder the mount ethna . finally , i say , that they be in greater perils , which with high imaginations are blinded , thē the trees which with the importunate winds are shaken . and afterwards this world is our cruell enemy , it is a deceitfull friend , it is that which alwayes keepeth vs in trauell , it is that which taketh from vs our rest , it is that that robbeth vs of our treasure , it is that which maketh himselfe to bee feared of the good , and that which is greatly beloued of the euill , it is that which of the goods of other is prodigall , and of his own very miserable . hee is the inuentor of all vices , & the scourge of all vertues . it is hee which entertaineth all his in flatterie , and sayre speech . this is hee which bringeth men to dissention , that robbeth the renowme of those that bee dead , and putteth to sacke the good name of those that bee aliue . finally , i say , that this cursed world is hee , which to all ought to render account , and of whom none dare aske account . oh vanitie of vanities , where all walke in vanitie , where all thinke vanitie , where all cleaue to vanitie , where all seemeth vanity : and yet this is little to seeme vanitie , but that indeede it is vanitie . for , as false witnesse should he beare , that would say , that in this worlde there is any thing assured , healthfull , and true : as hee that would say , that in heauen there is any vnconstant , variable , or false thing . let therefore vaine princes see how vaine their thoughts bee : and let vs desire a vaine prince to tell vs how he hath gouerned with him the vanityes of the world ? for , if hee belieue not that which my pen writeth , let him be leeue that which his person proueth . the words written in the booke of ecclesiastes are such . i dauids sonne that swayes the kingly seate , with hungrie thyrst , haue throwne amid my brest : a vaine desire to proue what pleasures great in fleeting lise haue stable foote to rest . to taste the sweete that might suffise my will , with rayned course to shunne the deeper way , whose streames of high delight , should so distill , as might content my restlesse thoughts to stay . for loe , queene follyes impes through vaine beleefe so proudly shape their search of tickle reatch that though desert auayles the waue of griefe , to science toppe their clymbing will doth stretch . and so to drawe some nice delighting ende of fancyes toyle that feasted thus my thought : i largely waighed my wasted boundes to bende , to swelling realmes , as wisedomes dyall wrought . i royall courtes haue reached from the soyle to serue to lodge my huge attending traine : each pleasaunt house that might be heapt with toyle i reared vp , to weelde my wanton rayne . i causde to plante the long vnused vines , to smooth my taste with treasure of the grape : i sipped haue the sweete inflaming wines , olde rust of care by hidde delight to scape . fresh arbours i had closed to the skyes , a shrowded space to vse my fickle feete : rich gardeins i had dazling still mine eyes , a pleasaunt plot , when dayntie foode was meete . high shaking-trees by arte i stroue to sette , to fraight desire with fruits of liking taste : when boyling flame of summers-sunne did heate , the blossom'de boughes his shooting beames did waste . from rocky hilles i forced to be brought colde siluer springs to bayne my fruitfull grounde : large throwne-out ponds , i laboured to be wrought , where numbers huge of swimming fish were found : great compast parkes i gloryed long to plant and wylde forrests , where swarmed heards of deere thousands of sheepe , ne cattell could not want , with new encrease to store the wasted yeere , whole rowtes i kept of seruile wights to serue defaultes of princely courtes with yrke some toyle whose skilfull hand from cunning could not swarue , their sway was most to decke my dayntie soyle . the learned weights of musickes curious art i trayned vp , to please mee with their play whose sugred tunes so sayled to my heart as flowing griefe , agreed to eble away . the tender maydes , whose stalke of growing yeares yet reached not to age his second rayne whose royall am s , were swallowed in no cares but burnt by loue , as beautyes lotte doth gaine . loe i enioyde to feede my dulled spirite with strained voyce of sweete alluring song but yet to mount the stage of more delight i ioyed to see theyr comely daunces long . the hilles of massie golde that i vp heapt so hugie were by hoord of long excesse , that clottered clay with prouder price was kept in sundry realmes , when ruthfull neede did presse , in some i say my bodyes rowling guyde did gaze for nought , but subiect lay to sight : my iudge of sounds wisht nothing to abyde , but was instild to kindle more delight . the clother of my corps yet neuer felt that pleasde him ought but aye it toucht againe my sicher of sauours , if ought be smelt , that might content , his would was neuer vaine . the greedy sighes of my deuoured brest trauelled in thought to conquere no delight , but yeelded streight as wyer to the wrest to office such , as wanton will be hight . but when the doore of by abused eyen , where hoysed vp with lookes and lookes againe and that my eager hands , did aye encline to touch the sweete , that season still their paine . when wanton tast , was fed with each conceyt that strange deuise brought forth from flowing wit when restlesse will was ballast with the weight , of princely reach , that did my compasse fit . i saw by search , the sory vnstable bloome : the blasted fruit , the flitting still delight , the fickle ioy , the oft abused doome , the slipper stay , the short contented sight of such as set their heauen of singing life in pleasures lappe , that laugh at their abuse whose froward wheele , with frowning turne is ryse to drowne their blisse , that blindely slept with vse . for loe , the course of my delighting yeares that was embraste in armes of fancies past when wisedomes sunne , through follies clowds appeares doth blush to heare the count that pleasures cast . so now i see the masse of huge delight with flattering face doth promise but decay whose flitting foote , entyced one to flight his restles wings , doe seeke to sore away . loe thus he slippes , reclaimde with endles paine , possest a while , departing soone againe thus sayeth the sage salomon , talking of the things of the world : the which as he spake of the world , so had hee proued it in deede , in his owne person . crediting , as it is reason to such high doctrine , i cannot tell what my pen can write more in this case : since hee saith , that after he had all proued , experimented , possessed , and tasted , he found that al we procure and haue in this worlde is vanitie . oh noble princes and great lords , i beseeche you , and in the name of iesvs christ , i exhort you , with great discretion , to enter into this deepe sea : since this order is so disordered , that it bringeth all disorders , and euill customs . for all those which shall trauell by the way , when they shall thinke to goe moste sure in the midst of their iourney , they shal finde themselues to be lost . none ought to agree with the world , for that hee might liue secure in his house : for day and night to all worldlings hee hath his gates open , making their entrie large and sure . but let vs beware we enter not , and much more that wee loade not our selues with his vices , and be delighted with his pleasures . for , since we doe waxe worse and that wee are entred therein , though wee doe repent , by no way wee finde the sure comming out , but that first wee must well pay for our lodging . i maruell not though the worldlings at euery moment be deceyued : since superficiously they beholde the world with their eyes , and loue it profoundly with their hearts . but if they desired as profoundly to consider it , as they doe vainely followe it , they should see very plaine , that the world did not flatter them with prosperitie , but threaten them with aduersitie . so that vnder the greatest poynt of the dye , which is the vi . is hidden the least , which is the ase , i would counsell noble-princes , and great lords , that they would not beleeue the world , nor his flatterers , and much lesse beleeue themselues nor their vaine imaginations . the which for the most part doe thinke that after they haue traueled , & heaped vp great treasure , they shal enioy but their own trauel , without the trouble of any man , or that any man doe go againe them . oh how vaine is such thought , and how often doth it change contrarie ? the world is of such an euill conditition , that if hee let vs rest , our first sleepe , as well vs , as that which wee haue gotten , immediately in the morning , yea oftentimes , an houre from thence , he awaketh vs with a new care and now he hath prepared for vs some meane , to occupie our selues about some other trouble . chap. xl. ¶ the authour followeth his intention , and speaketh vehemently against the deceyts of the world. the emperor traiane said one day to his maister ( which was plutarche , the great philosopher ) tell mee maister ; why there are commonly more euill then good ? & why without comparison , there are moe which follow vices , then those which embrace vertue ? the great plutarch aunswered . as our naturall inclination is more giuen to lasciuiousnes and negligence , then to chastity and abstinencie : so the men which doe enforce themselues to follow vertue are fewe , and those which giue slacke the reynes vnto vices are manie . and know thou ( if thou knowest it not , moste noble prince ) that all this euill proceedeth , that men doe followe men , and that they suffer not reason to folow reason feeble , and miserable is our nature , but in the ende wee cannot deny , that for our trauells we may finde remedie in it , which seemeth to be true . for so much if the sunne doth annoy vs , we retire to the shadow . if we are grieued going on foote , wee doe remedy it going on horsebacke . if the sea be dangerous , we sayle with ships . if the colde doe vexe vs , we approche neere the fire . if thyrst doth trouble vs , we do quench it with drinke . if the raine doth wet vs , wee goe into houses . if the plague be in one place , wee flie into another . if we haue enemies , we comfort ourselues with our friēds . finally i say , that there is no sorrow , nor trauell , but that a man hath found some rest and remedie . this presupposed to be true ( as it is truth indeed ) now i aske al the worldlings , if they haue found any remedie against the troubles and deceytes of this world ? if i be not deceyued , and if i vnderstand any thing of this world the remedie which the worlde giueth for the troubles , certainly are greater trauells , then the trauels thēselues : so that they are salues , that doe not heale our wounds , but rather burn our flesh . when the diseases are not very olde rooted , nor daungerous , it profiteth more oftentimes to abide a gentle feauer : then to take a sharpe purgation : i mean , that the world is such a deceiuer , and so double , that he doeth contrary to that he punisheth . that is to say , that if hee doe perswade vs to reuenge an iniurie : it is to the end that in reuenging that one , wee should receiue a thousand inconueniences . and wheras we thinke it taketh from vs , it increaseth infinite . so that this cursed guyde , maketh vs to belieue it leadeth vs vpon the drye land among our friends : causeth vs to fall into the ambushments of our enemyes . noble princes & great lords , in the thoughts they haue , and in the words that they speake , are greatly esteemed : and afterwardes in the workes which they doe , and in the affayres they trauell , are as little regarded . the contrarie of all this doeth the wicked world , who with all those hee acompanyeth , in his promises hee is very gentle : and afterwardes in his deedes , hee is very prowd . for speaking the trueth , oft times it costeth vs deere , and wee others doe sell it good cheape . i say much , in saying that wee sell it good cheap : but in a maner i shold say better , that wee giue it willingly . for fewe are those in number which carrie away wages of the world : and infinite are those which doe serue it , onely for a vaine hope . oh noble princes and great lordes , i counsell and require you , that you doe not trust the world , neither in word , deed , nor promise , though hee sweare and sweare againe , that he will keepe all he hath promised with you . suppose that the world doth honor you much , flatter you much , visite you oft , offer you great treasures , and giue you much : yet it is not because hee will giue it you by little and little , but that afterwards he might take it all frō you againe in one day . for it is the olde custome of the world , that those which aboue all men hee hath set before : now at a turne , they are furthest behind . what may wee haue in this world and in his flatteries , since wee doe know , that one day we shall see our selues depriued thereof ? and that which is more , he vseth such craft and subtilty with the one and with the other , that in olde men whome reason would should not be vicious , hee ( the more to torment their persons ) hath kindled a greater fire in their hearts , so that this malicious world putteth into olde riches , a new couetousnesse : and in the aged , engendreth cruell auarice , and that in that time , when it is out of time . wee ought greatly to consider , how by the world we are deceiued : but much more we ought to take heede , that we be not by it destroyed . for whereas we thinke to be in open liberty : hee keepeth vs secret in prison . wee thinke we are whole , and he giueth vs sicknesse . wee thinke wee haue all things , yet we haue nothing . wee thinke that for many yeares long shall be our life , when that at euery corner we are assaulted of death . we thinke that it counteth vs for men that bee wise , when hee keepeth vs bound like vnto fooles . wee thinke that it encreaseth our good , when that in deede it burdeneth our conscience . finally i say , that by the way where we thinke to continue our renowne , and life : we loose without recouery , both life and fame . o filthy world , that when thou doest receiue vs , thou dost cast vs off : when thou dost assemble vs , thou dost seperate vs : when thou seemest to reioyce vs , thou makest vs sad : when thou pleasest vs , how thou displeasest vs : when thou exaltest vs , how thou humblest vs : and when thou doest chastise vs , how thou reioycest . finally i say , that thou hast thy drinkes so impoysoned , that wee are without thee , with thee , and hauing the thiefe within the house , wee goe out of the dores to seeke him . though : men be diuers in gestures : yet much more are they variable in their appetites . and sith the world hath experience of so many yeares , it hath appetites prepared for all kinde of people . for the presumptuous he procureth honours , to the auaricious he procureth riches , and to those which are gluttons , hee presenteth diuers meates . the fleshly he blindeth with women , and the negligent he letteth rest : and the end why he doth all these things , is that after he hath fed them as flesh , he casteth vpon them the nets of all vices . note princes , and great lords , note noble men , though a prince doe see himselfe lord of all the world , hee ought to thinke that of no value is the seignory , vnlesse he himselfe be vertuous . for little it profiteth that he be lord of the vicious : which is himselfe the seruant of all vices . many say that the world doth beguile them : and other say that they haue no power against the world . to whom we may answere . that if at the first temptations wee would haue resisted the world : it is vnpossible that so oftentimes it durst assault vs. for of our small resistance , commeth his so great audacity . i cannot tell if i shall dissemble , i shall hold my peace , or whether i shall say that i would say , since it greeueth my heart so much , onely to thinke of it . for i feele my eyes readier to lament it , then my fingers able to write it , it is so , that euery man suffereth himselfe to be gouerned so of the world , as if god were not in heauen , and he had not promised to bee a good christian here in earth . for all that he will , wee will , that which he followeth , wee follow , and that which hee chooseth , wee choose . and that which is greatest sorrow of all , if wee doe refraine our selues from aduersity , it is not for that of our owne nature wee would cease from it : but because the world will not command vs to doe it . little is that which i haue spoken , in respect of that i will speake : which is that the world hath made vs now so ready to his law , that from one houre to another , it changeth the whole state of this life . so that to day he maketh vs hate that , which yesterday we loued , he maketh vs complaine of that , which we commended : hee maketh vs to bee ofended now with that , which before we did desire : hee maketh vs to haue mortall enemies of those , which before were our speciall friends . finally i say , that the world maketh vs to loue that in our life , which afterwards wee bewaile at the houre of death . if the world did giue vnto his minions , any perfect and accomplished thing : it were somewhat that for a time a man should remaine in the seruice of his house : but since that in the world all things are granted not during life , but as lending , which ought to bee rendred the day following : i know not what man is so very a foole , that in the world doth hope for any perpetuall thing ? for all that he giueth , hee giueth with such condition , that they shall render it vnto him when hee shall demaund it : and not at the discretion of him that doth possesse it . peraduenture the world can giue vs perpetuall life ? i say certainly no. for in the sweetest time of all our life , then sodainly we are assaulted of cruell death . peraduenture the world can giue vs temporal goods in aboundance ? i say certainly no. for no man at any time had so much riches : but that which hee wanted was more , then that hee possessed . peraduenture the world can giue vs perpetuall ioy ? i say certainly no. for exempting those dayes which wee haue to lament , and also the houres which we haue to sight : there remaineth not for vs one moment to laugh . peraduenture he can giue vs perpetuall health ? i say certainly no. for to men of long life , without comparison the diseases are more which they suffer : then the yeares are which they liue . peraduenture the world can giue vs perpetuall rest ? i say certainly no. for if the dayes be fewe , wherein we see the elements without cloudes : fewer are the houres , which wee feele our hearts without cares . therefore since that in this miserable world there is no health perpetuall , nor life perpetuall , nor riches perpetuall , nor ioy perpetuall . i would knowe what it is that the worldlings would of the world , since they know that it hath no good thing to giue them , but onely by lending , or by vsurie ? if it be vsurie , there is no gaine of money : but rather returne , with restitution of vices . o children of vanity , o maisters of lightnesse , since it is so , that ye now determine to followe and serue the world : looke not of the world to haue any thing , but things of the world . in it is nothing but pride , enuie , leacherie , hate , ire , blasphemy , auarice , and folly . and if ye aske if he haue in his gouernance any vertuous thing , hee will answere you , that hee doth neuer sell such merchandize in his shop . let no man thinke that the world can giue vs that , which it hath nor for it selfe . and if wee will chaunge any thing with it , and it with vs : hee is so subtill to sell , and so curious to buye , that that which hee taketh shall be of great measure , and that which hee selleth vs , shal want much weight . chap. xli . ¶ of a letter which the emperour marcus aurelius wrote vnto his friend torquatus , to comfort him in his banishment , which is notable , for all men to learne the vanities of this world. marcus emperour of rome , companion in the empire , with his brother annius verus , to thee torquatus , of the citie of gaietta , wisheth all health to thy person , and strength against thy euill fortunes . i beeing in the temple of the vestall virgines , about three moneth since , i receyued a letter of thine : the which was in such sorte , that neyther mine eyes for that time could make an ende to read it , or since i haue had the heart to answer it . for in the incōnueniences of our friends , if we haue no facultie nor might for to remedie it , at the least we are bound to bewayle it . thy sorrow maketh me so heauie , thy paine doeth trouble mee so much , i am so carefull of thy anguish , so tormented with thy griefe , that if the gods had giuen power to wofull men to imparte theyr sorrowes , as they haue giuen to rich men to imparte their goods : by the faith i owe to god , i sweare , that as i am the greatest of thy friendes , i would bee hee which should take the most parte of thy griefes . i know right well , and as well as he that hath proued it , that asmuch difference as there is betweene the ba●ke and the tree , the marow and the bone , the corne and the straw , the gold , and the drosse , the trueth and the dreams : so much is there to heare the trauells of another , and to taste his own . notwithstanding , comfort thy selfe , my friend torquatus : for where the friends bee true , the goods and the euills are common betwixt them . oftentimes with my selfe i haue maruelled , to what ende or intention , the immortall gods haue giuen trauell , and torments to men , since it is in their powers to make vs liue without them . i see no other thing , why the mishaps ought paciently to bee suffered : but because in those , wee know who are our faithfull friendes . in battell the valiant man is knowne , in tempestuous weather the pylot is known , by the touch-stone the gold is tryed , and in aduersitie , the true friende is knowne . for my friende doth not enough to make me merrie , vnles also he doth take part of my sorrow . i haue heard say here , and now by thy letter i haue seene , how they haue banished thee from rome , and confiscated thy goods , and that for pure sorow thou art sicke in thy bed : wherof i maruel not that thou art sicke , but to be as thou art aliue . for saying to thee the trueth , where the heart is sore wounded , in shorte space it hath accustomed to yeelde vp vnto the bodie . i see well , that thou complaynest , and thou hast reason to complain , to see thy selfe banished from rome , and thy goods confiscate , to see thy selfe out of thy countrey , without any parentage : yet therfore thy sorrowes ought not to be so extreame , that thou shouldst put thy life in hazzard . for hee alone ought to haue licence , and also is bounde to hate life , which doeth not remember that hee hath serued the gods , nor hath done any profite to men . if the affayres of the empire did not occupie me , and the emperiall maiestie did not withdraw me : i would immediately haue come to comforte thy person , where thou shouldest haue seen by experience , with what griefe i feele thy troubles . and therefore , if thou takest mee for thy friende , thou oughtest to belieue of mee , that which in this case i would of thee ( which is ) that as thou hast been the most entier friend which i had in rome : so is this the thing that most i haue felt in this life . tell me my friend torquatus , what is it thou sufferest there , that i do not lament here ? it may be that sometime thou laughest , but i alwayes weepe : sometimes thou comfortest thy selfe , but i am alwayes sad . it may be that thou lightnest thy paine : but i am in sighing . it may bee that sometimes thou castest from thee sorrow : but for mee i cannot receyue consolation . it may bee that thou hopest remedie of long life : but for mee i finde no remedie more healthfull , then present death . finally ( i say ) that here i feele all that thou feelest there : and furthermore , i suffer all that , which as a friend i ought to suffer here : so that both our paynes are made one moste cruell sorrowe , wherewith my woefull life is tormented . i would greatly desire to come and see thee , and to help to disburden thee of this charge . and since it is vnpossible that thou shalt finde some comfortable wordes : for , thou knowest , that if the true friendes cannot doe that which they ought : yet they doe accomplish it , in doing that they can . if my memory deceyue me not , it is well two and thirty yeares since we two haue known together in rome , during the which , fortune hath made here betweene vs diuers alterations , in the which time i neuer saw thee one day contented . for if thou were sad , nothing did make thee merrie , but wert as a man without taste : : and if thou were ioyfull , thou esteemedst it little , as a man being troubled . therefore if the trueth be so ( as indeed it is ) that in trauells thou were loden with sorrows , and in prosperities thou wert euill content , so that of nothing in the world thou takest any taste : why is it ( my friend torquatus ) that now again thou art in despaire , as if thou camest new into this world ? thou didst reioyce thy selfe xxxii . yeares , with the triumphes and prosperitie of rome : and thou complainest onely of three moneths , that fortune hath been contrary vnto thee . o torquatus , torquatus , dost thou knowe that the wise men ( in whome wisedome raigneth ) haue more feare of two vnhappie dayes in this life : then of two hundreth of prosperous fortune ? oh how many haue i seene go out of their prosperities , with the charges of another man , and theyr owne proper vices : so that the vaine-glory and the fayling prosperities endured fewe dayes : but the griefe of that they haue lost , and the enmities which they haue recouered , endure many yeares . the contrary of all this commeth to vnfortunate men , which escape out of their tribulations , spoyled of vices , enuironed with vertues , persecutors of euills , zealous of good , friends of all , and enemyes of none : contented with theirs , and not desiring others . finally , they are escaped wisely from the snare , and haue gathered the rose , not hurting themselues with the prickes . what wilt thou that i say more vnto thee , but that the most fortunate ate vanquished in peace : and the vnfortunate are conquerors in warre . one of the sentences which moste haue contented me , of those which the auncients haue spoken , is this , of the diuine plato , that those which are in prosperity haue no lesse need of good counsell , then the vnhappy haue of remedie ; for no lesse doe they trauell , which goe alwayes in the plaine way , then those which mount on the sharpe craggy mountaine . according to that i haue gathered of thy letter , mee seemeth that when we hope most rest , greatest trauel hath succeeded to thee . and hereof i doe not maruell , nor thou oughtest not be offended : for as experience teacheth vs , when the trees haue the blossoms , then they are most subiect to the frost : and when glasses are drawne out of the furnace they breake . the captaines hauing won the victorie , doe die . when they will put the key in the dore , the house doth fall . the pirates perish within the kenning of land , by that i haue spoken , i meane , that when wee thinke to haue made peace with fortune , then shee hath a new demaund ready forged . all new changes of fortune , causeth all wayes new paine to the person : but often times it is cause of more great fortresse : for the tree beareth not so much fruit where it first grew , as there where againe it is planted : and the sauours are more odoriferous , when they are most chafed . i meane that men of high thoughts , the more they are wrapped in the frownings of fortune , the more valiant and stout they shew themselues . the man vtterly is foolish , or hath great want of vnderstanding , who hopeth at any time to haue perfect rest , imagining that the world will giue no assault vpon him : but that the time shall come , wherein hee shall bee without care and feare . this miserable life is of such condition , that dayly our yeares doe diminish , and our troubles encrease . o torquatus , by the immortall gods i doe desire thee , and in the faith of a friend i doe require thee , thou being borne in the world , nourishing thy selfe in the world , liuing in the world being conuersant in the world , being a child of the world , and following the world , what didst thou hope of the world but things of the world ? peraduenture , thou alone wilt eate the flesh without bones , giue battell without perill , trauell without paine , and sayle by the sea without daunger . i meane , that ●s vnpossible for mortall men to liue in the world , vnlesse they will become subiect to the sorrowes of the world . the world hath alwayes been the world , and now the world shall be after vs , and as a world shall handle the worldlings . the wise men , and those which of their estates are carefull , are not contented to see , nor superficialy to know the things : but rather waigh them profoundly . i say this , because if thou knewest thy debelity , and knewest fortune , and her chaunge , if thou knewest the men , and their malices , if thou knewest the world and his flatteries , thou shouldest winne no little honour , where as otherwise thou mayes chance to get infamie . wee are now come to so great folly , that wee will not serue the gods which haue created vs , nor abstaine from the world which persecuteth vs : and the best is , that hee not willing vs ( but rather reiecting vs ) we say , that of our owne willes wee will loue and serue him : and yet knowing that those which longest haue serued the world , do goe out of his house , most bitterly lamenting . oftentimes i stay for to thinke , that according to the multitude of men which follow the world ( beeing alwayes euill handled of the world ) if the world did pray them as hee doth annoye them , if hee did comfort them , as he doth torment them , if he kept them , as he banisheth them , if he exalted them , as he abuseth them , of he receyued them , as he expelleth them , if he did continue them as he consumeth them : i thinke that the gods should not be honoured in heauen , nor the temples worshipped in the earth . o torquatus my friend , that which i will now say of thee , thou mayest say of mee : that is to say , how much wee put our confidence in fortune , how lewdly wee passe our dayes , and how much wee are ●inded in the world : yet for all that we credite his word as much , as though hee had neuer mocked any . chap. xlii . marcus aurelius goeth on with his letter , and by strong and high reasons perswadeth all that line in the world , not to trust the world , nor any thing therein . tel l mee i pray thee torquatus , what wilt thou hear more ? what wilt thou see more ? and what wilt thou know more ? to know the world ? seeing how vntill this present thou hast beene handled of the world , thou demaundest rest , and he hath giuen thee trouble : thou demaundest honour , and he hath giuen thee infamie . thou demaundest riches , and he hath giuen thee pouerty : thou demaundest ioy , and hee hath giuen thee sorrow . thou demaundest to be his , and hee hath giuen thee his hand . thou demandest life , and hee hath giuen thee death : therefore if it be true , that the world hath handled thee in this wise , why doest thou weepe to returne againe to his wicked house ? o filthy worlde , how farre art thou from iust : and how farre ought they to bee from thee , which desire to be iust : for naturally thou art a friend of nouelties , and enemie of vertues . one of the lessons which the world readeth to his children is this : that to be true worldlings they should not bee very true : the which experience plainely sheweth vs , for the man which medleth much with the world , leaueth alwayes suspition of him that hee is not true : the world is an ambassadour of the euill , a scourge of the good , chiefest of vices , a tyrant of the vertuous , a breaker of peace , a friend of warre , a sweete water of vices , the gawle of the vertuous , a defendor of lyes , an inuentor of nouelties , a trauellour of the ignorant , a hammer for the malitious , a table of gluttons , and a furnace of concupiscence . finally , it is the perill of charibdes , where the harts doe perish : and the danger of scylla , where the thoughts doe waste . presuppose that these he the conditions of the world . the truth is , that if there bee any worldling who complayneth to be euill content with the world , shall he therefore chaunge his stile ? truly no and the reason is , that if perchaunce one worldling should goe out the house of the world , there are x. thousand vanityes at his gate : i know not what wise man will liue in the world , with such conditions , since the vices wherewith wee doe reioyce our selues are very fewe , in respect of the torments which we suffer . i say not that we doe heare it by heare-say , and reade them in bookes : but wee see with our owne eyes , the one to consume and wast the goods : others by misfortune to fall and lose their credite , others to fall and loose their honour , and others to loose their life : and all these miseryes seene , yet neuertheles , euery man thinketh to be free by priuiledge , where there is none priuiledged . oh my deare friend torquatus , of one thing i assure thee , which is : that the men which are born of women are so euill a generation , and so cruell is the world wherein we liue , and fortune so empoysoned , with whome wee frequent : that we cannot escape without beeing spurned with his feete , bitten with his teeth , torne with his nayles , or empoysoned with his venome . peraduenture thou mayest say vnto mee that thou hast seene some in rome which haue liued longtime , fortune neuer beeing against him . to this i answere thee , that thou oughtst rather to haue pittie vppon him , then enuie : for it is not for his profite , but for his great hinderance . for the world is so malicious , that when it seemeth to bee most our friende , then it worketh vs most displeasure . the healthfull men dye rather of a short disease in fewe dayes , then the drye and feeble men doe , with a disease of many yeares . by this comparison i meane , that since man cannot escape , nor liue without trauell : it is much better , that by little and little he tasteth them , then they enter al at one time into his house . oh how much ought the man to be hated of the immortall gods : who knoweth not what trauell meaneth in this world ? for hee onely ought to feare fortune , who knoweth not fortunes force . since the gods would permit , and thy mishap hath beene such , that thou hast found more daunger , where thou thoughtst most surety , as a man euillfortuned : it is reason that wee applye vnto thee some newe ware , to the end thou lose not thy good renowm , since thou hast lost thy euill goods . tell mee i pray thee ( torquatus ) why doest thou complayne as a man sicke ? why cryest thou as a foole ? why sighest thou as a man in despaire ? and why doest thou weepe as a childe ? thou art come out of the way : and thou complainst to haue lost thy way . thou sailest by the broyling seas : and thou wonderest that the waues doe assault thee . thou hast ascended the steepe and craggie mountaines : and thou complainest that thou art weary . thou walkest by the thornes , and wilt not that thy gowne be torne . didst thou thinke on the top of the high mountaine to liue most sure ? by that i haue spoken , i will aske what diligent seruice thou hast done to the world , that thou wouldst the gods of heauen should recompence thee ? wouldest thou of fortune a safe conduct , shee being ( as shee is ) enemie of manie , nature being not able to giue it , the which is mother of all ? oh my friend torquatus , that which that pittifull nature cannot promise thee , didst thou thinke that fortune , ( which is the iust step-mother ) should giue ? it is vnpossible that the sea should always promise vs surety , and the heauens clearenesse , the summer deawes , and the winter , frosts . marke well , my friende torquatus , that all naturall things are subiect to chaunge euery yeare : but all the worldlings ought to endure , to eclipse euery moment . since the naturall gods cannot alwayes be in one mans custodie , being necessarie , it is iust that the goods of fortune perish , since they are superfluous . vniust should the gods bee , if that which is to the damage of so manie , they had made perpetuall : and that which is to the profite of all , they had made mortall . i will no more reduce to thy memorie , the prosperities which thou hast had in times past : before that we treate how fortune handleth thee at this present . the deceytfull fortune , when at thy gate she sold her marchandise , knowing that shee soldevnto thee , and thou being ignorant of that thou boughtst : she gaue thee fruitfull ground , and afterwards made it vnto thee painefull . shee hath giuen thee sower for sweet , and the sweete shee hath returned to the sower . shee hath giuen thee the euill for the good : and where that thou hast solde her good , shee returneth vnto thee euill . finally shee hath beguyled thee in the iust price , thou not supposing that thou hadst receyued any damage . wee can doe no lesse in this case but to haue compassion vpon thee : yet though they condemne malicious fortune for selling , they will note thee simple in buying . for in the shoppe of fortune , all marchandize are suspicious . oh vnhapie that we are , i say those which meddle with the word : for in his market they see nought but lyes , and wee doe not trust but in the ouerthrowes of our renowme : which are not paide , but with the cost of our life . and the factours of that fayre , giue vs nothing by weyght or measure : for they are a sort of vacabondes : and the worst of all is , knowing that they ought to lose with fortune , all seeke to buye at her shoppe . giue thy selfe to the worlde , loue the world much , serue the world well , followe the world well , and feele the world well : for , in the ende of thy iourney , the world requireth thee to be like vnto his inconstancie . i would enter into count , not with the worlde , which in the ende is the world : but with the worldlings which are in loue with the world . for , in thè ende , eyther it is good or euill . if the world be good for them , whereof doe they complaine ? if he be euill , why do they follow him ? they cannot ( though they would ) denie one of the two errours , wherein the worldlings fall : that is to say , that they serue an euill maister , or that they murmure of a good lord . now tell mee , my friend torquatus , what didst thou hope , since thou madest so long time a countenaunce to the world ? two and thyrtie yeares thou hast serued the worlde , and hast been in his fauour : wherefore it were now high time , that between thee and him were some discord . for between the grand-fathers and the nephews , between the father and the children , between the vnkles and the nephews , daylie we see great strifes : and didst thou thinke , that betweene thee and fortune , perpetuall peace should be ? shee gaue not to belus , king of the assyrians , but lx . yeares of prosperity . to the queene semiramis , sixe onely . to label king of the lacedemonians , fiue : to the k of the chaldeans , fowre . to the great alexander of macedony , fowre . to the great amilcar , king of carthage , two . to our iulius caesar , one : and to infinite others , shee gaue not one . if the world were pacient , he should be no world , if the world were constant , hee should bee no world , if the world were sober , hee should bee no world , if the world were true , he shold be no world , if the world were corrigible , he should be no world . finally i say , that for nought else the world is world , but because there is nothing in him worthy to be beloued : and many things in it deserueth to bee reproued . if thou wert wise , and knewst any thing of the world , in all the discourse of those xxxii . yeares , thou hadst not eaten without care , nor hadst gone without guyles , and hadst not spoken without suspicion , nor slept without assault , nor trusted any friende . for the warre , men doe bethinke them all wayes wherein their enemies doe beguile them , wherein they themselues may fayle , and wherein fortune may let them . i know not if it be that the world of himselfe bee happy , or that the worldlings are fooles : for if one stranger , one neighbour , or our proper brother doth enuy vs , we will neuer ( thogh he do require vs ) pardon him , and wee cease not to follow the world , though wee know he persecuteth vs. so that wee draw our swords against flies : and will kil the elephants with needles . there is no greater ill in the world , then to thinke all things in the world are in extremitie : for if wee be abased , we sigh alwais to mount , & if we be high , we weepe alwayes for feare of falling . such ouerthrowes hath the world , and his snares are so secret , that we are no sooner shipped but wee see both our hands and feete entangled with vices : by the which our libertie is brought into such extreme and cruell captiuitie , that wee bewayle our mishaps with roaring voyce as brute beasts , but as men wee dare not once vtter them . i know not whereof this commeth , for some i see which willingly fall , and other i see which would recouer themselues . i see diuers that would bee remedyed , and i see all do complaine , but in the end i see no man that doth amend . these things i haue written vnto thee , for no other thing , but because from henceforth thou shouldst liue more circumspectly : for as thou know est , i say nothing , whereof i haue not long experience . the colt which thou hast sent mee is prooued verie good , especially for that he leapeth very well , and for the careere hee is exceeding ready , and hath a comely grace . i send thee two thousand sexterces , wherewith thou mayst releeue thy necessities . finding opportunitie , as touching thy banishment i will speake to the senate in thy behalfe . i say no more to thee , but that the consolations of the gods , and the loue of the gods be with thee torquatus . the malice of the euill , and the ire of the furies , bee absent from mee marcus. my wife faustine saluteth thee and in her behalfe , and mine , recommend vs to thy faire daughter in law solophonia , and thy daughter amilda . marke of mount celio , writeth to thee torquate , with his owne hand . chap. xliii . princes and nobles ought not to beare with iuglers , iesters , parasites , and common players , nor with any such kinde of raskals , and loyterers . and of the lawes which the romaines made in this behalfe . licurgus promotheus , solon , and numa pompilius famous inuentors and ordayners of lawes , shewed the subtilty of their wits , and the zeale which they had to their people , in ordaining many lawes which they taught : not onely what they ought to doe : but that which they ought to flye . for the good and expert physitions doe deserue more prayse for to preserue vs before we are sicke : then to heale vs after that wee are diseased . plutarch in his apothegmes neuer ceaseth to exalt the lacedemonians , saying , that when they did obserue their lawes , they were the most esteemed of all the greekes , and after they brake them , they were the most vylest subiects , which euer the romanes had , the felicitie or infelicitie of realms , doth not consist to haue good or euill lawes , but to haue good or euill princes : for little profiteth vs the lawes to be iust , if the king be wicked . sextus cheronensis in the life of nero saith : when the romaines and the greekes had warres together , and that the embassadours of those two nations were at controuersie , which of them should haue the rhodians to bee their friends ? the greeke embassadour sayd to the romain : yee ought not to make your selues equall . o romains , with the greekes , since the truth is , that ye came from rome to greece to seeke lawes . the romaine embassadour aunswered him : i graunt thee , that from rome we sent to seeke lawes in greece , but thou wilt not denye , that from greece you haue brought the vices to rome . i say vnto thee the truth , that without comparison , greater damage haue the vices done vnto vs , then your lawes hath profited vs. plutarch in an epistle hee wrote to traiane , saide these words : thou writest vnto me ( most noble prince ) that thou art occupyed in ordayning newe lawes : but in my opinion it had beene much better , that thou hadst kept , and caused to be kept the olde . for , little profiteth it to haue the bookes full of good lawes , and that the common-wealth bee full of euill customes . i haue seene very fewe princes but to make lawes they had abilitie sufficient : and to keepe them , they haue felte in themselues great debilitie , and weakenesse . hereof we haue example : for , nero was he which made the best lawes in rome : and that afterwards of life was most corrupt . for , the gods oftentimes permit , that by the handes of some euill men , the others should bee constrained to bee good . plutarche saith further . if thou wilt ( noble prince ) trust thine owne vnderstanding , in my poore counsell , in fewe wordes , i would recyte vnto thee all the ancient lawes . i wil send thee very briefe and sweete lawes : not to the ende thou shouldest publish them in rome : but to the ende thou keepe them in thy house . for since thou hast made lawes for all , i will make lawes for thee . the first law is , that thou behaue thy selfe in such sort , that thou bee not detected of any notable vice : for , if the prince bee vertuous in his pallace , none dare be dissolute in his house . the second lawe is , that equally thou keepe iustice , as well to him which liueth farre off , as to him which is neere about thee : for , it is much better that thou depart of thy goods to thy seruants , then that thou shouldest giue that iustice , which appertaineth to others . the third law is , that thou delight in word and deede to be true : and that they take thee not in this defaulte to speake too much : for princes which in theyr words are vncertaine , and in theyr promises doubtfull shall be hated of theyr friends , and mocked of their enemyes . the fourth law is , that thou bee very gentle of behauiour and conditions , and not forgetfull of seruices done : for vnthankfull princes are hated of god , and despised of men . the fifth lawe is : that as a pestilēce thou driue and chase awày from thee all cunning sycophantes and flatterers : for , such with theyr euill life , doe disturbe a whole common wealth : and with theyr flatteryes doe obscure and darken thy renowme . if thou ( most noble prince ) wilt obserue these fiue lawes : thou shalt neede to make no more lawes . for , there is no neede of other lawes , in the common wealth , then to see that the prince bee of good life , &c. this wrote plutarche to the emperour traian : and euery vertuous man ought to haue them writen in his hart . i was willing to touch this historie , onely to shewe the profite of this last law , where it sayeth : that princes admit into their conuersation no flatterers : of whom it is reason wee talke of now . for so much as there are diuers men , with whom they lose theyr time , and spend their goods . when rome was well ordered , two officers were greatly esteemed to the romaines : the one was the maisters of fence , which were as men that fought & tourned , and many times in that fight they were slaine . and the cause to inuent this play , was : to the end young men ( not expert in warre ) should see the swords drawne , sharpe speares , shooting of crosse-bowes , to giue blowes with their sword , shead bloud , to giue cruell woundes , and to sley men : for , in this sorte they lost feare , and in going to the warres they recouered courage . the man which hath once passed a fourd in the water , though it be in the night , dare passe it againe : but hee which hath neuer passed it ouer , although it be in the day , dare not once aduenture it . i mean , that the romanes were very sage , to shewe vnto theyr children the dangers , before they did put them therein . for , this is the difference betweene the fearfull hart , and the couragious stomacke : in that the one flyeth from a distaffe , and the other is not afraid of a sword . the second office which was esteemed in rome was , that of the iugglers , ieasters , comediants , and of such others , which inuented playes and pastimes : and the romaines deuised these sports , to reioyce the people : & in especially men of warre , whom they feasted at their going foorth , and much more at their cōming home . for the romains thinking that they should be with such glorie receyued : went with determination , either to winne the victorie , or to dye in battell . the ancients and true romains had such care for the common-wealth of their people , that they consented that ieasters should ieast , iugglers should iuggle , and the players of enterludes shold play : but this was not through abundance of vanitie , nor for want of grauitie , but to take from the plebeians occasion of idlenes , and to keepe them occupyed in other particular playes : they would that al the pleasures shold bee taken together : not without cause ( i say ) that the pleasures were taken in common : that is to say , that no romaine could play any playes particularly , make any bankets , represent comedyes , nor make any feasts , besides those which they made to reioyce the whole people : so that in rome they trauelled seuerally , and reioyced together . i would to god that such , and so excellent a romaine custome were obserued in our christian common-wealth . but now i am very sorrie that indifferently rich and poore , great and small , doe play comedyes , runne the bulles , make iousts , ordeyne bankets , weare deuises , feast the ladyes , spend in bankets , and inuent feastes . the which things altogether , doe redound to the damage of the commonwealth , to the waste of the goods , and to the corruption of the māners : for , the particular pastimes doe increase new vices to breede in men . these players did serue in rome to make pastime , at the great feastes of their gods : for since romaines were great worshippers of their gods , and so carefull of their tēples , they sought to feast them all the wayes they could inuent . truly this was done by the diuine sufferance : for their gods being laughing-stocks ( as indeed they were ) the liuing god would they should be serued , honoured , and feasted , by ieastures and mocks . blondus in the third booke de roma triumphante , mentioneth that which i haue spoken , and sayth , that the romanes were no lesse curious to giue lawes to the iuglers and iesters which went mocking vp and downe rome , then to the captaines which were fighting in the warre : for though they did permit iesters , players and suglers , to exercise their offices : yet they did commaund them that their liues might be vpright and iust . amongst others , such were the lawes which the romaines ordayned for these iesters , iuglers , players and tumblers . the first law was , which they commanded that they should all bee knowne and examined , to see if they were honest men , wise and sage : for the more their offices were vaine , so much the more they prouided , that they were giuen to wise men . the second law commanded to examine them , to see if they were able and comely to exercise their offices : and indeed in this case , as well as in the other , they had reason , as very a foole as hee which for harkening to a foole not pleasant , as the foole himselfe . the third law was that they did not permit any romane iugler for to exercise such feates , vnlesse hee had some other craft : so that if they occupyed the holy dayes to play and shew pastime in the streetes , the other dayes they should work at home at their houses . the fourth law was , that no iugler nor vice should be so hardy in his ostentation to speake any malices : & indeed it was a law very necessary : for oftentimes they are few which doe reioyce at their mockeries : and many which doe complaine of theyr malices . the fift law was , that no iugler nor iester should bee so bold to make any pastimes in any particular houses but in open places : for otherwise those which spake them became hardy , and those which heard them were vicious . the romanes not contented to haue made these lawes ordayned that the iuglers for no pastimes shewed , or any other thing spoken should bee so bold as to receiue any money : and to auoid their complaints , and to satisfie their paines , they allowed euery one of them a thousand sexterces yearely out of the common treasure . wee ought greatly to praise the prouidence of the romanes , which haue prescribed a kinde of life for the iesters to liue , euen as they did to other men of rome , and to the captaines of warre . and in this place no lesse then in an other graue thing , they shewed their wisedome : for a gouernour of a common-wealth trauelleth more to correct fools , then to gouerne the sage . chap. xliiii . how some iesters were punished by the auncients , and of the iesters , and loyterers of our time . ivlius capitolinus in the booke of the manners of the ancients sayth , that in times past , the iesters and iuglers were greatly esteemed . and wee will not deny but that they had reason , since with them they honoured the gods they tooke their pleasures , they reioyced their feasts , they were very quicke men , not importunate , nor couetous . the iester hath no grace , vnlesse immediately a man putteth his hand to the purse . we find some fragments of an oration which cicero made in the senat , greatly reprouing the senators , and all the people , because they so willingly gaue eare to this iester , who stirred vp sedition among the commons , his name was roscio , who was so greatly esteemed in rome , that the romaines did more willingly heare that which hee sayde in his iests , then that which cicero spake in good earnest . this iester roscio and cicero striued which of them both were of greater wit , roscio for presenting a thing with diuers iests , or cicero pronouncing waighty matters in earnest . when i read in iulius capitolinus that which i haue spoken , i will not cease to confesse my innocency , for that i could not then keepe my selfe from laughing , to see that roscio being prince of folly , did presume to dispute with cicero , which was father of eloquence : sith all these thinges are vnstable in one , so from one day to another wee see them chance . the romanes did greatly esteeme the policy of the common-wealth , the discipline of warre , the nurture of children , the exercise of the young , and the honesty of the players and iuglers , the which in time came to bee dissolute , that very oft they were occasion of great slaunder among the people . the which by the romanes seene and considered , and that the iesters which were wont to shew them pleasures , were cause of dissention ( & where all they commaunded them to be resident in their offices , they were vagabonds , and that vsing them as sages , they liued as loyterers & fooles , & not contented with that they gaue them of the common treasure , but they went begging of euery man ) the senate of rome determined among themselues to banish all the iuglers , and iesters out of the common-wealth . on this execution of these loyteterers , sprang diuers dissentions among the people : for the princes which were good , cast them out , and those which were euill called them in : so that one of the tokens which were in rome , to know a verruous or vitious prince , was to see if hee maintayned iesters , iuglers or vagabonds among the people . plutarch in his apothegmes sayeth , that the lacedemonians did neuer permit any iugler or iester to be in the common-wealth . and when one did demaund a lacedemonian , by an ambassadour of rhodes , what was the occasion to make such a law , since that the iesters and players shewed pleasure to the people , and the people lost nought but laughed at their folly : the lacedemonian answered ; licurgus saw , heard , felt , or read some great damage , the iesters , iuglers , or players , might doe in the common-wealth , since against them hee made this so straight a law : but that which i know is that wee greekes are better weeping with our sages , then are the romanes laughing at their fooles dio in the life of traian declareth , that there came a iugler to rome from africke , whose conuayance was so cleane , that it was a wonderfull thing to see what feates he did and to he are what words he spake . and when they prayed the good emperor traian , that it would please him to heare him , he answered . it is not for the authority of a graue and vertuous prince , that in his presence any such vaine thing should be shewed : for in such a case , hee should be no lesse noted of lightnesse , then the other accused of folly . and further he sayde , before princes a man should not be so hardy to speake dishonest wordes , nor shewe light representations . and in such case as much paine deserue they which moue him thereto : as those which doe represent them : for a man ought not to put before princes the things which should allure them to vices , but things which should moue them to vertues . certainely these words were worthy of such a personage . suetonius tranquillus in the life of augustus declareth , that in rome there was a iester very pleasant , and of an excellent wit , called epifanius , who one day vpon a holy day to shew the emperour some pleasure , and hoping to haue a good reward , went to the pallace at one time in the attire of a page , and another time in the habite of a romane matrone : and so truely counterfeyted euery thing , that it seemed not to be him , but the selfe same person her represented . the emperour augustus was greatly displeased with that the iester had done , and commaunded forthwith that hee should be whipt three times about the theater . and when hee complained , that the emperor commaunded vacabonds to be whipped once , and he thrice : the emperour augustus answered , once they shall whippe thee , for the iniurie thou diddest to the roman matron whom thou diddest sepresent . the second time they shall whipp thee for the presumption that thou hast to represent it before my person . the third for the time that thou hast made diuers lose for beholding and hearing thee : for iesters doe not deserue so much punishment in the iestes and mockeries they doe say , as for the time which they lose , and cause others to lose . certainely , the punishment which was giuen to the iester , was very iust , and exceeding good were the words which augustus sayde . there was an other in the time of augustus , whose name was pilas , and when the emperour had banished all the iesters and iuglers from rome , this pilas was so pleasant and merry with all persons , that with great instance they besought the emperour to reuoke that sentence . and the request indeed was so great , as if it had beene for a philosopher , they could not haue done more . for vaine and light men , employ rather that they haue on him , who bringeth vnto them some folly , then on one which teacheth and correcteth their life . the emperour condiscended to the request of the people , on such condition , that they should giue a master and tutor vnto pilas that should chastice and correct him as a foole ; saying , that since sages tooke fooles to be their masters , that the fooles also should haue sages for theyr masters . the case was that one day he that had the charge of pilas , did rebuke him for certaine lightnes that he had done , whereat pilas was exceeding wroth with him : the which the emperour vnderstaunding , commanded he should be whipt and banished for euer . when augustus gaue this sentence they say , he said these words : rome hath been mighty & puissant inough , to make her enemies stoope , and now shee is not able to banish iesters and fooles . and that that is worst of all , they haue presumption to vexe vs , and wee haue not courage to reproue them . the lacedemonians had great reason , and also the romanes , to rid their common-wealth of iesters : for they are idle , vitious , dishonest , malicious , and preiudicial to the common-wealth : these iesters and iuglers are idle : seeing that more then others they eate the sweate of others . they are vitious , for they cannot exercise their offices but in vices , and in treating with vitious men . they are dishonest , for they get not to eate by doing good works , but by speaking dishonest words . they are malitious , for they haue accustomed when they loue not a man , immediatly to speake euill of him : they are vnprofitable for the common wealth for they mocke vs and sell vs vaine words , and wee pay them good money . the world is come to so great folly and corruption , that euen as graue and wise men thinke it great inconuenience , to be conuersant with vaine and fond men : so the lordes of estate thinke it an honour , to haue in their house , some foolish iesters , yea better to say ( with reuerence of speech ) rayling knaues , which speake not to please , and shew pastime , but to offend the present , and rayle at the absent , as well of the high as the low : and that that is more yet then this , is that they are not contented to haue giuen this entertainement and welcome to the noble men and gentlemen that are at their lordes boorde : but they must needs haue a cast at my lord himselfe to cheare him withall : which intollerable abuse ought not to be suffred , but with most sharpe correction punished . but what shall wee say , that for the most part the lords are so vaine , and the iesters so presumptuous and arrogant , that the lords haue more care to content them , then they haue to please the lords . in the house of a lord , a foole at the end of the yeare will aske more then any other of those which are most auncient , so that the follies of the one are more acceptable then the seruices of all . it is shame to speake it , and no lesse for to write it , that the children of vanity are so vaine , that they bribe a foole or a iester no lesse in these dayes , to the entent he may bee a meane for them vnto the prince , then they did in times past desire cicero , to make an oration for them before the senate . it is for want of vnderstanding , and through the vilety of the person , oppression of the heart , and disprayse of renowne , to be desirous by the means of fooles , to attaine to any thing : for he can haue no great wisdom which putteth his hope in the fauour of a foole . what remaineth for me to say , when i haue sayde that which i will say ? and it is , that if a iester or foole say openly to some lord , god saue your life , my good lord. oh hee is a noble man indeed , he will not sticke to giue him a gowne of silke : and entring into a church , hee would not giue a poore man a halfe penny . o what negligence is there of princes ? o what vanity of lordes ? since they forsake the poore and wise , to enrich the iesters and fooles : they haue enough for the world , and not for iesus christ : they giue to those that aske for his louers sake , and not to those which aske for the health of the soule . hee ought not to doe so : for the knight which is a christian , and not a worldling , ought rather to will that the poore doe pray for him at the houre of death , then that the fooles and iesters should prayse him in his life . what doth it profite the soule , or the body , that the iesters do praise thee for a cote thou hast giuen them : and that the poore accuse thee for the bread thou hast denied them ? peraduenture it will profite thee as much that a foole or a flatterer goe before a prince apparrelled with a new liuerie of thine : as the poore man shall do thee damage before god , to whom thou hast denyed a poore ragged shirt ? all gentlemen , and noble parsonages , in the name of our sauiour iesus christ , i admonish , exhort , and humbly require , that they consider well what they spend , and to whom they giue : for the good princes ought to haue more respect of the necessities of the poore , then of the follyes of counterfeytes . giue as yee will , diuide as yee list , for at the houre of death , as much as yee haue laughed with the fooles , for that yee haue giuen them , so much shall yee weepe with the poore , for that you haue denyed them . at the houre of death it shall bee grieuous paines to him that dyeth , to see the flesh of the orphanes all naked , and to he holde counterfaite fooles loden with their garments . of one thing i am amazed , that indifferently euery man may become a foole , and no man let him ; and the worst of all is , if once a foole become couetous , all the world afterwards cannot make him to bee in his right sences . truely such one which hath no reason to bee a foole , at the least he hath good occasion : since hee getteth more to eat playing , then the others doe by working . o what negligence of the princes , and what smal respect of the gouernours of the common wealth is this ? that a yong man , whole , stoute , strong and valiant , should be suffered to goe from house to house , from table to table , and onely for babling vaine wordes , and telling shamefull lyes , hee should bee counted a man of an excellent tongue ? another folly there is in this case , that their words are not so foolish , as their deedes are wicked though they haue a good or euill grace , yet in the end , they be counted in the common wealth , as loyterers and fooles . i know not whether in this case is greater , eyther their folly , or our lightnesse : for they vse vs as fooles , in telling vs lyes , and wee pay them good money . the romanes did not permit in their common wealthes , olde stale iesters , nor wee christians ought to retaine into our houses idle loiterers : yee ought to know , that more offendeth hee which sinneth with a deformed woman , then hee which sinneth with a beautifull lady . and he which is drunke with sowre ale , offendeth more then hee which is drunke with sweet wine . and so in like manner , greater offence commit they which lose their times with fooles that haue no grace , then with iesters which haue good wits : for it may be permitted sometime , that the sage man for the recreation of his spirits , doe frequent the company of some pleasant man. chap. xliv . of a letter which the emperour wrote to lambertus his friend , gouernour of hellespont , certifying him that he had banished from rome all fooles , and loytering players : and is diuided into three chapters : a notable letter for those that keepe counterfeyte fooles in their houses . marcus aurelius onely emperour of rome , lord of asia , confederate with europe , friends of affricke , and enemy of the wars , wisheth health to thee lambert , gouernor of the isle of helespont . with the furres which thou didst send mee , i haue caused my gowne to be furred , and am girded with the girdle which thou didst present me , and am greatly contented with thy hounds : for all is so good , that the body doth reioyce to possesse it , and the eyes to beholde it , and also the heart to render thanks for it . where i did aske a few things of thee in iest , thou hast sent me many in earnest , wherein not as a seruant but as a friend thou hast shewed thy selfe : for the office of noble and worthy hearts , is to offer to their friends , not onely that which they demaund , but that also which they doe thinke they will demaund . truly thou hast better measured thy seruices by thy noblenesse : then i thee demaund by my couetousnesse : for if thou doest remember , i did demaund of thee onely . skinnes , and thou hast sent mee . dozen . i tolde thee that i desired . hounds for to hunt , & thou hast sent mee . of the best that can bee found in the isle . in such sort , that i had honour , and thou hast wonne renowne : for in the little i haue demaunded , thou shalt see my little couetousnesse : and in the much thou hast sent mee , they shall perceiue thy great liberalitie . i esteeme highly that which thou hast sent mee , and i beseech the gods send thee good lucke . for thou knowest wee may render thankes for the benefits receiued , but we haue not the power to requite the gentlenesse shewed . for the man which dare receiue of another any gift , doth bind himselfe to be his slaue . i cannot bee thy slaue , for i am thy friend , and thereof thou oughtest to reioyce , more then another . for being a seruant , i should serue thee with feare , but being a friend , i will profite thee with friendship . therefore to declare the chiefe occasion wherefore i write vnto thee at this present , i say , i send thee three ships loden with iesters and iuglers , loyterers , vacabondsand fooles : and yet i do not send vnto thee all the vacabonds which are in rome , for then thy ile should be peopled with strangers . the office that they had , was that some of them iested and rayled at the table , some sang sundry malicious songs at mariages , others told lies and newes for their dinners at the gates , others played common playes in the streetes , other entertained the romaine matrons with follish nouels and tales , others set forth vaine and light bookes of rymes and ballets , & yet i sweare vnto thee by the god hercules , these loyterers wanted no fooles to heare them . i let thee know my friend lambert , that these loiterers are such , and their schollers in number so many , that though the masters may be in . ships carried , yet the schollers could not be in an hundred transported . of one thing i maruell much , and also i affirm , that the gods be offended , since the earthquakes ouerthrew the houses , the great waters carry away the bridges , the frost freese the vines , the corrupt ayre infecteth the wise men : and yet there is no plague that consumeth the fooles ? o how vnhappy art thou rome , vnto him that shall well behold thee , and diligently search thee : for in thee wanteth valiant captaines , honest senators , iust censors , faithfull officers , and vertuous princes : and onely there aboundeth fooles , iesters , players , dicers , loyterers , and vagabonds , o what seruice thou shouldst do to the gods , and profite to our mother rome . if for three ships of fools , thou didst send vs one barke onely of wise men ? i would not say , ( but i will not cease to say ) that i haue seene fooles , that i haue heard many follies , but i neuer saw so great fooles , nor heard such extreme folly , as that of some noble romanes and italians , who thinke it a great act to keepe a foole in their house . i iudge him to be a greater foole , that desireth to keepe a foole , then the foole himselfe : for a foole hath a sēblance of the sage , after hee accompanieth with a sage : but the sage sheweth himselfe a foole , after hee accompanieth with a foole . why doe men seeke things of mockerie ? since all that is in the world is mockerie ? why seeke wee fooles , since all that we say , is nothing but folly ? why doe wee reioyce with those that flatter vs , since there are none that say one onely truth ? why doe we seeke fained fooles , since that all , or the most part of vs all , are very fooles ? i see diuers in rome , the which though they company with honest men , are dissolute , companying with sages they are simple , treating with wise men , they are without consideration , and being conuersant with fooles , they thinke to be sage : if we keepe company with pittifull . wee shall be pittifull . if wee be conuersant with the cruell , wee shall bee cruell : if wee communicate with lyers , we shall be lyers : if wee haunt the true , we shall be true : and if wee desire the foolish , we shall be fooles : for according to the masters and doctrines we haue , such shal be the sciences which we shall learne , and the works which wee shall follow . the famous tyrant dionysius the syracusane , which was in scicill , sayde vnto the philosopher diogenes . tell mee diogenes , what kinde of men ought we to haue in our houses : and with what persons ought wee to diuide our goods ? diogenes answered him . the wise man which will liue in peace with the common wealth , and that will not see his goods euill employed , ought not to giue to eate , nor to accompany with any , but with the aged persons which should counsell them , & with the young which should serue them , with friends which should fauour them , and with the poore , to the end they should prayse them . dennis the tirant greatly commended that which diogenes the philosopher told him : but hee could neuer profit with that counsell : for as he shewed himself a tyrant in robbing : so he shewed himselfe also vndiscreet in spending . presuppose that which diogenes the philosopher spake were true , that is to say , that we ought to feede the aged seruants , friends and poore . wee see by this answere , it is not iust to giue to eate , eyther to iesters , parasites , flatterers , loyterers or fooles . first , mee seemeth , that a man ought not to thinke that fooles are capable to giue counsell , since they haue it not for themselues : for it should bee great folly to vse men as sages , which of their owne will haue made themselues fooles . the second , mee seemeth that it is a vaine thing to thinke , that the iesters should serue as seruants : for these vnhappy people , to flye trauel onely , haue taken vpon them this office so slaunderous . thirdly , it seemeth to bee a shamefast thing , and of great inconuenience that any noble and sage man should determine to haue any flatterer or iester for his familiar friend : for such ought not , nor cannot be counted among the true friends , since they loue vs not for the vertue we possesse , but for the goods which we haue . fourthly , me thinketh it a vaine thing to thinke , that vnder the colour of pouerty it should be iust , to giue meate to iesters or loyterers ; for we cannot say , that such are poore , for that they want riches , but that folly aboundeth in them . since therfore a man is defamed to haue such iesters , flatterers , for friends , and that for beeing seruants they are vnable , and without witte to aske them counsell : mee thinketh it a great folly to spend his goods on such loyterers : for as their intentions to the gods onely are manifest , and to men secret : so there is nothing wherein the good do approue , and manifest their intentions to bee good or euil , more then in the words which they speake , and in the companies which they keepe . chap. xlvi . marcus aurelius goeth forward with his letter , and declareth how he found the sepulchres of many learned philosophers in helespont , whereunto hee sent all these loyterers . i will thou know lambert that thy isle is consecrated with the bones of many excellent men the which were banished by sundry tyrannous princes of rome . the ancients greatly commend that isle , because there are therein stones called amatists , tame deere , faire women , familiar wolues , swift dogs of feet , & pleasant fountaines . yet notwithstanding , i will not cease to commend these things which reioyce those that bee present , and also comfort those that bee to come : for i esteeme more the bones which the earth do couer : then the riches , which groweth thereon . if thou hast not lost the sence of smelling , as that isle doth sauour vnto mee of sages : so doth rome stinke of fooles : for , for the time it is lesse paine to endure the stinke of the beast : then to heare the words of a foole . when the wars of asia were ended , i returned home by that isle , wherein i visited all the liuing people , and all the graues of the dead phylosophers . and for a truth i tell thee lambert , that that iourney was very troublesome vnto mee : for herein my person endured much paine , on the land i suffered diuers daungers , and on the sea i saw my selfe in sundrie perills . in the citie of corinthe ( where thou art resident at this present ) in the middest of the market-place , thou shalt find the graue of the phylosopher panimio , to whome the straight friendship auayled little , which he had with ouide : but the enmitie greatly endammaged him which hee had with augustus the emperour . two myles from theadfonte , at the foote of the mountaines arpines , thou shalt finde the graue of the famous oratour armeno , who was by the consul scylla vniustly banished . and of trueth , as heere was much bloud lost , because scylla should not enter into rome : so there were not fewe teares shedde in italie , for the banishment of this learned phylosopher . in the gate of argonauta , harde by the water , on the top of a high rocke , thou shalt finde the bones of celliodorus the philosopher , who obserued all the auncient lawes : and was a great enemy of those which brought in new customes and statutes . this good phylosopher was banished , in the prosperity and furie of the marians : not for the euils they found in him , but for the vices hee reproued in them . in the fields heliny , there was a great tombe , within the which were the bones of selleno the phylosopher , who was as well learned in the vii . liberall-arts , as if hee himselfe had first inuented them . and hee was banished by the emperour nero : for because he perswaded this cruell emperour to bee mercifull , and pittifull . in the fieldes helini , out of the woods , towardes the west parte , thou shalt finde the graue of the phylosopher vulturnus : a man in astrologie profoundly learned , which little auayled him in the time of his banishment . for hee was banished by marcus antonius : not for that marcus antonius would haue banished him ( for hee was not offended by him ) but because his loue qu. cleopatra hated him , as her mortall enemie . for women of an euill life , doe commonly reuenge their angrie hearts , with the death of their especiall friends . diuers other tombes in that isle i saw , the names whereof though in wryting i haue them : yet at this present i cannot call them to memorie . well , by the faith of an honest man i sweare vnto thee , that thou shalt finde all true which i haue tolde thee . now i tell thee lambert , that i visiting those graues , theyr disciples did not beare them greater obedience , when thee were aliue , then i did reuerence now they are dead . and it is true also , that in al that time mine eyes were as much wet with teares , as their bones were couered with earth . these worthy and learned phylosophers were not banished , for any mischiefes by their persons committed , nor for any slaunders they had done in the common-wealths : but because the deeds of our fathers deserued that they should be taken from their companie : and we their children were not worthie , to haue the bones of such famous and renowmed sages in our custodie . i cannot tell , if the enuie i haue to that isle bee greater : or the pittie i haue of this miserable rome : for the one is immortall by the graues of the dead , and the other is defamed with the bad life of the liuing . i desire thee hartily as a friend , and doe commaund thee as a seruant , that thou keepe the priuiledges , which i gaue to that isle , without breaking any one . for , it is very iust , that such cities , peopled with such dead , should be priuiledged of the liuing : by this centurion , thou shalt knowe all things which are chaunced amongst the prisoners . for , if i should wryte vnto thee all the whole matter as it was done : i ensure thee , vnto mee it would be much paine to wryte it , and vnto thee great trouble to read it . it suffiseth presently to say , that the day of the great solemnitie of the mother berecynthia , a slaunder arose in rome , by the occasion of these iesters , scoffers , & loyterers : and by the faith of a good man , i sweare vnto thee , that the bloud which was shead through the places , surmoūted the wine which was drunk at the feast . and thinke not that which i say to be little , that the bloud which was shedde , surmounted the wine that was drunke . for , as thou now knowest , the cittizens are come to so great follie : that he which was on that day most drunk , they sayde that hee had offered vnto the gods greatest sacrifices . i am yet afrayde to remember the crueltyes , which that day i saw with mine owne eyes : but i am much more ashamed of that which they talke of vs in straunge realmes . for , the noble and worthie hearts , doe not account it so much , to receyue a great wound : as to take it of a cowardly man. there is great difference betweene the nettes wherewith they vse to take byrdes , and no lesse is there betweene the hookes , wherewith they take fish . i meane , that the knife which cutteth the flesh , differeth much from the knife which hurteth the heart . for , the hurts of the bodie , with surgeons helpe may bee healed : but the gods onely are the physitions of the perills of the heart . i behelde and saw rome , which was neuer vanquyshed by valiaunt men , at that day ouercome by loyterers . rome which could neuer bee won by those of carthage , is now wonne by iesters , players and vacabonds : rome which triumphed of all the realmes , is now vanquished of the loyterers , iesters and idle persons . finally , wee saw that rome which in times past gaue lawes to the barbarous , is now become the slaue of fooles : in this case i haue beene so troubled , that i cannot tell what to say , and lesse what i write vnto thee : one thing comforteth me , that since rome and her romanes doe not reioyce themselues but with fooles , that shee and her children be not punished but by the hands of fooles . i thinke not that in this case the gods do any wrong , if rome which laughed thorough mockery at the players , doe weepe one day with the loyterers in good earnest . thou mightst demaund me lambert , since wee other princes are bound to maintaine equall iustice with all : wherefore wee doe dissemble many offences which others haue done in earnest , and yet wee will not pardon those iesters , since al that they haue inuented , was for mirth and pastime ? i promise thee , though their offences were great indeed , yet i doe not banish thē so much for the bloud they haue shed , as for the good orders which they haue peruerted . once againe i returne to say vnto thee , that i haue not banished them so much for because they were occasion of murthers , as to be teachers of all lyes . without comparrison greater is the offence to the gods , & greater is the damage to the common-wealth to take away ( as the loyterers haue done ) the senses of wise men , then that which the murtherers doe , to take life from their enemies . the end of these iestes , scoffers , iuglers , idle men , and those kind of raskalr , is alwayes to perswade men that they speake continually in mockeries , treat continually in mockeries , and to ridde them of their sorrowes , and all this is but to deceiue them of their goods . in the which case i say , and so pleased it the gods , that they shoulde content themselues with the goods , without robbing vs of our wisedome . when scipio the affrican had ended the warres of affricke , he went thorow rome , accompanied not with valiant captaines , but with the players , iesters , and iuglers . the which a philosopher seeing , sayde vnto him these words . o scipio , according to the much they haue talked of thee , and the little i see in thee , it had beene better thou hadst dyed in affricke , then to come to rome : for thy high acts in thy absence did astonish vs , and thy lightnes in thy presence doth offend vs. to thee it is great infamie , and to the sacred senate little honesty , that thou hauing conquered so mighty princes in affricke , shouldst goe accompanied with fooles and mad men in rome . i let thee to vnderstand , that thy life had not then so much perill among thy enemies , as thy honour hath at this present among fooles . these words were very good , although they were euill receyued of humane malice : for by reason of these words , the poore aged philosopher was banished by the friends of scipio , out of iraly , and sent to the isle of helespont . chap. xlvii . the emperour endeth his letter , and sheweth the cause and time , why , and when these iesters and iuglers were admitted into rome . after that these loyterers & vagabonds shall land in thy isle thou shalt let them goe at liberty , and shalt take none of their goods : but thou shalt aduertise them that they be not so hardy to exercise their craftes nor feates : for if they doe the contrary thou mayest make them lose their life in thy isle , which i haue conditionally pardoned here in rome . one thing i commaund thee , and i beseech thee forget it not , that is to say , that thou compell them to labour , and that in no meanes thou suffer them to bee idle . for idlenes is the mother of all vices in the person , and the causer of all slanders which arise in the common wealth . since wee knowe not but to labour , and the loyterers knowe not but to loyter : i would say , that with more reason they might say , that we were not sage , then wee might say , that they are fooles . for wrongfully are they called fooles , which by craft eate the sweat of others : seeing the little regarde wee haue to these loyterers , and considering how much we presume : by the faith of a good man i sweare vnto thee lambert , that with greater reason they should mocke our workes , then wee others should laugh at their words : for they profite more with our goods , then we doe of their folly . in the . of the foundation of rome a sore plague came into italy . the which being ended , they determined to tell not the thousands of men that were dead , but the small number of those which remained aliue . rome afterwards being so solitarie , and italy so desolate , onely to reioyce the people , and to the end the cities should not remaine vnhabited : the first theaters were inuented , and then first were these players receyued : for vntill that time the romans knew no other thing , but to offer sacrifice to their gods in the temples , and to fight against their enemies in the fields . o lamentable thing to heare , that this plague lasted onely . monethes , and the rage and folly of these players and idle men hath endured more then . yeares . would to the immortall gods that the plague had ended those few which remaine , before this cursed generatiō had broght so abominable customes into rome : for much better had it beene for our mother rome , that she had wanted inhabiters , then such raskals should haue come and dwelled therein . i know lambert , that those persons doe greatly complaine of mee , & that the complaints which they do in the beginning , shall not haue an ende there : but i care not much for the complaints of the euil which do serue for no other thing but to reproue the iustices which are ministred vnto thē by the good . the princes in that they command and the iudges in that they execute , ought not much to esteeme the complaints of all those which say they haue wrong : prouided that the cause bee iustified , and that vnder the colour of iustice they do not wrong in deed . in the flatteries which they tell vs concerning our glory , and in the slanders which they speake of vs , concerning our reproach , wise men ought well to note the nature of the person which speaketh it , whether that bee true which hee speaketh , and what moueth him to tell it : for as it is a shame for to bee rebuked of a man , which is honest : so it is no small infamie to be praysed of those which are euill . since the time i was borne , i neuer saw any thing lesse profitable in the commonwealth , nor more vaine , neither worse inuentions , nor colder recreations then these are , which these iesters , plaiers , and iuglers doe inuent . what thing can bee more monstrous then to see the folly of a foole , bring diuers wise men out of their wits ? what greater mockerie can there be , then that all doe thinke that the iests of a foole ought to bee reioyced at , with the laughter of the sage ? what greater slaunder can there be , then that in the offices of the noble and worthy romans , the gates should alwayes be open for fooles , and the wise men should finde them alwayes shut ? what greater cruelty can there be in rome , then that the senators & rich men giue more to a player for a song which he singeth in one houre , then they do to the seruants for seruing them a whole yeare ? what greater theft can there be then this , that the garrisons which are in illyria want , and players , iesters , iuglers , flatterers , and loyterers , in rome haue too much ? what greater shame can rome receyue then this , when it shall bee sayde in time to come , that iuglers , players , parasites , iesters , and flatterers , haue wonne more with their iugling , playing , ( iesting and flattering , then diuers captaines with their weapons and triumphes ? beholde therefore lambert , what difference there is betweene captames and loyrerets . for when the one went through rome , sowing their follyes from gate to gate : the others went from realm to realme , consuming their goods , aduenturing their liues , fighting against the barbarous people , & shedding their owne proper bloud . and in the hindermost parte of spaine , when those of seuill had warre with the gaditanes , it chanced that euen in the middest of the time those of seuill wanted money , and two parasites offered themselues for years to sustaine the warres with their own proper goods ; so that with the riches of two fooles , many wise men were ouercome . when the amazones were ladies of asia , then they built the great temple of the goddesse diana . and as the histories account , only with that they tooke away from a player , was builte this noble temple . if the histories of the egyptians do not deceyue me , king ca●mus , who with a . gates built the great city of thebes , for such a building , so high and monstrous a city , all his subiects together gaue him not so much , as two parasites did alone . when the good emperour augustus renued the walles of rome , & made them of hard stone , which before that time were onely of earth , and bricke , towards such a costly worke , he had more of two parasites which were drowned , then of all the city beside . i beeing in the city of corinthe , saw an auncient tombe , wherein the corinthians say their first king was buried . and the historiographers say , that this king was a great wrastler , other say , hee was a parasite : others say , hee was a iugler , but howsoeuer it was , he was first a iester , and obtained a realme in earnest . behold lambert , how they are neglected of the gods , and fauoured of fortune , and in how little estimation the goods of this life ought to bee esteemed , since som by counterfaiting the fooles , leaue of them as great memory of their folly , as the others doe by their wisedome . there is one thing onely of these loyterers that pleaseth me , that is to say , that in his presence they make euery man laugh with the follyes they speake , and after that they are gone , all remaine sadde for the money they carrie away . truly it is a iust sentence of the gods , that those which haue taken vain pleasures together , do weepe afterwards for their losse seuerally . at this present i will write no more vnto thee , but that i send thee this letter written in greeke , to the end thou maiest reade it to al those of that isle . and thou shalt immediatelie dispatch the ships , to the end they carry the prouisions to the men of warre in illyria . peace bee with thee lambert , health and good fortune to mee marke . the senate saluteth thee , and do send thee the propagation of the gouernement for the next yeare . in the calends of ianuary thou shalt say , gaude foelix . my wife faustine commendeth her to thee , and sendeth thee for thy daughter a rich girdle : in payment of thy seruices , i do send thee two rich iewels , two light horses , and one laden with . sexterces . marcus of mount celio with his owne hand writeth vnto thee . chap. xlviii . that princes and noble men ought to remember that they are mortall , and must dye , wherein are sundry notable consolations against the feare of death . cleobolus and biton , were the sonnes of a renowmed woman , the which was nunne to the goddesse iuno : & when the day of that solemne feast was celebrated , her children prepared a chariot , wherein their mother should goe to the temple : for the greekes had this custome , the day that the priestes went to offer any sacrifice , eyther they were carried on mens armes , or in chariots . they adorned their temples so well , they esteemed their sacrifices so much , and did so much honour their priests , that if any priest did set his foot on the ground , that day they did not permit him to offer any sacrifices to the gods. it chanced as this nunne went in her chariot , and her children cleobolus & biton with her , the beasts which drew the chariot , suddenly fell down dead , ten miles from the temple of the goddesse iuno . the children seeing the beasts dead , and that their mother could not goe a foot , and that the chariot was all ready , and that there was no beasts to draw it : they ( as louing children ) determined to yoake themselues , and draw the chariot , as if they had been dumb beasts . and as the mother carried them nine moneths in her wombe , so did they draw her in the chariot x. miles . now for that they passed through infinite numbers of men to the feast of the goddesse iuno , euery man seing cleobolus and biton yoked in the chariot like beasts , were greatly amazed , saying that these two children deserued with great rewards to be recompenced . and truly they sayde iustly , and so they deserued it : for they deserued as much to be praysed for the example which they shewed to all children to reuerence their parents , as for carrying their mother in the chariot to the temple : so after that the feast was ended , the mother not knowing how to require the benefite of her children , with many teares besought the goddesse iuno , that she with the other gods would be contented to giue her two children the best thing that the gods could giue to their friends . the goddesse iuno answered her , that shee was contented to require the other gods , and that they would doe it . and the reward was , that for this noble fact the gods ordained , that cleobolus and biton should sleepe one day well , and in the morning , when they should wake , they should dye . the mother pittifully bewayling the death of her children , and complaining of the gods , the goddesse iuno sayde vnto her ; thou hast no cause why to complaine , since wee haue giuen thee that thou hast demaunded , & hast demaunded that which wee haue giuen thee . i am a goddesse , and thou art my seruant , and therefore the gods haue giuen to thy children the thing , which they count most dear , which is death : for the greatest reuenge which among the gods wee can take of our enemies , is to let them liue long : and the best thing that we keep for our friends , is to make them to die quickely . the author of this historie is called hisearchus in his politikes , and cicero in his first booke of his tusculanes . in the isle of delphos , where the oracle of the god apollo was , there was a sumptuous temple , the which for want of reparation fell downe to the ground , as oftentimes it chanceth to high and sumptuous buildings , which from time to time are not repaired : for if the walles , dungeons , castels , and strong houses could speak , as well would they complaine for that they doe not renue them , as the olde men doe for that wee doe not cherish them . triphon and agamendo , were two noble personages of greece , and counted for sage and rich men , the which went vnto the temple of apollo , and built it new againe , as well with the labour of their persons , as with the great expences of their goods . when the building was atchieued , the god apollo sayde vnto them , that hee remembred well their good seruice , wherefore he would they should demaund him any thing in rewarde of their trauell , and with a good will it should be granted : for the gods vse for a little seruice to giue a great reward . triphon and agamendo aunswered vnto the god apollo , that for their good will , for their trauell , and for their expences , they demaunded no other reward , but that it would please him to giue them the best thing that might bee giuen vnto man , and that vnto them were most profite , saying : that the miserable men haue not the power to eschew the euill , nor wisedome to chuse the good , the god apollo answered , that he was contented to pay them their seruice which they had done , and for to grant them that which they had demaunded . by reason whereof , triphon and agamendo hauing dined , suddenly at the gates of the temple fel down dead : so that the reward of their trauel was to plucke them out of their miserie . the reason to declare these two examples , is to the ende that all mortall men may knowe , that there is nothing so good in this worlde , as to haue an ende of this life : and though to lose it there be no sauour , yet at the least there is profite . for wee would reproue a traueller of great foolishnes if sweating by the way he would sing : and after , at his iourneyes ende hee should beginne to weepe . is not hee simple , which is sorry for that hee is come into the hauen ? is not hee simple , that giueth the battell , and fighteth for that hee hath got the victorie ? is not he stubborne which is in great distresse , and is angry to be succoured ? therefore , more foolish , simple , and stubborn is hee , which trauelleth to dye , and is loath to meete with death . for , death is the true refuge , the perfect health , the sure hauen , the whole victorie , the flesh without bones , fish without scales , and corne without slrawe . finally , after death wee haue nothing to bewayle , and much lesse to desire . in the time of adrian the emperour , a phylosopher called secundus , ( being meruellously learned ) made an oration at the funerall of a noble romaine matrone , ( a kins-woman of the emperours ) who spake exceedingly much euill of life , and maruellous much good of death . and when the emp : demanded him what death was ? the phylosopher aunswered thus : death is an eternall sleepe , a dissolution of the bodie , a terror of the rich , a desire of the poore , a thing inhetitable , a pilgrimage vncertaine , a theefe of men , a kinde of sleeping , a shadow of life , a separation of the liuing , a companie of the dead , a resolution of all trauels , and the end of all ydle desires . finally , death is the scourge of all euill , and the chiefe reward of the good . truely this phylosopher spake very well , and hee should not doe euill , which profoundly would consider , that hee had spoken . seneca in an epistle , declareth of a phylosopher whose name was bessus : to whom , when they demanded what euill a man can haue in death , since men feare it so much ? hee aunswered . if any damage or feare is in him who dyeth : it is not for the feare of death : but for the vice of him which dyeth . wee may agree to that the phylosopher saide : that euen as the deafe cannot iudge harmony , nor the blind colours : so likewise they cannot say euill of death , especially he which neuer tasted it . for , of all those which are dead , none returned again to complaine of death : and of these fewe that liue , all complaine of life . if any of the dead returned hither to speak vvith the liuing , and as they haue proued it , so they vvould tell vs. if there were any harme in secrete death , it were reason to haue some feare of death ? but though a man that neuer saw , heard , felt nor tasted death , doeth speake euill of death , should wee therefore feare death ? those ought to haue done some euill in their life , which doe feare & speake euill of death . for , in the last houre , in the streight iudgement , the good shal be known , & the euill discouered . there is no prince nor knight , rich nor poore , whole nor sicke , lucky nor vnluckie , which i see with their vocations to be contented , saue onely the dead : which in theyr graues are in peace & rest , and are neither couetous proud , negligent , vain , ambicious , nor dissolute . so that the state of the dead ought to bee best , since wee see none therein to bee euill contented . and since therefore those which are poore , ●oe seek the meanes wherwith to endch themselues : those which are sad , rio seeke wherby to reioyce , and those which are sicke , to seeke to be healed : why is it , that those which haue such feare of death , doe seeke remedie against that feare ? in this case i would say , that he which will not feare to die , let him vse himself well to liue . for the guyltles taketh away feare from death . the diuine plato demaunded socrates how hee behaued himselfe in life : and how he would behaue himselfe in death ? he answered , i let thee know , that in youth , i haue trauelled to liue well , and in age i haue studyed to die well : and sith my life hath been honest , i hope my death shall be ioyfull : and although i haue had sorrow to liue , i am sure i shall haue no paine to dye . truely these wordes are worthie of such a man. men of stout harts suffer maruellously , when the swear of theyr trauell is not rewarded , when they are faithful , and their rewards aunswereth nothing to their true seruice : when for their good seruices , their friends become vnthankefull to them , when they are worthy honour , and that they preferre them to honorable room and office . for the noble and valiant harts doe not esteeme to loose the rewarde of their labour : but thinke much vnkindenesse , when a man doeth not acknowledge theyr trauells . oh happie are they that dye : for , without inconuenience , and without paine euery man is in his graue . for , in this tribunall , iustice to all is so equally obserued , that in the same place where wee haue deserued life , in the same place we merited death . there was neuer nor neuer shall be iudge so iust , nor in iustice so vpright , that giueth reward by weight , and paine by measure : but that somtimes they chasten the innocent , & absolue the guiltie : they vexe the faultlesse , and they dissemble with the culpable . for , little auaileth it the playntife to haue good iustice : if conscience want to the iudge that should minister it . truely it is not so in death , but all ought to account themselues happie . for he which shall haue good iustice , shall bee sure on his parte to haue the sentence . when great cato was censor in rome , a famous romaine dyed , who shewed at his death a maruellous courage : and when the romains praised him for that hee had so great vertue , and for the words he had spoken , cato the censor laughed at that they sayd , for that they praised him . and he being demanded the cause of his laughter ? annswered . yee maruell at that i laugh , and i laugh at that yee maruell : for the perills and trauells considered wherein wee liue , and the safetie wherein wee dye , i say , that it is more needefull to haue vertue and strength to liue , then courage to dye . the authour hereof is plutarch in his apothegmes . wee cannot say , but that cato the censor spake as a wise man : since daylie we see , shamefast and vertuous persons suffer hunger , cold , thyrst , trauell , pouerty , inconuenience , sorrows , enmities , and mishaps : of the which things wee were better to see the ende in one day , then to suffer them euery houre . for it is lesse euill to suffer an honest death , then to endure a miserable life . oh how small consideration haue men to thinke , that they ought to dye but once : since the truth is , that the day when wee are born , and come inthis worlde , is the beginning of our death : and the last day is when we do cease to liue . if death bee no other but an ending of life , then reason perswadeth vs to thinke , that our infancie dyeth , our childhood dyeth , our manhoode dyeth , and our age shall dye : wherof we may consequently cōclude that we dye euery yeare , euery day , euery houre , and euery moment . so that thinking to leade a sure life , we taste a new death . i know not why men feare so much to dye , since that from the time of their birth , they seeke none other thing but death . for time neuer wanteth for any man to dye : neyther i knew any man that euer fayled of this way . seneca in an epistle declareth , that as a romaine woman lamented the death of a childe of hers , a phylosopher saide vnto her : woman , why bewaylest thou thy childe ? she aunswered . i weepe because hee hath liued xxv . yeares , and i would he should haue liued till fiftie . for , amongst vs mothers wee loue our children so hartily , that we neuer cease to behold them , nor yet ende to bewaile them . then the phylosopher said : tell me i pray thee woman : why doest thou not complame of the gods , because they created not thy sonne manie yeares before he was borne : as well as thou complavnest that they haue not let him liue fiftie yeares ? thou weepest that hee is deade so soone : and thou dost not lament that he is borne so late . i tell thee true woman , that as thou doest not lament for the one , no more thou oughrest to bee sorrie for the other . for without the determination of the gods , we cannot shorten death : and much lesse lengthen our life . so plinie saide in an epistle , that the chiefest law which the gods haue giuen vnto humane nature was , that none shold haue perpactual life . for , with dis-ordinate desire to liue long , wee should reioyce to goe out of this paine . two phylosophers disputing before the great emperor theodose : the one saide that it was good to procure death : and the other likewise sayde , it was a necessary thing to hate life : the good theodose taking him by the hand sayd : all wee mortalles are so extreame in hating and louing : that vnder the colour to loue and hate life , wee leade an euill life . for , we suffer so many trauells for to preserue it , that sometimes it were much better to loose it . and further hee sayde : diuers vaine men are come into so great follyes , that for feare of death , they procure to hasten death . and hauiwg consideration to this , me seemeth that wee ought not greatly to loue life , nor with desperation to seeke death . for the strong and valiant men ought not to hate life , so long as it lasteth : nor to bee displeased with death when hee commeth . all commended that which the emperour theodose spake , as paulus dyacon : saith in his life . let euery man speake what he will , and let the phylosophers counsell what they lift , in my poore iudgment , hee alone shall receyue death without paine , who long before is prepared to receyue the same . for , sudden death is not onely bitter vnto him which tasteth it , but also it seareth him that hateth it . lactantius saide , that in such sorte man ought to liue , as if from hence an houre after he should dye . for those men which will haue death before their eyes , it is vnpossible that they should giue place to vaine thoughts . in my opinion , and also by the aduise of apuleius it is as much follie to flie from that which we cannot auoyd : as to desire that wee can not attaine . and this is only spoken for those that would flye the voyage of death which is necessarie : and desire to come againe , which is vnpossible . those that trauell by long wayes , if they want any thing , they borrow it of their companie . if they haue forgotten ought , they returne to seeke it at their lodging , or else they write vnto their friends a letter . but i am sorrie , that if wee once dye , they will not let vs returne again , we cannot speake , and they will not agree we shall write : but such as they shall finde vs , so shall wee bee iudged . and that which is most fearfull of all , the execution and sentence is giuen in one day . let noble princes and great lords beleeue mee in this : let them not leaue that vndone til after their death : which they may doe , during their life . and let them not trust in that they commaund : but in that whiles they liue they doe . let them not trust in the workes of an other : but in theyr owne good deedes . for in the end one sigh shall be more worth then all the friendes of the world . i counsell , pray , and exhort all wise and vertuous men : and also my selfe with them , that in such a sort wee liue , that at the houre of death , wee may say we liue . for wee cannot say that wee liue , when we liue not well . for , all that time which without profite wee shall liue , shall be counted vnto vs for nothing . chap. xlix . ¶ of the death of marcus aurelius the emperour , and how there are fewe friendes which dare say the truth to sicke men . the good emperor marcus aurelius ; now beeing aged , not onely for the yeares he had : but also for the great trauells hee had in the warres endured : it chaunced , that in the xviii . yeare of his empire , and lxxij . yeares from the day of his birth , and of the foundation of rome , fiue hundreth xliii . beeing in the warre of pannonie ( which at this time is called hungaria ) besieging a famous cittie called vendeliona , suddenly a disease of the palsey tooke him , which was such , that hee lost his life , and rome her prince , the best of life , that euer was borne therein . among the heathen princes some had more force then he , others possessed more riches then hee , others were as aduenturous as hee , and some haue knowne as much as hee : but none hath bin of so excellent and vertuous a life , nor so modest as hee . for , his life being examined to the vttermost , ther are many princely vertues to follow , and fewe vices to reproue . the occasion of his death was , that that in going one night about his campe , suddenly the disease of the palsey tooke him in his arme : so that from thence forwards hee could not put on his gowne , nor draw his sword , and much lesse carrie a staffe . the good empreour being so loaden with yeres , and no lesse with cares the sharpe winter approching more and more , great aboundance of water and snow fell about the tents : so that another disease fell vpon him , called litargie , the which thing much abated his courage , and in his hoast caused great sorrow . for , he was so beloued of all , as if they had been his owne children . after that he had proued all medicines and remedyes that could bee found , and all other things , which vnto so great and mightie princes were accustomed to be done , he perceyued in the end , that all remedie was past . and the reason heereof was , because his sicknes was exceeding vehement , and hee himselfe very aged , the ayre vnwhol-some , and aboue all , because sorrowes and cares oppressed his hart . without doubt greater is the disease that proceedeth of sorrowe , then that which proceedeth of the feuer quartaine . and thereof fensueth , that more easily is hee cured , which of corrupt humours is full : then hee which with profound , thoughts is oppressed . the emperour then beeing sicke in his chamber , and in such sort that hee could not exercise the feates of armes : as his men ranne out of their campe to skyrmish , and the hungarians in like manner to defend : the fight on both sides was so cruell , through the great effusion of bloud , that neither the hungarians had cause to reioyce , nor yet the romaines to be merrie . vnderstanding the euill order of his , and especially that v. of his captaines were slaine in the conflict , and that he for his disease could not bee there in person : such sorrows pierced his hart , that although he desired forthwith to haue dyed , yet hee remained . dayes and . nights , without that hee would see light , or speak vnto any man of his . so that the heat was much , the rest was small , the sighes were continuall , and the thyrst very great : the meate little , and the sleepe lesse : and aboue all his face wrinckled , and his lips very blacke . sometimes he cast vp his eyes , and at other times he wrong his hands : alwayes hee was silent , and continually hee sighed . his tongue was swollen , that hee could not spit : and his eyes very hollow with weeping . so that it was a great pittie to see his death : and no lesse compassion , to see the confusion of his pallace , and the hinderance of the warre . many valiant captains , many noble romaines , many faithfull seruants , and many old friends , at all these heauines were present . but none of them durst speake to the emperour marke , partly for that they tooke him to be so sage , that they knewe not what counsell to giue him : and partely for that they were so sorrowful , that they could not refraine their heauie teares . for , the louing and true friendes , in their life ought to bee beloued : and at theyr death to be bewailed . great compassion ought men to haue of those which dye , not for that we see them dye : but because there are none that telleth them what they ought to doe . noble princes and great lords are in greater perill when they dye , then the plebeyans . for the counseller dare not tell vnto his lorde at the houre of death , that which hee knoweth : and much lesse will tell him how he ought to die , and what things hee ought to discharge whiles hee is aliue . manie goe to visite the sicke , that i would to god they went some other where . and the cause heereof is , that they see the sicke mans eyes hollowe , the flesh dryed , the armes without flesh , the colour enflamed , the ague continuall , the paine great , the tongue swollen , nature consumed , and besides all this , the house destroyed : and yet they say vnto the sicke man , be of good cheere , i warrant you , you shall liue . as young men naturallie desire to liue , and as death to all olde men is dreadfull : so though they see themselues in that distresse , yet they refuse no medecines , as though there were great hope of life . and therof ensueth oftentimes , that the miserable creatures depart the worlde , without confessing vnto god , and making restitutions vnto men . oh if those which doe this , knewe what euill they doe . for to take away my goods , to trouble my person , to blernish my good name , to slaunder my parentage , and to reproue my life , these works are of cruell enemies : but to bee occasion to lose my soule , it is the works of the diuell of hell . certainly hee is a diuell which deceyueth the sicke with flatteryes : and that in steed to helpe him to dye well , putteth him in vain-hope of long life . herein hee that sayeth it , winneth little : and he that beleeueth it , aduentureth much . to mortall men it is more meete to giue counselles to reform their consciences with the truth : then to hazard their houses with lyes . with our friends wee are ashamelesse in their life , and also bashfull at their death . the which ought ought not to be so : for , if our fathers were not dead , and that wee did not daylie see these that are present die : mee thinketh it were a shame , and also a feare , to say to the sicke that hee alone should die : but since thou knowest as well as he , and he knoweth as well as thou , that all doe trauell in this perillous iourney : what shame hast thou to say vnto thy friend , that hee is now at the last point ? if the dead should now reuiue , how would they complain of their friends ? and this for no other cause , but for that they would not giue them good counsell at their death . for , if the sicke man bee my friend , and that i see peraduenture he will dye : why shall not i counsell him to prepare himselfe to dye ? certainly oftentimes we see by experience , that those which are prepared , and are ready for to dye , doe escape : and those which thinke to liue , doe perish . what should they doe , which goe to visite the sicke , perswade them that they make their . testaments , that they confesse their sinnes , that they discharge their conscience , that they receyue the communion : and that they do reconcile themselues to their enemies . certainely , all these things charge not the launce of death , nor cut not the threed of life . i neuer saw blindenesse so blinde , nor ignorance so ignorant , as to be ashamed to counsell the sicke , that they are bound to do when they are whole . as we haue sayd here aboue . princes and great lords , are those aboue all others , that liue and dye most abusedly . and the onely cause in this , that as their seruants haue no hearts to perswade them , when they are merrie : so haue they no audacity to tell them truth , when they are in perill . for such seruants care little , so that their masters bequeath them any thing in their willes , whether they die well , or liue euill . o what miserie and pitie is it , to see a prince , a lord , a gentleman , and a rich person die , if they haue no faithfull friend about them , to helpe them to passe that paine ? and not without a cause i say , that he ought to be a faithfull friend . for many in our life do gape after our goods , & few at our deaths are sory for our offences . the wise and sage men , before nature compelleth them to die , of their owne will ought to die . that is to say , that before they see themselues in the pangs of death , they haue their consciences ready prepared . for if we count him a foole , which wil passe the sea without a ship : truely we will not count him wise , which taketh his death without any preparation before . what losest a wisest man to haue his will well ordained ? in what aduenuenture of honour is any man before death , to reconcile himselfe to his enemies : and to those whom he hath borne hate and malice ? what loseth he of his credite , who in his life time restoreth that , which at his death they will command him to render ? wherein may a man shew himselfe to bee more wise , then when willingly hee hath discharged that , which afterwards by processe they will take from him ? o how many princes , and great lords are there , which onely not for spending one day about their testament , haue caused their children and heires , all the dayes of their life to bee in trauerse in the law ? so that they supposing to haue left their children wealthy , haue not left them , but for atturneyes and counsellers of the law . the true and vnfained christian , ought euery morning so to dispose his goods , and correct life , as if he shold dye the same night . and at night in like manner he ought to commit himselfe to god : as if he hoped for no life vntill morning . for , to say the truth , to sustaine life , there are infinite trauels : but to meete with death , there is but one way . if they will credite my wordes , i would coūsell no man in such estate to liue , that for any thing in the worlde he should vndoe himselfe . the riche and the poore , the great and the smal , the gentlemen , and the plebeyans , all say and sweare , that of death they are exceeding fearefull . to whome i say and affirm , that he alone feareth death in whome we see amendment of life . princes and great lords , ought also to be perfect , to ende before they ende , to dye before they die , and to be mortified , before they bee mortified . if they doe this with themselues , they shall as easily leaue their life , as if they channged from one house to another . for the most parte of men delight to talke with leysure , to drinke with leysure , to eate with leysure , and to sleepe with leysure , but they die in haste : not without cause , i say they die in haste , since wee see them receiue the sacrament of the supper of the lord in haste , male their willes by force , and with speede to confesse and receyue . so that they take it , and demaund it so late , and so without reason : that often times they haue loste their sences , and are readie to giue vp the spirite , when they bring it vnto them . what auaileth the ship-master , after the ship is sunke ? what doe weapons , after the battell is lost ? what auaileth pleasures after men are dead ? by this which i haue spoken , i will demaund what it auayleth the sicke ? being heauie with sleepe , and berefte of their sences , to call for confessors , vnto whome they confesse their sinnes ? euill shall hee bee confessed , which hath no vnderstanding to repent himselfe ? what auaileth it to call the confessor to vnderstand the secrets of his conscience , when the sicke man hath lost his speech ? let vs not deceyue our selues , saying in our age , we will amend hereafter : and make restitution at our death . for , in mine opinion , it is not the poynt of wise men , nor of good christiās , to desire so much time to offend , and they will not espie any to amend . would to god , that the third parte of the precious time which men occupie in sinne , were employed about the meditations of death , and the cares which they haue to accomplish their fleshly lusts , were spent in bewayling their filthie sinnes . i am very sorrie with my heart , that they so wickedly spend and passe their-life , in vices and pleasures , as if there were no god , vnto whom they shold render account for their offences . all worldlings willingly doe sinne , vpon a vaine hope onely in age to amend , and at death to repent : but i would demaund him that in this hope sinned : what certainty he hath in age of amendment , and what assurance he hath to haue long warning before hee die : since we see by experience , there are moe in number which dye young , then olde : it is no reason wee should commit so many sinnes in one day , as that wee should haue cause to lament afterwards all the rest of our life . and afterwards to bewayle the sins of our long life , we desire no more but one space of an houre . considering the the omnipotencie of the diuine mercie it sufficeth : yea , and i say , that the space of an houreis to much to repent vs of our wicked life : but i would counsel all , since the sinner for to repent taketh but one houre , that that be not the last houre . for , the sighes and repentance , which proceed from the bottome of the heart , penetrate the high heauens : but those which come of necessity , doeth not pierce the bare seeling of the house . i allow and commende , that those which visit● the sick , do counsell them to examin their consciences , to receiue the communion , to pray vnto god , to forgiue their enemyes , and to recommend themselues to the deuoute prayers of the people , and to repent them of their sinnes . finally i say , that it is very good to doe all this : but yet i say , it is better to haue done it before . for , the diligent and careful pyrate , prepareth for the tempest , when the sea is calme . hee that deepely would consider , how little the goods of this life are to be esteemed : let him go to see a rich man when hee dyeth , and what he doeth in his bed . and he shall finde that the wife demandeth of the poore husband her dowrie , the daughter the third parte , the other the fifth , the childe the preheminence of age , the sonne in law his marriage , the physition his duetie , the slaue his libertie , the seruaunts their wages , the creditours their debtes , and the worst of all is , that none of those that ought to inherite his goods , will giue him one glasse of water . those that shall heare or read this , ought to consider , that that which they haue seene done at the death of their neighbours : the same shall come vnto them , when they shall be sicke at the poynt of death . for , so soone as the rich shutteth his eyes , forthwith there is great strife betweene the children for his goods . and this strife is not to vnburthen his soule : but which of them shall inherite most of his possessions , in this case , i will not my pen trauell any further , since both rich and poore doe daylie see the experience hereof . and in thigs verie manifest , it sufficeth onely for wise men to be put in memorie , without wasting any more time to perswade them . now the emperor marcus aurelius had a secretarie verie wise , & vertuous , through whose hands the affaires of the empire passed . and when this secretarie saw his lord and master so sicke , and almost at the houre of death , and that none of his parents or friends durst speake vnto him : he plainly determined to doe his dutie , wherein hee shewed verie well the profound knowledge hee had in wisedome , and the great good wil he bare to his lord. this secretary was called panutius , the vertues and life of whom sextus cheronensis in the life of marcus aurelius declareth . chap. l. of the comfortable words which the secretary panutius spake to the emperour marcus aurelius at the houre of his death . o my lord and master , mytongue cannot keepe silence , mine eyes cannot refraine from bitter teares , nor my heart leaue from fetching sighs , nor yet reason can vse his duty : for my bloud boyleth , my sinews are dried , my powers be open , my heart doth faint , and my spirit is troubled . and the occasion of all this is , to see that the wholesome counsels which thou giuest to others : ether thou canst not , or will not take for thy selfe . i see thee die my lord , and i die for that i cannot remedy thee . for if the gods would haue granted me my request , for the lengthning of thy life one day , i would giue willingly my whole life . whither the sorrow bee true or fayned , it needeth not i declare vnto thee with wordes , since thou mayest manifestly discerne it by my countenance . for mine eyes with teares are wet , and my heart with sighes is very heauie . i feele much the want of thy companie . i feele much the dammage , which ( of thy death ) to the whole commonwealth shall ensue . i feele much thy sorrowe which in thy pallace shall remaine . i feele much for that rome this day is vndone : but that which aboue all things doth most torment my heart , is to haue seene thee liue as wise , and now to see thee dye as simple . tell me i pray thee my lord , why do men learne the greeke tongue ? trauell to vnderstand the hebrew : sweate in the latine , chaunge so many maisters , turne so many bookes , and in studie consume so much money , and so many yeares : if it were not to knowe how to passe life with honor , and take death with patience ? the end why men ought to studie , is to learne to liue well . for there is no truer science in man , then to know how to order his life well . what profiteth it me to know much , if thereby i take no profite ? what profiteth me to know straunge languages , if i refrain nor my tongue from other mens matters ? what profiteth it to studie many bookes , if i studie not but to begyule my friendes ? what profiteth it to know the influence of the starres : and the course of the elements : if i cannot keepe my selfe from vices ? finally i say , that it little auayleth to to bee a master of the sage , if secretly hee bee reported to bee a follower of fooles . the chiefe of all phylosophie consisteth to serue god , and not to offend men . i aske thee , most noble prince , what auaileth it the pilot to know the arte of sayling , and after in a tempest by negligence to perish ? what auaileth it the valiaunt captaine , to talke much of warres , and afterwards he knoweth not how to giue the battell ? what auayleth it the guyde to tell the nearest way , and afterwards in the middest to loose himselfe ? all this which i haue spoken , is saide for thee my lord : for , what auayleth it that thou beeing in health , shouldest sigh for death ? since now when hee doeth approche , thou weepest because thou wouldest not leaue life ? one of the things wherein the wise man sheweth his wisdome , is to know how to loue , and how to hate . for , it is great lightnes ( i should rather say follie ) to day to loue him , whome yesterday we hated : and to morrowe to slaunder him whom this day wee honoured . what prince so high , or what plebeyan so base hath there been , or in the world shall euer be , the which hath so little ( as thou ) regarded life : and so highly commended death ? what things haue i written ( beeing thy secretarie ) with mine owne hand , to diuers prouinces of the world : where thou speakest so much good of death , that sometimes thou madest mee to hate life ? what was it to see that letter which thou wrotest vnto the noble romaine , claudinaes widdowe , comforting her of the death of her husband , which dyed in the warres ? wherein shee aunswered : that she thought her trouble comfort , to deserue that thou shouldst write her such a letter . what a pittifull and sundry letter hast thou written to antigonus , on the death of thy childe verissimus , thy sonne so much desired ? whose death thou tookest so , that thou exceedest the limits of phylosophie ? but in the ende with thy princely vertues , thou didst qualifie thy woful sorows . what sentences so profound , what wordes so well couched didst thou write in that booke intituled the remedy of the sorrowfull , the which thou didst send from the warre of asia , to the senatours of rome : and that was to comfort them after a sore plague . and how much profite hath thy doctrine done since : with what new kinde of consolation hast thou comforted helius fabatus the sensour , when his son was drowned in the riuer ? where i do remember , that when we entred into his house , we found him weeping : and when wee went from thence , wee lest him laughing . i doe remember that when thou wentst to visite gneus rusticus in his last disease , thou didst speake to him so effectuously , that with the vehemency of thy words , thou madest the teares to runne downe his cheekes . and i demanding him the occasions of his lamentations , he said : the emperor my lord hath told me so much euils that i haue won , and of so much good that i haue lost , that i weepe , i weepe not for life which is short , but for death which is long . the man whom aboue all thou hast loued , was torquatus whom thou didst obey as thy father , and seruedst as thy master . this thy faithfull friend being readie to die , and desiring yet to liue , thou sendest to offer sacrifices to the gods , not for that they should graunt himselfe , but that they should hasten his death . herewith i being astonied , thy noblenesse to so satisfie my ignorance , sayd vnto mee in secret these wordes . maruell not panutius to see me offer sacrifices to hasten my friends death : and not to prolong his life : for there is nothing that the faithfull friend ought so much to desire to true friend , as to see him ridde from the trauels of the earth , and to enioy the pleasures of heauen . why thinkest ( thou most noble prince ) that i reduce all these things to thy memory , but for to demaund thee how it is possible , that i which haue heard thee speake so well of death , doe presently see thee so vnwilling to leaue life ? since the gods commaund it , thy age willeth it , thy disease doth cause it , thy feeble nature doth permit it , the sinfull rome doth deserue it , and the sickle fortune agreeth , that for our great miserie thou shouldest die . why therefore sighest thou so much for to die ? the trauels which of necessitie must needes come , with stout heart ought to be receiued . the cowardly heart falleth before hee is beaten downe : but the stout and valiant stomacke , in greatest perill , recouereth most strength . thou art one man , and not two , thou owest one death to the gods , and not two : why wilt thou therefore , being but one , pay for two ? and for one onely life , take two deaths ? i meane , that before thou endest life , thou diest for pure sorrow . after that thou hast sayled , and in the sayling , thou hast passed such perill , when the gods doe render thee in the safe hauen , once againe thou wilt runne into the raging sea , where thou scapest the victorie of life , and thou dyest with the ambushments of death . threescore and two yeeres hast thou fought in the field , and neuer turned thy backe : and fearest thou now , beeing enclosed in the graue ? hast thou not passed the pykes , and bryers , wherein thou hast beene enclosed : and now thou tremblest , being in the sure way ? thou knowest what dammage it is , long to liue , and now thou doubtest of the profit of death , which ensueth . it is now many yeeres since death and thou haue beene at defyance , as mortall enemies : and now to lay thy hands on thy weapons , thou flyest and turnest thy backe . threescore and two yeeres are past , since thou wert bent against fortune and now thou closest thy eyes , when thou oughtest ouer her to triumph . by that i haue told thee , i meane , that since wee doe not see thee take death willingly at this present : we do suspect that thy life hath not in times past beene very good : for the man which hath no desire to appeare before the gods , it is a token he is loaden with vices . what meanest thou most noble prince ? why weepest thou as an infant , and complainest as a man in despaire ? if thou weepest because thou dyest : i answer thee , that thou laughest as much when thou liuedst . for of too much laughing in the life , proceedeth much wayling at the death . who hath alwaies for his heritage , appropriated the places being in the common wealth . the vnconstancy of the minde , who shall bee so hardy to make steadie ? i meane that all are dead , all die , & all shall die : & among all wilt thou alone liue ? wilt thou obtaine of the gods , that which maketh them gods ? that is to say ; that they make thee immortall as thēselues ? wilt thou alone haue by priuiledge , that which the gods haue by nature ? my youth demandeth thy age what thing is best , or to say better which is lesse euill , to die well , or to liue euill . i doubt that any man may attaine to the meanes to liue well , according to the continuall and variable troubles and vexations which daily we haue accustomed to carrie betweene our hands , alwayes suffering hunger , cold , thirst , care , displeasures , temptations , persecutions , euill fortunes , ouerthrowes , and diseases . this cannot be called life , but a long death : and with reason wee will call this life death , since a thousand times we hate life . if an ancient man did make a shew of his life , from time he is come out of the intrailes of his mother , vntill the time hee entreth into the bowels of the earth , and that body would declare al the sorrowes that he hath passed and the heart discouer all the ouerthrows of fortune , which he hath suffered : i imagine the gods would maruell , and men would wonder at the body which hath endured so much , and the heart which hath so greatly dissembled , i take the greeks to be more wise , which weepe when their children bee borne , and laugh when the aged dye : then the romanes which sing when their children are borne , and weepe when the olde men die . wee haue much reason to laugh , when the olde men die , since they dy to laugh : and with great reason wee ought to weepe , when the children are borne , since they are borne to weepe . chap. li. panutius the secretarie continueth his exhortation , admonishing all men willingly to accept death , & vtterly to forsake the world and all his vanities . since life is now condemned for euill , there remaineth nought else , but to approoue death to be good . oh if it pleased the immortall gods , that as i oftentimes haue heard the disputation of this matter : so now that thou couldest therewith profite . but i am sorry that to the sage and wise man , counsell sometimes ( or for the most part ) wanteth . none ought to cleaue much to his owne opinion , but sometimes he should follow the counsell of the third person : for the man which in all things will follow his owne aduise , ought well to be assured that in all , or the most part , hee shall erre . o my lord marke , sith thou art sage , liuely of spirit , of great experience , and ancient , didst not thou thinke , that as thou hadst buried many , so likewise some should burie thee ? what imaginations were thine to thinke , that seeing the ende of their dayes , others should not see the end of thy yeares ? since thou diest rich , honorably accompanied , olde , and aboue all , seeing thou diest in the seruice of the commonwealth , why fearest thou to enter into thy graue ? thou hast alwaies beene a friend , as much to know things past , as those which were hid and kept secret . since thou hast prooued what honours and dishonours deserue , riches and pouertie , prosperitie and aduersitie , ioy and sorrow , loue and fear , vices and pleasures : mee seemeth that nothing remaineth to know , but that it is necessarie to know what death is . and also i sweare vnto thee ( most noble lord ) that thou shalt learne more in one houre , what death is , then in an hundred yeares what life meaneth : since thou art good , and presumest to be good , and hast liued as good , is it better that thou die , and goe with so many good ; then that thou scape , and liue amongst so many euill ? that thou feelest death , i maruell nothing at all , for thou art a man : but i doe maruell that thou dissemblest it not , since thou art discreet many things doe the sage men feele , which inwardly doe oppresse their heart , but outwardly they dissemble them , for the more honour . if all the poyson which in the sorrowfull heart is wrapped , were in small peeces in the feeble flesh scattered : then the wals would not suffice to rubbbe , neither the nayles to scratch vs. what other thing is death , but a trap or doore wherewith to shut the shop , wherein all the miserie , of this wofull life are vendible ? what wrong or preiudice doe the gods vnto vs , when they call vs before them , but from an old decayd house , to change vs to a new builded pallace ? and what other thing is the graue , but a strong fort , wherin we shut our selues from the assaults of life , and broyles of fortune : truely wee ought to bee more desirous of that wee finde in death , then of that wee haue in life . if helia fabricia thy wife doe greeue thee , for that thou leauest her yong , doe not care : for shee presently hath little care of the perill wherein thy life dependeth . and in the end , when she shall know of thy death , shee will be nothing greeued . trouble not thy selfe for that she is left a widdow : for yong women ( as shee is ) which are married to olde men ( as thou ) when their husbands die , they haue their eyes on that they can robbe , and their hearts on them whom they desire to marrie . and speaking with due respect , when with their eyes they outwardly seeme most for to bewayle : then with their hearts inwardly doe they most reioyce . deceiue not thy selfe in thinkeing that the empresse thy wife is yong , and that she shall finde none other emperor with whom again she may marrie . for such , and the like , will change the cloth of gold , for gownes of skinnes . i meane , that they would rather the young shepheard in the field , then the olde emperour in his royall pallace . if thov takest sorrow for the children whom thou leauest i know not why thou shouldst do so ? for truely if it greeue thee now , for that thou diest : they are more displeased for that thou liuest . the sonne that desireth not the death of his father , may be counted the onely phenix of this world , for if the father bee poore , he wisheth him dead for that he is not maintained ; and if hee rich he desireth his death to enherite the sooner . since therefore it is true ( as indeed it is ) it seemeth not wisedome that they sing , and thou weepe . if it greeue thee to leaue these goodly pallaces , and these sumptuous buildings , deceiue not thy selfe therein . for by the god iupiter i sweare vnto thee , that since that death doth finish thee , at the end of threescore and two yeeres : time shall consume these sumptuous buildings in lesse then . if it greeue thee to forsake the company of thy friends and neighbors , for them also take as little thought , since for thee they will not take any at all . for amongst the other compassions that they ought to haue of the dead , this is true , that scarcely they are buried , but of their friends and neighbours they are forgotten . if thou takest greatest thought for that thou wilt not die , as the other emperours of rome are dead : me seemeth that thou oughtest also to cast this sorrow from thee : for thou knowest right well , that rome hath accustomed to bee so vnthankefull to those which serue her : that the great scipio also would not be buried therein . if it greeue thee to die , to leaue so great a seignory , as to leaue the empire , i cannot thinke that such vanity be in thy head : for temperate and reposed men , when they escape from semblable offices , doe not thinke that they lose honour , but that they be free of a trouble some charge . therefore if none of all these things moue thee to desire life , what should let thee that throgh thy gates enter not death it greeueth men to dy for one of these two things , either for the loue of those they leaue behinde them , or for feare of that they hope . since therefore there is nothing in this life worthy of loue , nor any thing in death why we should feare : why doe men feare to die ? according to the heauy fighes thou fetchest , the bitter teares thou sheddest , and according also to that great paine thou shewest , for my part i thinke , that the thing in thy thought most forgotten was , that the gods should commaund thee to pay this debt . for admit that all thinke that their life shall end , yet no man thinketh that death wil come so soon . for that men think neuer to die , they neuer begin their faults to amend : so that both life and fault haue end in the graue together . knowest not thou ( most noble prince ) that the long night commeth the middest morning . doest thou not know , that after the moist morning there cometh the cleare sun ? knowest not thou that after the cleare sun commeth the cloudy element . doest thou not know that after the darke myst , there commeth extreme heate : and after the heate , commeth the horrible thunders : and after the thunders , the sodaine lightnings : and after the perilious lightnings commeth the terrible haile : finally i say , that after the tempestuous and troublesome time , commonly commeth cleare and faire weather . the order that time hath to make himselfe cruell and gentle , the selfe same ought men to haue , to liue and die . for after the infancy commeth childhood , after childhood commeth youth , after youth commeth age , and after age commeth the feareful death : finally , after that feareful death , commeth the sure life . oftentimes i haue read , and of thee not seldome heard that the gods onely which had no beginning , shall haue also no ending . therefore mee thinketh ( most noble prince ) that sage men ought not to desire to liue long : formen which desire to liue much : either it is for that they haue not felt the trauels past , because they haue bene fooles , or for that they desire more time to giue themselues to vices . thou mightest not complaine of that , since they haue not cut thee in the flower of the herbe , nor taken thee greene from the tree , nor cut thee in the spring tide , and much lesse eate thee eager before thou wert ripe . by that i haue spoken , i meane , if death had called thee when thy life was sweetest : though thou hadst not had reason to haue complayned , yet thou mightest haue desired to haue altered it : for it is a greater griefe , to say vnto a yong man that he must die , and forsake the world . what is this ( my lord ) now that the wall is decaied ready to fall , the flower is an hered the grape doth rot , the teeth are loose the gowne is worne , the lance is blunt the knife is dull , and dost thou desire to returne into the world , as if thou hadst neuer knowne the world ? these threescore and two yeeres thou hast liued in the proportion of this body , and wilt thou now that the yron fetters haue rot thy legges , desire yet to lengthen thy daies , in this so wofull prison ? they that will not be contented to liue threescore yeeres and fiue in this death , or to die in this life : will not desire to liue threescore thousand yeeres . the emperour augustus octauian saide : that alter men had liued fiftie yeeres , either of their owne will they ought to dye ; or else by force they should cause themselues to bee killed . for at that time , all those which haue any humaine felicitie , are at the best . those which liue aboue that age , passe their daies in grieuous torments . as in the death of children , in the losse of goods , and importunitie of sonne in lawes , in maintaining processes , in discharging debts , in fighing for that is past , in bewayling that that is present , in dissembling iniuries , in hearing woful newes , and in other infinite trauels . i so that it were much better , to haue their eyes shut in the graue : thē their hearts and bodies aliue , to suffer so much in this miserable life . he whom the gods take from this miserable life at the end of fiftie yeeres , is quitted from all these miseries of life . for after that time hee is not weake , but crooked , hee goeth not , but rowlleth , he stumbleth nor but falleth . o my lord marke , knowest thou not , that by the same way whereby goeth death , death cometh ? knowest not thou in like manner that it is . yeers that life hath fled from death : & that there is another time asmuch , that death goeth seeking thy life ? and death going from illiria where he left a great plague , & thou departing frō thy pallace ye two haue now met in hungarie ? knowest not thou , that where thou leapedst out of thy mothers intrailes to gouerne the land , immediately death leaped out of his grauè to seeke thy life ? thou hast alwayes presumed , not onely to bee honored , but also to be honorable , if it bee so , since thou honouredst the embassadors of princes which did send them the more for their profite , then for thy seruice , why dost thou not honor thy messenger , whom the gods send more for thy profite , then for their seruices ? doest thou not remember well , when vulcan my sonne in law poysoned me , more for the couetousnesse of my gods , then any desire that hee had of my life ? thou lord that diddest come to comfort mee in my chamber , and toldst me that the gods were cruell to slay the yong , and were pitiful to take the old from this world . and thou saidst further these wordes : comfort thee panutius , for if thou wert borne to the , now thou drest to liue . since therefore ( noble prince ) that i tell thee that which thou toldst me , and counsell thee the same which thou counsellest me : i render to thee that which thou hast giuen me . finally of these vines i haue gathered these cluster of grapes . chap. lii . the answer of the emperour marcus to panutius his secretarie , wherein he declareth that he tooke no thought to forsake the world : but all his sorow was to leaue behind him an vnhappie child to inherit the empire , panutius blessed be the milke which thou hast sucked in dacia , the bread which thou hast eaten in rome , the larning which thou hast learned in greece , and the bringing vppe which thou hast had in my pallace . for thou hast serued as a good seruant in life , and giuest mee good counsell as a trustie friende at death . i command commodus my son to recompence thy seruice , and i beseech the immortall gods , that they acquite thy good counsels . and not without good cause i charge my son with the one , and requrie the gods of the other . for the payment of many seruices , one man alone may doe ; but to pay one good counsell , it is requisite to haue all the gods . the greatest good that a friend can doe to his friend , is in great and waightie affaires , to giue him good and wholesome counsell . and not without cause i say wholesome : for commonly it chaunceth , that those which thinke with their counsell to remedy vs , doe put vs oftentimes in greatest perils . all the trauells of life are hard , but that of death is the most hard and terrible . al are great , but this is the greatest . all are perillous , but this is most perrillons . all in death haue ende except the trauell of death , whereof wee know no end , that which i say now , no men perfectly can know , but he which seeth himselfe , as i see my selfe now at the point of death . certainly panutius , thou hast spoken vnto mee as a wise man : but for that thou knowst not my griefe , thou couldst not cure my disease , for my sore is not there , where thou hast layde the plaister . the fistula is not there where thou hast cutte the flesh . the opilation is not there ; where thou hast layd the oyntments . there were not the right veines , where thou didst let me bloud . thou hast not yet touched the wound , which is the cause of all my griefe . i meane that thou oughtest to haue entred further with mee to haue knowne my griefe better . the sighes which the heart fetcheth ( i say those which come from the heart ) let not euerie man think which heareth them , that he can immedialy vnderstand them : for as men cannot remedie the anguishes of the spirit , so the gods likewise would not that they should know the secrets of the heart . without feare or shame many dare say , that they know the thought of others , wherein they shew themselues to bee more fooles , then wise . for since there are many things in me wherein i my selfe doubt : how can a stranger haue any certaine knowledge therein . thou accusest me panutius , that i feare death greatly , the which i deny : but to feare it as man , i doe confesse : for to deny that i feare not death , should bee to denie that i am not of flesh . we see by experience , that the elephants do feare the lyon , the beare the elephant , the wolfe the beare , the lambe the wolfe , the rat the cat , the cat the dog , the dog the man : finally the one and the other do feare for no other thing , but for feare that one killeth not the other . then since bruite beasts refuse death , the which though they die , feare not to fight with the suries , nor hope not to rest with the gods : so much the more ought we to feare death , which die in doubt , whether the furies will teare vs in peeces with their torments , or the gods will receiue vs in to their houses with ioy . thinkest thou panutius , that i doe not see well my vine is gathered , and that it is not hid vnto me , that my palace falleth in decay ? i know well , that i haue not but the kernell of the raison , & the skin : and that i haue not but one sigh of all my life , vntill this time . there was great difference betweene me and thee , & now there is no great difference betwixt me and my selfe . for about the ensign , thou dost place the army . in the riuers , thou castest thy nets ; within the parkes thou huntest the buls : in the shadow thou takest cold . by this i meane , that thou talkest so much of death , because that thou art sure of thy life . o miserable man that i am , for in short space , of all that is life i haue possessed : with mee i shall carrie nothing but onely my winding sheete . alasse how shall i enter into the field , not where of fierce beasts i shall bee assaulted : but of the hungrie wormes deuoured . alasse i see my selfe in that distresse , from whence my fraile flesh cannot escape . and if any hope remaine , it is in thee o death . when i am sicke , i would not that hee that is whole should comfort me . when i am sorrowfull , i would not that he which is merrie should comfort me . when i am bannished i would not that hee which is in prosperitie should comfort mee . when i am at the houre of death , i would not that hee should comfort me , which is not in suspition of life . but i would that the poore should comfort me in pouertie , the sorrowfull in my sorrowes , the banished in my banishment , and he which is in as great danger of his life , as i am now at the point of death . for there is no counsell so healthfull , nor true , as that of the man which is in sorrow , when he counselleth another , which is likewise tormented himselfe . if thou considerest well this sentence , thou shalt finde that i haue spoken a thing profound , wherein notwithstanding my tongue is appeased . for in my opinion euill shall hee be comforted , which is weeping with him , that continually laugheth . i say this to the ende thou know , that i know it ; and that thou perceiue that i perceiue it . and because thou shalt not liue deceiued , as to my friend i will disclose the secret : and thou shalt see , that smal is the sorrow which i haue , in respect of the great , which i haue cause to haue . for if reason had not striued with sensualtie , the sighes ended my life , and in a pond of teares , they had made my graue . the things which in mee thou hast seene , which abhore meate , to banish sleepe , to loue care , to bee annoyed with company , to take rest in sighes , and to take pleasures in teares : may easily declare vnto thee , what torment is in the sea of my heart , when such tremblings doe appeare in the earth of my body . let vs now come to the purpose , and we shal see why my bodie is without consolation , and my heart ouercome with sorrowes : for my feeling greatly exceeds my complaining , because the body is so delicate , that in scratching it , it complaineth : and the heart is so stout and valiant , that though it be hurt , yet it dissembleth . o panutius , i let thee know , that the occasion why i take death so grieuously , is because i leaue my sonne commodus in this life : who liueth in this age most perillous for him , and no lesse dangerous for the empire . by the flowers are the fruits knowne , by the grapes the vines are knowne , and by the face men are knowne : by the colt the horse is iudged , and by the infant , youth is knowne . this i say by the prince my sonne , for that hee hath bene euill in my life , i doe imagine that he will bee worse after my death . since thou ( as well as i ) knowst the euill conditions of my sonne , why doest thou maruell at the thoughts and sorrowes of the father ? my son commodus in yeares is yong , and in vnderstanding yonger . hee hath an euill inclination , and yet hee will not enforce himselfe against the same , hee gouerneth himselfe by his owne sence , and in matters of wisedome he knoweth little : of that hee should be ignorant , hee knoweth too much : and that which is worst of all , he is of no man esteemed . hee knoweth nothing of things past , nor occupieth him about any thing present . finally , for that which mine eyes haue seene , i say , and that which within my heart i haue suspected i iudge : that shortly the person of my sonne shall be in hazard , and the memory of his father perish . o how vnkindely haue the gods vsed themselues toward vs , to command vs to leaue our honour in the hands of our children ? for it should suffice , that wee should leaue them our goods : and that to our friends we should commit our honor . but yet i am sorry , for that they consume the goods in vices : and lose the honour for to bee vitious . the gods being pittifull as they are , since they giue vs the authoritie to diuide our goods : why do they not giue vs leaue to make our wils of the honor . my sonnes name being commodus in the romain tongue , is as much to say , as profite : but as he is , wee will be content to bee without little profite , which he may do to some , so that we may bee excused of the great damage , which he is likely to doe to all . for i suppose hee will be the scourge of men , and the wrath of god. he entreth now into the pathway of youth , alone without a guide . and for that he hath to passe by the high and dangerous places : i feare lest hee bee lost , in the wood of vices . for the children of princes and great lord● for so much as they are brought vp in libertie and wantonnesse , doe easily fal into vices , and voluptuousnesse : and are most stubborn to be withdrawne from folly . o panutius , giue attentiue eare to that i say vnto thee . seest thou not that commodus my sonne is at libertie , is rich , is yong , and is alone ? by the faith of a good man , i sweare vnto thee , that the least of these windes would ouerthrow , not onely a young tender ash , but also a mightie strong oake . riches , youth , pride , and liberty are foure plagues which poyson the prince , replenish the common wealth with filth , kill the liuing , and defame the dead . let the olde men beleeue me , and the young men marke mee well what i say , that where the gods haue giuen many gifts , it is necessary they haue many vertues to sustaine them . the gentle , the peaceable , the coūterfeit , the simple , and the fearefull , doe not trouble the common wealth : but those whom nature hath giuen most gifts . for as experience teacheth vs , with the fairest women the stewes are furnished , the most proper personage are vnshamefast , the most stout and valiant are murderers , the most subtill are theeues , and men of clearest vnderstanding , oft times become most fooles . i say , and say againe , i affirme , and affirme againe , i sweare and sweare againe , that if two men which are adorned with naturall gifts , doe want requisite vertues , such haue a knife in their hands , wherewith they do strike and wound themselues , a fire on their shoulders , wherewith they burne themselues , a rope at their neckes to hang themselues , a dagger at theyr breast wherewith they kill themselues , a thorne in their foote , wherwith they pricke themselues , and stones whereat they stumble : so that stumbling they fall , and falling they finde themselues with death whom they hate , and without life , which so much they loued . note well panutius note , that the man which from his infancy hath alwayes the feare of the gods before his eyes , and the shame of men , saieth truth to all , and liueth in preiudice to none : and to such a tree , though euill fortune do cleaue , the flower of his youth doe wither , the leaues of theyr fauours drie , they gather the fruites of his trauels , they cut the bough of his offices , they bow the highest of his branches downewards ; yet in the end though of the windes hee be beaten , hee shall neuer be ouercome . o happy are those fathers , vnto whom the gods haue giuen quicke children , wise , fayre , able , light , and valiant : but all these giftes are but meanes to make them vicious . and in such case , if the fathers would bee gouerned by my counsell , i would rather desire that members should want in them , then that vices should abound . of the most fairest children which are borne in the empire , my sonne commodus the prince is one : but i would to the immortall gods , that in face hee resemble the blackest of ethiope : and in manners , the greatest philosopher of greece : for the glory of the father is not , nor ought not to bee , in that his child is fayre of complexion , and handsome of person but that in his life hee bee very vpright . wee will not call him a pittifull father , but a great enemy , who exalteth forth his child for that he is faire , and doth not correct him , though hee be vicious . i durst say , that the father which hath a child endued with many goodly gifts , and that hee doth employ them all to vices : such a child ought not to bee borne in the world , and if perchance he were borne , hee ought immediately to be buried . chap. liii . the emperour marcus aurelius concludeth his matter , and sheweth that sondry young princes for being vicious haue vndone themselues , and empouerished their realms . o what great pitty is it to see how the father buyeth his child of the gods with sighes , how the mother deliuers thē with pain , how , they both nourish them with trauels , how they watch to sustain them , how they labour to remedy them , & afterwards they haue so rebelled , and be so vicious , that the miserable fathers oftentimes do die not for age , but for the griefes wherewith their children torment them . i doe remember , that the prince commodus my sonne beeing young , and i aged ( as i am ) with great paines we kept him from vices : but i feare , that after my death hee will hate vertues . i remember many yong princes , which of his age , haue inherited th' empire of rome : who haue bin of so wicked a life , that they haue deserued to loose both honour and life .. i remember dennys , the famous tyraunt of scycile : of whom is saide , that as great reward hee gaue to those that inuented vices , as our mother rome did , to those which cōquered realms : such worke could not be , but of a tyraunt to take them for most familiar , which are most vicious . i remember foure young princes , which gouerned the empyre , but not with such valiauntnes as the great alexander : that is to say , alexander , antiochus , syluius , and ptholomeus : vnto whom for their vanity and lightnes , as they called alexander the great , emperour in greece : so likewise do they call these young men , tyrants in asia . very happie was alexander in life , and they vnhappy after his death . for all that which with glorious triumphs hee wanne , with vile vices they lost . so that alexander deuided betweene them foure , the worlde : and afterwards it came into the handes of moe then foure hundreth . i doe remember , that king antigonus little esteemed that , which cost his lorde alexander much . hee was so light in the behauiour of his person , and so defamed in the affayres of the common-wealth : that for mockerie and contempt , in the steed of a crown of golde , hee bare a garland : in the steed of a scepter , hee carryed nettles in his hand : and of this sort and manner he sate to iudge among his counsellors , & vsed to talke with strangers . this yong prince doth offend me much , for the lightnes he committed : but much more i maruell at the grauitie of the sages of greece , which suffered him . it is but meete hee be partaker of the paine , which condescended to the faulte . i do remember caligula the fourth emperor of rome , who was so young and foolish , that i doubt of these two things , which was greatest in his time , that is to say : the disobedience that the people bare to their lorde , or the hate which the lord bare to his people . for , that vnhappie creature was so disordered in his manners : that if all the romaines had not watched to take life from him : hee would haue watched to take life from them . this caligula wore a brooche of gold in his cap , wherein were written these wordes : vtinam omnis populus vnam precise ceruicem haberet , vt vno ictu omnes necarem : which is to say : would to god all the people had but one necke , to the ende i might kill them all at a stroke . i remember the emperour tiberius , th'adoptiue sonne of the good caesar augustus , which was called augustus : because hee greatly augmented the empyre . but the good emperor did not so much augment the state of his common-wealth , during his life , as tyberius did diminish it , after his death . the hate and malice which the romain people bare to tiberius in his life , was manifestly discouered after the time of his death . for the day that tyberius dyed ( or better to say , when they killed him ) the romaine people made great processions , and the senators offered great presents in the temples , and the priests gaue great sacrifices to their gods : and all to the end their gods shold not receiue the soule of this tyraunt amongst them , but that they would sende it to be kept among the furyes of hell . i remember patrocles ( . k. of corinth ) inherited the realm at xxii . yeres of his age , who was so disordred of his flesh , so indiscret in his doings , so couetous of goods , & such a coward of his person , that wher his father had possessed the realm . yeres , the sonne did not possesse it thirtie moneths . i remember tarquine the prowde , who though among eight knights of rome was the last , and comlyest of gesture , valiaunt in armes , noblest of bloud , and in giuing most liberall : yet he employed all his gifts and grace● which the gods had giuen him euill . for , hee employed his beautie to ryot , and his forces to tyrannie . for , through the treason & villanie , which hee committed with the romaine lucretia , he did not only lose the realme , and flying saued his life : but also for euer was banished , and all his linage likewise . i remember the cruell emperour nero , who liued , inherited , and dyed young : and not without a cause ( i say ) that hee liued and dyed young . for , in him was graffed the stocke of the noble & worthie caesars : and in him was renued the memory of those tyrants : to whom thinkest thou panutius this tyrant would haue giuen life , since he with his owne hand gaue his mother her death ? tell mee ( i pray thee ) who thinkest thou hath made that cursed heart , who slewe his mother , out of whose wombe he came ? opened the breasts which gaue him sucke ? shedde the bloud wher of he was born ? tore the armes in which hee was carryed ? & saw the entrails wherin he was formed . the day that the emperour nero slewe his mother , an orator said in the senate : iure interficienda erat agrippina , qua tale portentum peperit in populo romano . which is to say , iustly deserued agrippina to bee put to death , which brought forth so straunge a monster , amongst the romaine people . thou oughtst not therefore to maruell ( panutius ) at the nouelties which thou hast seene in mee : for in these three dayes that i haue been troubled in my minde , and altered in my vnderstanding : all these things are offered vnto me , and from the bottome of my hart i haue digested them . for the carefull men are not blinded , but with their owne imaginations . all these euill conditions which these princes had scattred amongst them ( of whom i haue spoken ) doe meete together , in my sonne commodus . for , if they were young , he is young : if they were rich , hee is rich : if they were free , he is free : if they were bold , he is bolde : if they were wilde , he is wilde : if they were euill , certainely i doe not thinke that hee is good . for , wee see manie young princes , which haue beene well brought vp , and well taught : yet when they haue inherited , and come to their lands , they become immediately vicious and dissolute . what hope haue wee of those , which from their infancie are dissolute and euill enclined ? of good wine i haue made oft times strong vivineger : but of pure vineger , i haue neuer seene good wine . this childe keepeth mee betweene the sailes of feare , and the ancker of hope : hoping he shall be good , since i haue taught him well , and fearing he shall be euill , because his mother faustine hath nourished him euill . and that which is the worst , that the yong childe of his owne nature , is inclined to all euill , i am moued to say thus much , for that i see his naturall inclination increase : and that which was taught him diminish . for the which occasion , i doubt that after my death , my sonne shall returne to that , wherin his mother hath nourished him : and not to that , wherein i haue taught him . o how happy had i beene , if neuer i had had childe , or not to be bounde to leaue him the empire : for i would chuse then , among the children of the good fathers : & would not be bound to such a one , whom the gods haue giuen me . one thing i aske thee panutius , whom wouldest thou call most fortunate ? vespatian , which was naturall father of domitius , or nerua , the adopted father of the good traiane : both those two , ( vespatian and nerua ) were good princes , but of children , domitian was the head of all mischiefe : and traiane was the mirrour of all goodnesse . so that vespatian in that he had children , was vnhappy , and nerua in that hee had none , was most fortunate . one thing i will tell thee panutius , the which by thee considered , thou wilt little esteeme life , and shalt lose the feare of death . i haue liued threescore and two yeares , wherein i haue read much , hard much , seene , desired , attained , possessed , suffered , and i haue much reioyced my selfe . and in the end of all this , i see my selfe now to die , and i must want my pleasures , and my selfe also . of all that i haue had , possessed , attained , and whereof i haue enioied , i haue only two things to say , paine for that i haue offended the gods , and sorrow for the time which i haue wasted in vices . there is great difference between the rich and the poore in death , and more in life . for the poore dieth to iust , but if the rich die , it is to their treat paine . so that the gods take from the one , that which he had , and putteth the other in possession , of that he desired . great care hath the heart to seeke the goods , and they passe great troubles to heape vp them together , and great diligence must bee had in keeping them , and also much wit to encrease them : but without comparison , it is greater griefe to depart from them . o what paine intollerable , and griefe it is to the wise man , seeing himselfe at the point of death , to leaue the sweet of his family , the maiestie of his empire , the honour of his present , the loue of his friends , the payments of his debts , the deserts of his seruants and the memory of his predecessors , in the power of so euill a childe , the which neither deserueth it , nor yet will deserue it . in the ninth table of our auncient lawes , are written these words : wee ordaine and commaund , that the father which shall be good according to the opinion of all , may disherite his sonne , who according to the opinion of all is euill . the law said further . the childe which hath disobeyed his father , robbed any holy temple , iniuried any widdow , fled from any battle , and committed any treason to a straunger , that hee should bee banished from rome , and dsinherited from his fathers goods . truly the law was good , thogh by our offences it bee forgotten . if my breath faile mee not as it doth faile me ( for of troth i am greatly pained ) i would declare vnto thee how many parthes , medians , egyptians , assirians , caldeans , indians , hebrewes , greekes , and romaines , haue left their children poore beeing able to haue left them rich , for no other cause , but for that they were vitious . and to the contrary , other beeing poore , haue left them rich , for that they were vertuous . by the immortall gods i sweare vnto thee , that when they came from the warre of parthia , and triumphed in rome , and confirmed the empire to my sonne , if then the senate had not withstood mee , i had left commodus my sonne poore with his vices , & wold haue made heir of all my realmes , some vertuous man. i let thee know panutius , that fiue things oppresse my heart sore , to the which i wold rather see remedy my selfe , then to command other to remedie it . the first , for that in my life time i cannot determine the processes , that the vertuous widdow , drusia hath with the senate . because since she is poore , and deformed , there is no man that will giue her iustice . the second , because i die not in rome . and this for none other cause , thē that which the sound of the trumpet should bee proclaimed , that all those which haue any quarrel , or debt against me , and my family , should come thither to be paid , or satisfied of their debts and demands . the third , that as i made foure tyrants to bee put to execution , which committed tiranny in asia and italy , so it greeued mee that i haue not also punished certaine pirates , which roued on the seas . the fourth , for that i haue not caused the temple to bee finished which i did beginne for all the gods . for i might haue sayde vnto them after my death , that since for all them i haue made one house : it were not much that any of them shuld receiue one into his , which passe this life in the fauour of the gods , and without the hatred of men . for dying after this sort , men shall susteine our honours : and the gods shall prouide for our soules . the fifth , for that i leaue in life for my onely heire , commodus the prince , yet not so much for the destruction which shall come to my house : as for the great dammage which shall succeed in the commonwealth . for the true princes ought to take the dammages of their persons light , and the dammages of the commonwealth for the most grieuous . o panutius , let therefore this be the last word which i will say vnto thee , that is to say , that the greatest good that the gods may giue to the man that is not couetous , but vertuous , is to giue him good renowme in life : and afterwardes a good heire at our death . finally , i say , that if i haue any thing to do with the gods , i require , and beseech them , that if they should be offended , rome slandered , my renowme defamed , and my house diminished , for that my sonne be of an euill life : that they will take from him life , before they giue me death , chap. liiii . of the words which the emperour marcus aurelius spake vnto his sonne commodus at the houre of death , necessary for all young gentlemen to vnderstand . since the disease of marcus aurelius was so extreme that euery houre of his life he was assaulted with death : after he had talked a long time with panutius his secretarie , he commanded his sonne commodus to be wakened , who as a yong man slept soundly in his bed . and being come before his presence , all those which were there , were moued immediatly with compassion , to see the eyes of the father all swollen with weeping : and the eyes of the childe , closed with ouermuch sleepe . they could not waken the childe , he was so carelesse : and they could not cause the good father sleepe , he tooke so great thought . all those which were there , seeing how the father desired the good life of the sonne , and how little the sonne wayed the death of his father had compassion of the olde person , and bare hate to the wicked childe . then the good emperour casting his eyes on high , and directing his words to his sonne sayde . when thou wert a childe , i tolde thy masters how they ought to bring thee vp , and after that thou diddest waxe greater , i tolde thy gouernors how they should counsell thee : and now i will tell thee , how thou with them , which are few , and they with thee beeing one , ought to gouerne and maintaine the common-wealth . if thou esteeme much that which i will say vnto thee , my sonne : know thou , that i will esteeme much more then thou wilt beleeue me : for more easily doe wee olde men suffer your iniuries , then yee other young men doe receyue our counsels . wisdome wanteth to you for to beleeue vs , yet wee want not boldnesse to dishonour you . and that which is worst , the aged in rome , were wont to haue a chayre of wisdome & sagenesse : but now a dayes the young men count it a shame and folly . the world at this day is so changed , from that it was wont to bee in times past : that all haue the audacity to giue counsell , and few haue the wisedome to receyue it , so that they are a thousand which tell counsels , and there is not one that buyeth wisedome . i beleeue well , my sonne , that according to my fatall destenies , and thy euill manners , little shall that auayle which i shall tell thee : for since thou wouldest not credit these words which i spake vnto thee in my life : i am sure that thou wilt little regard them after my death . but i doe this , more to satisfie my desire , and to accomplish that which i owe vnto the common-wealth , then for that i hope for any amendment of thy life . for there is no griefe that doth so much hurt a person , as when hee himselfe is cause of his owne paine . if any man doth mee an iniurie , if i lay my hands vpon him , or speake iniurious words vnto him , my heart is forthwith satisfied : but if i doe iniurie to my selfe , i am he which wrongeth , and am wronged , for that i haue none on whom i may reuenge my wrong , and i vexe and chase with my selfe . if thou my sonne bee euill , after that thou hast enherited the empire , my mother rome wil complaine of the gods which haue giuen thee so many euill inclinations . shee will complaine of faustine thy mother which hath brought thee vp so wantonly , she will complaine of thee which hast no will to resist vice : but shee shall haue no cause to complaine of the olde man thy father , who hath not giuen thee good counsels . for if thou hadst beleeued that which i tolde thee , mē would reioyce to haue thee for theyr lord , and the gods to vse thee as their minister . i cannot tell my sonne , if i bee deceyued , but i see thee so depriued of vnderstanding , so vncertaine in thy words , so dissolute in thy manners , so vniust in iustice , in that thou desirest so hardy , and in thy duty so negligent , that if thou change and alter not thy manners , men will hate thee , and the gods will forsake thee . o if thou knewest my sonne , what a thing it is to haue men for their enemies , and to be forsaken of the gods : by the faith of a good man i sweare vnto thee , that thou wouldest not onely hate the seigniorie of rome , but with thy handes also thou wouldest destroy thy selfe : for men which haue not the gods mercifull , and the men friendly , doe eate the bread of griefe , and drinke the teares of sorrow . i am sure thy sorrow is not so great to see the night doth end my life , as is that pleasure which thou hast , to see that in short space thou shalt bee emperour of rome . and i do not maruell hereat , for where sensuality raigneth , reason is banished , and constrained to flye . many loue diuers things , because of truth they know them not : the which if they did know , without doubt they would hate them . thogh men loue in mockerie , the gods and men hate vs in earnest . in all things wee are so doubtfull , and in all our works so disordred , that at some time our vnderstanding is dull , and loseth the edge : and another time , it is more sharpe then it is necessary . thereby i meane , that the good we will not heare , and much lesse wee will learne it , but of the euill wee know , more then behoueth vs , or necessitie requireth . i will counsell thee , my sonne by words , that which in sixtie two years , i haue learned by science and experience . and since thou art as yet so young , it is reason that thou beleeue him which is aged ; for since wee princes are the mirrour of all , euery man doth behold vs , and wee other doe not behold our selues . this day or to morrow , thou shalt enherite the romane empire , and thinke that inheriting the same , thou shalt bee lord of the world . yet if thou knewest how many cares and perils , commaunding bringeth with it . i sweare vnto thee , that thou wouldest rather choose to obey all , then to command one . thou thinkest my sonne , that i leaue thee a great lord , for to leaue thee the empire , which is not so : for all they haue neede but of thee , and thou alone hast neede of all thou thinkest i leaue thee much treasure , leauing thee the great reuenues of the empire , that which also is as little : for though a prince haue treasures in aboundance , yet if hee want friends , hee hath great want of treasures . thou thinkest also my sonne , that i leaue thee to bee obeyed of all , and that none dare againe say thee . truly it ought not to bee so : for it is more meete for the prince ( which deserueth to preserue his life , and augment his honour ) to bee conformable to the will of all , then to desire that all should bee agreeable to him : for thou , my sonne , that knowest not what truth is , lyes will not grieue thee : for as much , as thou knowest not what rest is , the broyles and motions of the people shall not vex thee ; for that thou knowest not what friends meane , thou shalt esteeme it little to haue enemies : for if thou wert patient , reposed , true and a louing man , thou wouldest not onely refuse the empire of rome , but also thou wouldst curse the father which would leaue thee such inheritance . i would know , if thou knowest it not , that in leauing thee the empire , i doe leaue thee not riches , but pouerty , not rest , but trauel , not peace but war , not friends but enemies : not pleasures but displeasures . finally , in peace i do leaue thee , where alwayes thou shalt haue somwhat to bewayle : & though thou wouldest , thou shalt not laugh : i aduertise , admonish , and also exhort thee my son , to think all which i leaue thee is vanity , lightnes , folly , and a disguised mockery . and if thou beleeuest it is in mockry , henceforth i know thou art deceiued ; i haue liued longer then thou , haue read more , and with pain haue gon further then thou . and in the end i find my selfe mocked : hopest , thou to liue surely , and escape without fraude ? when thou shalt think to haue the empire in rest , then shall arise a prouince in africa or asia , the losse should come to great damage , & to recouer it , great charges wold ensue . when thou thinkest to recouer friends , then shall strange enimies inuade thee . so that in flattering , and reioycing our friendes , wee can not keepe them ; and in flying , and reiecting them , wee cannot defend our selues . when thou shalt thinke to be in greatest ioy , then shall some care oppresse thy hart . for princes which haue and possesse much , the newes which giue them pleasure , are very seldome : but the things which annoy them , come hourely . when thou shalt thinke to haue libertie , to doe what thou wilt , then shalt thou bee most restrayned . for , the good and well ordered princes , ought not to goe whither their wanton desires moueth them : but whither it is most lawfull and decent for the honour of their estates : when thou shalt thinke that none dare reproue thee , for that thou art emperour , then oughtst thou most to beware . for , if they dare not threaten euill princes with wordes , they haue the hardinesse to sell them by treason . if they dare not punish them , they dare murmour at them : and these which cannot bee their friends , doe procure to bee their enemies . finally , if they lay not hands on their persons , they let their tongue runne at large , to prate of their renowme . when thou shalt thinke to haue satisfied thy seruaunts , then will they demaund recompence for their seruices . for , it is an olde custome among courtyers , to spend freely , and to couet greedily . therefore if thou dost credite these things , i knowe not who is so foolish , that for his enheritance desireth such sorrow . for , admit that any man come to the empire , without comparison the rest is more worth , which the fmpyre taketh from him : then all the pleasures which it giueth him ? if the empyre of rome were as well corrected and ordered , as in olde time it was accustomed to be : though it were great paine to gouerne it , yet it were more honour to keepe it , but it is so rooted in vices , and so many tyrants are entred therein , that i would take them more wise , to iudge it is a mockery , then those which embrace it as an honour . if thou knewst what rome is worth , what rome hath , what rome may , and what rome is , i sweare vnto thee , that thou wouldest not labour much to be lord thereof . for though rome with walls be strongly compassed : yet of vertuous citizens is greatly vnprouided . if the inhabitants be great , the vices are without number . finally i say , that the stones which are in the buyldings , in one day may be counted : but the euills which are therein , in a thousand yeares cannot bee declared . by the faith of a good man , i sweare vnto thee my sonne , that when i began to reigne , in three yeares i repayred the decayed walles that were of rome fallen , and one onely streete to liue well , in twenty yeares i could not reforme . the diuine plato sayd verie well : that much more ought the great cities to glorifie , to haue vertuous citizens , then to haue proud and sumptuous buildings . beware , beware my sonne , that the inconstancie of youth , and the libertie which thou hast to possesse , and gouerne the empire , cause thee not to vndo thy selfe . for he is not coūted free which in liberty is borne , but he that dieth in libertie . o how many i haue read , heard , and also seene which are borne slaues and afterwards haue died free : and this for that they were vertuous . and how many i haue seene die slaues beeing borne free onely for being vitious , so that their libertie remaineth , where noblenesse is resident . princes which haue great realmes , of necessitie shall haue occasion to punish many excesses : wherfore it is requisite that they be couragious . and beleeue mee my sonne , that they ought not to take courage vpon them , because they bee mightie and puissant : but because they are vertuous . for , to punish these excesses of others , that good life is more requisite , then is the great authortitie of the empire . a vertuous prince ought to leaue no vice vnpunished : for the good , to follow good , and the euill for feare of his correction , dare not commit any offence in the common-wealth . he that liueth like a wise man , is hardy to giue punishment : but hee that liueth in feare , dare not almost speake . for , the man which dare bee so hardie , to punish an other , for the selfe same faulte , and transgression for the which hee deserueth to be punished : of the gods hee is iustly hated , and of men despised . let princes take it for an assured thing , that they shall neuer haue the loue of the people , the libertie of the common-wealth , the order of their house , the contentation of their friendes , the subiection of their enemies , and the obedience of their people : but with manie teares shed on the earth , and with manie prowesses of his person . to a vertuous prince , all doe render : and against the vicious prince . all the earth doth rebell . now if thou wilt bee vertuous , heare what thing vertue is . vertue is a castle , which neuer is taken : a riuer which is not passed ouer : a sea , which is not sayled : a fire , which neuer is quenched : a treasure , that neuer is wasted , an armie , that neuer is ouerthrowne : a chaunge , which neuer wearieth : a spye , which euer returneth : a signe , which beguyleth no man : a way very straight : a friend , that succoureth all necessities : a surgion , that immediately healeth : and a renowne which neuer perisheth . if thou knewest ( my sonne ) what thing it is to be good , thou wouldst be the best of the world . for the more vicious a man is , so much the more hee is intangled in vices : and how much more a man is vertuous , so much more to vertues he cleaueth . if thou wilt bee vertuous , thou shalt doe seruice to the gods , thou shalt giue good renowme to thy predecessours , and for thy selfe thou shalt prepare a perpetuall memorie : thou shalt doe pleasures to straungers , and get thee fauour of thine owne people . finally , the good will honour thee with loue : and the euill will serue with feare . in the hystories of the warres of the tarentines , i found that renowmed pyrrus ( king of the epyrots ) did weare in a ring these words written , it is too little punishment for a vicious man , to take his life from him : and it is too small reward for a vertuous man to giue him the seigniorie of all the whole earth . truly , these wordes were worthy of such a man. what thing can bee begunne of a vertuous man , whereof wee hope not to see the end , and come to good proofe ? i am deceyued , if i haue not seene in my dayes , many men , which were base borne , vnfitte for sciences , voide of vices in the common welth , poore of goods , and vnknowne of birth , which with all these base conditions haue learned so many vertues , that it seemed great rashnesse to beginne them , and afterwards for being vertuous onely , they haue founde the effects such as they thought it . by the immortall gods i sweare vnto thee , and so the god iupiter take me into his holy house , and confirme thee my sonne in mine : if i haue not knowne a gardner and a porter in rome , which for beeing vertuous , were occasion to cast fiue rich senators out of the senate . and the cause to make the one to gaine , and the other to lose , was that to the one they would not pay the pots , and to the other his apples : for at that time more was hee punished , which tooke an apple from a poore man , then hee which beat downe a rich mans house . all this i haue tolde thee my son , because vice abaseth the hardy prince , and vertue giueth courage to the bashfull . from two things i haue alwayes kept my selfe , that is to say ; not to striue against open iustice , nor to contend with a vertuous person . chap. lv. the emperour marcus aurelius followeth his purpose , and among other wholesome counsels , exhorteth his son to keepe wise and sage men about him , for to giue him counsel in al his affayrs hitherto i haue spoken to thee generally , but now i wil speake vnto thee particularly , and by the immortall gods i coniure thee , that thou bee very attentiue to that i will say : for talking to thee as an aged father , it is reason thou heare mee as an obedient childe . if thou wilt enioy long life , obserue well my doctrine : for the gods will not condiscend to thy hearts desires , vnlesse thou receyue my wholesome counsels . the disobedience and vnfaithfulnesse which children haue to their fathers , is all their vndoing : for oftentimes the gods do pardon the offences that are done vnto them : and do not pardon the disobediences which the children bare to their fathers . i doe not require thee my sonne , that thou giue mee money , since thou art poore . i doe not demaund that thou trauell since thou art tender . i doe not demaund the reuengement of mine enemies , since i haue none . i doe not demaund that thou serue me since i dye . i doe not demaund the empire , since i leaue it vnto thee . onely i demaund , that thou gouerne thy selfe well in the common wealth , & that the memory of my house bee not lost through thee . if thou esteeme much that i leaue vnto thee so many realms , i thinke it better to leaue to thee many good counsels , wherewith thou mayest preserue thy selfe , sustaine thy person , and maintaine thine honour : for if thou hast presumption not to profite with my counsell , but to trust to thine owne mind , before my flesh be eaten with wormes , thou shalt be ouercome with thy enemies . my sonne , i haue beene young , light , bold , vnshamefast , proud , enuious , couetous , an adulterer , furious , a glutton , slothfull , and ambitious , and for that i haue fallen into so great excesses , therfore i giue thee such good aduise : for that man which in his youth hath beene very worldly , from him in age proceedeth ripe counsell . that which vntill this time i haue counselled thee , & that which to my death i will counsell thee , i desire that once at the least thou proue it : and if it doe thee harme , leaue it , and if it doe thee good , vse it : for there is no medicine so bitter , that the sicke doth refuse to take : if thereby hee thinke hee may bee healed . i pray thee , i exhort thee , and i aduise thee my sonne , that thy youth beleeue my age , thy ignorance beleeue my knowledge , thy sleepe beleeue my watch , the dimnesse of thy eyes , beleeue the clearenesse of my sight , thy imagination beleeue my vertue , and thy suspition beleeue my experience . for otherwise , one day thou shalt see thy selfe in some distresse , where small time thou shalt haue to repent , and none to finde remedy . thou mayest say vnto me , my sonne , that since i haue beene young , i let thee to bee young , and that when thou shalt bee aged , thou wilt amend : i aunswere thee , that if thou wilt liue as young , yet at least gouerne thy selfe as olde : in a prince which gouerneth his cōmon wealth well , many miseries are dissembled of his person : euen as for mighty affayres ripe counsels are necessary : so to endure the troubles of the empire , the person needeth some recreation : for the bow-string which alwaies is stretched , either it lengthneth or it breaketh . whether princes be young or old , there can be nothing more iust then for the recreation of themselues to seeke some honest pastimes . and not without a cause , i say , that they bee honest : for sometimes they accompany with so dishonest persons , and so vnthrifty : that they spend their goods , they lose their honour , and weary their persons more , then if they were occupied in the affaires of the common wealth : for thy youth , i leaue thee children of great lords , with whom thou maiest passe the time away : and not without cause i haue prouided that with thee they haue been brought vp from thy infancy : for after thou camest to mans estate , inheriting my goods , if perchance thou wouldest accompany thy self with yong men , thou shouldst find them well learned : for thy wars i leaue thee valiant captains , though ( indeed ) things of war are begunn by wisedome : yet in the end , the issue falleth out by fortune : for stewards of thy treasurs , i leaue thee faithful men : and not without cause , i say , they are faithfull : for oftentimes greater are the theeues which are receiuers , and treasurers , then are they that doe rob among the people . i leaue thee , my sonne , expert and ancient men , of whom thou maiest take counsell , and with whom thou maiest communicat thy troubles : for there can bee fourmed no honest thing in a prince , vnlesse hee hath in his company auncient men : for such giue grauitie to his person , and authoritie to his pallace : to inuent theaters , to sish ponds , to chase wilde beasts in the forrests , to runne in the fields , to let thy haukes flye , and to exercise weapons , al these things we can denie thee , as to a yong man , and thou being yong , mayest reioice thy selfe in all these . thou oughtest also to haue respect , that to ordaine armes , inuent warres , follow victories , accept truces , confirm peace raise bruites , to make lawes , to promote the one , and put down the others , to punish the euill , and first to reward the good , the counsell of all these things ought to bee taken of cleare iudgements , of persons , of experience , and of white heads . thinkest thou not , that it is possible to passe the time with the yong , and to counsell with the old ? the wife and discreet princes , for all things haue time enough , if they know well how to measure it . beware my sonne , that they note thee not to vse great extremities : for the end and occasion why i speake it , is because thou shouldst know , if thou knowest not , that it is as vndecent a thing for a prince , vnder the colour of granitie , to bee ruled and gouerned wholie by olde men , as vnder semblance of pastime , alwaies to accompanie himselfe with the yong : it is no generall rule , that all young men are light , nor all old men sage : and thou must according to my aduise , in such case vse it thus : if any old man lose the grauity of his age , expulse him from thee : if thou finde any young men sage , despise not their counsell : for the bees doe drawe more honey out of the tender flowers , then of the hard leaues . i do not condemne the aged , nor i doe commend the young ; but it shall bee well done , that alwayes thou choose of both the most vertuous : for of truth there is no company in the worlde , so euill ordered , but that there is mean to liue with it , without any suspition : so that if the young are euill with solly , the olde are worse through couetousnesse . once againe , i returne to aduertise thee ( my sonne ) that in no wise thou vse extremitie : for if thou beleeue none but young , they will corrupt thy manners with lightnesse , and if thou beleeue none but the old , they will depraue thy iustice through couetousnesse , what thing can bee more monstrous , then that the prince which commaundeth all , should suffer him to be commaunded of one alone ? beleeue me sonne , in this case that the gouernements of many , are seldome times gouerned well by the head of one alone . the prince which hath to rule and gouerne many , ought to take the aduise and counsell of many . it is a great inconuenience , that thou beeing lord of many realmes , shouldst haue but one gate , wherein all doe enter into to doe their businesse with thee : for if perchance he which shall be thy familiar , be of his owne nature good , and be not mine enemy : yet i would be afraid of him , because hee is a friend of mine enemies . and though for hate they doe me no euill , yet i am afraide that for the loue of another , he will cease to do me good . i remember that in the annalles of pompeius , i found a little booke of memories , which the great pompeius bare about him , wherein were many things that he had reade , and other good counsels , which in diuers parts of the world he had lerned : and among other wordes there were these : the gouernour of the common-wealth which committeth all the gouernment to old men , deserueth very little , and hee that trusteth all young , is light : hee that gouerneth it by himselfe alone , is beyond himselfe : and he which by himselfe and others doth gouerne it , is a wise prince , i know not whether these sentences are of the same pompeius , or that hee gathered them out of some book , or that any philosopher had told him them , or some friend of his had giuen him them . i meane , that i had them written with his hands , and truly they deserued to bee written in letters of gold . when thy affayres shall bee waighty , see thou dispatch them alwayes by counsell : for when the affaires be determined by the counsell of many , the fault shall be diuided among them all . thou shalt finde it for a truth ( my sonne ) that if thou take counsell of many , the one will tel the inconuenience , the other the perill , other the feare , the other the damage , the other the profite , and the other , the remedy : finally , they will so debate thy affayrs , that plainly thou shalt know the good , and see the danger thereof . i aduertise thee ( my son ) that when thou takest counsel , thou behold with thy eyes the inconuenience , as well as the remedies which they shall offer vnto thee : for the true counsell consisteth not , to tell what they ought to doe , but to declare what thereof is like to succeede . when thou shalt enterprise ( my son ) great and weighty affayres , as much oughtest thou to regard the little dammages for to cutte them off in time , as the great mishaps to remedy them . for oftenttmes it chanceth , that for the negligence of taking vp a gutter , the whole house falleth to the ground . notwithstanding , i tell thee , thou take counsell , i meane not , that thou oughtest to be so curious , as for euery trifle to cal thy counsell : for there are many thinges of such quality , that they would bee immediately put in execution : and they doe endammage themselues , attending for counsell . that which by thine own authority thou mayest dispatch without the dammage of the common-wealth , referre it to no other person : and herein thou shalt be iust , and shalt doe iustice conformable : for considering that thy seruice dependeth onely of them , the reward which they ought to haue , ought to depend onely on thee . i remember that when marius the consull came from the warres of numedia , he diuided all the treasure hee brought among his souldiers , not putting one jewell into the common treasurie . and when hereof hee was accused , for that he had not demaunded licence of the senat : he answered them . it is not iust i take counsell with others , for to giue recompence to those , which haue not taken the opinions of others to serue me . thou shalt find my sonne , a kind of men , which are very hard of money , and exceeding prodigal of counsell . there are also diuers lenders , which without demaunding them , doe offer to giue it . with such like men , thou shalt haue this counsell , neuer looke thou for good counsell at that man , whose counsell tendeth to the preiudice of another : for he offereth words to thy seruice , and trauelleth thy businesse to his owne profite . as the gods gaue me long life , of these things haue i had great experience , wherein i let thee know , that for the space of xv . yeares i was consull , senator , censor , pretor , questor , edil , and tribune : and after all this , i haue beene . yeares emperour of rome , wherein all those which haue spoken most against me , touched the profite or damage of another . the chief intention of those which follow the courts of princes , are to procure to augment their houses . and if they cannot come to that , they seeke to diminish that of another , not for that any profite should follow vnto them thereof , be it neuer so little : but because mans malice is of such condition , that it esteemeth the profite of another his owne dammage . they ought to haue great compassion of the prince , for the most that follow him , serue him not for that they loue him , but for the gifts and rewards which they hope to haue of him . and this seemeth to be true , for the day that princes shall cease to giue them , the selfe same day beginne they for to hate him . so that such seruants , wee cannot call friends of our persons , but couetous of our goods . that thou loue my sonne , the one aboue the other , thou mayest right well : but i aduertise thee , that thou , nor they do make any semblance , in such sort that all doe know it : for if thou doest otherwise , they will murmur at thee , & will all persecute thee . hee incurreth into no small perill , nor hath no little trouble , which is aboue all of the prince beloued , and of the people hated . for then hee is hated and persecuted of all : and yet more damage ensueth vnto him : of the enmity of all : then doth of the loue of the prince alone : for sometimes , the gods permitting it , and his behauior deseruing it , the prince doth cease to loue him , and therewith his enemies beginne to persecute him : from the time i knew what meaned to gouerne a common weale , i haue alwayes determined , neuer to keepe man in my house one day after i knowe him to bee an enemie to the common-wealth . in the yeare of the foundation of rome , . lucius lucullus the senatour going to the warres against mythridates , by chaunce found a tablet of coppper , in the cittie called trigane : the which was at the gate of the king of that prouince . and on the same was engrauen certaine caldean letters , the which in effect saide these words : the prince is not sage , who will put in hazzard the state of his common-wealth , for the onely commoditie of one alone : for the seruice of one , can not auaile against the loue of all . the prince is not sage , that for to enrich one alone , seeketh to empouerish all : for it is a thing intollerable , that one doe labour the fields , and the other doe gather the fruite . the prince is not iust , which will satisfie the couetousnes of one , more then the seruices of all : for there is mean to pay the seruices of the good , and there is no riches to satisfie the couetousnes of the euill . the prince is a foole that despiseth the counsell of all , and trusteth in the opinion of one . for though there bee in a great ship , but one pilot , yet it needeth many mariners . bolde is the prince , which to loue one onely , wil be hated of all : for noble princes ought to think it much profite , to be beloued , and much more displeasure to be hated . these were the words which were written in that tablet , worthy of eternall memory . and i will tell thee further in this case , that lucullus the senatour sent on the one part that tablet of copper , where these wordes were : & on the other part , the coffers wherein he had brought the riches , to the end the senate should chose one , and leaue the other . the senate despising the riches and treasours , chose the tablet of counsells . chap. lvi . the emperour followeth his matter , and exhorteth his sonne vnto certaine particular things worthy to be engraued in the hearts of men . vntil now i haue spoken as a father to his sonne , that which toucheth thy profit . now i will tell thee what thou shalt doe after my death , for my seruice . and if thou wilt bee the true sonne of thy father , the things which i haue loued in my life , shall be of thee esteemed after my death : do not resemble many children , which after theyr fathers haue closed their eyes , doe remember them no more . for in such case , though indeede the fathers be dead and buryed : yet they are alwaies liuing , to complaine to the gods of their children . though it seemeth not to be slaunderous , yet it is more perilous to contend with the dead , then to iniure the liuing . and the reason is for that the liuing may reuenge , and are for to answere , but the dead cannot make aunswer , and much lesse they can bee reuenged . and in such case the gods do take their cause in protection : and somtimes they execute such cruell punishment of those that liue , that rather then they would endure it , rhey wish to be dead . thou oughtst to thinke ( my sonne ) that i haue begoten thee , i haue nourished thee , i haue taught thee , i haue trymmed thee , i haue chastised thee , and i haue exalted thee . and for this onely consideration , though by death i am absent : it is not reason that thou euer forget me : for the true , and not vnthankefull childe , ought the same day to bury his father in his tender hart , when others haue laide him in the harde graue . one of the visible chasticements which the gods giue to men in this world is , that the children obey not their fathers in their life : for the selfe same fathers did not remember their owne fathers after their death . let not young princes thinke after they haue inherited , after they see their father dead , and after they are past correction of their masters , that all things ought to bee done as they themselues will it , for it wil not be so : for they want the fauour of the gods , and haue malediction of their fathers : they liue in trouble , & dye in danger . i require nought else of thee , my sonne , but that such a father as i haue been to thee in my life : such a sonne thou be to mee after my death . i commend vnto thee my sonne , the veneration of the gods : and this chiefly aboue all things : for the prince which maketh account of the gods , need not to feare any storm of fortune . loue the gods , and thou shalt bee beloued . serue them , and thou shalt bee serued : feare them , and thou shalt be feared , honour them , and thou shalt be honoured , doe their commaundements , and they will giue thee thy hearts desire : for the gods are so good , that they doe not onely receiue in account that which we do : but also that which we desire to doe . i commend vnto thee ( my sonne ) the reuerence of the temples , that is to say , that they be not in discord , that they be cleane and renued , that they offer therin the sacrifice accustomed : for wee doe not this honour , to the substance wherewith the temples are made : but to the gods , to whome they are consecrated . i commend vnto thee the veneration of priests , & i pray thee , though they be couetous , auaritious , dissolute , vnpatient , negligent , and vitious : yet that they bee not dishonoured : for to vs others , it appertaineth , not to iudge of the life they lead as men : but wee must consider that they are mediators between the gods and vs. behold , my sonne , that to serue the gods , honour the temples , and reuerence the priests , it is not a thing voluntary , but verie necessarie for princes : for so long endured the glorie of the greekes , as they were worshippers of their goods , and carefull of their temples . the vnhappy realm of carthage was nothing more cowardly , nor lesse rich , then that of the romanes , but in the ende of the romaines , they were ouercome : because they were great louers of their treasures , and little worshippers of their temples . i commend vnto thee ( my sonne ) helia thy stepmother , and remember , though she be not thy mother , yet shee hath beene my wife . that which to thy mother faustine thou oughtest for bringing thee into the world , the selfe same thou oughtest to helia , for the good entertainement she hath shewed thee . and indeed , oftentimes i beeing offended with thee , shee maintained thee , and caused me to forget : so that shee by her good wordes , did winne againe that , which thou by thy euill workes didst lose . thou shalt haue my curse if thou vsest her euill : and thou shalt fall into the ire of the gods , if thou agreest that other doe not vse her well : for all the damage which shee shall feele , shall not bee , but for the inconuenience of my death , and iniury of thy person : for her dowrie , i leaue her the tributes of hestia , and the orchards of vulcanus , which i haue made to bee planted for her recreation . be thou not so hardy to take them from her : for in taking them from her , thou shalt shew thy wickednes , and in leauing them her , thy obedience , and in giuing her more , thy bounty and liberality . remember ( my sonne ) that shee is a romane woman , young , and a widdow , and of the house of traiane my lord , & that shee is thy mother adoptatiue , and my naturall wife : and aboue all , for that i leaue her recommended vnto thee . i commend vnto thee my sons in law , whom i will thou vse as parents and friends . and beware , that thou be not of those which are brethren in words , and cousins in workes : bee thou assured that i haue willed so much good to my daughters , that the best which were in all the countries , i haue chosen for their persons . and they haue beene so good , that if in giuing them my daughters , they were my sonnes in law : in loue i loued them as children . i commend vnto thee my sisters and daughters , whom i leaue thee all married , not with strange kings , but with naturall senators . so that all dwell in rome where they may doe thee seruices , and thou mayest giue them rewards and gifts . thy sisters haue greatly inherited the beauty of thy mother faustine : and haue taken little nature of their father marke . but i sweare vnto thee that i haue giuen them such husbands , and to their husbands , such and so profitable counsailes , that they would rather lose their life then agree to any thing touching their dishonour . vse thy sisters in such fort that they be not out of fauour , for that their aged father is dead , and that they become not proud for to see their brother emperour . women are of a very tender condition : for of small occasion they doe complaine , and of lesse they waxe proud . thou shalt keepe them and preserue them after my death , as i did in my life : for otherwise , their conuersation to the people shall bee very noysome , and to thee very importunate . i commende vnto thee , lipula thy youngest sister , which is inclosed within the virgine vestals , who was daughter of thy mother faustine , whom so dearely i haue loued in life , and whose death i haue bewailed vntill my death . euery yeere i gaue to thy sister sixe thousand sexterces for her necessities : and indeeed i had married her also , if shee had not fallen into the fire , and burnt her face . for , though she were my last , i loued her with all my heart . all haue esteemed her fall into the fire for euill lucke : but i doe count that euill lucke for good fortune . for her face was not so burned with coales as her rerenowne suffered perill among euill tongues . i sweare vnto thee ( my sonne ) that for the seruice of the gods , and for the renowne of men : she is more sure in the temple with the vestall virgins , then thou art in the senate with thy senators . i suppose now that at the end of the iourney shee shall find her selfe better to be enclosed , then thou at liberty . i leaue vnto her in the prouince of lucania , euery yeare sixe thousand sexterces : trauell to augment them for her , and not to diminish them . i commend vnto thee drusia the roman widdow , who hath a processe in the senate : for in the times of the commotions past her husband was banished , and proclaymed traytor . i haue great pitty of so noble and worthy a widdow : for it is now three monethes since shee hath put vp her complaint , & for the great warres i could not shew her iustice . thou shalt finde my sonne ) that in . yeares i haue gouerned in rome , i neuer agreed that any widow should haue any sute before me aboue eight dayes : be carefull to fauour and dispatch the orphans and widdows : for the needy widdow , in what place soeuer they be , do incur into great danger . not without cause i aduertise thee , that thou trauell to dispatch thē so soone as thou mayest : and to administer iustice vnto them : for throgh the prolonging of beautifull womens suites , their honour and credite is diminished : so that their businesse being prolonged , they shall not recouer so much of their goods as they shall lose of their renowme . i commend vnto thee ( my sonne ) my olde seruants , which with my yong yeeres , and my cruell wars , with my great necessities , with the cumbrance of my body , and my long disease , haue had great trouble : and as faithful seruants oftentimes to ease me , haue annoyed themselues . it is conuenient since i haue profited of their life , that they should not lose by my death . of one thing i assure thee , that though my body remaine with the worms in the graue : yet before the gods i will remember them . and herein thou shalt shew thy selfe to be a good child , whē thou shalt recompence those which haue serued thy father well . all princes which shall do iustice shall get enemies in the execution thereof . and sith it is done by the hands of those which are neere him , the more familiar they are with the prince , the more are they hated of the people : all in generall doe loue iustice but none do reioyce that they execute it in his house . and therfore after the prince endeth his life , the people will take reuenge of those which haue beene ministers thereof . it were great infamy to the empire , offence to the gods , iniurie to mee , vnthankefulnes to thee , hauing found the armes of my seruants , ready eighteene yeers , that thy gates should be shut against them one day . keepe , keepe these things ( my sonne ) in thy memory : and since particularly i doe remember them at my death , consider how heartily i loued them in my life . chap. lvii . the good marcus aurelius emperour of rome , endeth his purpose and life : and of the last words which he spake to his sonne commodus , and of the table of counsels which he gaue him . when the emperor had ended his particular recommendations vnto his sonne commodus , as the dawning of the day beganne to appeare : so his eyes beganne to close , his tongue to faulter , and his handes to tremble , as it doth accustome to those , which are at the point of death . the prince perceyuing then little life to remaine , commaunded his secretary panutius to goe to the coffers of his bookes , and to bring one of the coffers before his presence : out of the which hee tooke a table of . foote of bredth , and . of length , the which was of eban , bordered all about , with vnicorne . and it was closed with . lids very fine , of red wood , which they call rasing , of a tree where the phenix ( as they say ) breedeth , which did grow in arabia . and as there is but one onely phenix , so in the world is there but one onely tree of that sort . on the vttermost part of the table , was grauen the god iupiter , and on the other the goddesse venus : and in the other was drawne the god mars , and the goddesse diana . in the vppermost part of the table , was carued a bull , and in the nethermost part was drawne a king. and they sayde the painter of so famous and renowmed a worke , was called apelles . the emperour taking the table in his handes , casting his eyes vnto his sonne , said these words : thou seest my sonne , how from the turmoyles of fortune i haue escaped , and how i into miserable destinies of death do enter , where by experience i shall know what shall be after this life . i meane not now to blaspheme the gods , but to repent my sinnes . but i would willinglie declare why the gods haue created vs : since there is such trouble in life , and paine in death . not vnderstanding why the gods haue vsed so great crueltie with creatures . i see it now , in that after lxij . yeares , i haue sayled in the daunger and perill of this life : now they commaund mee to land , and harbour in the graue of death . now approcheth the houre wherein the band of matrimonie is loosed , the threede of life vntwined , the key doth locke , the sleepe is wakened , my life doth ende , and i goe out of this troublesome paine . remembring mee of that i haue done in my life , i desire no more to liue : but for that i knowe not whether i am carryed by death . i feare and refuse his darts . alas what shall i doe , since the gods tell mee not what i shall do ? what counsell shall i take of any man , since no man will accompanie mee in this iourney ? oh what great disceipt ? oh what manifest blindnes is this , to loue one thing all the dayes of our life , and to cary nothing with vs after our death ? because i desired to be rich , they let me dye poore : because i desired to liue with companie , they let me die alone . for such shortnes of life , i know not what hee is , that will haue a house : since the narrow graue is our certaine mansion place ? belieue mee my sonne , that manie things past doe grieue mee sore : but with nothing so much i am troubled , as to come so late to the knowledge of this life : for if i could perfectly belieue this , neyther should men haue cause to reproue me , neyther yet i now such occasion to lament me oh how certaine a thing is it , that men when they come to the point of death , doe promise the gods , that if they prerogue their death , they will amend their life ? but notwithstanding : i am sorry that we see them deliuered from death , without any manner of amendment of life . they haue obtained that , which of the gods they haue desired : and haue not performed that which they haue prornised . they ought assuredly to thinke , that in the sweetest time of their life , they shall be constrained to accept death . for , admit that the punishment of ingrate persons be deferred : yet therefore the fault is not pardoned . be thou assured ( my sonne ) that i haue seene ynough , hearde , selte , tasted , desired , possessed , eaten , slept , spoken , and also liued ynough . for , vices giue as great troubles to those which follow them much : as they do great desire to those which neuer proued them . i confesse to the immortall gods , that i haue no desire to liue : yet i ensure thee , i would not die . for , life is so troublesome that it wearyeth vs : and death is so doubtfull , that it feareth vs. if the gods deferred my death , i doubt whether i should reforme my life ? and if i do not amend my life , nor serue the gods better , nor profit the commonwealth more : and if that euery time i am sick , it should grieue mee to dye : i say it is much better for mee now to accept death , then to wish the lengthening of my life . i say the life is so troublesom , so fickle , so suspicious , so vucertaine , and so importunate . finally i say , it is a life without life : that hee is an obstinate foole , which so much desireth it . come that that may come : for finally , notwithstanding that i haue spoken , i willingly commit selfe into the hands of the gods , since of necessitie i am therunto constrained : for it proceedeth not of a little wisedome , to receiue that willingly , which to doe wee are constrained of necessitie . i will not recommend my selfe to the priests , nor cause the oracles to be visited , nor promise any thing to the temples , nor offer sacrifices to the gods , to the end they should warrant me from death , and restore mee to life : but i will demaund and require them , that if they haue created mee for any good thing , i may not lose it for my euill life . so wise and sage are the gods in that they say , so iust & true in that they promise , that if they giue vs not that which wee others would : it is not for that they will not , but because wee deserue it not : for wee are so euill , and worth so little , and we may doe so little , that for many good works wee deserue no merite , and yet with and euill worke wee be made vnworthy of all : since therefore i haue put my selfe into the hands of the gods , let them doe with me what they will for their seruice for in the end , the worst that they will do , is much better then the world wil do : for all that the world hath giuen me , hath beene but mockery and deceite : but that which the gods haue giuen mee , i haue gouerned and possessed without snspition : for this last houre ( my sonne ) i haue kept the best , the most noble , and richest iewell that i haue possessed in my life time , and i doe protest vnto the immortall gods , that if as they doe commaund mee to die , they would giue me lieence to reade in the graue , i would command it to be buried with me . thou shalt know my sonne , that in in the tenth yeare of my empire , a great warre arose against the vnrulie people of persia , where by euill lucke it was appointed for mee , in person to giue the battell : the which wonne , and all their countrey destroyed , i returned by the olde city of thebes in egypt , to see if i could finde any antiquitie of those in times past . in the house of an egyptian priest , i found a little table which they hanged at the gate of the kinges pallace the day of his coronation . and this poore priest tolde mee , that that which was in his table , was written by a king of egypt , named ptholomeus arasides . i beseech the immortall god , my sonne , that such bee thy works , as the words of this table require . as emperour , i leaue thee heyre of many realmes : and as a father i giue thee this table of counsels . the words which the fathers do teach vnto the children at the last houre , the children ought to keepe continually in their memory . let this therefore be my last word , with the empire thou shalt be feared through out all the world : and with the counsels of this table thou shalt bee loued of all nations . this talke being ended , and the table giuen , the emperour turned his eyes , lost his sences , and for the space of a quarter of an houre , lay languishing in extreame paine , and within a while after yeelded vp the ghost . in this table were certaine greeke letters which weere in meeter , and in our tongue signifie thus . a table left by the emperour marcus aurelius to his soune commodus . onn honours stall , i doe no tirant heaue , nor yet the poore suppresse , if hee were tust : for riches rule i nould to pardon cleaue , for want of wealth , nor follow rigors lust . for naked loue i neuer spent reward nor would correct for onely enuies heate of vertues impes i alwayes had regard , and mischiefes mates haue plagude with torment great . to others doome i neuer would commit of open right the quarrell to decide , ne yet of doubtfull strifes in trust of wit , the finall end alone i would diuide , to them that sought for iustice equall sway , her golden rule i neuer would deny , ne yet to such , for whom desert would lay , their slender faults might well be slipped by . to feele the griefe that waued in my mind with others smart i neuer could sustaine , nor yet rewards my princely words would binde , when sweet delight had chiefest ioy to raine . in high estate when most blinde for tune smilde , a recklesse life , i restlesse ranne not on , nor yet when change these happy dayes beguilde , to colde despaire my quiet mind was gone . by boyling heate of malice endlesse fire , to vices traine i cast no eagre eye , ne yet for lust of pining wealths desire , vnlawfull facts i rechlesse would applye . the trayterous brest i neuer could embrace . nor lend mine eares to swallow flattering talke : of vices slaues i wayed not the grace , nor left vnsought good will in vertues walke . poore irus band for that i did relieue , whose needy state doth stoppe in croesus swaye , the greatest gods whose heauenly wracke doth grieue , the prowdest crownes was aye my present state . the end of the thirde booke . the fovrth booke of the diall of princes , compiled by the right reuerend father in god , antonie of gueuara , bishop of mondogueto , preacher , chronicler , and councellor to charles the fift , emperour of rome . containing many instructions and rules for the fauoured of the court , being once in fauour , easily to keepe and continue themselues in fauour still . very necessary and profitable for all princes and noble men , and gentlemen courtiers , that seeke to continue themselues in honour and estimation . london , imprinted by bernard alsop . . the epistle to the reader , what detracting tongues report of mee , and my first trauell in the translation of this dyall , enlarging them at pleasure to work my defame disabling my doing herein , by brute it was no worke of mine , but the fruit of others labour : i need not much force , since by dayly proofe wee see , that ill disposed minds can neuer frame an honest tongue of head . for my obiect and reproof of this their slaunderous and malignant speech : i can alleadge ( courteous reader ) two principall causes , which thou reading , & iudging with indifferency , mayest easilie aproue , if i should seem to glose with thee . first the basenesse of my stile , the plain & humble words couched in the same , the meane , rude , and ill contriued sentences layde before thee , together with the simple handling of the whole , plainely sheweth to thee whence they are , and easily acquainteth thee with the curious translator : who protesteth to god , and confesseth to the world , that hee more rashly then wisely plunged himself into so graue and deepe a matter , and whose young yeeres and vnskilfull head , might both then and now haue excused his fond enterprises herein . for the second , and last , i must needs appeale to all the worshipfull , and my bebeloued companions , and fellow students of our house of lincolnes inne at that time , from whence my poore english diall tooke his light . to whose iust and true reports ( for thy vndoubted satisfaction and discharge of my poore honesty ) i refer thee , and wholy yeeld me . these recited causes for purgation of my suspected fame , as also for established assurance of the like , and thy further doubt of mee hereafter . i thought good , gentle reader , to denounce vnto thee . i might well haue spared this second and last labour of mine , taken , in the rformation and correction of this diall , enlarging my selfe further once againe , with the translation of the late and new come fauoured courtier , and which i found annexed to the diall for the . and last booke , if my proceeding trauell taken in the setting forth of the first three bookes , and the respect of mine honesty in accomplishing of the same had not incited mee ( vnwillingly ) to continue my first begunne attempt , to bring the same to his perfect and desired end , which whole worke is now compleat by this last booke , intituled , the fauored courtier , which first & last volume wholly as it lyeth , i prostrate to the iudgemēt of the graue and wise reader , subiecting my self and it , to the reformation and correction of his learned head , whom i beseech to iudge of mee with fauour and equity , and not with malice to persecute my fame and honest intent , hauing for thy benefite , to my little skill and knowledge imployed my simple talent , crauing no other guerdon of thee but thy good report , and courteous acceptance hereof . which doing thou shalt make me double bound to thee . first to be thankefull for thy good will. secondly , to bee considerate how hereafter i take vpon mee so great a charge . thirdly , thou shalt encourage mee to encrease my talent . fourthly , and lastly , most freely to bestow the encrease thereof on thee , and for the benefite of my country and common-wealth , whereunto duety bindeth mee : obseruing the sage and prudent saying of the renowmed oratour and famour cicero : with which i end , and there to leaue thee . non nobis solum natisumus , ortusque nostri partem patria vendicat , partem parentes , partem amici . in defence and preseruation whereof ( good reader ) wee ought not alone to imploy our whole wits and able sences , but necessity enforcing vs , to sacrifice our selues also for benefite thereof . thine that accepteth me . t. n. the prologve of this present worke sheweth what one true friend ought to doe for an other : addressed to the right honourable the lord fraunces cenos , great commaunder of lyon . the famous philosopher plato besought of all his disciples to tell them , why he iournyed so oft frō athens to scicile , being the way hee trauelled ( indeed ) very long , and the sea he passed very dangerous : answered them thus . the cause that moues mee to goe from athens to scicile , is onely to see phocion , a man iust in all that he doth , and wise in all that hee speaketh : and because he is my very friend , and enemy of denys , i go also willingly to him , to ayde him in that i may , and to counsell him in all that i know : and tolde them further . i let you vnderstand my disciples , that a good philosopher , to visite and helpe his friend , and to accompany with a good man , should thinke the iourney short , and no whit painefull , though he should sulke the whole seas and pace the compasse of the earth . appolonius thianeus departed from rome , went through all asia , sailed ouer the great floud nile , endured the bitter colde of mount caucasus , suffered the parching heate of the mountaines riphei , passed the land of nassagera , entred into the great india : and this long pilgrimage tooke hee vpon him , in no other respect , but to see hyarcus the philosopher , his great & old friend . agesilaus also among the greekes accounted a worthy captaine vnderstanding that the king hicarius had another captaine ( his very friende ) captiue : leauing all his owne affayres apart , trauelling through diuers countries , went to the place , whete hee was , and arriued there , presented himselfe vnto the king , and sayde thus vnto him . i humbly beseech thee , o puissant king , that thou vouchsafe to pardon minotus my sole and onely friend , and thy subiect now : for what thou shalt doe to him , make thy account thou hast done it to me : for in deed thou canst neuer alone punish his body , but thou shalt therewith also crucifie my heart . king herod after augustus had ouercome marke antonie , came to rome , and laying his crowne at the emperiall foote , with stout courage spake these words vnto him . know thou , mighty augustus , if thou knowest it not , that if marke antony had beleeued mee , and not his accursed loue cleopatra , thou shouldest then haue proued how bitter an enemy i would haue beene to thee , and hee haue found how true a friend i was , and yet am to him . but hee , as a man rather giuen ouer to the rule of a womans will , then guided by reasons skill , tooke of me but money onely , and of cleopatra coonsell . and proceeding further , sayde , loe here my kingdome , my person , and royal crowne layde at thy princely feet , all which i freely offer to thee , to dispose of at thy will and pleasure , pleasing thee so to accept it , but yet with this condition ( inuict augustus ) that thou commaund mee not to heare , nor speake ill of marke antony my lord and friend , yea , although he were now dead . for know thou , sacred prince , that true friendes neyther for death ought to bee had in obliuion , nor for absence to be forsaken . iulius caesar last dictator and first emperour of rome , did so entirely loue cornelins fabatus the consull , that trauelling together through the alpes of france , and beeing benighted , farre from any towne or harbor , saue that only of a hollow caue , which happily they lighted on : and cornelius the consull , euen then not well at ease , iulius caesar left him the whole caue , to the end he might bee more at rest , and he himselfe lay abroad in the cold and snow . by these godly examples we haue recited , and by diuers others wee could recite , may bee considered , what faithfull friendshippe ought to be betwixt true and perfect friendes , & into how many dangers one friend ought to put himselfe for another : for it is not enough , that one friend be sory for the troubles of another , but hee is bound ( if neede were ) to goe and dye ioyfully with him . he onely , deseruedly , may bee counted a true friend , that vnasked , and before hee bee called , goeth with his goods and person to helpe and relieue his friend . but in this our yron age , alas , there is no such kinde of amity , as that wee haue spoken of . more then this , that there is no friend will part with any thing of his to releeue his friend , much lesse that taketh care to fauour him in his troubles : but if there be any such that will helpe his friend , it is euen then when time serueth rather to pitty and lament him , then to ayde or succour him . it is a thing worth the knowledge , that to make a true and perpetuall friendshippe , we may not offer to many persons , but according to seneca , his saying , who saith : my friend lucillus , i counsell thee that thou be a true friend to one alone , and enemy to none : for numbers of friends brings great incumbrance , which seemeth somewhat to diminish friendship : for who that considereth the liberty of the heart , it is vnpossible that one should frame and agree with the conditions of many , & much lesse that many should content them with the desires and affections of one . tully and salust were two famous orators amongst the romanes , and great enemies betweene themselues , and during this emulation betweene them . tully had purchased all the senators friendshippe , and salust onely had no other friend in all rome , but marke antony alone , and so these two great orators beeing one day at words together : tully in great anger sayde to salust : what force or power art thou of , or what euill canst thou doe or attempte against mee ? sith thou knowest that in all rome thou hast but one onely friend , marke antony , and i no enemie but one , and that is he ? to whom salust answered : thou gloriest ( o tully ) that thou hast no moe but one onely enemy , and afterwards iests at mee , that i haue no more friends but onely me : but i hope in the immortall gods , that this onely enemie thou hast , shall bee able enough vtterly to vndoe thee : and this my sole friend that i haue , shall bee sufficient to protect and defende mee in all my causes . and shortly after these words passed betweene tham , marke anthonie shewed the friendship hee bare to the one , and the enmitie hee had to the other . for , he caused tullie to be put to death , and raysed salust to great honour . a friend may well imparte to the other , all his owne , as bread , wine , money , time , conuersation , and such like , but hee cannot notwithstanding giue him part of his heart : for that suffereth it not to be parted nor deuided , because it cā be giuē but to one alone . this graunted to bee true , as needs it must , doubtles that the heart cannot bee deuided , but onely giuen to one : then is it of necessitie , that hee that will seeke to haue many friends , must needs repaire to the shambles to prouide him of many hearts . many vaunt themselues , and thinke it a glory to haue numbers of friends , but let such well consider to what vse that legendarie of friendes doe serue them , they shall then easily finde they stand them in no oeher steede , but to eate , to drinke , to walke , to babble , and to murmure togethers , and not one to helpe the other , with their goods , fauour , and credite at their neede , nor friendly to reprooue them of theyr faults and vices , which doubtles ought not to bee so . for , where true and perfect friendship raigneth , neyther i with my friend , nor hee with mee should dissemble any vice of faulte . ouide sayth in his booke de arte amandi , that the law of true and vnfained loue is so streight , that no friendship but mine in thy heart should harbour : and in mine should lodge none others loue but thine , for loue is none other thing , but one heart , liuining in two bodyes , and two bodyes obeying in one heart . in this world there is no treasure comparable to a true and sure friend , sith to a faithfull ▪ friende a man may safely discouer the secrets of his heart , bewray vnto him his gryping griefes , trusting him with his honour , committing to his guyde and custodie all his goods , hee shall succour him in his miserie , counsell him in perill , reioyce at his prosperitie , and mourne at his aduersitie : and in fine i conclude , such a friend neuer wearyeth to serue him in his life , nor to lament him after his death . i graunt that golde and siluer is good , kinsefolkes are good , and money is good : but true friends exceede them all without comparison . for all these things cannot warrant vs from necessitie ( if sinister fortune plunge vs into it ) but rather encrease our torments and extreamitie . also they doe not reioyce vs , but rather heape further griefes vpon vs : neither doe they succour vs , but rather eache houre giue vs cause to complaine , and much lesse do they remember and aduise vs of that that is good , but still doe deceyue vs , not directing vs the right way , but still bringing vs out of our way : and when they haue led vs awry out of the high-way , they bring vs into desart woods , and high , and dangerous mountaines , whence from we must fall downe headlong . a true friend is no partaker of these conditions , but rather hee is sorry for the least trouble that happeneth to his friend , hee feareth not , neither spareth his goods , nor the daunger of his person , he careth not to take vpon him any painfull iourney , quarrels , or sutes , nor yet to put his life in euery hazard of death . and yet that that is most of all to bee esteemed is , that like as the heart and bowels euer burne with pure and sincere loue , so doth hee wish and desire with gladsome mind to beare the burthen of all his friends mishaps , yea more then yet is spoken of . alexander the great , offered great presents to the philosopher zenocrates , who would not vouchsafe to receyue them , much lesse to beholde them . and beeing demaunded of alexander , why he would not receyue them , hauing poore kinsfolkes and parents to bestow them on : hee answered him thus . truely , i haue both brothers and sisters ( o alexander ) yet i haue no kinsman but him that is my friend , and one onely friend i haue , who hath no need of any gifts to bee giuen him . for the onely cause why i chose him to be my sole and only friend , was for that i euer saw him spise these worldly things . truly the sentence of this good philosopher zenocrates is of no small efficacy for him that will aduisedly consider of it , sith that not seldome , but many times it happeneth , that the great troubles , the sundry dangers , & the continuall necessities and miseries wee suffer in this vale of misery , haue for the most part procceded from our parents , and afterwards by our friends haue beene mediated and redressed . therefore since wee haue thought it good and necessary to chose a friend , and that hee bee but one onely , each man must bee wise , lest in such choise hee be deceyued . for oft times it happeneth , that those that take little regarde herein , grant their friendship to such a one as is too couetous impatient , a great babler , seditious , and presumptuous , and of such conditions that sometimes it should be lesse euill for vs to haue him our enemie , then to account of him as of our deer friend . him whom wee will chuse for our faithfull friend , amongst other manners and conditions , hee must chiefly , and before all bee indued with these , that he be courteous of nature , fayre spoken , hard and stout to indure pain , patient in troubles , sober in diet , moderate in his words , graue and ripe in his counsels , and aboue all stedfast in friendshippe , and faithfull in secrets : and whom wee shall find with these laudable vertues and conditions adorned , him may wee safely take and accept for our friend . but if wee see any of these parts wanting in him , wee ought to shun him , as from the plague knowing for certainety , that the friendshippe of a fayned and fantasticall friend is much worse and perillous , then the enmity of a knowne and open enemy : for to the hands of one wee commit our heart and faith , and from the deceites and treasons of the other wee defend our selues with our whole force and power . seneca writing to his deere and faithfull friend lucillus sayeth vnto him . i pray thee ( o lucillus ) that thou order and determine thine affayres by the aduice and counsell of thy friend , but also i doe remember thee : that first thou see well what manner of friend thou hast chosen thee : for there is no marchandise in the world this day , that men are so soone beguiled in , as they are in the choise of friends . therfore the graue sentence of seneca wisely wayed , wee should assent with him in opinion , that sith no man buyeth a horse , but hee first causeth him to bee ridden , nor bread , but first hee seeth and handleth it , nor wine but hee tasteth it , nor flesh but first he wayeth it , nor corne but hee seeth a sample , nor house but hee doth first value it , nor instrument but that first hee playeth on it , and iudgeth of his sound : it is but reason hee should be so much the more circumspect before hee choose his friend to examine his life and condition , since all the other things wee haue spoken of , may bee put in diuers houses and corners , but our friend we lodge and keepe deerely in our proper be wells . those that write of the emperour augustus say , that he was very strange and scrupulous in accepting friends , but after hee had once receyued them into his friendship , hee was very constant and circumspect to keepe them . for hee neuer had any friend , but first he had some proofe and tryall of him , neyther would hee euer after forsake him , for any displeasure done to him . therefore it shold alwayes be so , that true friends should beare one to an other such loue and affection , that the one beeing in prosperitie , should not haue occasion to complaine of himselfe , in that hee did not relieue his friends necessitie , being in aduersitie : nor the other being poore and needy , should grudge or lament for that his friend being rich and wealthie , would not succour him , with all that hee might haue done for him . for to say the trueth , where perfect friendship is , there ought no excuse to be made , to doe what possible is , the one for the other . the friendship of young men commeth commonly ( or for the most part at the least ) by beeing companions in vice and follie : and such of right ought rather to be called vacabonds , then once to deserue the name of true friends . for , that cannot bee called true friendship , that is continued to the preiudice or derogation of vertue . seneca writing againe to lucillus , saith these words . i would not haue thee thinke , nor once mistrust , o my lucillus , that in all the romaine empire i haue any greater friende then thuo : but with all , assure thy selfe , that our friendship is not so straight between vs , that i would take vpon mee at any time to doe for thee otherwise then honesty should lead mee . for though that loue i beare thee , hath made thee lord of my libertie : yet reason also hath left mee vertue free . the authour proceedeth on . applying that wee haue spoken , to that wee will now declare , i say i will not acknowledge my selfe your seruant , for so should i bee compelled to feare you more then loue you : much lesse will i vaunt my selfe to bee your kins-man : for so i should importune and displease you : and i will not brag that heretofore wee haue beene of familiar acquaintaunce , for that i would not make any demonstration , i made so little account of you , and lesse then i am bound to doe : neyther will i boaste my selfe that i am at this present your familiar and welbeloued : for indeed i should then shew my selfe to bee too bolde and arrogant : but that , that i will confesse , shall be , that i loue you as a friend , and you mee as a kins-man , albeeit this friendship hath succeeded diuersly till now . for you being noble as you are , haue bountifully shewed your friendship to mee , in large and ample gifts : but i poore , and of base estate , haue onely made you sure of mine in wordes . plutarch in his politikes sayd : that it were far better to fell to our friends our workes and good deedes , whether they were ( in prosperitie , aduersitie , or necessitie ) then to feede them with vaine flattering wordes for nothing : yet it is not so generall a rule , but that sometimes it happeneth , that the loftie and high words on the one side are so profitable , and the workes so few and feeble , on the other side , that one shal be better pleased and delighted , with hearing the sweete and curteous wordes of the one , then he shall be , to be serued with the colde seruice and workes of the other , of small profite and value . plutarche also in his booke de animalibus telleth vs : that denis the tyrant beeing one day at the table , reasoning of diuers and sundrie matters with chrysippus the phylosopher , it chaunced , that as hee was at dinner , one brought him a present of certaine sugar-cakes : wherefore chrysippus ceasing his former discourse , fell to perswade denis to fall to his cakes . to whome denis aunswered , on with your matter chrysippus , and leaue not off so : for my heart is better contented with thy sweete and sugred wordes , then my tongue is pleased with the delicate taste of these mountain-cakes . for as thou knowest , these cakes are heauie of digestion , and doe greatly annoy the stomack : but good workes doe meruellously reioyce and comfort the heart . for this cause alexander the great had the poet homer in greater veneration ( beeing dead ) then all the other that were aliue in his time : not for that homer euer did him seruice , or that hee knew him , but onely because of his learned bookes hee wrote and compiled : and for the graue sentences he found therein . and therefore he bare about him in the day time the booke of the famous deedes of troy , ( called the illyades ) hanged at his neck within his bosome : and in the night hee layde it vnder his bolster , at his beds-head where hee slept . in recompence therefore ( syr ) of the many good turnes i haue receyued at your hands , i was also willing to compyle and dedicate this my little treatise to you , the which i present you with all my desires , my studyes , my watches , my sweatte , and my troubles , holding my selfe fully satisfyed for all the paines i haue taken , so that this my simple trauell be gratefull vnto you ( to whom i offer it ) and to the publike weale profitable . being well assured , if it please you to trust me and credite my wryting , you shall manifestly know how freely i spake to you , and like a friend , and not deceyue you as a flatterer . for , if the beloued and fauourites of princes , chaunce to bee cast out of fauour , it is because euery man flattereth him , and seeketh to please him , and no man goeth about to tell him trueth : nor that , that is for his honour , and fittest for him . salust in his booke of the warres of iugurtha sayth : that the high heroycall facts and deedes were of no lesse glorie to the hystoriographers that wrote them , then they were to the captaine that did them . for it happeneth many times , that the captaine dying in the battell hee hath wonne , liueth afterwardes notwithstanding , by the fame of his noble attempt : and this proceedeth not only of the valiant deeds of arms he was seene doe , but also for that wee read of him in worthy authors which haue written thereof . wee may well say therefore ( touching this matter ) that as well may wee take him for a true friend , that giueth good counsell , as hee which doeth vs great pleasure and seruice . for according to the opinion of the good emperor marcus aurelius , who who saide to his secretarie panutius , that a man with one pay , may make full satisfaction and recompence of many pleasures and good turns shewed : but to requite a good counsell , diuers thankes , and infinite seruices are requisite . if we will credite the ancient hystoriographers , wee shall finde it true , that the most noblest and vertuous emperours , the fortunate kings , and the valiant captaines , when they should enterprise to go conquer their enemies , eyther they sought for some philosopher , or they chose some other honest learned man , of whome they tooke counsell touching all their affayres , before they prest any souldiers . comparing the times past , with the times present , wee thinke ( that haue read somewhat ) that the time past was as pure graine , and this now as chaffe and straw : that one as the time calme , and still in the sea , and this as wauering and tempestuous : that then the fine and pure mertal , and this now the drosse thereof . the other , the marie , and this the bones : the one the cleare day , and the other the darke night . for in these dayes , in princes courts , and noble mens houses , they glory more to haue a scoffing knaue or iester to make them laugh , then they reckon of a graue and wise man to giue them counsell . alexander the great in all his wars would alwayes be accompanied with the wise aristotle . cyrus king of persia , with the philosopher chilo : king ptholomie , with pithinns the philosopher : pyrrhus king of epyre , with zatirus , augustus the emperour with simonides : scipio the african with sophocles , traian the emperour with plutarch , and antoninus the emperour with gorgias : now all these famous princes carried not with them so many learned philosophers , to fight in battell with armed weapon in hand like other their souldiers , but onely to vse their counsell and aduise : so that the great battels they ouerthrew , and the worthy victories they wan , with the noble triumphes done , was as much by the graue counsell of these good and wise philosophers , as by the force of their army , and prowes of their captaines . the greatest good turne and benefit one friend can doe for another , is to know to giue good counsell to his friend in his greatest neede : and not without cause , i say , to giue counsell : for it happeneth oft times , that those that thought to haue giuen vs good remedy by their counsell , ( wanting indeed discretion & iudgement in the same ) haue caused vs to runne into further dangers . and therefore seneca beeing once demaunded of the emperour nero , what he thought of scipio the affrican , and cato the censor , aunswered him in this manner . i thinke it was as necessary that cato was borne for the common-wealth , as scipio for the warres , for the good cato with his prudent counsell expelled vice out of the weale-publike : and the other with his noble courage and great armies did euer withstand the force of the enemies : according to the saying of seneca , let vs also say after him , that hee is very arrogant that presumes to giue an other counsell ; but withall , wee say againe , that if the counsell be found good , hee hath giuen to his friend in his need and necessity , as much praise deserueth he that gaue it , as he that knew how to take it . now after the example of the ancient philosophers , which went to the warres , not to fight , but onely to giue counsell , i will ( sir ) for those things that pertaine to your seruice , and profite , take vpon mee the office of a philosopher ; and for the first doctrine of my philosophie , i say , that if it please you , to receiue these counsels which my penne doth write vnto you , at this present . i promise you , & by the faith of a christian man , i sweare , that they shall bee such excellent helpes to you , for the preseruation of your credite and fauour you are now in , as you may bee enriched by the true and diligent seruice of your seruants for if a man woulde with an oath aske the truth of plato , socrates , pythagoras , diogenes , lycurgus , chilo , pittachus , and of apolonius : and also of all the vniuersity and company of the other philosophers , they would sweare and affirme , that the felicitie of man consisteth not in great might , in great authority , and possessions : but onely in deseruing much : for the honor , fauour , and dignities of this mortall life , are more to be praysed , and had in veneration , when they are placed in a condigne & worthy person , then they are being possessed of an vnworthy and gracelesse man , allotted to him , not by vertue , but by fortune : and therefore your authority being great at this present , exalted thereto by gods diuine will and prouidence , and now in the highest degree of prosperity : i would wish you , my good lord , lesse then any other courtier , to trust to fortunes impery : for if the earthquakes sooner bring to ground the proud and stately pallaces , then the meane and lowe houses : if ofter fall the highest mountaines , the dreadfull lightnings , and tempests , then on the lowest hilles : if among the greater multitude of people the plagues be rifer , then amongst the fewer number : if they vse rather to spread their nets , and lay the birdlime on the greene and thickest bows then on the drye and withered sticks : to snare the seely birds withall : if alwayes the stillest seas doe foreshew to vs a greater tempest following , and if that long health bee a watch vnto a great and dangerous sicknesse ensuing : by this also i will infer , that those that are atchieued to sublime estate , and high degree , are commonly more subiect to fall , then those of meaner & baser sot . the emperour augustus on a time demaunded of the poet virgill , that hee would teach him how hee might conserue himselfe in the empire , and alwayes bee acceptable to the publike weale . to whom virgil aunswered . i i thinke , o mighty caesar , that to raigne long in the empire , thou must considerately looke into thy seife , examining thy life and doings : and how much thou shalt see thy selfe excell , and exceede all those ( of thy empire ) in dignity : so much more must thou endeauour thy selfe to surmount all others in vertue and worthinesse : for hee is vnworthy to rule a multitude , that is not chiefe himselfe in all vertues . those therefore that in court of princes beare office and authoritie , ought earnestly to desire and endeauour themselues to auoyde the filthy sinke of vice , and to seeke the cleare spring of vertue : for otherwise , they shall bee more defamed for one vice or defect found in them , then honoured for their office and authority they haue . the author concludeth . according to the saying of the poet virgill to the emperour augustus , i am also of opinion ( my lord ) that you ought to bee very circumspect , and well aduised , in looking into your selfe who you are , what power you are of , what you are worth , and what you possesse : and doing thus , you shall find that among your wise counsellours you are the greatest , among the rich , among the best esteemed , among the most fortunate , among your secretaries , among the rulers , amongst all those of your realme and subiects , you are euer the greatest . and therefore as you are greatest , and supreme aboue them all : so you ought the more to force to bee the most vertuous of them all : for els it were against al reason , being the greatest , to be the least , and most inferior of all : for truly none ought to be praysed for good , for that he is of power , force , possessions , wealth , much worth , in fauour of dignitie , neyther for any nobilitie that is in him , if these naturall gifts bee not accompanied with vertue and good works . the ancient historiographers do highly commend the greatnesse of alexander , the knowledge of ptholomie , the iustice of numa pompilius , the clemency of iulius caesar , the patience of augustus , the truth of traian , the pitty of anteninus , the temperancie of constantius , the continency of scipio , and the humanity of theodosius : so that we may say these so great and noble princes haue wonne more honour by their vertues , then they haue atchieued by triumphant victories : albeit a man bee neuer so dishonest , vicious and lasciuious , and that he bee rooted in all idlenes ; let vs say and auouch it for a truth , that it is impossible ( if he may returne to looke backe on himselfe , and that hee may call to mind what manner of man hee hath beene , what he is at this present , and to what end he may com ) but that the remembrance of his forepassed faults and deedes should be more grieuous and irkesome to him , then the greate delight his body should take of the present pleasures : for neyther the wormes in the vines , nor the locusts in the corne , nor the moths in the garments , nor the little wormes in the wood are so hurtfull and dammageable , as sinnes are of power to make a man sorrowfull . for to say truly , the pleasure wee receiue when we commit them is not so great , as is the displeasure wee feee after wee remember them . the which i considering my lord , it causeth me to looke ouer my olde memorials , to examine my memorie , to strengthen my iudgement , and to seeke a new kinde of study , to no other end , but to finde out sweete words , diuers doctrines , and strange histories , by meanes whereof i might withdraw you from vaine and worldly delights , to cause you to walke in the right path , and to affect thinges vertuous and honest , though i haue alwayes knowne them as acceptable to you , as they haue beene familiar : for princes seruants , the more they are busied with affayres , the lesse they know themselues . and therefore great paine suffereth hee , and with ouer venemous poison is he infected , that with others and for other occupieth all his time , & for his own soules health cannot spare a moment of time . o what comforte and quiet were it vnto my heart , if it were assured it had taken the right way in the doctrine which i write to you , and that i had not erred in the counsels i giue you : so that in reading my booke you might acquire profite thereby , and i of my trauell therein reape my full contentation . and to the end , my lord , wee may better expresse the matter , search the wound , and stop the veines , that wee may leaue no part vncured , or dregges of infection . if hitherto i haue vsed plainnesse , i will now speake more plainely vnto you , and yet as one friend vseth to another . and therefore may it please you to accept these small written preposes in this booke , among all the residue , proceeding from the handes of one that rather desireth the health of your soule , then the gaine and satisfaction of your affects and desires . all you that bee princes familiars , and beloued courtiers , obserue and retain with you these few precepts and counsels . my lord , neuer tell to any , al that you thinke . shew not all that you haue , neyther take all that you desire : tell not al that you know much lesse neuer doe all that you may : for the right path way to bring the fauoured courtier into his princes disgrace , is to be addicted to his sensuall appetites , and vaine humors and not to bee guided with reason & discretion . beware also you trust not , nor commit to the hazard of fortunes ticklenes , such things , as touch and concerne your person , honour , goods and consciences : for the wise courtier that liueth in his princes grace , will not rashly put himselfe in daunger , in hope to saue himselfe harmelesse , at all times when he listeth . although euery man offer his seruice to you , and seeme to bee at your commaundement when you shall neede him : yet i tell you ( sir ) i would not wish you had eyther neede of them , or of me : for many of those fine and curious courtiers , which are the first that offer themselues to draw on your side , and to stand by , if neede bee , are commonly at the very pinch , the first and readiest to throw stones at our faces . in other mens matters busie not your selfe too much : and in your owne , striue not with time , but take leysure : for liuing after this rule , you shall long keepe your selfe in the good and quiet estate you are in , and otherwise some inconuenience might lightly fall vpon you , that should make you remember what you were wont to be . the imminent perill and daunger those are in , which are mounted to the toppe of some high thing , or to the cliffe of some high and rockie mountaine , where they haue no other way to descend , but to fall , is much like to that of the familiars of princes . and therefore , my lord , i woulde wish you would procure you , such faithfull friends about you , that they hauing regard and care of your person , should alwayes holde you by the gowne for falling . and not such as after they had let you fall , would then lend you their hands to helpe you vp againe . albeit the things of the soule should bee preferted before all others of this worldly life , yet neuerthelesse i will bee content , so that you haue as great care & consideration of your conscience , as you haue of your honour all which i was willing to tell you sir , to the end you may better vnderstand , that those that are in estimation with the prince , though they may benefite by time , in taking their time , yet time doth neuer benefite by them at all . you must euer doe good to your vttermost power , and neuer doe displeasure to any , though it lye in your power , and that you haue iust cause . for the teares of the poore that are iniuried , and the lamentable cries and plaintes of the oppressed , may possibly one daye ascend to the presence of the tribunall seate , where god shall sit in his maiesty , demaunding iustice and vengeance against you : and also come to the cares of the noble prince , to cause you to bee hated of him for euer . touching the fauor you will shew to anie , eyther in offices , or other benefites you will bestowe on any man , take heed you alwayes rather preferre honest and true christians , then your owne neere kins-men or friendes . for a man may lawfully make his friende partaker of his goods , but not of his conscience . in your counsells you geue , in any wise bee not too much affectioned in them , neyther scorne with those that contrary your opinion . be not proud and seuere vnto those you doe commaund , neyther doe any thing without good aduisement and consideration . for , albeit in princes courts euery man doth admire and beholde the excellencie and worthines of the person , yet are those alwayes that are most in fauour of the prince , more noted , regarded , and sooner accused then others . if you will not erre in the counselles you shall giue , nor fayle in those things you shall enterprise : embrace those that tell you the truth , and reiect and hate those , whom you know to be flatterers and dissemblers . for you should rather desire to bee admonished of the thing present , then to be counselled after the dammage receyued . although wee suppose assuredly , that all these things aboue-written , are not likely to happen , nor yet come euen so to passe , as i haue spoken : yet if it may please you ( syr ) to remember , they are not therefore impossible . for spitefull fortune permitteth oftentimes , that the sayles , which in stormie weather the lightnings and boystrous tempests could not breake and teare in piec●● , are afterwardes vpon a sudden ( euen in the sweete of the mornings sleepe , each man taking his rest , leauing the seas before in quiet calme ) all to shiuered , and torne a sunder . he that meaneth to giue another a blowe also , the more he draweth backe his arme , with greater force hee striketh . and euen so ( neyther more nor lesse ) sayeth fortune with those on whom for a time shee smyleth . for , the longer a man remayneth in her loue and fauor , the more cruell and bitter she sheweth herselfe to him in the ende . and therefore i would aduise euery wise and sage person , that when fortune seemeth best of all to fauour him , and to doe most for him , that then hee should stand most in feare of her , and least of all to trust her deceits . therefore ( syr ) nake no small account of this my booke , little though it bee . for you know , that doubtlesse ( as experience teacheth vs ) of greater price and value is a little sparke of a dyamond , then a greater ballast . it forceth little that the booke bee of small or great volume , sith the excellencie thereof consisteth not in the number of leaues more or lesse , but only in the good and graue sentences that are amply written therein . for , euery authour that writeth , to make his booke of great price and shew , ought to be briefe in his words , and sweete and pleasaunt in his matter hee treateth of , the better to satisfie the minde of the reader , and also not to growe tedious to the hearer . and ( syr ) i speake not without cause , that you should not a little esteeme this smal treatise of mine , since you are most assured , that with time all your things shall haue ende , your friendes shall leaue you , your goods shall bee diuided , your selfe shall dye , your fauour and credit shall diminish . and those that succeede you , shall forget you , you not knowing to whome your goods and patrimonie shall come : and aboue all , you shall not knowe what conditions your heyres and children shall be of . but for this i wryte in your royall historic and chronicle of your laudable vertues and perfections , and for that also i serue you as i doe , with this my present worke , the memorie of you shall remaine eternized to your successors for euer . chilo the phylosopher beeing demanded whether there were anything in the world that fortune had not power to bring to nought , aunswered in this sort . two things only there are , which neither time can consume , nor fortune destroy : and that is the renowne of man written in bookes , and the veritie that is hidden . for though truth for a time lye interred , yet it resurgeth againe , and receiueth life , appearing manifestly to all . and euen so in like case the vertues we find written of a man , doe cause vs at this present to haue him in as great veneration , as those had in his time , that best knewe him . reade therefore ( syr ) at times i beseech you , these writings of mine , albeit i feare me you can scant borrow a moment of time with leysure once to looke vpon it , beeing ( as i knowe you are ) alwayes occupyed in affayres of great importance , wherin me thinketh you should not so surcharge your selfe , but that you might for your commodity and recreation of your spirits , reserue some priuate houres to your selfe . for sage and wise men should so burden themselues with care of others toyle , that they shold not spend one houre of the day at the least ( at their pleasure ) to looke on their estate and condition . as recounteth suetonius tranquillus of iulius caesar , who notwithstanding his quotidian warres he had ; neuer let slip one day , but that he reade or wrote some thing . so that being in his pauillion in the campe , in the one hand hee held his lance to assault his enemie ; and in the other the penne he wrote withall , with which he wrote his worthy cōmentaries . the resonable man therfore calling to mind the straight account that he must render of himselfe , and of the time he hath lost , shall alwayes be more carefull that hee lose not his time , then he shall be to keepe his treasure : for the well imployed time is a meane and helpe to his sal saluation : and the euill gotten good a cause of his eternall damnation . moreouer yet , what toyle and trauell is it to the body of the man , and how much more perill to the liuing soule , when hee consumeth his whole dayes and life in worldly broyles , and yet seely man hee cannot absent himselfe from that vile drudgery , til death doth summon him to yeelde vp his account of his life and doings . and now to conclude my prologue i say this booke is diuided into two parts , that is to say , in the first tenne chapters is declared how the new-come courtier shall behaue himselfe in the princes court , to winne fauour and credit with the prince , and the surplus of the work treateth , when hee hath atchieued to his princes fauour , and acquired the credite of a worthy courtier : how he shall then continue the same to his further aduancement . and i doubt not , but that the lords and gentlemen of court , will take pleasure to reade it , and namely , such as are princes familiars , and beloued of court , shall most of all reape profite thereby , putting the good lessons and aduertisements they finde heretofore written in execution . for to the young courtiers it sheweth them what they haue to do : and putteth in remembrance also the olde fauoured courtyer , ( liuing in his princes grace ) of that he hath to be circumspect of . and finally , i conclude ( syr ) that of all the treasures , riches , gifts , fauours , prosperities , pleasures , seruices , greatnesse , and power , that you haue and possesse in this mortall and transitorie life : and by the faith of a true christian i sweare vnto you also , that you shal carrie no more with you , then that onely time , which you haue well and vertuously employed , during this your pilgrimage . the argvment of the booke : entitvled , the fauoured courtyer : wherein the authour sheweth the intent of his worke ; exhorting all men to studie good and vertuous books , vtterly reiecting all fables , & vaine trifling storyes , of small doctrine & erudition . avlus gellius , in his booke de noctibus atticis saith : that after the death of the great poet homer , -famous cities of grece were in great controuersie , one with the other : each one of them affirming that by reason the bones of the saide poet was theirs , and only appertained to them , all . taking their oaths , that he was not only borne , but also nourished & broght vp in euery one of thē . and this they did : ( supposing that they neuer had so great honor in any thing , but that this was far greater to haue educated so excellent and rare a man as hee was . euripides also the phylosopher born and broght vp in athens : trauelling in the realm of macedonia , was suddēly strucken with death , which woful newes no soner came to the athenians eares ( declared for a truth ) but with all expedition they dispatched an honorable embasie : only to intreat the lacedemoniās to be contented to deliuer them the bones of the said phylosopher : protesting to them that if they wold frankly grant them , they would regratifie that pleasure done them : and if they would denie them , they should assure themselues they would come and fetch them with the sword in hand . k : demetrius helde rhodes besieged long time ( which at length he won , by force of arms ) & the rhodiās being so stubborn that they wold not yeeld by composition , nor trust to his princely clemencie , hee cōmanded to strike off al the rhodians heads , & to rase the city to the hard foundations . but when he was let vnderstand , that there was euen then in the cittie prothogenes , a phylosopher and paynter , and doubting least in executing others , hee also vnknowne , might bee put to the sword , reuoked his cruell sentence & gaue straight commandement forthwith they should cease to spoile and deface the towne further , and also to stay the slaughter of the rest of the rhodians . the diuine plato beeing in athens , aduertised that in the city of damasco , in the realme of palestine , were certaine bookes of great antiquity , which a philosopher borne of that country left behind him there : when he vnderstood it to be true , went thither immediately , led with the great desire he had to see them , & purposely ( if they did like him ) afterwards to buy them . and when hee saw that neyther at his suit , nor at the requests of others he could obtaine them , but that he must buy thē at a great price . plato went and solde all his patrimony to recouer them : and his owne not being sufficient , hee was faine to borrow vpon interest of the commō treasury to helpe him : so that notwithstanding he was so profound and rare a philosopher ( as indeed he was ) yet he would sell all that small substāce hee had onely to see ( as hee thought some prety new thing more of philosophy as ptolomeus philadelphus king of egypt , not contened to bee so wise in al sciences as he was , nor to haue in , his library . bookes as hee had nor to study at the least . houres in the day , nor ordinarily to dispute at his meales with philosophers , sent neuerthelesse an ambassage of noble men to the hebrewes , to desire them they would be contented to send him some of the best learned and wisest men amongst them , to teach him the hebrew tongue , and to reade to him the books of their laws . when alexander the great was borne , his father king philip wrote a notable letter immediately to aristotle , among other matters hee wrote , there were these , i let thee to vnderstand . o greatest philosopher aristotle ( if thou knowest it not ) that olimpius my wife is brought to bedde of a sonne , for which incessantly i giue the gods immortall thankes , not so much that i haue a sonne , as for that they haue giuen him mee in thy time . for i am asassured hee shall profite more with the doctrine thou shalt teach him , then he shall preuayle with the kingdomes i shall leaue him after me . now by the examples aboue recited , and by many more wee could alledge , wee may easily consider with what reuerence and honour the auncient kings vsed the learned and vertuous men in their time . and wee may also more plainely see it , sith then they helde in greater price and estimation the bones of a dead philosopher , then they doe now the doctrine of the best learned of our time . and not without iust occasion did these famous and heroycall princes ioy to haue at home in their houses , and abroad with them in the field , such wise and learned men , whilest they liued , and after they were dead to honour , their bones and carcases , and in doing this , they erred not a a iot : for whosoeuer accompanieth continuallly with graue and wise men , enioyeth this benefit and priuiledge before others , that he shall neuer bee counted ignorant of any : therfore continuing stil our first purpose , let vs say , that whosoeuer will professe the company of sober & wise men , it cannot otherwise be , but he must maruellously profit by their cōpany : for being in their company , they wil put al vain and dishonest thoughts from him , they will teach him to subdue & resist al sudden passions & motions moued of choler : by thē they shal win good friends , and learn also neuer to be troublesom , or enemy to any , they will make him forsake all sinne & vice , declaring to him what good works he shall follow , and what hee shall most flye and eschew : they will let him vnderstand how hee shall humble and behaue himselfe , in prosperity , and they will also comfort him in his aduersity , to keep him from all sorrow and despaire . for though a man be neuer so carefull and circumspect , yet hath he hath always need of the councell of another in his affaires : if therefore such a person haue not about him good , vertuous , & sage men , how can it otherwise bee , but that he must stūble oft , and fall down right on his face , hauing no man to aid or help him . paulus dyaconus sayth , that albeit the affricanes were wilde and brutish people , yet had they notwithstanding a law amongst them , that the senators amongst them , could chuse no other senator , if at the election there were not present a philosopher . so it hapned on a day amongst the rest , that of manie phylosophers they had in carthage , amongst them there was one named apolonius , who ruled for the space of . yeares , all their senat with great quyet , and to the contentation of all the senators , which to shew themselues thankfull to him , erected in the market place so many images of him , as hee had gouerned their common-weale yeares , to the ende the fame and memorie of him should bee immortall : and yet they did dedicate to their famous hannibal , but one only image , and to this phylosopher they set vp aboue . alexander the great , whē he was most bēt to bloudy wars , went to see & speake with diogines the phylosopher , offring him great presents & discoursing with him of diuers matters . so that wee may iustly say , this good prince of himselfe tooke paines to seeke out wise men to accompanie him , electing by others choyce and aduise all such , as hee made his captaines to serue him in the warres . it is manifest to all , that dyonisius the syracusan was the greatest tyrant in the worlde : and yet notwithstanding his tiranny , it is a wonder to see what sage and wise men he had continually in his courte with him : and that , which makes vs yet more to wonder of him is , that hee had them not about him to serue him , or to profite one jote by their doctrines and counsell : but onely for his honour , and their profite , which enforceth mee to say , concurring with this example , that sith tyrants did glorie to haue about them sages , wise , and worthie men : much more should those reioice , that their works & deeds are noble , & freeharted . and this they ought to do , not onely to bee honoured with them openly , but also to be holpen with their doctrine and counsells secretly . and if to some this should seeme a hard thing to follow , we will say , that worthy men not being of abilitie and power to maintayne such wise-men , ought yet at least to vse to reade , at times , good and vertuous books . for by reading ( of vertuous bookes ) they may reape infinite profite . as for example : by reading ( as i say ) these good authours , the desire is satisfied , their iudgement is quickned , ydlenesse is put away , the heart is disburdened , the time is well employed , and they lead their liues vertuously , not being bound to render account of so manie faults , as in that time they might haue committed . and to conclude , it is so good an exercise , as it giueth good example to the neighbour , profite to himselfe , and health to the soule . we see by experience , after a man taketh vppon him once the studie of holie scriptures , and that hee frameth himselfe to bee a diuine , hee will neuer willingly thenceforth deale in any other studyes : and all because he will not forgoe ( the great comfort and pleasure he receyueth ) to reade those holy sayings . and that causeth , that we see so manie learned & wise men ( for the more part ) subiect to diuers diseases : and full of melancholike humours . for , so sweete is the delight they take in theyr bookes , that they forget and leaue all other bodily pleasure . and therefore plutarche writeth , that certaine phylosophers being one day met at the lodging of plato , to see him : & demanding what exercise he had at that time ? plato answered thē , thus . truely my brethren , i let you know , that euen now my onely exercise was , to see what the great poete homer said . and this he tolde them , because that they took him euen then reading of some of homers bookes , and to say truely , his aunswere was such , as they should all looke for of him . for to reade a good booke , in effect is nothing else , but to heare a wise man speake , and if this our iudgement and aduise seeme good vnto you , we would yet say more , that you should profite more to reade one of these bookes , then you should to heare speake , or to haue conference with the author him selfe that made it : for it is without doubt , that all writers haue more care and respect in that their penne doth write , then they haue in that their tongue doth vtter . and to the end you should not thinke we cannot proue that true that we haue spoken , i giue you to vnderstand , that euerie author that will write , to publish his doing in print , to lay it to the shew , and iudgement of the world , and that desireth thereby to acquire honour , & fame , and to eternize the memory of him , turneth many bookes , conferreth with other wise and lerned men , addicteth himselfe wholy to his book , endeauoureth to vnderstand well , oft refuseth sleepe , meat and drinke , quicneth his spirites , doing that he putteth in writing exactly with long aduise , and consideration , which he doth not when hee doth but onely speake and vtter them , though oft in deede ( by reason of his great knowledge ) in speech vnawares there falleth out of his mouth , many godly and wise sentences . and therefore god hath giuen him a goodly gift that can reade and him much more that hath a desire to study , knowing how to chuse the good bookes from the euill . for to say the truth , there is not in this world any state or exercise more honourable and profitable then the study of good books . and we are much bound to those that read , more to those that study , and much more to those that write any thing , but most doubtlesse to those that make & compile goodly books , and those of great and high doctrine : for there are many vaine and fond bookes , that rather deserue to be throwne into the fire , then once to be read or looked on : for they do not only shew vs the way to mocke them , but also the ready meane to offend vs , to see them occupie their braines and best wittes , they haue to write foolish and vaine things , of no good subiect or erudition . and that which is worst of all yet , they are occasion , that diuers others spend as much time in reading their iests and mockeries , as they would otherwise haue imploied in doctrine , of great profit and edifying , the which to excuse and defend their error , say they did not write them for men to take profite thereby , but only to delight and please the readers , to passe the time away merily , whom we may rightly answer thus : that the reading of ill and vaine bookes , cannot bee called a pastime , but aptly a very losse of time . and therefore aulus gelius in the fifteenth of his booke writeth , that after the romanes vnderstood the orators and poets of rome , did giue themselues to write vain , voluptuous , and dishonest bookes , causing enterludes and poeticall comedies to be played , they did not only banish them from rome , but also out all the parts of italy : for it beseemed not the romane grauity , neyther was it decent for the weale publike , to suffer such naughty bookes among them , and much lesse for to beare with vicious and lasciuious gouernours . and if the romane panims left vs this for example , how much more ought wee that are christians to continue and follow it , since that they had no other bookes for to reade saue onely histories , and we now a dayes haue both histories , and holy scriptures to read , which were graūted vs by the church , to the end that by the one we might take some honest pleasure and recreation , and with the other procure the health of oursoules . oh how farre is the common-wealth nowe-adayes digressed from that wee wryte and counsell , since we see plainely , that men occupie themselues , at this present , in reading a nūber of books , the which only to name i am ashamed . and therfore said aulus gelius in his . book , that there was a certain philosopher wrote a book of hie and eloquent stile , but the subiect very harde and diffuse to vnderstand : which socrates , & other philosophers hearing of , cōmanded immediatly the booke to be burned , and the author to be banished : by which exāple we may well perceiue , that in that so perfit and reformed vniuersitie , they would not onely suffer any lasciuious or vicious booke , but also they would not beare with those , that were too hawtie and vainglorious in their stiles , and whose matter was not profitable , and beneficiall to the publike-weale . that man therfore that walloweth in idlenes lap , that vouchsafes not to spēd one houre of the day to read a graue sentence of some good booke , wee may rather deseruedly cal him a brutish beast , then a reasonable creature . for euery wise man ought to glory more of the knowledge he hath , then of the aboundance of goods he possesseth . and it cannot be denyed , but that those which reade vertuous bookes , are euer had in better fauor , and estimation then others . for they learne to speake , they passe their time without trouble , they know many pleasant things , which they after tel to others : they haue audacitie to reproue others , & euery man delighteth to heare them , & in what place or companie soeuer they come , they are alwaies reuerenced & honored aboue others : euery man desireth their knowledge and acquaintance , and are glad to aske them counsell . and that , that is yet of greater credit to them is , that they are not few in number , that trusteth them with their bodie & goods . and moreouer ( i say ) that the wise and learned man which professeth studie , shall know very well how to counsel his friend , and to comfort himselfe at all times , when neede doeth serue , which the foolish ignorant person can not doe : for he cannot only tell how to comfort the afflicted in aduersitie , but also hee cannot helpe himselfe in his own proper affaires , nor take coūsell of himselfe , what is best to doe . but returning againe to our purpose ( we say ) because we would not be reproued of that we rebuke others of , wee haue beene very circumspect and aduised : and taking great care , and paines in our study , that all our books and workes , wee haue published , and compyled , should be so exactly done , that the readers might not find any ill doctrine , nor also any thing worthy reproofe . for the vnhonest bookes , made by lasciuious persōs do giue ( deseruedly ) euident token to the readers to suspect the authours : and troubleth the iudgements of those , that giue attentiue care vnto them . and therefore i counsell and admonish him that will enterprise , and take vppon him to bee a wryter , and a setter forth of bookes , that hee bee wise in his matter hee sheweth , and compendious in the wordes hee writeth : and not to bee like to diuers wryters , whose workes are of such a phrase and style , as we shall reade many times to the middest of the booke , ere wee finde one good and notable sentence , so that a man may say , that al the fruit those reape for their paine , watches , and trauell , is none other but onely a meere toye and mockery , they being derided of euery man that seeth their workes . that authour that vndertaketh to write , and afterwardes prostrateth to common iudgement the thing hee wryteth , may bee assured that hee setteth his wittes to great trauell and studie , and hazardeth his honour to present perill . for the iudgement of men being variable , and diuers ( as they are indeede ) manie times they doe meddle and enter into iudgement of those things , whereof they are not only not capable to vnderstand , but also lesse skilfull to reade them . now in that booke wee haue set out , of the dyall of princes : and in that other wee haue translated of the life of the romaine emperours , and in this wee haue now set forth of the fauoured courtiers , the readers may bee assured , they shall find in them goodly and graue sentences , whereby thy may greatly profit , and they shall not read any wordes superfluous , to comber or weary them at all . for , we did not once licence our pen to dare to write any word , that was not first weyed in true ballāce , & measured by iust measure . and god can testifie with vs , that without doubt wee haue had more paine to be briefe in the wordes of our books we haue hitherto made , then we haue had to gather out the inuention , and graue sentences thereof . for to speake good words , and to haue good matter and wise purposes , is the property of one that naturally is modest , and graue in his actions : but to write briefely , he must haue a deepe vnderstanding . when at the fonte of the printers forme , we first baptized the booke of marcus aurelius , wee intituled it the dyall of princes : and this therefore that we haue now made and added to it , we call it ( more for briefnes ) the fauoured courtyer : which portendeth the whet-stone and instruction of a courtyer . for if they will vouchsafe to reade , and take the fruitfull counselles they finde written heerein , they may assure themselues , they shall awaken out of the vanityes , they haue long slept in : and shall also open their eies , to see the better , that thing wherin they liue so long deceyued . and albeit indeed this present work sheweth to you but a fewe contriued lines , yet god himselfe doeth knowe , the paines we haue taken herein hath bin exceeding great , and this for two causes : the one for that the matter is very straunge and diuerse from others ; the other , to thinke that assuredly , it should be hated of those that want the taste of good discipline . and therefore wee haue taken great care , it should come out of our hands well reformed and corrected : to the ende that courtyers might finde out many sentences in it , profitable for them , and not one word to trouble them . those noble-men , or gentlemen , that will from henceforth haue their children brought vp in the courtes of princes , shall finde in this booke , all things they shall neede to prouide them of : and those also which haue beene long courtyers , shall finde all that they ought to doe in court. and such also as are best fauoured of noble princes , and carrie greatest reputation of honour with them , shall find likewise excellent good counsels , by meane whereof , they may alwayes maintain and continue themselues , in the chiefest greatnesse of their credite and fauour : so that it may well be called a mithridaticall electuary : recuring and healing all malignant opilations . of all the bookes i haue hitherto compiled , i haue dedicated some of them vnto the imperiall maiestie , and others , to those of best fauor and credite with him : where the readers may see , that i rather glorie to bee a satyr then a flatterer , for that in all my sentences they cannot finde one cloked word , to enlarge and embetter my credite and estate . but to the contrary , they may reade an infinite number of others , where i doe exhort them to gouern their person discreetly and honorably , and to amend their liues thenceforth . when i imprinted the diall of princes , together with marcus aurelius , and brought them to light . i wanted not backbiters and detractors that beganne forthwith to teare me in pieces ; neyther shall i want at this present ( as i beleeue ) such as will not spare with venemous tongues , to poyson my worke : but like as then i little wayed their slaunderous speeches of me , euen so much lesse do i now force what they can say against mee , being assured they shall finde in the end , they haue ill spoken of mee , and my poore workes , proceeding from them rather of a certaine enuie , that gnaweth their heart , then of any default they finde in my doctrine , comforting my selfe yet in the assurance i haue , that all their spight shall one day haue an end , and my workes shall euer be found good and perdurable the end of the argument . the fovrth booke of the dyall of princes , compiled by the lord anthony gueuara , bishop of mondogueto : chap. i. that it is more necessary for the courtier , ( abiding in court ) to be of liuely spirite and audacity , then it is for the souldier , that goeth to serue in the warres . plutarch , plinie , and titus liutus declare that king agiges one day requested the oracle of apollo to tell him , who was the happiest man in the world : to whom answere was made , that it was a man they called aglaon , beknowne of the gods , and vnknowne of men . this king agiges making then search for this man through all greece , who was called aglaon , found at length that it was a poor gardner , dwelling in archadia , who being of the age of threescore and two yeares , neuer went aboue a mile from his house , keeping himselfe and his family continually with his onely labour and tillage of his garden . now albeit there were in the world of better parentage and linage then he , better accompanied of seruants , and tenants , better prouided of goods and riches , higher in dignity , and of greater authority then he : yet for all this , was this aglaon the happiest of the world . and this was , for that he neuer haunted princes courts , neyther by enuy to bee ouerthrowne , nor yet by auarice to be ouercome . for many times it chanceth to men , that when they would least giue themselues to acquaintance , then come they most to bee knowne : and when they make least account of themselues , then cometh there an occasion to make thē to be most reputed of : for they winne more honor , that despise these goods , honours , and riches of this world , then those do , that continually gape , and seeke after the same . and therefore we should more enuy aglaon , with his little garden , then alexander the great with his mighty asia : for true contentation consisteth not in hauing aboundance , but in being contented with that little hee hath . it is a mockery , and worthily hee deserueth to be laughed at , that thinketh contentation lyeth in hauing much , or in being of great authoritie : for such wayes are readier to make vs stumble , yea and many times to fall down right , then safely to assure vs to go on our way . the punishment that god gaue to cain for murdering of his brother abel was , that his body continually trembled , and he euer after wandred thorough the world : so that he neuer found , where he might enhabite , nor house where he might harbour . and albeit this malediction of cain was the first that euer god ordained , i durst affirme notwithstanding , that it remayneth as yet vntill this present day amongst courtiers , sith wee see them dayly trauell , and runne into strange countries , dayly changing and seeking new lodgings . which maketh me once again to say , that aglaon was counted happy , and for that onely hee neuer romed farre from his house : for to say truly , there is no misery comparable to that of the courtier , that is bound dayly to lye in others houses , hauing none of his owne to goe to . and he onely may bee called happy , that putteth not himselfe in danger to serue others . iulius caesar beeing counselled to wayre vpon the consull sylla , to the end that by seruing , or being about him , hee might doe himselfe greate good , and it might bee very profitable to him , answered thus : i sweare by the immortall gods , i will neuer serue any , in hope to be more worth , & greater then i am : for this i am sure of , that where liberty is exiled , there might nor power can preuaile . he that forsaketh his owne countrey where he liued at ease , & in health and the place where hee was knowne and beloued , the neighbours of whom hee was visited , the friends of whome hee was serued , the parents of whome hee was honoured , the goods wherewith he maintained himselfe , his wife , and children ( of whom he had a thousand pleasures and consolations ) and that commeth to serue and dye in the court. i cannot say otherwise of him , but that he is a very foole , or that hee commeth to doe penance for some notable crime hee hath committed : and therefore not without great cause was this name of courte , ( which in our tong signifieth short ) adhibited to the pallace of princes , where indeed all things are short , only enuy and malice excepted , which continue long . he onely desireth to be a courtier , that as yet hath not tasted the sweetnesse and pleasure of his owne house , nor hath yet proued and seene the troubles and pains of the court : for hee that knoweth them , figheth when he is called to the court ; and weepeth when he is kept long there . i haue studyed in times past in the vniuersities , preached in the courts , praying in religion : and now i dwel vpon my bishopricke , teaching and instructing my diocesians : but i dare say , of all these foure states recited , there is none so streight and painfull , as is to follow the court. if i studyed at the vniuersity , i did it of free will to bee wiser : but onely in the court i spent my time , to be more worth then i was . but the greatest time i consumed in religion , was to say my prayers , and to bewayle my grieuous sinnes . in the court i onely gaue my selfe to suspect my neighbour , and inuented to build great castels of wind ( with thought ) in the ayre . and therefore i returne once again to say , that it is a greater trouble and vexation for to become a courtier , then to bee a religious person : for in religion it sufficeth to obey one but in the court hee must serue all . and in religion also they are apparrelled with lesse cost and charges , and to the greater contentation of the person , then they are in the court. for a poore gentleman courtier is bound to haue more change and sutes of apparrell , then the falcon feathers . the religious persons goe alwayes to dinner , and finde their meate on the table , ready prepared for them , without any thought taken of their part , what they shall haue : but fine courtiers many times rise out of their bed , without euer a penny in their purse . and albeit religious persons all their life take great paines in rising at midnight to serue god : yet haue they great hope after their death , of the heauenly rest and comfort : but poore courtiers , alas what should i say , hard is their life , and more perillous their death , into greater danger truly putteth he himselfe , that becommeth a courtier , then did nasica , when gee was with the serpent , then king dauid with the philistines , then the southsayers with euah , then hercules with antheon , then theseus with the minocaure , then king menelaus with the wilde bore , then corebus with the monster of the marish , and then perseus with the monstrous whale of the sea : for euery one of these valiant mē were not afraid but of one : but the miserable courtier standeth in feare of all : for what is he in court , that seeing his neere kinsman or deerest friend , more in fauour or credit then himselfe , or richer then he , that wisheth not his friendes death , or at the least procureth by all meanes he can , he shall not equall , nor goe euen with with him in credite or reputation : one of the worst things i consider , & see in courtiers is , that they loose much time , and profite little : for the thing wherein they spend their dayes , and hestow the nights , for the most part is , to speake ill of those that are their betters , or excel them in vertues : and to vndoe those that are their equals and companions : to flatter the beloued , and among the inferiour sort to murmur one against an other : and alwayes to sigh and lament for the times past . and there is nothing that prouoketh courtiers more to complaine , then the dayly desire they haue to see sundry and new alterations of time : for they little weigh the ruine of the common weale , so they may enlarge and exalt their owne estates . also , it is a thing of course in court , that the reiected and fauourlesse courtiers , meete together , murmuring at their princes , and backbiting their councellers and officers , saying , they vndoe the realme , and bring all to nought . and al this presupposed , for that they are not in the like fauour and estimation that they be in , which beareth office and rule in the common-weale : and therefore when it commeth in question , for a courtier to aduaunce himselfe , and to come in credit in the court , one gourtier can scarsly euer trust an other . on the other side , mee thinketh that the life of the court is not the very life in deede , but rather an open penance . and therefore in my opinion , wee should not reckon courtiers aliue , but rather dead , buried in their life . for then the courtier euer findeth himselfe plunged with deaths extream passious , when hee perceyueth an other to be preferred and called before him , alas , what great pitty is it to see a haplesse and vnfortunate courtier ; for hee seely soule awaketh a thousand times in the night , tosseth from side to side of his bed , sometime vpright hee lyeth , lamenting his yron happe , now he sigheth for his natiue soyle , and sorroweth then for his lost honour : so that in maner he spendeth the whole night in watch and cares , imagining with himselfe all the wayes hee can , to come in credite and fauour againe , that he may attaine to wealth and preferment before others ; which maketh mee thinke , that it is not a paine , but a cruell torment : no seruice but tribute : and not once only , but euer : that the body of the poore miserable courtier abideth , & that ( in despite of him ) his wretched heart doth beare . by the law of the court , euery courtier is bound to serue the king , to accompany the beloued of the court , to visite noble men , to wayte vpon those that are at the princes elbow , to giue to the vshers , to present the auditors , to entertaine the wardens and captaines of the ports , to currey fauour with the harbingers , to flatter the treasurer , to trauell and speake for their friendes , and to dissemble amongst their enemies . what legges are able to doe all these things ? what force sufficient to abide these brunts ? what heart able to endure them ? and moreouer , what purse great inough to supply all these deuises ? i am of opinion , there was neuer any so foolish , nor marchant so couetons , that hath solde himselfe in any fayre , or exchangde himselfe for any other marchandize , but only the vnhappy courtier , who goeth to the court to sell his liberty , for a litle winde , and vaine smoake of the court . i graunt that a courtier may haue in the court plenty of golde and siluer , sumptuous apparrell , fauour cresite , and authoritie : yet withall this aboundance yee cannot deny me , but he is as poore of liberty , as rich of substance or credite . and therefore i dare boldly say this word againe , for one time the courtier hath his desire in court , a thousand times they will enforce him to accomplish others desires , which neyther please nor like him . surely it commeth of a base and vile minde , and no lesse cowardly , for any man lightly to esteeme his liberty , and fondly to embrace bondage and subiection , being at others commaundement . and if the courtier would aunswere mee to this , that though hee serue , yet at least hee is in his princes fauour . i would replye thus , though hee bee in fauour with the prince yet is he notwithstanding slaue to all his other officers , for if the courtier will sell his horse , his moyle , his cloke , his sworde , or any other such like whatsoeuer , hee shall haue ready money for all , sauing for his liberty , which hee liberally bestoweth on all for nothing . so that hee seemeth to make more estimation of his sword or appaarrell hee selleth , then he doth of his liberty which hee giueth : for a man is not bound to trauell at all , to make himselfe master of others , more then pleaseth him : but to recouer liberty , or to maintaine it , he is bound to dye a thousand deaths . i speake not these things for that i haue read them in my bookes , but because i haue seene them all with mine eyes , and not by science , but by experiennce : and i neuer knew courtier yet content in court , much lesse enioying any iot of his liberty , which i so much esteeme , that if al men were sufficient to know it , and knew well how to vse it , he would neuer for any treasure on earth forgoe it , neyther for any gage lendi● , were it neuer so precious . yet is there in court besides this an other kind of trouble , i haue not yet touched , and that is not small . for oft times thither commeth of our friends which be straungers , whom of necessitie , and for honesties sake : the courtier must lodge with him at home , the court beeing already full pestered . and this happeneth oft in such a time , when the poore courtyer hath neither lodging of his owne , to lodge them in : nor happily six pence in his purse , to welcome themwithall . i would you would tell mee also , what griefe and sorrowe the poore courtyer feeleth at his heart , when hee lodgeth in a blinde , narrowe-lane : eateth at a borrowed table , sleepeth in a hyred bedde , and perhaps his chamber hauing no doore to it : yea , and for the more part , his apparell and armor , euen to the very sworde in gage . then when any friends of his commeth out of the countrey to lye with him , ( hee being so poore , and also a stranger in an other mans house ) how is it possible he should accept into his companie any others , and perhaps as needie as hee ? sometimes he were better , and had rather beare his friends cost , and charges ( being altogether vnable ) yea , and to finde him all his necessaries ( what shift so euer he made ) then he should suffer his friend or straunger to come home to his house , to knowe and see the miserie he liueth in . for more is the honest heart and good nature ashamed and grieued , to discouer his misery , then it is to suffer and abide it . commonly the courtyer being alone , is content with a litle couch , one mattresse or quilt , one flock-bed , with one pillowe , and one paire of sheets , with one couerlet , with one frying-pan , one grid-yron , one spit , one kettle , one basine , with one candle-sticke , and with one pot : which he cannot doe , if any stranger or friend of his come to him : for then hee must for his reputation-sake hang his chamber , dresse vp his bed , and furnish it better , and must also prouide for a thousand other such trifles he standeth in need of . and if it fall out his host and goodman of the house will not lend him these things or that perhaps he hath them not ( as it chaunceth oft ) he shal be compelled to borrow vppon a pawne , or to hyre of others : wheras if he were alone with his owne people , hee would right well be contented with his small ordinarie . and when a stranger commeth to see him , he must be at greater cost and charge : so that he shall spend more at one dinner or supper , then hee had done before in three dayes . and therefore doubtles the courtyers are at more charges with their friendes , that come to see them , then they are with themselues . for the honourable and worthie courtyers had rather fast an other time , then to shewe himselfe at this pinch needie & harde , and after to bee mocked of his acquaintance . oh now many men are there in the world that waste and spend in one day all that they haue trauelled to get together in many ? not for that they esteem not their goods , and desire not to keepe them : but onely for a little vain glory , to get them the name of a free-harted and liberall man : dealing honestly among his friends . also as great is the trouble to the poore courtyer , when the courte remoueth oft from place to place . for , thē he must truss-vp his baggage , lode the moyles , & hyre carts to carry it , afterwards pray the cofferer to pay him : the harbingers to prepare him a lodging , & then he must first send one of his men to see if the lodging be meere for him . furthermore , courtyers haue occasion oft times to bee angrie with the carters , and muletters , for loding too much , or too little : & for cōming too late to the lodging , & many times also , they must ryde at noone-dayes , & in the greatest heat , and somtimes in raine , dew , tempest , or in other il weather ( whatsoeuer it be ) for that the carters and carriers will not loose their iourney . and admit that all this may easily be carried , is it therefore reasonable or meete , the poore courtier should spend at one voyage , or remouing of the court , all the profite and spare hee hath made in six moneths before ? and what shall wee say also , of the stuffe and moueables that the poore courtier of necessity must buy in euery place where the court remayneth , as chaires , tables , formes stools , water pots , platters , dishes , and other small trash . that would cost more the carriage , then the buying of them anew . and to conclude , all things pertayning to court are painefull , vnpleasant , and chargeable for the poore courtier : for if he should carrie alwayes with him , all such things as bee necessary , and that he should need : in carriage they are broken or marde , or being left behind , they are in hazard to be stollen or lost : for he that will bee a continuall courtier , must be of a bolde and stout courage : for hee shall be forced hourely to leaue of his owne desires , to please and content others , changing and shifting to diuers places , and strange lodgings , and oft times of seruants and new family , dayly encreasing his charge and expence . and truely , if that which is gotten and gained in court be worth much : much more doth that exceede that is spent in court , and these expences are rather lauish , then moderate : disordered , then well spent : for in effect courtiers spend more with strangers they receyue into their lodgings , then they doe with their ordinary seruants they keepe . albeit that , that courtiers lose and leaue behind them at euery remouing of the court , bee but of small account or importance , yet it is notwithstanding both griefe and displeasure to them : for indeede there is no house so richly furnished , and replenished with moueables , but that the lord or master of the house , will chafe to see a dish or glasse broken , or spoyled . yet there is an other discommodity in remouing of the court , for som courtiers there are that be so poore , that for want they can hardly follow the court , and others also that are rich , are compelled to beare many of their charges , with whom they are in company with by the way : and some of those are so rude and ill brought vp , that they had rather beare their charge all their iourney , then once againe to haue them in their company . but a godsname , what shall wee say yet of the wretched courtier , whose coffers and horse are arrested at his departing for his debts ? truely i lye not : for once i saw a courtiers moile solde for her prouender shee had eaten and that money not sufficient to pay the host : the courtier remaining yet debter of an ouerplus ; the poore man was stripped euen of his cappe & gloues for the satisfaction of the rest . also there is an other sort of needy courtiers , so troublesom and importune , that they neuer cease to trouble their friends , to borrow money of their acquaintance , some to finde themselues , some to apparrell themselues , others to pay their debts , others to play , and others to giue presents : so that at the remouing day , when they haue nothing wherwith to pay nor content their creditors , then they are sued in lawe , and arrested in their lodging , and the creditors many times are not satisfied with their goods , but doe take execution also of their bodies , laying them in fast prison , till they bee payde and satisfied , of their whole debte . oh what follie may bee thought in those , that cannot moderate their expences , according to their abilitie ? for to say vprightly , hee should cut his garments according to his cloth , and measure his expences with his reuenues : and not following his affection and desire . for , the gentleman or courtier in the ende hath not the meane nor commodiitie to spende as the countrey-man hath , that liueth at home at else in the countrey , & spendeth such commodities as hee brings into his house , but the courtier consumeth in court not his owne alone , but also that of others . and therefore in courte or elsewhere , let euery wise man bee diligent to bring his affayres to ende : but yet let him so moderate and vse his expences , as hee shall not neede , nor be driuen to morgage , and gage that hee hath . for hee that feasteth and rowteth with others purse , of that that is lent him , cannot choose but in the ende he must breake , and deceyue his creditours . therfore all worthiemen , that loue their honour , and feare reproache , ought rather to suffer , hunger , colde , thyrst , care , paine , and sorrow , then to be had in the checke-roule of ryotous and prodigall spenders , trustlesse of theyr promises , and suspected of their wordes . there is yet another great trouble , in the court of princes , and that is the exceeding dearth of victualls , the vnreasonable want of houses , and the great price of horses : for many times they spend more for strawe , and litter for their horse , then they doe in other places for hay , oats , and bread . and further , if the courtyer bee a poore gentleman , and that he would feast and banquet his friends or companions , he shall spend at one dinner or supper so much that he shal be constrained to faste a whole weeke after . therefore if the courtyer will be well vsed in following of the courte , hee must not onely knowe , and speake to , also loue , and inuite at times , the butchers , vittlers , fruitrers , keepers , and fosters , fishmongers , and poultrers , and other purueyers of the same : : of whom hee shall alwayes haue asmuch neede of his prouision , as he shal haue neede of the iudges to shewe him iustice when hee shall neede it . for meate , bread , wine , wood , haye , oats , and strawe , are commonly very deare it court ; for fewe of all these things are to bee bought in court , but of others infinit things to be solde , to profite and gayne the poore courtyers , that else had no shift to liue . and yet is there a little more trouble in court , and that is : that continually letters are sent to the courtier from his friendes , to obtaine of the prince or his counsell , his dispatch in his priuate affaires , or for his seruants or tenants , or other his friends . and many times these sutes are so ill welcome to the courtyer , that hee had rather haue pleasured his friend with a piece of mony , then they should haue layde vpon him so weightie a matter . and besides this , there is yet another trouble : that the bringer of this letter must needes lye at the courtyers house attending his dispatch : so that the courtyer delaying his friends busines , augmenteth his griefe , and keeping the messenger there , increaseth his charge . and if perchance his busines be not dispatched , and the suite obtained , those that wrote to him will not thinke hee left it off , for that hee would not do it or take paines therin : but for that he wanted fauour and credite , or at least were very negligent in following their cause . and that that vexeth them throghly yet is , that their parents and friends thinke ( which are in the countrey farre from court , that this courtyer hath all the courtyers at his commaundement , that he may say and doe what he will there . and therefore his friendes , when they haue occasion to employ him in court , and that they write vnto him , touching their affayres : and that hee hath now taken vpon him the charge and burden of the same , seeing himselfe after vnable to discharge that hee hath enterprised , and cannot as hee would satisfie his friends expectation : then hee falleth to dispaire , and wysheth hee had beene dead when hee first tooke vpon him this matter , and that hee made them beleeue he could goe through with that they had committed to him , beeing vnpossible for him hauing small credite and estimation ' amongst the nobilitie and councellours . therefore i would neuer councell him that hath brethren , friendes , or other neere kinsfolkes in court , to goe seeke them out there , albeit they had matters of great weight and importance : on hope to be dispatched the sooner , by their credit , fauour , and suite . and for this cause , for that in court there is euer more priuate malice and enuie , then in other places : wherefore they cannot bee reuenged , the one of the other , but must tarry a time : and when they see opportunitie , they set in foote to ouerthrowe , and secretly to put backe theyr aduersaries suite . now loe , these things , and other infinite plagues doe light vpon these vnfortunate courtiers , incredible happely to anie , but the olde and experienced courtyer . if the old and wise courtier would count all the fauours and mischances : the dearth and abundance : the frendships and enmities : the contentation and displeasures : and the honor & infamy hee hath endured in the court : i belieeue assuredly we should not be a little sorrie for that bodie that had suffered so much : but much more for that heart that had abidden all those stormes and broyles . when the courtyer seeth that hee is not heard of the prince , nor spoken to of the beloued and fauoured of the court : and that the treasurer doeth not dispatch him , and the cofferer keepe backe his wages : it is a miserie to see him , and on the other side , a pleasure and pastime to heare what he sayes : cursing the wretched life of this world . and euen then , in his heate and rage , he teareth and blasphemeth god : and sweares accursedly , that thenceforth hee will forsake the vaine abuses of courte , and leaue also the trompries of the deceitfull world , avowing to enclose himself within precinct of religious walles , and to take vpon him also religious habite . alas , if i fetched as many sighes for my sinnes , as courtyers doe for their mishaps and disgraces : what a number would they come to ? for a courtyer , incontinent that hee feeleh himselfe sicke , that hee is alone , and reiected of his friendes in court , hee becommeth so heauie and pensiue , that with his deepe sighes , he pierceth the heauens on hye : and with his flowing teares he moystneth the earth below . so that a man might more easily number the troubles of the stout and hardy hercules then those which the courtyer daily suffreth . and besides those manie wee haue recyted , yet further , these also we can recite : that their seruaunts robbe them : their purse-bearers consume their money : ieasters & counterfait knaues lye euer vpon their reward : women picke their purses , and strumpets & bawds spoile them of all . but what shal i say more to you ? if the poore courtyer be full of feathers , euery man plumes him : but if he want winges , there is no man hastie to plume him . and to conclude , in princes courts you shall finde no such trade of life , whereby you may satisfie euery man : for if the courtier speake little , they will say he is but a foole , and if hee bee too large of tongue , they will say he is a glorious foole , if he bee free in expences , they will say hee is a prodigal foole , if he be scarce of his purse , they will say he is a couetous miser , if hee be alone , and solitary at home , they wil account him an hypocrite : and if hee visite others oft , they will say hee is a bold and troublesome man , if he haue any train of men following on him , they will say , he is a proud man , and if hee goe without company , that hee is poore and miserable . so that of court , this may rightly be sayde : that it is a very theater , where one mocketh & grinneth at another , and yet in the end they ( all in a manner ) finde themselues scorned and deceyued . now discoursing also of sleepe , doth the courtier alwayes sleepe as much as he will ? no surely , but as much as hee may . and touching his meate , hath hee alwayes that hee liketh ? no truely , but he is forced to be contented with that he hath . and as for his apparrell , is hee clothed according to his will ? no , no , but according to others fansies . o vnhappy courtier , that he spendeth the most part of his miserable life , in combing his head , washing his beard , wearing fayre and braue house : varnishing his sword and dagger , blacking his bootes , prouiding him of cloakes , buying him cappes , furring him gownes , and fitting himself with other small and needfull trifles : wasting in them all his owne goods , and that of his friendes . i am not of that mind and opinion that others are , that say there are none in so great liberty as courtiers bee , which should not bee sayde , and much lesse credited , sith wee see by dayly proofe , if they be in seruice , they are as slaues . if they bee not in seruice with the king , or other noble men , they liue in poor estate . now let every man say what hee will , where pouerty raigneth there liberty can haue no place . and there is nothing in the world deerer , then that wee buy with intreaty , and not with money . and therefore we must confesse , that princes courts are meeter to exercise the youth , then for the aged to liue there without rest : for young men haue more hardines , to away with the paines and troubles of the court , then they haue yeares , to seeke the griefes and displeasures , they receyue thereby . now goe to the court that list , procure office and authority that will : for hitherto , i neuer met or spake with man that was contented with the court : for if he bee crept in fauour , he feareth euery houre to fall , and lose his credit : if euer hee bee once out of fauour , and in disgrace , he despaireth , hee shall neuer returne againe into fauour ; and if he that goeth to the sea , committeth himselfe first to god before hee take ship ; much more ought hee to doe it , that goeth to dwell in court : for in the sea , of a hundred ships , there doe not perish ten : but of a thousand courtiers , there commeth not three in fauour . chap. ii. of courtiers braules and quarrels , with the harbingers for ill lodging . after lucullus the romane his returne from asia , in an oration hee made before the senate , hee sayde thus : i sweare vnto you by the immortall gods ( fathers conscript ) that in all this my iourney i felt no paine , nor trouble , neyther for the conduct and gouernement of mine army , nor for the rebellion of the people , nor for the absence of my friends , nor for the warre of the enemies , neyther for the long time , nor yet for the perill of my life : for all these things are incident to souldiers and men of warre , and common to rulers in peace . but if you bee desirous to know what was my trouble , and that which grieued mee most , it was on the remembrance of the quiet rest i had at home : for as you know right well ( sacred senate ) during the time as a man lodgeth in other mens houses , hee is neuer at liberty . and this word of lucullus me thinketh euery courtier might well apply to himselfe , for that hee is alwayes bound to doe seruice to the master of the house where hee lodgeth , yea although hee receyue a thousand iniuries of him : yet therefore it is not lawfull for him to anger or displease him in any thing : therefore in very ill and vnlucky howre is the courtier arriued , when he must take his iorney in stead of rest , trauell for quietnes , misery for aboundance , bondage for liberty , and paine for pleasure . and albeit courtiers abide many paines and troubles , yet this mee thinketh is the greatest , and least tollerable , when they must be lodged : reasoning of the paines , displeasures , fortunes & mishaps that men suffer . little is that my penne doth write herein , & much lesse that my tongue doth speake in comparison of that the wofull heart doth abide . o how many things are there , that are felt euen at the very bottome of the heart , and yet dare not the tongue once vtter them ? truly , how poor a house soeuer the courtier hath in the country , hee shoulde more esteeme it , then the best lodging that euer hee met with in court ; or else where . for at home he doth and commaundeth all that hee will : but in an other mans house , hee must take all that is giuen him . a pilgrime or traueller shal come into a city , where he shal see faire and goodly churches , stately buildinges , rich gates , high wals , paued streetes , large market places , prouision inough aboundance of victuals , and numbers of strangers : and when hee hath seen all this , hee doth so little esteeme of them , that to returne againe to his poore home , hee trauelleth though it be all the night . and therefore wee should not wonder at those , that doe not greatly stray from their house , and that are but seldome in many places : but wee might well haue him in suspition , that continualy wandreth through strange countries and houses : for notwithstanding the great wonders he seeth : & the great conuersation of amity , hee hath , or can finde , yet in the ende they are only the eies that are fed with the sight of other things , and not the hart that is contented with his owne : and also to see in princes courtes great treasure and riches , bringes vs cōmonly more griefe then delight : & the more his eyes are fed with view of faire dames of courte , and princely pompe thereof , the greater sorrow assaulteth his heart , hee may not still enioy the same , and therefore the renowmed focion , the athenian captain , answered once certaine men , that said there were to bee solde in the market-place of athens goodly stones , and rich iewells worthy the sight , howbeit hard to be bought , beeing helde at so hie a price by the merchant that solde them . from my first youth ( saide this philosopher ) i made an oath , neuer to goe see any citie , vnlesse it were to conquer it , and yeeld it subiect to mee : neither to goe see iewells , that i could not buye . the great emperour traiane was much commended , for that he neuer tooke toye in his head , to goe see any thing , but for one of these . causes , that is to say : eyther to imitate that he saw , to buy it , or else clearely to conquer it . oh worthy wordes of focion and traiane , and very meete to be noted and retained . now to speake more particularly of the troubles daily heaped on their necks that follow the court , and that are to be lodged in diuers places , and strange houses . i say that if the poore courtyer doe depart at night from the court , to repayre to his lodging , hee findeth oft times the host of his house and other his guests at home , already in theyr beds , and fast a sleepe : so that it happeneth sometimes he is faine to goe seeke his bed in another place , for that night . and also if he should rise early in the morning , to followe his matters : or to wayte vpon his lord or master , his host perhappes and his housholde are not yet awake , nor styrring to open him the doore . and further , if his hoste be angrie and displeased , and out of time : who shall let him to locke his doores , the day once shutte in ? and who should compell him to open his dores before it be brode day ? truely , it is a great hap to be well lodged about the courte , and much more to meete with an honest hoste . for it hapneth oft , that the great pleasure and contentation we receiue , being lodged in a faire lodging is lightly taken from vs , by the harde intreatie , and streight vsage of the hoste of the same . and in this is apparant , the vanity , fondnes , and lightnes of some courtyers , that rather desire , and seeke for a faire and pleasaunt lodging : then for a good and profitable . the ambition of the courtyer is now growne to so great a follie , that hee desireth rather a faire lodging for his pleasure , then a commodious or profitable for his familie . for admit the harbinger doe giue them a good and commodious lodging , if it be not sightly to the eye , and stand commodiously , they can not like of it , by no meanes . so that to content them , the fouriers must needs prouide them of a faire lodging to the eye , though little handsome to lodge in : and yet sometimes they will hard and scant be pleased with that . and if the courtyer be of reputation , and beloued in courte , i pray you what payne and trouble shall the poore harbinger haue to content his minde , and to continue in his fauour ? for , before master courtyer will be resolued which of the . lodgings he will take : the faire and most honorable , or the meane and most profitable , he bleedeth at the nose for anger , and his heart beates and leaps a thousand times in his bodie . for , his person would haue the good and commodious lodging : and his follie , the pleasaunt and faire . i neuer saw dead man complaine of his graue , nor courtyer content with his lodging . for , if they giue him a hall , hee will say it wanteth a chimney , if they giue him a chamber , hee will say it lacketh an inner-chamber : if they giue him a kitchen hee will say , it is too low and smoaky , and that it wanteth a larder , if they giue him a stable , that it wanteth a spence or storehouse , if they giue him the best and chiefest parts of the house , yet hee sayeth , he wanteth small and little houses of office , and if hee haue accesse to the well , he must also haue the commodity of the base-court . and in fine , if they giue him a low paued hall , to coole and refresh him in summer , hee will also haue a high borded chamber for the winter , and possible hee shall not haue so many roomes at home in his owne house , as he will demaund in his lodging abroad . and therefore many thinges suffereth the courtier in his owne house , that he will not beare with all in an inne , or an other mans house . and it may bee also , that the harbingers haue prouided them of a fayre and goodly lodging , where hee shall commaund both master , stuffe , and al other things in the house : and yet the courtier shall mislike of it , finding fault it is too farre from the court , & reputeth it halfe a dishonour , and an impairer of his credit , to be lodged so farre off , since others that are beloued , and in fauour in court in deede , lye hard adioyning to the court , or at the least not farre of : for this is an olde sayde saying , the neerest lodged to the court , commonly the best esteemed of the prince . i haue seene many courtiers offer large gifts and rewards , to intreate the harbingers to lodge them neere the court : but i neuer saw any that desired to be lodged neere the church ; and this commeth , for that they rather glory to be right courtiers , then good christians . and therefore blondus reciteth in his booke de declinatione imperit , that a grecian called narsetes ( a captain of iustinian the great ) was wont to say oft , that he neuer remembred he went to the sea , nor entred into the pallace , not beganne any battell , nor counselled of warres , nor mounted on horsebacke , but that first hee went to the church and serued god. and therefore by the doings and saying of narsetes , wee may gather that euery good man ought rather to incline to bee a good christian , then to giue himselfe to armes and chiualry to be a right courtier . it hapneth many times , that after the courtier bee come to his lodging , hee liketh of it well , and is well pleased with all : but when hee hath beene in others lodgings , and hath looked vpon them , straight way hee falleth out of liking of his owne , and thinketh himselfe ill lodged to others . and this misliking groweth not of his ill lodging but of an inward malice and spite hee hath , to see his enemy preferred to a better then his owne : for such is the secret hate and enuy , in princes courts ( a thing common to courtiers ) that they disdaine not onely to thanke the harbingers for their care taken of them , in placing them in good lodgings : but they must also complaine and speake ill of them , for the good lodgings they haue giuē to their aduersaries , and companions better then that of theirs . there is also a foule disorder in court among the harbingers , in appointing lodgings : and little modesty besides in courtiers in as king them : for such there are , that many times , neyther they , nor their parents haue any such lodgings at home in their owne houses , as they will demand only for their horsekeepers and seruants : but the great pain of the court is yet , that such nouels as come newly to the court , they say they are of great estimation in the countrey , rich and of an ancient house , and his father of great authority and estimation ; and when the truth is knowne , his fathers authority , and first estimation was , of good labourers , and husbandmen , their onely rents and reuenues consist , in that they gote by the dayly swet and labour of their persons , and their power and ability , in the rents of an other mans goods , and their liberty , in seruice and subiection of those that gaue them wages , and hired them by the day . and would to god their bloud were not tainted with some other notable blot . there is a plague also in the court which alwayes dureth , and neuer leaueth court , & that is , that those that are alwayes least worth , and are of least calling , doe presume , and take vpon them most , and also are worst to please of all others . and this they doe ( their power being small ) that they would supply , that in wordes & countenance , which they want in deeds and effects . ilye if i saw not once in the country of aragon , a gentleman that hired a whole house , where himselfe and his family were very well lodged , and commodiously : & after that i remēbred , i met with him in castilla , where he could not content himself with the charge of eight houses , besides his first hee was appointed to : and the occasion was , for that in aragon hee payed for that house hee had , and for these he payed nothing : so that of an others purse , euery man coueteth to shew his magnificence , and to declare his follies : but whē they defray their own charge they are as hard as flint , and goe as neere to worke as may be - it is very true , that if there be any disorder and trouble to bee lodged in the court , it commeth also for the most part of the harbingers , without whom the courtiers could neuer be well lodged , although the prince had commaunded they should be lodged neere him . albeit in the court a man may easily exempt himselfe from the princes counsell , and iustice of the same , hauing no sutes there , and from the counsel and affayres of wars , being no captaine : from the sinod of the spirituality , being no ecclesiasticall person : and from that of the indians , going to no magitians , from the conuentions of marchants , keeping safely their marchandise : and from the correction of the lord high marshall of the court , not being foolish and insolent : yet neuerthelesse , there is no courtier ( be hee neuer so high or great in fauour ) that can auoyde himselfe from the harbingers authority , but hee must needs come vnder his lee , being in their power to dispose the lodgings as they thinke good : to lodge them honourably or meanely , to please or displease them , to lodge , or dislodge them . and if the courtier happen at any time to quarrell , or fall out with them : i warrant him he shal be remembred of the harbingers in his lodging , and possibly a horsekeeper ( yea perhapps his enemy ) shall bee better lodged then he , or else hee may seeke his lodging in the streets , where he will : for all other iniuries or offences in courte , whatsoeuer , the courtier may easilie redresse them by iustice , but for those he receiueth of the harbinger , he must take them quietly , and be contented with them : for otherwise we shoulde not only offend them , but iniure our selues , & make them prouide vs of no lodging : so hereby wee should vtterly be dislodged , & vnprouided . and therfore they beare with many thinges in that office , which they would not doe in any other office : as for example : those kind of officers must be much made of , of others well intreated , accōpanied , feasted , flattred , folowed , yea many times serued and wayted vpon . i meane in seruing their turne , annointing their hands , and alwayes enriching their gloues with sompeece of gold or siluer : and alas the silly courtier that hath not such soueraign ointment in his boxe , to cure these aboue recited sores , but onely to serue his owne turne : if hee be not his kinsman , or neare allyed , let him yet at least get acquainted with him , and make him his friend : an easie thing to bring to passe , if hee doe not vexe him , nor giue him ouerthwart language , and sometimes he must inuite him to dinner and supper : for in the court there is no goodnes gotten , neyther by the king , by the beloued , by the noble men , by the honourable of his councell , treasurers , nor yet by the harbingers , but in suffering them , and doing them alwaies good and acceptable seruice . and if perchance the harbingers wrong you , and doe you displeasure , or that they should say , you were troublesome and importunate : yet be you wise for to beare with them in any case , & seeme not to heare them : for what loseth the courtier , if hee beare now and-then with a few crooked words at the harbingers hands ? marry by forforbearing them , he happily commeth to be lodged the better . suppose the courtier bee not alwayes lodged to his mind and desire , should he immediately complaine of them , or murmur at them ? no sure , he he should but so doing shew himselfe of small education . for what skilleth it , though among many poundes of good meate , the butcher sometimes mingle a morsell of liuer , lungs , or lights of the beast . and therefore a man should not blame the poore harbingers so much as they doe : for they are not commanded of the king to build new lodgings , but such as they are , to diuide them among the traine of his court : so that they do lodge courtiers in such as they finde , and not in those they would , adding thereto , that they haue regarde vnto their estates and demerits , and not to the affections and willes of the persons they lodge . for it were more reason they should appoint the greatest and best lodgings , to the noblest pesonages , & eldest seruants of court , then to the late and new come courtier , whose youth can better away with an ill nights lodging , then the gray hayres of the old courtier . otherwise , the seruice of the olde courtier that hath spent his young yeeres in princes courts ( to the great paine and trouble of their persons ) and in his seruice , should for guerdon bee payde with ingratitude , if hee should not be preferred to the best commodious lodging for his ease , and also the first to be aduanced by the prince before the young seruiture . now if it be honest and reasonable , that the harbinger haue greate consideration to the merites of him that hee lodgeth : euen so it is fitte , the courtier should weigh the presse of the court , and incommodious place , where the harbingers are constrained to lodge them : knowing that to day the court remoueth to such a place where there are happily sixe thousand houses , and to morrow perhaps there are not a thousand , therefore if in such a place hee find but narrow fustian to make him a doublet : let him take patience till such time as they remoue to another place , where they shall finde broad cloath inough to make them large clokes . chap. iii. how the courtier should entreate his host or master of the house where hee , lyeth . the good and ciuill courtier must also entreate his hoast well where he lieth : for else , if hee come into his lodging brauling , and thretning , it may be , that besides hee will keepe his heart and good cheare secret frō him , he will not also open his chamber dores to him . there are in the court such hare-braines and vnvndiscreet persons , that haue so little regard and respect to their honest hosts , that they doe nothing in their lodgings , but reuell and keepe ill rule , and do euen what they list , as though the house were theirs to commaund , and not giuen them onely for lodging : whereof springs two exceeding euils , the one that they offend god : and the other , that the prince is also il serued . for the house is not giuen them to commaund , but onely appointed for them to lodge in . we reade in the life of the emperour seuerus , that he ordained in rome , that if the owner of the house did intreate his guest and stranger ill , or that he did him hurt or displeasure , the stranger should accuse him before the iustice , but in no wise braule nor quarrell with him in his owne house : plutarch in his politikes also reciteth , that in the temples of the gods , in the realme of dace , there was no liberty or safety for malefactors , saue in their their owne proper houses , which serued them for their only refuge , and inuiolable assurance : for they thoght that within the entry and gates of the same , none other but the lords and masters of the house might pretend any iurisdiction or segnory . now , if among the daces , no officer or iustice could lay hold , or punish any man , so long as hee kept his , house : mee thinketh it is against all reason and humanity , that the courtier should once offer his host an iniurious or vnseemely word . plato being one day reproued of his friends , for that hee would not rebuke his host denis the siracusian , who at the first receyued him very courteouslie , and afterwards vsed him ill : answered them thus . my friend , to be angry with fools that shew vs pleasure , to take reuenge of children , whom wee haue brought vs , to beate a woman , with whom we must bee familiar , and to braue and braule with those , in whose houses we are lodged , neyther the philosophers of greece ought to counsell him , nor the noble heart once to thinke to doe it . i cannot deny , but that there are some hostes very rude and vnciuill , that it is in maner an impossible thing to bring him to any honesty or ciuilitie . howbeit , notwithstanding , i would wish the noble and worthy courtier to take in iest , all the wrongs and iniuries done , or sayde to him by his host , or at the least to seeme , as though he heard them , not at all , otherwise , from the day the courtier falleth out with him , hee may euen withall thinke presently to depart his house , and to seeke him a new lodging : for hee can neuer bee quiet in his lodging , where the goodman of the house , and hee cannot agree . and wheresoeuer the fine courtier shall lodge , let him neuer sticke at the charges of a locke to his chamber-dore , a hatch to the window , a degree or two to the stayres , a rope for the well , a harth to the chimney , nor for a casemēt to the window : for these are but trifles , and they cost little though he leaue them to the house : yet with these trifles hee bindeth his host , and makes him beholding vnto him . also hee may not forget somtime , to send home cates to his hoast , and to inuite him to dinner to him , and likewise if his hoast did present him with any thing , hee must accept it in very good part , and thanke him much for it : for other while , by small presents , great friendshippe is obtained . the discreete courtier must also forbid his pages and seruants to come into his hosts garden , to spoyle his fruit , or to gather his flowers , to steale his hennes , or to breake any thing of his : that they pull not vp the pauements of the house , paint his walles with coles or chalke , that they robbe not his doue-house , nor make any noyse to steale his coneyes , to breake his glasse windows , and to hurt or marre any thing about his house : for if many times they refuse to lodge strangers in their houses , it is not for want of lodging , or that the masters should comber them : but for the displeasures and shrewde turnes they receyue by their pages , and seruants daily : yet shall chance many times that a citizen that hath a faire new house , goodly white wals , and trimly painted , shall haue a courtier come to lodge in his house , that shal haue such a traine with him of seruants , young children and their nephewes , which are so foolish , proud , and so rechles : that they breake the formes , throw downe tables , paint and bedawd the walls , beate downe dores , runne thorough the seelings , steale the birdes , and doe a thousand other mischiefes and vnhappy turnes , so that the poore owner of the house had rather lodge an other time egyptians & beggers , then such rude and harmeful courtiers . and therefore i haue seene in the court , by reason of the seruants disorder , and ill rule , the masters commonly ill lodged , lodgings denied them , or after they had them to bee quite taken from them . one of the necessariest things a courtier should haue , is to keepe quiet and well conditioned seruants : otherwise it is to bee thought ( as indeed the common saying is ) the house to be ill gouerned , where the family & seruants are so ill conditioned and disordered . and touching this matter , aulus gelius , de noctibus atticis sayth , that when cornelius gracchus was returned to rome , after hee had been consull a great while in the isles baleares , hee sayde these wordes before all the senate . you know ( fathers conscript ) i haue beene chiefe iustice and consull thirteene yeares : during all which time i sweare to you by the immortall gods , that to my knowledge i neuer did wrong to any mā , neyther any seruant of mine displeasure to any , nor done any thing that was not lawfull to bee done in the house where i lay . phalaris the tyrant , when he receiued any displeasure of the agrigentines , hee caused his seruants to lodge in their houses with them , for the one and the other were so wicked , so vnthrifty , such quarrellers and brawlers , that he could not worke them a greater spight nor displeasure , then for to lodge them here and there in their houses . there bee also in the court some courtiers , that are esteemed of euery man to bee of so euill behauiour and demeanour , their seruants and family of such lewd and naughty conditions , that their hosts are throughly resolued eyther not to receyue them into their houses , or if they bee compelled to it , to absent themselues for the time of their being there : rather then to suffer such iniuries and wronges , as they are sure they must take at their hands . the courtier must consider that sometimes hee hath need of a bottell of water to drinke , a broom to sweepe his chamber , a platter or dish to serue him withall , of a table cloth and napkins , and of a towell for his hands , and his face , of a stoole to sit on , and some kettle for the kitchin : and in such case he should charge his seruaunts courteously to aske these things of his host , and not to take them perforce and vnasked . euery man desireth to bee master in his owne house , and bee hee brother , cosen , or friend , hee will not suffer him to beare as much rule in his owne house , as himselfe . so that hee will be lesse offended with the hurt & losse of those things that he hath lent , and were gently asked him : then with those , which vnknowne to him by force , and against his wil , they haue taken from him , yea though they doe bring thē afterwards whole & sound againe . and this our liberty is so much set by , that we shall see sometimes a man for his pleasure , play and lose a hundred crownes of gold , and say neuer a word : and on the other side , if one breake the least glasse in his house , hee will cry , and rage to the heauens , i remember when i was a courtier , and went to visite an other courtier , a friend of mine , that was sicke in his lodging . i fell a chiding , and rebuking the host , for that i found him exclayming and crying out of the pages , which playing at the ball , had broken him a little lampe of glasse , and he answered me thus : i cry not sir , for the losse of my lampe , which is a halfe penny matter , nor for the oyle that they spilt , worth a farthing , but onely for the liberty they rob me of , and for the small account they make of me . the good and wise courtier may not bee too familiar with his hosts wife , nor suffer his seruants to bee busie with the maides of the house , more then to speake to them for their necessaries : for in this case , they should lesse hurt the master of the house , to ransacke and spoyle his house , and all that he had in it , then to take from him his honour and good name . to cast the beds on the flower , to breake the dores and windowes , to vnpaue the stone , to paint and blacke the walles , or to make any noyse in the house , are all of them things , yet sometimes tollerable , though not honest nor ciuill : but to take his wife , and to abuse her , it is neyther lawfull nor possible to dissemble it , much lesse to suffer it : for it were too much shame & reproch to the husband to abide it , & high treasō and crime abominable for the courtier to doe it . now since men are frayle , and that they cannot , nor will not subdue their passions and filthy motions of the flesh , there wanteth notwithstanding , not women in princes courts , whose loue and friendship they may easily embrace , which though they were all commanded to auoyde the court , and the verge of the court , yet it could not be chosen , but some might secretly continue still in court , to entertaine the courtly courtiers . for if in the court , there bee kept a table of play two moneths onely in the yeare , all the yeare long besides they finde the streetes full stored of common women , when the yeare is most plentifull , and fruitfull of all thinges , yet still there lacketh some prouision of victuals in the court , but of such women , there is neuer no want , but rather to many . and therefore wee haue not sayde without great reason , that it were too much treason and dishonestie for the courtyer to fall in loue with his hostesse : for in doing it , hee should doe her husband too much wrong , defame the wife , and offend her friendes and neighbors , and vtterly vndo himselfe . for suetonius tranquillus reciteth , that iulius caesar caused a captaine of his to be beheaded , onely for slaundering and defaming of his hostesse , the which he did not , tarying for the complaint of her husband , nor the accusation of any other . and the emperour aurelianus , seeing one of his men at a windowe one day pulling his hostosse by the sleeue , caused his hand to bee striken off immediately : althogh both his hostesse and he swore , he did it but in ieast , and to no other intent . plutarch in his booke de matrimonio saith : that there was a law among the licaonians , that if any stranger did but onely talke with his hostesse , his toung should bee cut out of his head , and if hee had passed further , that he should then loose his head . macrobius also in his saturnales , reciteth , that amongst the romaines it was reputed a great infamie , if any man came , and praysed the beautie and manners of the mistresse of the house , where he lodged : for , in praising her , hee lets them vnderstand he knew her : and knowing her , he spake to her , and speaking to her , he opened his heart to her , and this doing , hee planely defamed her , and made her to be euill reported of . aulus gellius writeth , that the like punishment was inflicted on him that had carnall participation with any of the vestall virgines : the selfe same was also executed on him that procured any infamie to his hostesse , where he was lodged . which punishment was , eyther to be cut in the middest , and quartred in foure partes , or else to bee stoned to death aliue . the good courtyer must also haue an other great regarde , and that is , to commaund his seruants to looke well to his ryding-apparell , and such as are lent him of courtyers , to weare otherwhiles , to see that it be kept clean , and well-brushed , and aboue all safely deliuered where it was borrowed . for commonly the hors-keepers haue the horses lowsing-cloathes and theyr maisters foote-cloath more neate and cleanly , then the groomes and pages of the chamber haue his apparrell : and this proceeds of their great sloth and negligence . and truely this passeth the bounds of shamefast degree : yea , and commeth much to charge the courtyers conscience , the smal account he hath , so to let his garments and apparrell , and all other his moueables , to bee spoyled and lost . and this happeneth very oft by the negligence of their pages & seruants : which now throweth them about the chambers , dragges them vppon the ground : now sweepes the house with them , now they are full of dust , then tattred and torne in pieces : here their hose seam-rent , there their shooes broken : so that if a poore man come afterwards to buye them , to sell againe , it will rather pitie those that see them , then giue them any courage to buye them . wherfore the courtyer ought not to bee so carelesse , but rather to thinke vppon his owne things , and to haue an eye vnto them . for , if he goe once a day to his stable to see his horses , how they are kept and looked too , hee may likewise also take another day in the weeke , when hee may finde leysure to see his wardroppe , how his apparell lyeth . but what pacience must a poor man take , that lendeth his implemēts & apparrell to the courtiers ? that neuer layeth them abroad a sunning , to beate out the dust of them , nor neuer layeth them in water , to wash & white them , be they neuer so foule . and albeit the beds and other implements lent to the courtier , bee not of any great value , yet it is not fitte they should be throwne at their tayle , and kept filthily : for as charily and daintily doth a poore labouring , and hus , bandman keepe his woollen coverlet , and setteth as much by it , as doth the iolly courtier by his quilt , or ouerpaine of silke . and it chanceth oft times also that though at a neede the poore mans bed costeth him lesse money , then the rich mans bed costeth him : yet doth it serue him better , then the rich and costly bed serueth the gentleman or nobleman . and this to be true , we see it by experience , that the poore husbandman or citizen sleepeth commonly more quietly , and at his case , in his poore bedde and cabben , with sheetes of towe , then doth the lord or rich courtier , lying in his hanged chamber and bed of sickenesse , wrapped in his finest holland sheetes , who still sigheth and complaineth . and finally , wee conclude , that then when the court remoueth , and that the courtier departeth from his lodging where he lay , hee must with all courtesie thanke the good man and good wife of the house for his good lodging , and courteous intertainment hee hath had of them , and must not sticke also to giue them somewhat for a remembrance of him , and besides , giue certaine rewards among the maides and men seruants of the house , according to their ability , that he may recompence them for that is past , and winne their fauour for that is to come . chap. iiii. what the courtiers must doe to win the princes fauour . diodorus siculus saith that the honour & reuerence the egyptians vsed ordinarily to their princes was so great , that they seemed rather to worship them , then to serue them , for they could neuer speake to them , but they must first haue licence giuen them . when it hapned any subiect of egypt to haue a suite to their prince , or to put a supplication to them , kneeling to them , they sayde these words : soueraigne lorde , and mightie prince , if it may stand with your highnesse fauour and pleasure , i will boldly speake , if not i will presume no further , but hold my peace . and the selfe reuerence and custom had towards god , moses , aaron , tobias , dauid , salomon , and other fathers of egypt , making like intercessiō when they spake with god , saying , domine , mi rex , si inueni gratiam in oculis tuis , loquar ad dominummeum . o my lord and king , if i haue found fauour in thy sight , i will speake vnto thee : if not , i will keepe perpetuall silence : for there is no seruice ill , when it is gratefull and acceptable to him , to whom it is done : as to the contrary none good , when it pleaseth not the party that is serued : for if he that serueth be not in his masters fauor he serueth , he may wel take paine to his vndoing , without further hope of his good wil or recompence . wherfore touching that i haue said , i inferre , that hee that goeth to dwell and abide in the court , must aboue all , endeuour himselfe all hee can to obtaine the princes fauour , and obtaining it , hee must study to keepe him in his fauour : for it should little preuaile the courtier to bee beloued of all otherr , and of the prince onely to be misliked . and therefore alcamidas the grecian , being once aduertised by a friend of his , that the athenians did greatly thirst for his death , and the thebans desired his life : hee answered him thus : if those of athens thirst for my death , and them of thebes likewise desiring my life , i can but bee sorry and lament . howbeit yet , if k. philip my soueraigne lord and master , holde me still in his grace and fauour , and repute me for one of his beloued , i care not if all greece hate & maligne me , yea , and lye in waite for me . indeed sir , it is a great thing to get into the princes fauour , but when he hath gotten it , doubtlesse it is a harder matter to know how to keepe it : for to make them loue vs , and to win their fauour , wee must doe a thousand manner of seruices : but to cause them to hate and dislike of vs , the least displeasure in the world sufficeth . and therefore the paine and trouble of him that is in fauour in the court is great , if hee once offend , or bee in displeasure : for albeit the prince do pardon him his fault , yet he neuer after returneth into his fauor againe : so that to conclude , hee that once onely incurreth his indignation , hee may make iust reckoning neuer after , or maruellous hardly to be receyued againe into fauour . therefore sayeth the diuine plato in his bookes de republica , that to be a king and for to raigne , to serue and to be in fauour , to fight , and to ouercome , are three impossible thinges , which neyther by mans knowledge , nor by any diligence can be obtained : onely remaining in the hands , and disposing of fickle fortune , which doth deuide , and giue them where it pleaseth her , and to whom she fauoureth best . and truely plato had reason in his saying , for to serue , and to be beloued is rather happe and good fortune : then industry or diligence . since wee see oft times , that in the court of princes , those that haue serued but three yeares onely , shall bee sooner preferred and aduanced , then such one , as hath serued perhaps . or . yeares , or possible all his life time . and further , hee shall bee both displaced , and put out of seruice , by meanes of the other . and this proceeds not through his long and faithfull seruice hee hath done , but onely by reason of the good happe that followeth him . although plato telleth , that to gette realmes and seigniories , to ouercome battels , and to be fauoured and beloued of princes , be things graunted to vs , rather by hazard and fortune , then by force of good works and laudable actes , or by long toyling in painefull seruice : yet the noble and stout heart therefore should not cease at any time to enterprise , and manfully to execute in euery occasion presented to him , to atchieue to fame , and honour : neyther for any pain and labour to lose the hope to obtaine his pretended purpose : for men sometimes lose many things , rather through timerousnes , and want of audacity , then for that they lacke good happ or fortune . to see in the court of princes some to bee richer , more honoured , more noble , more esteemed , better beloued , more wayted vpon , better serued , and better welcome then others , and more seared then others : we may by these tokēs know , that fortune hath not vsed to reward those with such fauours and preferments , which liue at home idely , and much lesse courtiers , who liue in court with all pleasure and delicacie , wherewith they are neuer wearied . let no man bee so fond to thinke that fortune is so bountifull and liberall , that for his authority or onely thought , shee will be once moued to lift him out of misery , to exalt him to higher place and dignity , without som secret and priuate respect had to his vertue : for when shee many times vpon a suddaine rayseth any to high and great estate , it commeth by the merites of him that is exalted , or thorow the displeasure of him that is throwne downe , in whose roome she hath placed an other in fauour with her . as wee reade of iulius emilius , for a time high in fauour , and afterwards in great disgrace with the emperour constantius , in whose place and roome succeeded afterwards an other named alexander , who beeing one day reproued by some of his friendes of ingratiude towards them ( that saide they were causers and furtherers of his honour and preferment ) aunswered them in this manner : masters , if i am come into such fauour with the emperour , my good and gracious lord , succeeding in the place of emilius , truly it was more by reason of his deserued fall , then by your obtained means or requests : fortune and his heauy destiny , hauing so willed & ordained it , more to ouerthrow and displace him of his room and credit he was in , then to aduance and preferre mee to the same . the which i say , to aduise the citizen and gentleman that goeth to the court to be a courtier , to the end hee be not fickle headed , and light of beleefe , to thinke that immediately he shall come to such authority , that he may easily commaund all that he will : neyther that hee should so much despayre , and be hopelesse , but that by time ( in seruing well ) he might come to be in as great fauour , as any other about the prince . wee see dayly such change and alterations in the common-weale , and fortune to turne her vnstable wheele so oft , that many times the administration of the common weale is in his hands and rule , of whom before they made little or none account : and therefore i say to you , and againe returne to tell you , that the courtier that seeketh to come into his princes fauour , and to be beloued of him , and that coueteth to be well reputed of in court , must endeauour himselfe to bee very honest , and as neere as may be , faultlesse of life , and true and faithfull in his charge or office hee taketh vpon him : for the good opinion that men haue of a man , is euer the first degree to attaine to the princes fauour : for there is no man in the world , of whatsoeuer estate or condition hee bee , so vitious and lasciuious , but at the least hee desireth to haue an honest and vertuous man in his house : so that a man may say , that the good , and godly life is the readiest meane & way ( where euer the person be ) to bring him soonest into the princes fauour , and to make him to bee beloued generally . wherefore phalaris the tirant writing to an emulator of his , sayde these words vnto him : i confesse , thou art an honest man , but thou wilt not deny mee also , that all those thou keepest in thy house , be wicked persons , and of an euill life : a thing which in my house thou shalt finde all contrary : for although i am a tirant , at least yet i loue , that no ill disposed person eate bread in my house : so though i am laden with many vices : yet am i accompanied also with many wise and learned men . the diuine plato came from greece into scicilia , onely to see dionisius the syracusan , and not plato himselfe alone but also diuers other philosophers , in company with him , whom he did not onely honor and entreat well , but also sawe they wanted nothing fit , or necessary for them . many times dionisius was wont to say these words . i am captaine of the rhodians , sith i defend them from the affricans , and king of the affricans , because i gouerne them : and friend of the italians , because i offend them not : and father of the philosophers , because i help to relieue them in all their necessities : & the scicllians call mee a tyrant , because they see i leaue not to punish them , and keepe them vnder . by these two examples we may gather , that the tirants being friends to vertuous and honest men , much more and of necessity ought the good and iust princes to be . also the courtier must take great heed hee be not arrogant , and a lyer , a flatterer and dissembler : for those and such like faults are rather woods and by-paths , vtterly to lose a man : then a plaine high way to bring him into fauour and credit . and although by chance there haue beene some , that with all these faults haue notwithstanding crept into fauour : yet wee will shew them a hundred , that onely for those vices haue beene cast out of fauour and credit both : for commonly , all those that by the fauor of wicked princes beginne to bee great , and of some honour , and that study by all disshonest and vnlawfull meanes to continue and keepe themselues in credit and fauour : albeit for a time wee see them raigne and flourish in prosperity : yet that lasteth not long , neyther is it perpetuall , but a time commeth againe , when we see them fall , and quite cast of , to theyr great shame and vtter vndoing . there are many that knoweth and vnderstandeth the princes court but meanely , or not at all , which beleeue that for being well spoken , and being carefull and diligent in their busines and affayres , they should the sooner for that come in fauour and credite before others : but in the end their hope and imagination is nothing , not aunswering any thing their desire : for as there are in court many greene heades , and gracelesse couertures , which are of no reputation , nor any thing set by , neyther deseruing to bee well thought of : so are there many wise heades and beloued courtiers , greatly esteemed and reputed of . and this for their owne good demerites , and by meanes also of the others wicked abuse and disorder . sue tonius tranquillus reciteth , that scilla the consull , beeing a mortall enemy of the marians , ( of which faction was also iulius caesar ) sayde : that from caesars infancy , his wisedome made him more to bee feared and wondred at : then euer his stout and valiant courage he shewed . plutarch writing to tratan , sayde . i assure thee ( soueraigne prince ) i doe more esteeme and honour thy person , then i doe care for all thy empire besides : for i haue seene thee doe a thousand good things to deserue it , but i neuer saw thee once desirous to haue it . and sure in my opinion , i verily thinke there is no better alchemy in court , to grow to sodaine wealth , & to acquire the princes fauour : then that the fame of his good life should rather resound his praise to the prince thereby to make him knowne vnto him : then the respect of his noble house or progeny . that courtier also that craueth his princes grace , must take heed in any wise hee bee not companion with rash and hasty persons , whose vnstable heades mislike of euery state , still deprauing all other vertues . such fellow-mates and companyons , the wise courtyer must in any case refuse to be conuersant with . i must aduise him also , hee beware he be not rash of speeche , nor that he speake yll of any man. for , it is a right kinde of treason , to detract or backebyte our friends : and much more the prince , to whom wee wholly owe our dutie and alleageance . and therefore the wise and vertuous courtyer must flye from this company as farre as hee can , that are possessed with such vaine humours and passions of minde : for such kinde of men , will neuer counseli vs to serue well , nor to beware of liberall speaking , but will rather infect vs , and bring vs to their naughtie vaine humour , and make vs bee deemed as bad as themselues ( though wee be not so , ) onely for keeping them companie . like as in common-weales , there are seditious heads , which moue and and styrre vp the poore commons to rebellion : euen so in princes courts , there are the like factious heads , that seeke to winne good will of courtiers : and so to styrre vp their mindes also , to tumult and sedition : which because they haue no way to come vp , and grow in fauour , do detract , and speak ill of those that are in fauour and authoritie . one of these abiects , and inferior sort , shall go to the house of another , ( in like disgrace and discredite that himselfe is in : ) and there these companyons shall open theyr throates against the prince , and his court : saying : the king careth not for his subiects : talking of the high mindes and countenaunces of the beloued and fauoured of court : of the affections of the counsell , of the parciality and enmitie of the court : of the want of munition for warres , & of the fall and decay of the common-wealth : and thus with these leaud & vncomely discourses , they spend the long and dolefull nights of winters season ; and therewithall also , the long and hot sunnydayes of summers time . adrian the emp : being once in formed , that ther met and assembled together daily , at the house of one lucius turbon , a number of the seditious and factious sort of rome , which were offended with him , & conspired against him : to preuent them of insurrection , proclaymed presently through rome , and enacted it for a law , that all courtyers , that assembled there , should lose their heads , and all the romains should be banished . all this that we haue spoken , is to banish vices from princes courts if it may be : for now-adayes , as there are many houses of ordinarie tables , and and numbers of dycing-houses , for all manner of play : so is there also in the court , besides the groom-porters , other chambers where they meete , to murmur at each mans doings . and as there are some that say : goe , let vs goe to such a mans house , and there wee shall finde playe enough : and good fellowshippe , to passe the time away as wee will , &c. euen so these others say , goe , we will goe to such a chamber , and there we shal meet with our companyons and good-fellowes , where wee may talke liberally , and at our pleasure , without checke or controll of anie . in famous be that house , where there is no other exercise , but play and riot : and accursed bee that , where they cannot occupye themselues , but in defaming and back-byting their bretheren and neighbours . for to conclude , it were lesse euill to play , and loose their money , then to robbe and spoyle his neighbour of his good name . now to get into the princes fauour , it helpeth much to consider , wherein the prince taketh his chiefest delight , and whereto he is best affected : whether to musicke , hunting , flying , ryding of horses , or fishing , running , or leaping : or any other actiuitie whatsoeuer it bee . and his affect and desire ( beeing once knowne and obserued ) hee must giue himselfe whollie to loue that the prince loueth , and to follow that that he followeth . and as noble princes comonly are giuen to their wills , to like of some pastimes , better then others : so doe they shew themselues more fauorable and gratious , to some of their seruants , then others : and rather to those whom only they see conforme and agreable with theyr affections , then to such as are always most diligent and painfull about them , to doe them the best seruice they can . the curious courtyer may account him selfe happie , if hee can frame him selfe to commende that the prince alloweth , and likewise to disalow of that the prince misliketh : and though perhaps hee were many times of the contrarie opinion : hee may well thinke and belieue to himselfe what he liketh best , but in no case to vtter that hee thinketh , nor yet to make any countenance to the contrary . the emperour m : aurelius neuer dranke other then red wine : and because hee was informed , that torquatus the romaine for his sake , did not onely refraine from drinking white-wines , but did also plant his vynes with red-grapes : hee made him censour of rome , and gaue him the warde of the gate salaria in the saide cittie . in eating and drinking , in hunting , and tilting , in peace and in warre , in youthfull sportes , and graue matters : the wise courtyer must alwayes follow the steppes and will of his prince , and imitate him in the same , the best he can . and if it bee beneficiall for the courtyer , to obtaine the fauour of his prince , and to bee esteemed of him : let him in no wise enterprize to talke to much vnto him ; for , by continuall frequenting the prince , it cannot otherwise fall out , but hee shall both trouble him , and be thought a proud , arrogant , and an importunate foole of him . and if the courtyer hath no graue and weighty matters to moue the prince in , to what purpose doth hee seeme to molest and importune the king ? we say in weighty matters to communicate with him . for to talke with the prince , and to trouble his eares with tryfles and matters of small moment , hee should bee reputed of the hearers a rash man : and of the king himselfe , held but for a witles foole . let vs consider a little what is fit for the courtyer to doe , and what becommeth him best , and whether it be lawfull for him to conferrs with the prince , and then wee shall come to know , if it be decent for him to speake ofte to the prince ? therfore to go to the king to speake ill of any man , i thinke no wise man will offer to do it : and if it be to giue him secret intelligence of anything : he must first doubt , whether the king will belieue him or no ? and to thinke to counsell him , it is a token of a light head : and to presume to sit with the prince , and to bee merry with him , to passe the time away , let euery man beware he runne not into that error , nor that hee once prease to doe it . to send to reproue a prince , i know not what hee is that would be so foolish hardie , as once to dare open his lips against him . and to slatter him ( if the prince be wise , he will understand him ) and if hee , finde him once , it is enough to turne the flatterer to great displeasure : yea , and to put him quite out of fauour with him . and therefore to liue in surety , and auoyde these dangers , me thinks it is best to speake but seeldome vnto him . lucullus was a great friend to seneca , and was also gouernour of scicilia , and demaunding one day of seneca , what he might do that might be acceptable to nero his lord and master . seneca answered him thus . if thou desire to bee acceptable to princes , doe them many seruices , and giue them few words . and so likewise the diuine plato sayde in his bookes de repub that those that haue to moue the prince in any thing , in any case be briefe : for in delating too much , they should both comber the prince , and make him also not giue attentiue eare , neither could hee haue leysure to heare them nor patience to tarry them . and hee sayde further , those matters and subiects they treate with princes in , and that are vsed to bee tolde them , ought to be graue and sententious : eyther tending to commodity of the weale-publike , to his honour or profite , or to the seruice of the king , to whom he speakes . these counsels and aduertisements of plato and seneca ( in my poor opinion ) deserue to be noted and had in memory . and notwithstanding all that i haue spoken , i say yet further to you , that there is nothing disposeth the prince better to loue and fauour his seruants , then to see them diligent in seruice , and slow in speaking . for to rewarde him onely that seekes it by meanes of his tongue , and by words : it is onely in our free willes to doe it : but to recompence him that by his diligent seruice , onely craueth a good turne , and not in words , wee are in conscience bound to it : and hereof springeth the vulgar prouerbe : the good seruice is demaund sufficient , though the tongue be silent . chap. v. what manners and gestures become the courtier when hee speaketh to the prince . when the courtier determineth to speake to the prince , hee must first shew himselfe vnto him with great reuerence , before he come at him , and if the the king be set , hee must kneele to him vpon one knee , with his cappe in his left hand , holding it neyther too farre , nor too neere his body , but rather downwards towards his knee , with a good grace and comely fashion , not too lustily , nor too much boldly , but with a set shamefast grauity , putting himselfe on the left hand of the prince to speake with him , whether he bee sitting or standing : for placing our selues on the left hand , wee leaue the king on the right , as duty willeth vs : for the right hand belongeth euer to the best person . plutarch sayth , that in the banquets the kings of persia made , they sate him , whom they loued , and made most account of , cheeke by cheeke , and on the left hand of the prince , where the heart lyeth : saying , that those whome they loued with their heart , should bee set downe also on that side the heart lay , and in no other place . blondus sayeth to the contrary , that the romans did honor the right hand so much , that when the emperour entred into the senate , no man durst euer put himselfe on his right hand . and he sayth moreouer , that if a yong man were perchance found sitting on the right hand of an old man , or the setuant on the vpper hand of his maister : the sonne on the right-hand of his father , or any page , prentice , or seruing man , on the vpper-hand of a burgeis or citizen : they were no lesse punished by iustice for that faulte and offence , then if they had done any notable crime or delict . whosoeuer will speake vnto the prince , must speake with a soft voyce , and not too hastily . for if hee speake too lowde , those that stand by , shall heare what hee sayth to the king : and in speaking too fast , the king shall not easily vnderstand what he saith . and hee must also , ere he speake vnto the prince , premeditate long before what hee will say to him : and put into him good wordes , and aptly placed : for , wise men are more carefull what wordes their tongues should vtter , then what their hands should doe . there is a great difference betwixte speaking well and doing well : for in the end the hand can but strike and offend : but the tongue can both offend and defame . euen when the courtyer is telling his tale to the prince , let him be aduised in all his actions and gestures , and that he play not with his cap from one hand to an other : much lesse that he behold the prince too earnestly in the face . for in the one he should be taken for a foole , and esteemed in the other for a simple courtyer . he must take great heed also , that he spit not , coffe , nor hawke , when hee speakes to him : and if it be so hee be constrained by nature to it , then let him holde downe his head , or at least turne at one side , that he breath not in the kings face . plinie writing to fabatus , sayth : that the kings of india , neuer suffered any man ( in speaking to them ) to approch so neere them , that their breath might come to their face . and they had reason to do it , to auoyd strong and vnsauorie breaths , growing rather of the indisposition of the stomacke , or of the putrefaction of the lungs , or of the corruption of the braine . and if the courtyer haue to speake with the king after dinner or supper , let him beware hee eate no garlycke , nor onyons , nor drinke wine without water . for if he sauour of garlicke or onyons , the king may thinke hee lacketh discretion , to come with those sents to his presence : or if his breath were strong of wine , that hee were a drunkard . hee must be very circumspect also that when hee speaketh to the king , he speake not with his head , as well as with his tongue : nor that hee play not with his hands , nor his feete , nor that he stroke his beard , nor winke with his eyes : for such fonde countenances and gestures , doe rather become a foole or iester , then a ciuill or honest courtyer . and in his discourse with the prince that hee exceede not in superfluous words , more then shall only be needfull , and touching his matter : and not to seeme in his prefence to depraue , or detract any man. hee may honestly alledge , ( and that without reproache ) that seruice hee hath done him : but not to laye before him others faultes and imperfections . for , at such a time it is not lawfull for him to speake yll of any man , but onely to communicate with him , of his owne affayres . and he may not go so farre also , as to remember him with too great affection , the bloud spent by his auncestors in his seruice : nor the great actes of his parents : for this onely word saide to the prince , i did this , better pleaseth , and liketh the prince , then to tell him a hundred other words , of that his predecessours had done . it pertayneth only to women , and they may iustly craue recompence of the prince for the liues of their husbands lost in the princes warres : but the valiant & worthy courtier ought not to demaund recompence , but for that he onely hath done by pearsing launce , and bloudy sword . he must beware also that hee shew no countenance to the king of insatisfaction , neyther to be passioned in casting his seruice in the princes teeth saying , all others haue been recompenced saue onely him , whom the prince hath cleane forgotten : for princes will not that wee onely serue them , but that we also ( at their willes and pleasures ) tarry for recompence , and not to haue it when wee gape , or are importune for it . howbeit , it is lawfull notwithstanding , humbly and lowly , without choler or passion , to put the prince in remembrance of all that wee haue done for him , and of the long time we haue spent in seruing him . also the curious courtier shall not shew himselfe to dislike at all of the prince , neyther by heaping of many words , to induce him to hear him with the better good will : for mens hearts are so prone to ill , that for one onely vnpleasant or ouerthwart word spoken to them , they lightly forget a thousand seruices done them . socrates being one day demanded what hee thought of the princes of greece , answered : there is no other difference betweene the names , and propeties of the gods , & that of princes , but that the gods were immortall , and these mortall . for these mortall princes vse in a manner the like authoritie heere in earth , that the gods immortall do in heauen aboue . saying , further also , that i alwaies was , am , and will bee of that minde , that my mother greece remain a common weale . but since it is determined to bee gouerned by princely monarchy , i wish them in al , and for al , to acknowledge their obedience and allegiance to their king and soueraigne : for when they would otherwise vse it , they may bee assured , they shall not onely goe against mortal princes , but also against the eternall god. suetonius tranqutllus sayth , that titus the emperour being aduertised that the consuls would kill him , and vsurpe his empire , aunswered thus wisely . euen as without the diuine will and prouidence i could neuer haue possessed the emperiall crowne : so without their permission & sufferāce , it lyeth in no mans power to depraue mee of it : for to vs men it pertayneth onely to keepe the emperiall iurisdiction , and to the gods alone to giue and defend it : which wee haue spoken , to the end no man presume to be reuenged of his prince , neyther in word nor deede : for to speake ill of him , wee should rather purchase vs their high indignation and displeasure , then procure vs any cause or suggestion to be reuenged of him . let the good courtier bee also aduised , that in talking with the prince he bee not too obstinate , to contende with the prince , or any other in the princes presence : for this name of arrogant and selfe willed , becommeth not the person of a wise courtier : for we know , that in sport , and argument euery man desireth to ouercome , how trifling soeuer the matter bee : and therefore wee reade in the life of the emperour seuerus , that publius the consull iested one day with fabritius his companion , and tolde him he was in loue . whom fabritius answered : i do doe confesse , it is a fault to bee in loue , but yet it is a greater faulte for thee to bee so obstinate as thou art : for loue proceedeth of wit and discretion , but obstinacy commeth of folly and great ignorance . if perchance the king aske the courtiers opinion in those matters , they discoursed , if he know his opinion to agree with the princes , let him therfore tell it him hardly : but if it be contrary , let him holde his peace , & not contend against him , framing som honest excuse to conceale his opinion . but if perhaps the king were obstinate , and bent to his opinion in any thing , and that through his selfe will , and obstinacie , he would do any thing vnreasonable or preiudiciall to his common-wealth , and that great detriment might come thereby : yet for all this , in such case the beloued courtier should not at that instant be too plain with him , to let him vnderstand his error , neyther yet should hee suffer him altogether to passe his way vntouched , but in some fine manner and proper words ( as may become the place best ) to giue him to vnderstand the truth . but to vse it with more discretion , hee shall not need before them all to open his whole mind , but to keepe his opinion secret , expecting a more apter time , when the king shall be apart in his priuie chamber , and then franckely to tell him his whole minde , with all humility and reuerence , and to shew him the plaine truth , without keeping any one thing from his knowledge : for otherwise in telling the king openly , he should make him ashamed ? and in dissembling his faulte also priuily , he should not be admonished of his error committed . now therefore let our conclusion bee , that the courtier that proceeds in his matters , rather with opinion & obstinacy , then discretion and iudgement , shall neuer be in fauour with the prince , nor yet beloued in the court : for it is as necessary for the courtier , that will seeke the fauour of the prince , and loue of the court , to impose his tongue to silence : as it is to dispose his body to all manner of seruice . i know there are some such rash , vndiscreet , and arrogant fooles , that as much do boast and reioyce to haue spoken vndiscreetly to the king , and without respect of his princely maiesty : as if they had done some maruellous thankefull seruice , with whome , truely no man ought to be greatly offended , for such fond bosts and vants as they make , and much lesse also with that that happens to them afterward : the courtier also must bee well aduised , that albeit the king for his pleasure doe priuilie play with his handes , or iest with his tongue with the courtier , and that he take great pleasure in it : yet that he in no case presume to doe the like ( yea , thoogh hee were assured the kings maiesty would take it well ) but let him modestly behaue himselfe , and shew by his words and countenance , that hee thinketh the prince doth honour him , in pleasing his maiesty to vse those pastimes and pleasant deuises with so vnworthy a person as he is : for the prince may lawfully play , and sport himselfe with his lordes and gentlemen : but so may not they againe with him : for so doing , they might be counted very fond and light . with a mans companions and coequals it is lawfull fot euery man to bee merry and playe with all : but with the prince , let no man so hardy once presume further , more then to serue - honour , and obey him . so that the wise courtier , must endeauour himselfe alwayes to come in fauour by his wisedome , and courtly behauiour , in mattsrs of weight and importance : and by great modesty and grauity , in thinges of sport and pastime : therefore plutarch in his apothegmes sayth , that alcibiades amongst the greekes a worthy captaine , and a man of his owne nature , disposed to much mirth & pleasure , being asked once by some of his familiar friends , why he neuer laughed in theaters , banquets , and other cōmon playes where hee was , aunswered them thus : where others eate , i faste ? where others take paine and play , i rest mee , and am quiet : where others speake , i am silent , where they laugh , i am courteous , and iest not : for wise men are neuer knowne but among fooles and light persons . when the courtier shall vnderstand , or heare tell of pleasant thinges to be laughed at , let him in any case ( if he can ) flye from those great laughters and fooleries : that hee bee not perhaps moued too much with such to●es , to laugh too lowde , to clappe his hands , or to doe other gestures of the bodie , or admirations too vehement , accompanied either with a rude and barbarous manner of behauiour , then with a ciuill and modest noblenesse : for ouer great and excessiue laughter was neuer engendred of wisdome , neyther shal he euer be counted wise of other that vseth it . there are also an other sort of courtiers that speake so coldly , & laugh so drily , and with so ill a grace : that it were more pleasure to see them weep then to laugh . also to nouell or to tell tales to delight others , and to make them laugh , you must be as briefe as you can , that you weary not and comber not the auditory , pleasant , and not biting , nor odious . else it chanceth oftentimes , that wanting any of these conditions , from iesting they come many times to good earnest . elius spartianus in the life of the emperour seuerus sayth , that the sayd em-emperour had in his court a pleasant foole , and hee seeing the foole one day in his dumpes and cogitations , asked him what he ayled to be so sadde ? the foole made answere : i am deuising with my selfe what i should doe to make thee merry . and i sw are to thee my lord seuerus , that for as much as i weigh thy life so deare , possibly i study more the nights for the tales i shall tell thee in the morrow after , then doe the senators touching that they must decree on the next day . and i tell thee further , my lord seuerus that to bee pleasant and delighting to the prince , hee must neyther be a very foole , nor altogether wise : but though hee bee a foole , yet hee must smatter somewhat of a wiseman : and if hee bee wise , hee must take a little of the foole for his pleasure . and by these examples wee may gather , that the courtier must needs haue a certaine modesty and comely grace , as well in speaking , as hee must haue a soft & sweet voyce in singing : there are also some in court , that do not spare to go to noble mens bords to repast , which being in deede , the vnseemely grace it selfe : yet in theyr wordes and talke at the boorde , they would seeme to haue a maruellous good grace , wherein they are oft deceyued . for if at times the lordes and gentlemen laugh at them , it is not for any pleasure they take in their talke but for the ill grace , and vncomely gestures they vse in their talke . in the banquets and feasts , courtiers make sometimes in the summer , there are very oft such men in theyr company , that if the wine they dranke tooke their condition , it should bee drunke eyther colder or hoter then it is . chap. vi. how the courtier should behaue himselfe to know , and to visite the noble men and gentlemen , that be great with the prince , and continuing still in court. the courtier that commeth newly to the court , to serue there , must immediately learne to know those that are in authority and fauour in the court , and that are the princes officers : for if hee doe otherwise , neyther should he be acquainted with any noble man or gentleman , or any other of the princes seruants , neither would they also giue him place , or let him in when he would . for wee bee not conuersant with him wee know not , and not being conuersant with him , we trust him not , and distrusting him , wee commit no secrets to him : so that hee that will come in fauour in the court , must make himselfe knowne , and be friend to all in generall . and hee must take heede that hee beginne not so suddenly to bee a busie suiter in his owne priuate affayres : or for his friend , for so hee shall be soone reputed for a busie soliciter , rather then a wise courtier . therefore hee that will purchase fauour and credite in the court , must not bee carefull to preferre mens causes , and to entermeddle in many matters : for the nature of princes is , rather to commit their affayres into the hands and trust of graue and reposed men , then to busie and importunate soliciters : the courtier also may not bee negligent to visite the prelates , gentlemen and the fauoured of the court , nor to make any difference betweene the one and the other : and not onely to visite their parents and friends , but his enemies also : for the good courtier ought to endeauour himselfe the best he can to accept al those for his frends at least , that he cannot haue for parents and kinsfolkes : for amongest good and vertuous courtiers , there should neuer bee such bloudy hate , that they should therefore leaue one , to company with another , and to bee courteous one to another . those that be of base mind , doe shew their cankred hearts by forbearing to speake , but those that bee of noble bloud and valiant courage , beginne first to fight , ere they leaue to speake together . for there is also an other sort of courtiers , which beeing sometimes at the table of noble men or else where , when they heare of some quarrell or priuate displeasure , they shew themselues in offer like lyons : but if afterwards their helpe be craued in any thing , and that they must needs stand by their friend , and draw on his his side , then they shew themselues as still as lambes , and gentle inough to bee entreated . amongst other the new come-courtier hath to be acquainted withall , he must learne to know those the prince fauoureth , and loueth best , on whome hee must wayte and attende vpon , and doe all the seruice he can , without grudge and disdaine : for there is no king , but farre off on him , hath an other king , that still contrarieth his minde , and preuenteth him of his intent and pleasure : and euer neere vnto him some , whom hee loueth and fauoureth , that may dispose of the prince as hee listeth . plutarch writing to traian sayde these words . i haue , o traian , great pitty on thee : for the first day thou tookest vpon thee the imperiall crowne of the romane empire , of a free man thou thraldest thy selfe to bondage : for onely you other princes haue authority to giue liberty to al others , but neuer to graunt it to your selues : saying moreouer , that vnder the colour of royall liberty , you shall remaine more subiect then your owne subiects that euer obey you : for if you command many in their houses , also one alone after commaundeth you in your owne courte . now although many commanded the prince , or that he would follow the counsell but of a few , or that hee loued one aboue an other , or that hee consented one alone should gouerne him , the good courtier neede not once to open his mouth to reason of the matter : for so it might easily fall out , hee should beginne out of hand to feele in the court , of what importance it were to enter into such discourse of the prince , & afterwards to goe home to his own house , to end it with teares . first , , to purchase the high indignation of the prince : secondly , to be disdayned of the court : thirdly , to be cast quite out of fauour : fourthly , to bee exiled and banished the verge of the court : and fiftly , and lastly , to end the rest of his woful daies in a vile and miserable place . now if it be hard to compasse to get into the princes fauour : i thinke it no very ill counsell that at least hee seeke to bee in fauour with him , that is in the princes fauour : for oftentimes there commeth as much displeasure to vs , beeing ill willed of those the prince doth esteeme and fauour : as there doth by the princes owne indignation that raigneth ouet vs : for that wee talke of princes , commeth not all to his eares ( and but seldome ) vnlesse the matter bee slaunderous , and offensiue to his maiesty . but to the contrary , wee no sooner speake of those that bee in fauour , and beloued of the prince , but they are not onely with speede aduertised what was spokē of them : but they further deuine , what wee thought of them . therfore my friend courtyer , sith it lyeth not in thee to diminish or impaire his credite , that is in fauour with the prince , and beloued in the court : neyther to displace his matters , and suites he taketh in hand and that thou hast no authoritie to reforme and gouerne the common-weale , nor to redresse the wrongs and iniuries receyued , i would wish thee to followe my counsell . if thou spye the faultes and imperfections of the court that thou rather suffer & abide them , in keeping them secret : then to seem to reproue them openly , when thou seest noble-princes contented to dissemble , and couer them priuily . it is therefore the sounder counsell to followe and serue those that are in fauor and credite , then to pursue them in worde or deede . and therefore the courtyer must be very choyse with whom he is familiar , to whom hee speaketh , whom he trusteth : who heareth him , and of whō he receiueth all his intelligence . for there is great difference between the words that are spoken , and the intent and meaning , with which they were spoken . for , the bowells and entrailes of courtyers are so damnable , and their harts so crooked , and diuerted from the right path-way of bountie and goodnesse , that the new and ignorant courtyer shal think himselfe much profited by their aduises , and admonitions , when indeede they shall but deceiue him : and shall think he was well counselled , when he shall find himselfe the most deceiued in the world , & in greater anger then before . there are som also so little contented with the prince , and so ill recompenced for their seruice , that they are not onely not his friends , but they practise secretly to purchase him moe enemies . and when the courtier seeth , that bee that is in fauour and credit , doth in deed stick close with him vnfaynedlie , what need he care then , though all the rest be his enemies . and the good courtier must consider , that he goeth not to the court to reuenge iniuries , but onely to purchase honor and profit . to whom also i giue counsel , that hee be not enemy to him that is in fauour , nor friend to his enemie : and yet it shall bee best for him to bee friend to all , and enemy to none , if he can possible . whosoeuer desireth to bee well thought of in the court , and to bee beloued of courtiers , it is better for him to suffer iniuries done him , then he him selfe to bee a procurer of them to others . and for the iniuries , detractions and mutinings , that they shall rayse against the fauoured of the court , no man ought to trust any other person then himselfe , sith that for the most part whom they do trust ( when hee shall haue neede of the good report , and credite of him that is in fauour with the prince , thinking to doe him a peece of great seruice ) he he shall not care to vnfolde to him , euen the bottome of his friends secrets , which were cōmitted to him in great secresie . hee must also consider that hee cannot possibly in a short time growe in fauour with the prince , nor come also to be accepted for a friend of him that is in fauour about the prince : but the sooner to hasten his good fortune , hee must acquaint himselfe throughly with the officers and seruants of the beloued , & do them a thousand pleasures dayly , as well in courteous words as in seruing their turns also with money or iewels , presenting them euer with some prety smal token from him , to haue him in mind , and to remember him to their masters : for the true order of this disorder , is in effect to be rather friend to their seruants , then familiar or beloued with their masters that are in so great fauour : hee must also bee informed , which of his seruants ( that is in estimation with the prince ) is in best credit with his master , and him hee must seeke to make his friend aboue all other his fellows : for euen as the prince hath a seruant whom hee loueth , that leades him altogether : euen so likewise hath the fauoured courtier , a seruant about him that commaundeth him . there is no will so free & liberall , neyther any lord so high and absolute , nor iudge so vpright a iusticer , but in the end , hee giueth more trust and credite to one , then to another . and hereof proceeds most commonly , that wee loue not those wee ought to loue , but those whom we fansie most . now therefore following our entent , touching the visitation of the courtiers , hee must lay watch and consider well to procure knowledge : first , if any such noble men , or other his friends , which hee hath denotion to visite , bee occupied , or withdrawne to their bedde-chambers , for some priuate businesse of theirs : for if it were so , they would rather thinke he came to trouble them , then to visite them . and therefore hee that is wise , in visiting his friends , may not bee too importune vpon them , to prease into their bedde-chamber , neyther to be too tedious and vnpleasant in his wordes . there are some so solitarie , that would neuer be visited , & others , that desires to be visited euery day : others there bee , that would the visitation should bee short : others , that take pleasure to heare a long discours , that hee would his tale should neuer be ended , so that the courtyer must look into the natures of men , and so to frame his visitations , according to the conditions of their minde : and to remember his visitations to great graue men , bee not so ofte , and daily that they be troublesom to him , nor so seldome , that they may thinke them strangers , and that they had forgotten him . that onely deserueth the name of a true visitation , where the person visited , may not bee troubled with importunacie : nor the visiter may diminish any part of his credit and estimation , and also that he preiudice not his owne commoditie in his affayres . i speake it for some , that are so troublesome in their visitations , and so foolish and tedious in their words , not knowing howe to make an ende : that we may better call them troublesome , enuious , and impudent , then honest visiters , and faithfull true friends . and therefore wee should leaue them so contented we visite , that they should rather bee angrie to loose our company , then that they should complaine of our importunitie : giuing them rather occasion to meete vs with a pleasaunt countenaunce ( when wee enter into their house , then to make them hide themselues , or flye from vs , when they see vs ) and say they are not within . and mee thinks indeed where we haue not great and straight friendship , or else some affayres of great importaunce , that toucheth vs much , it should bee sufficient to visite our friendes and acquaintance , once in a moneth : and where they would see more oftner , let vs tarry till they complaine and finde fault , and send to vs , to let vs vnderstand it , and not that we be so ready to come to offer and present our selues vnto them , vnlesse the necessitie of our cause doe vrge vs. there are some persons so vndiscreet in being visited , that when others doe come to see them , eyther they make the gates to bee shut vpon them , or they cause their seruants to say , they are nor within , or else they get them out at the backe dore , or they faine that they are a little acrased , onely to auoide and flye from these troublesom and babling visiters : so that they had rather see a sargeant enter into their house to arrest them for debt , then to be cumbred with these lothsome and prating visiters . also it is not fit to goe see theyr friends at vnlawfull howers , as about dinner or supper time : for those that are visited , will rather thinke they come to dine or supp with them , then of eurtesie and good will to see them : it hapneth sometimes , that many are braue and rich in apparrell , that keepe but a poore and meane ordinary at their table , sparing from their mouth to lay it vpon their backs : and therefore they are very loath and offended that any of their friendes or familiars should take them at meales to iudge of them : for they thinke it lesse paine to fast from meat secretly , then that their scarsity should openly be discouered : also the lawes of honesty and ciuility doe not permit any man to enter into the house , hall or chamber of an other , without knocking , or calling first at the dore : for that onely priuiledge to come in the house suddenly , and speake neuer a word , belongeth to the husband or master of the house . also it is not good to goe see his friend when he is at play , for if he be a loser , it cannot be but he will chafe , & be in choler , in his mind with his frend to come then to trouble him , & to let him of his play : and if happly he were a winner before his friend came to see him : and afterwards chance to bee a loser againe : hee will lay , the occasion of his losse vpon his friend that came of good will to see him , and say that he turned his good lucke away from him , and that hee came but to trouble him , taking it rather for an offence and iniury done him , then for any good loue or duety shewed him . if our friend in like maner whom we go to visite , come out of his chamber to receiue vs , not bidding vs come into the chamber , nor to sit downe , but standing to talke with vs , without any other curtesie or entertainement , wee may easily perceyue by this his manner of entertainement that hee giueth vs good and honest leaue to depart when we will. the wise and fine courtier , will as easily finde and vnderstand him by his signes , as hee will doe somtimes by his words , also the courtier must take great heede , that in seeming to vse courtesie hee happen not to make some foolish countenance in pulling off his cappe , in making courtesie , comming into the hall , or taking a stoole to sitte downe , lest hee bee therefore marked and mocked of the standers by , or noted for proud or presumptuous , for to stay or let at these trifles , a man rather getteth the name of a glorious , light , and proud , then of a graue and sober man. all things touching conscience , ciuility and honour , the good cour , tier should alwayes haue in memorie , and before his eyes , when hee shall discourse with his lord , or visite his friend . and for the first beginning of his discourse , and talke with him , ( after they are set downe together ) he must aske him how his body doth , and whether all his house be merry & in good health : for it is the thing that wee must first procure for our owne priuate commodity : and secondly , desire it for our friends . also in the courtyers visitations hee may not be too curious , or inquisitiue of newes , neyther ouer-busie to tell newes : for after his friend were once aduertized of the truth , it might be lightly , hee would thanke him for his comming , and commend him for his courtesie : and not-withstanding blame him for his newes , and count him a lyar. and if it happen we finde the party whom we visite , sad , comfortles , and in some necessitie : although hee were not our friend , yet for that hee is a christian , wee ought to comfort him with words , and to seeke also to helpe and relieue him with somewhat . lycurgus in his lawes he made and ordained , that it should not be lawfull for any man to come to see a prisoner , but he should help to deliuer him : nor any poore man , but he should relieue him : nor any sicke or diseased person , but he shold helpe and comfort him , to his able power . and truly me thinkes lycurgus had great reason to make this law : since we see that in experience , that a mans minde , for one onely thing that is giuen him , is better contented and satisfied , then with a thousand words that they can speake vnto him . and if his house whom they goe to visite , and where hee dwelleth , bee his owne inheritance , and fee-simple : or that hee hath it by lease , or purchase , or that hee hath builded it out of the ground : or if he haue repaired , or new coated it : the courtyer must pray him to let him see it , and when hee hath seene it , hee must greatly commend it to him : for all mortall men haue this common-fault and humour , that they must be praised for their doings , and not reproued for theyr faults . further , if they visite any sicke person , they must remember they speake but little vnto him , and that but softelie , and in pleasaunt matters , &c : for otherwise it should seeme ( and they wil also beleeue ) he came to see him , rather to aggrauate his sicknes more , then to comfort him . wee must euer make short visitations , not onely with the sicke and diseased , but the whole and found . and then the good courtier must take his leaue of them , when hee is euen in his most pleasant discourse , to the end , they may intreateth him to tarry longer , and not to tarry till they seeme to licence him , by outwarde signes and ceremonies , and hee that shall goe visite another , let him take heed hee bee not so long and tedious in his talke , that the person whom hee visiteth doe rise before him : for it were too plaine a token hee were wearie of his company , and long tarrying , sith he rose before him to giue him ocasion to depart . if his wife whom hee visiteth bee not a sister , or kinswomā of the courtiers that visites him , or that they bee not of very familiar acquintance together , hee should not once seeme to aske for her , much lesse to desire to see her . for as scipio sayth , a man should not trust any to see his wife , nor to proue his sword . it is also a custome vsed among courtiers , that when they goe to any mans house to see him , before they light off their horse , they send to know whether he be within or no. and when the courtier taketh his leaue of him he hath visited , hee must not suffer the gentleman for to bring him out of his chamber to accompany him , much lesse to come downe the stayres with him : which if hee vse in this manner , the other shall bee bound to thanke him for his comming , and shall commend him for his ciuility . and if it happen when wee goe to visite some noble man , or other beloued of the court at his lodging : and that at our comming hee is ready to com out of his house to ride abroad in the fieldes to take ayre , or to ride vnto the courte , for to solicite some of his affayres : or to ride abroade in the towne for his pleasure , the diligent courtier must willingly accompany him , and offer him all the seruice hee can : and so hee shall deserue double thankes of him , the one for his comming , and the other for his gentle offer and company . to visite the princes seruants , it is not the manner ( for that they are alwaies occupied in the princes seruice ) neyther shall they haue such time of leysure as other haue . and because they haue no time commodious to see them at home at their owne houses , yet at the least the good courtier must needes accompany them at times when they goe abroade . for there is more reason the esteemed courtier should make more of him that accompanieth him , then of the other that is too importunate and troublesome to him . chap. vii . of the good countenance and modesty the courtier should haue , in behauing himselfe at the prince or noble mans table in the time of his meale . those that are abiding still in princes courts , must in any case goe seldome or not at all abroade to others tables , but alwayes to keepe their owne . for that courtier that runneth from table to table , to eate of others cost , to haue his meate free , is not so sparing of his purse , as hee is too prodigall and lauish of his good reputation . therefore eschines the philosopher being demaunded one day what a man should do to be counted good he answered thus : to become a perfect greeke , he must go to the church willingly , and of good deuotion , and to the warres of necessity , but to feasts and banquets , neyther of will , nor of necessity , vnlesse it be to doe them honour and pleasure that doe inuite thee . suetonius tranquillus writeth that the emperour augustus prohibited in rome , that no man should enuite each other to feast or banquet with an other : but if his friend would do him that honour to come to his feast , that then he should send him home to his house , of that meat hee should haue ●ad at the feast , and banquet with them at their houses . and when he was asked of certain of his friends , what he meant to make this law , he gaue them this answere : the cause that moued mee , good friend , to forbidd playes and banquets in rome was , because in play , no man kept himselfe from swearing , and terrible blaspheming the name of god : and in banquets euery man is giuen to de●ect and defame his neighbour . cicero recounteth of cato the censor , that he lying on his death bed : at the mercy of god , should say these words : foure things i remember i haue done in my life , wherein i haue rather shewed my selfe a voluptuous , and negligent barbarian , then a wise and good romane citizen , for the which i find my selfe sore grieued . the first is this , for that i spent a whole day , and forgot to serue the gods , and did not profite my common wealth in any thing , which i should neuer haue done : for it is as great a dishonor for a philosopher to be counted an idle and negligent person , as it is for a noble heart to bee counted a ranke coward . the second is , for that safely i might once haue gone by land , and perillously i hazarded my selfe vpon the water . a thing which well i should haue let alone : for neuer no wise man should euer haue put himself into perill , vnlesse it were only for the seruice of the gods , for the increase of his honour , or for the defence of his country . the third is , that i opened once a great secret , and matter of importance to a woman , which i ought lesse to haue done then all the rest : for in graue matters , and things of counsel . there is no woman capable to giue counsell , and much lesse to take it , and least of all to keepe it secret . the fourth was , that another time i was contented to be ouercome by a friend of mine , that earnestly inuited me to his house to dinner , and thereupon i went with him , which i should not haue done : for to say the truth , there was neuer famous nor worthie person that went to eate in an other mans house , but that hee diminished his liberty , hazarding also his grauity and reputation to the rumour and brute of others . the which wordes being so wisely spoken by the prudent cato , were well worthy to bee noted and carried away , and so much the more , that being now drawing to his last home , & euen in his last breathing hower , hee onely spake of these foure things , and no more : whereof , although hee were a romane , yet he shewed to vs a repenting mind . but woe is mee , that albeit i doe beare the name of a christian , yea , & and that i am so indeed , yet in that last day when nature summons mee : i feare me , and belieue assuredly , i shall haue cause to repent me , of more then foure things . now by these things heretofore recyted wee may easily coniecture , that albeit wee are contented to be entreated and requested in many things , yet in this onely to goe to others tables to feast , and in strange houses , we should not bee intreated , but rather compelled and against our wills . and where the courtyer is forced by importunacie to accept the bidding , without offering himselfe before , hee deserueth as great thankes of the bidder for his comming , as the other did in bidding him . for if it should not be so , it should seeme rather a dinner for staungers , that trauell by the way , then for noblemen and gentlemen , that come from the court. for that day the courtyer graunteth to dyne with any man , the same day hee bindeth himselfe to be beholding to him that bids him : for although he come to him of good will , yet to acquite his courtesie done him , hee is bound of necessitie . also it is a small reputation , ( and worthy great reproche ) that a courtyer make his boast he hath eaten at all the tables and officers bordes in the court , and no man can say hee hath once beene at dinner or supper with him at his owne house . and truly i remember i knew once a courtyer that might dispende aboue two hundred ducates by the yeare , who told mee , and assured me he neuer bought sticke of wood , to warme him within his chamber , nor pot to seeth his meate in , neither spit to roast with all , nor that euer hee had any cater for his prouision , saue only that he had made a register of many noblemens bords : amongst whom he equally deuided his dinners and suppers . by meanes whereof hee saued all his charges , saue onely his mens boordewages . but what vilenesse or discurtesie could equall the miserie and shame of this carelesse courtyer ? sure not that of the meanest and poorest slaue of the world , that liueth only by his hire : no , it deserueth not to be compared vnto it . for , to what ende desire wee the goods of this world , but that by them we may be honored , relieue our parents and kinsmen , and thereby also win vs new friends ? what state or condition soeuer hee be of , that hath ynough and aboundance , wee are not bound to esteem the more of him for that , nor to do him the more honour , but onely for that he spendeth it well , and worshipfully , and for his honour , if hee be honourable . and this we speake of gentlemen , as of cittizens . and he that in court makes profession to dine at othermens tables , i dare vndertake if they dine betimes on the holliday , hee will rather lose seruice in the morning , then dinner at noone . and if any friend come to lye with these sort of courtyers , and that hee be but newly come the court , straight-wayes he will haue him with him to dinner : and bring him to salute the gentleman , where he dines that day , saying : that hee was bolde , to bring his kinsman and friend with him , to salute him : and all this is not so much , to bring him acquainted with him , as it is to spare his meate at home for them both . and yet they haue an other knacke of court finer then this : they flatter the pages and seruants , because they shold euer giue them of the best wine at the table : and with certaine familiar nods , and sweete wordes , they entertaine the lords , shewers , and caruers , and make much of them : that they should set before them full dishes and of the best and daintiest meate . there are also some of these courtiers , that to be well wayted vpon at the fable , and to make them his friends , doe sometimes present the steward with a veluet capp , the shewers with a payre of washed or perfumed gloues , the pages with a sword-girdle : and the butlers or cupbordkeepers with some other prety reward or deuise . and it chanceth often times in noble mens houses , that there are so many guests to dine and suppe with him dayly , that many times the boord will not holde them all by a great number ; which when they once perceyue , to see how quickly , and with what speed the courtiers take their places to set them downe , and to be sure of a roome : it is a world to see it . but oh , i would to god , they were so happy and diligent to goe to the church , and heare a sermon , as they are busie to get them stooles , to sit at the table . and if perhaps a courtier come late , and that the table bee all ready full , and the lurch out , yet hee will not bee ashamed to eate his meate neuerthelesse : for albeit hee cannot bee placed at his ease , yet he is so bold and shamelesse , that rather then faile , hee will sit of halfe a buttocke , or behind one at the table . i remember i saw once at a noblemans table , three courtiers sitt vpon one stoole , like the foure sonnes of amon , and when i rebuked them for it , and tolde them it was a shame for them : they aunswered me merily againe , that they did it , not for that there wanted stooles , but to proue if neede were , if one stoole would holde them three . such may well bee called greedie gluttons , and shamelesse proulers , without respect or honesty , that when they are dead , would bee buried in the highest place of the church : & when they are aliue , little force at whose table they sit , or how they sitt , little regarding their honor or estate . truely , for him , that is poore and needy , to seeke his meate and drinke , where he may come by it best : it is but meete : but for the gorgeous courtier , bedeckt with gold , buttoned and be iewelled , ietting in his veluets , and silkes , to begge and seeke his dinner dayly at euery mans boord , being nobly and honourably entertayned of the prince , and able to beare his coūtenance : what reproch , defame , and dishonour is it to him ? hee that vseth dayly to runne to other mens tables , is oft times forced to sit lowest at the boord vpon a broken stoole , and to be serued with a rusty knife , to eate in foule dishes , & to drinke for a change hote water , and wine , more then halfe full of water : and to eate hore bread , and that that of all others yet is worst of all , euery one of the seruants lookes ouer theyr shoulder on him , and are angry with him in their minds . truely , hee that with those conditions goeth abroad to seeke his dinner , were better in my opinion , to fast with bread & water at home , then to fil his belly abroad . but such mēs reward , that haunts mens houses in this manner , is this in the end , that the noblemen to whose houses they come to , are offended with them , the stewards of the house murmur at them , the pages and seruants mockes them , and laughes them to scorne : the tasters and cup-bearers chafe with them in their mindes : the cupborde keepers wonder at them , the clerkes of the kitchin thinkes them importunate and shamelesse creatures . wherfore it followeth ( whosoeuer will obserue it ) that so soone as the seruantes once see him come into the dining chamber , some of them hides the stoole where hee would sit downe , others set before him the worst meat of the boord , and the filthiest dishes they haue : and therfore he that may haue at home at his house , his poore little pittance well drest , a faire white table cloath , a bright knife , new and white bread , wood and candle in the winter and other necessaries : if he like better to goe from table to table , from kitchen to kitchen , and from one butterie to another , i will suppose hee doth it for great spare and hardinesse , or for want of honesty and good maners . now hee that keepes an ordinary house , and remaines alwayes at home , may dine if it bee in the summer season , in his shirr , if hee list , hee may sit when hee will , and where it pleaseth him , he drinkes his wine fresh , and hath the flyes driuen from his table with the ventola , hee disdayneth the court and noble mens boordes , keeping his owne as f●anke and as sparing as hee list , and no man to gainesay him : yea and after meate hee is at libertie to sit still , and take his ease , or to walke abrode in the shade as he wil. and in winter if perhaps he be wet , he straight shifts him , and changes all his cloathes , gets him a furred night-gown on the backe of him , and a paire of warme slippers , to heate his colde seet withall : he eats his meat warme and smoking hote , and takes that hee likes best : he drinkes white wine , red wine , or claret-wine , as he thinks best , and needs neuer to care for them that behold him . and therefore so great priuiledges as those bee of libertie , the courtyer should neuer refuse to buye them for his money much lesse for the gaine of a meales meate he should leaue to enioy them , &c. but if the courtyer will needes determine to visite noble-mens-bords , hee must bee very warie that incomming to a noble-mans table , hee doe not so much commend his fare and ordinarie , that he complaine of other mens tables where he hath sed . for , it is a kinde of treason to defame and slaunder those , whose houses they are wont to visite oft . and when hee is set at the table , the courtier must behaue himselfe modestly , hee must eate temperately , and finely , hee must alay his wine with water , and speake but little : so that those that are present cannot but praise him for his temperancie and sober dyet , but also for his wisedome and moderate speeche . to feede mannerly is to be vnder stood , not to blow his nose in his napkin , nor to leane his elbows vppon the table : not to eate to leaue nothing in the dish , not to finde faultes with the cookes , saying : the meate is not enough , or not well dressed for , it were a great shame for the courtyer to bee noted of the wayters , to be a bellygut , and to be counted a grosse-feeder . there are some also that make themselues so familiar , and homely in the house , that they are not contented with that is serued them in the dishe , but shamefully they plucke that vnto them that is left in other dishes : so that they are estemed for ieasters , no lesse sawcie then malepert in their order , then infatiable in their beastly eating the good courtyer must also take heede hee lay not his armes too farre on the table , nor that hee make any any noyse with his teeth , nor tongue , nor smacke with his mouth when hee eateth , and that he drinke not with both his hands on the cuppe , nor cast his eyes too much vpon the best dishes , that he knaw nor teare his bread with his teeth , that hee licke not his fingers , nor haue done eating before others , nor to haue too greedy an appetite to the meate or sauce hee eates , and that in drinking hee gulpe not with his throate . for such manner of feeding , rather be commeth an ale-house , then a noblemans-table . and although the courtyer can not go ouer all the dishes that comes to the boord , yet at least let him proue a little of euery one , and then hee must praise the good cookry , and fine dressing of them all . for commonly the noble-men and gentlemen that inuite any to their boord , take it vncurteously and are ashamed , if the inuited praise not their meate and drinke they giue them , and not onely the noble men are ashamed of it , but also the other officers that haue the charge to see it well dressed , and in good order . alwayes hee that eateth at an other mans table , to doe as he ought should praise the worthinesse of him that bad him , ( yea though perhaps hee made a lie ) and commend the great care and diligence of his officers in furnishing his table with so good meates , and in setting it forth in so good order . i say not without a cause , that sometime a praise with a lye may well stand together , since wee see some noblemens tables so slenderly furnished , and that his ordinarie should seeme rather a preparatiue supper and dyet , for a sickeman , that meanes to take physicke in the next morning , then an ordinary , or dinner for easter-day . and therefore ( i say ) that right the lordes and masters are pleased , when they heare their officers and seruants commended . for they choose moste comonly such a steward as they know to be wise , and curteous of nature : a treasurer true and faithfull : a purueyer , expert and diligent : a butler , hasty and melancholie : the groome of his chamber , painfull & trusty : his secretarie , wise and secrete : his chaplaine simple : and his cooke , fine and curious . for manie thinke it more glorie to haue an excellent cooke in their house , then to haue a valiant captain , to keepe a strong place or holde . they are contented in courte that noblemens-chapleins be rather simple then otherwise , or well-learned . for if if he reade but little , he hath the sooner said seruice , and therfore also is more sit to dredge and doe seruice about the house . now therfore continuing our begunne purpose , the courtier that eateth at other mens tables , must see hee drinke little , and that his wine be well delayed with water . for wine tempered with water bringeth two commodities : the one , it makes him sober that drinkes it , and shall not bee ouerseene , the other , he shall not distemper himselfe , that the wayters haue any occasion to laugh at him . if he should hap somtimes that he found the wine wel watered before , that it had stood a pawling long , or that it were somewhat sharpe or sower , or that the water weree too hote : the good courtier should not therefore immediately complaine and find fault at the table , for so hee should shame the seruants , and make them angry with him , & also displease their master . truely , it is a griefe to suffer it ; to see that he that hath nothing at home in his own house , eyther to eate or drink , will yet looke to bee well vsed at an other mans house : and is neuer satisfied . i speake it for certain , vndiscreet courtiers , and wanting iudgement , that being at any mans boorde ( without any shame ) dare disprayse the cookes , and speake ill of them , if perhaps the taste of their pottage and meate mislike them , and that it be not good , and acording to their appetite : and of the butlers , if the wine be not colde and fresh : of those that waight about : if euery thing they call for , be not done at a becke and quickly , of the stewards of the house , if they bee not serued immediately : and of the boies and pages , if they giue them not drinke suddenly : of the caruers , if they carue them not to their liking : and also with the clerkes of the kitchen , if they see them not serued with meate inough , that there bee inough left vpon the table . so that the noble mens officers ( for the more part ) haue more trouble and displeasure , by the discontentation of those that come to their masters table , then they haue by the euil words their masters speake to them . and for this respect therefore no man ought to be so bolde , as once to open his lippes to complaine of any want in an others mans house , as if they serue him with claret wine , rather then with white : or with white then claret : for a right and perfect courtier should not set his appetite in the tast or variety of wines , or meats in an others house . i graunt that it is very fit and lawfull for young courtiers to runne wel , to leape farre , to throw the barre of iron , to daunce well , to ride a horse well , to manage , and giue him his carrere well , and to turne well , to handle his weapon well , and to breake a staffe well , and otherwise to helpe himselfe with all manner of weapons : but for one to defie another in drinkking , it should be a great sacriledge of the courtier . the scithiens as ratifieth trogus pompeins , were so sober and modest in eating & drinking at their meales , that it was a foule fault among them for to breake winde or belch . and therefore now a dayes , wee finde few scithiens , but many drinkers , which depart from the feast so sull fraught , as immediatly when they are come home , they vnlode their charged stomacke , and lay open all that haue eaten and drunken : wherefore hee that vseth to drinke cleane and pure water , is at more liberty thē those that drinke wine simply without compound : for excessiue drinking of wine , doth not alone trouble and distemper the braine and iudgement of the drinker : but further discouereth to you great and horrible vices . therfore yet touching our matter , i say once againe that it is fond to dispute an argument , to proue which of the wines were best , pleasant and most sweetest , and which is oldest or newest , sharpe or harde , soft or sweet , clearest or darkest , or of best tast or quickest sauour . for to iudge of the taste of wines , and to know the goodnes & perfection of it , rather ( to say truely ) belongeth to a tauerner or vintner , then rightly to an honest courtier . and it is fitter , and more decent also for him , to talke of arms and chiualry , then to deale in discourse of bacchus feasts , what a mockery & foolish nicenesse is it of him , that not only drinks water alone , but also cannot drinke in that cuppe , where there hath beene wine filled before . he shall also bee very circumspect that is bidden to a strāgers house , that hee drinke not so deepe at a draught , that hee leaue nothing in the cuppe , neyther that he drinke so long as hee hath breath , and the water stand in his eyes againe : for the graue and sober courtier should neuer drinke till hee might no more , nor till there were none lest . and when hee is at the table , hee should not enter in argument , & dispute with any , neyther should hee bee obstinat in opinion , & much lesse vse vncomly talke , and he must also bridle nature much , that he cry not out in in laughing , as some doe : for like as it soundeth to his reproch , to be noted a glutton and drunkard , it is in like case far worse to be a foole and a iester . also it preuaileth litle that a courtier bee moderat & honest in eating , if hee be dishonest and insolent in his talke : for many times it hapneth at noble mens table , that they take more pleasure in some , then in other some , not to see them eate and drinke well , but to heare them tell lies , and to be pleasant at the boorde . therefore as we haue sayde , the wise courtier should praise and commend all that hee seeth serued at another mans table , and it is not lawfull for him to dislike or disprayse it . and further because hee is fedd at an other mans charge , he must of necessity take all in worth that is giuen him , and set before him , and not to looke to haue that that he desireth . and when there is any question moued at the table , of the best and most delicate dishes , and of the sinest cookes , & of the new kinds of broths and sawces , and from whence the fattest capons come , it shall not be fitte for the wise courtier to say in that all that he knoweth and vnderstandeth : for how much honour it is for him to bee able to talke in martiall feates or chiualy : so much more dishonor and reproch it is to him , to be skilfull in dressing of meates , and all to fill the belly . i remember that being one day at a bishops boord , i heard a knight make great boast and vaunt , that hee coulde make seuen manner of fricasies , foure kindes of pyes , twelue sorts of sawces , and ten of fruit tartes , and twelue diuers wayes to dresse egges : but for to heare him tel these tidings , was not to bee accounted of so much , as the gestures and countenances he made in telling them : for he did liuely shew with his hands the present making of them , the eating of them , & the right tasting of them with his tongue . and because it happneth many times that in some noble mans house , there is not like fare and entertainement that an other hath , the ciuill courtier should not be so dishonest as to make report hee leaueth the noble mans table , to goe to an others that is better serued . for the worthy courtier should not haunt that table where he fareth best , but where he findeth himselfe best welcome , and esteemed . ah how many noble men and knights sonnes are there , that spare not to goe to any mans boord for his meate and drinke , yea , though it fall out they bee their fathers enemies : and they doe it not in respect to reconcile them , and their fathers together , but rather for a good meales meat , or more aptly to say , to fill their bellies with dainties . chap. viii . what company the courtier should keepe , and how bee should apparrell himselfe , the wise courtier both in court , and out of court , and in all places where hee commeth , must take great regard hee accompany with none but with wise and vertuous men . for if hee doe not , hee cannot winne nor acquire such honour by his well doing , as he shall lose his credit , by keeping ill company . and therefore hee shall inforce himselfe alwayes to be in the presence and company of vertuous and noble men , and shall conferre with the most graue , wise , and honest gentlemen of the court : for vsing this way , hee shall binde them to him , by reason of his dayly accesse to them , and he shall purchase himselfe a good opinion of them , besides the good example hee shal leaue to others to tread his steps , and sollow his course . for what is more true , then when a young gentleman commeth newly to the court , you shall see immediately a company of other young fooles , a company of amarous squires , light and idle persons a company of troublesome iesters , and couetous praters , besides other young frye in the court , that when they know a new come courtier , namely , ( beeing , of great liuing ) they will seeke to attend vpon him , and traine him to the lure of their affects and manner , bidding him to like of their qualities and conditions . wherefore cunningly to shake of the route of these needy , greedy retainers , he must altogether feede them with faire words , & shew them good countenance , and yet notwithstanding seeke by all policy he can to flye their fellowship and company . noble mens sonnes , knights sons , and gentlemens sonnes , may not thinke their friends sendeth them to the court , to learne new vices , and wicked practises , but to winne them new friends , and obtaine the acquaintance of noble men , whose credit & estimation , with the prince , may honour and countenance them , and by their vertues and meanes , may after a time bee brought into the princes fauour , and dayly to rise in credit and reputation amongst others . therefore such fathers as will send their children to the court , vnlesse they doe first admonish them well how they ought to behaue themselus , or that they recommend them to the charge and ouersight of some deare and especiall friend of theirs , that will reproue them of their faults , when they doe amisse . i say they were better to lay yrons on their feet , and send them to bedlam , or such other like house where mad men bee kept . for if they bee bound there in yrons , it is but to bring them to their wittes againe , and to make them wise : but to send them to the court loose , and at liberty without guide , it is the next way to make them fooles , and worse then madde men , assuring you , no greater daunger nor iniury can bee done to a young man , then to be sent to the court , & not committed to the charge of some one that shold take care of him , and looke straightly to him . for otherwise it were impossible hee should bee there many dayes , but hee must needes runne into excesse and foule disorder , by the meanes whereof he should vtterly cast himselfe away , and heape vpon theyr parents heads continuall curses , and griefes , during their liues . and therefore their fathers , supposing after they haue once placed their sonnes in the court , that they should no more carke nor care of them , nor reckon to instruct them , to bee wise and vertuous , finde when they come home to them againe , that they are laden withvices , ill complexioned , worse apparrelled , their clothes all tattered and torne , hauing vainely and fondly spent , and played away their money , and worst of all forsaken their masters , leauing them displeased with their seruice . and of these i would admonish the young courtier , because he must of necessity accompany with other yong men , that in no case he acquaint himselfe with vitious and ill disposed persons , but with the honest , wise , and courteous : amongst whom hee shall put vpon him a certaine graue , and stayed modesty , fitting himselfe onely to their companies , being also apt and disposed to all honest and vertuous exercises , decent for a right gentleman , and vertuous courtier , shuning with his best policy , the light foolish , and vaine toyes of others . and yet notwithstanding this , my intent and meaning is , not for to seeme to perswade or teach him , to become an hypocrite , but onely to bee courteous , honest , and well beloued of other young gentlemen : winning this reputation with all , to be esteemed the most vertuous and honestest among them , gallant and liuely in his disports and pastimes , of few words , & small conuersation amongst bosters and back-byters , or other wicked and naughtie persons : not to bee sad among those that are merrie , nor dumme , among those that talke wisely , and of graue matters : nor to belieue hee should be accounted a trim courtyer , to take his book in his hands to pray , , when others will take the ball to play , or goe about some other honest recreations or pastimes , for exercise of the bodie . for , in so doing , they would rather take him for a foole , and an hypocrite , then for a vertuous and honest young man. being good reason the childe should vse the pleasures and pastimes of a childe : young men disportes and actes of youth : and olde men also , graue and wise recreations fit for them . for in the end , doe the best we can , wee cannot flye the motions of the flesh , wherein wee are borne into this world . these young gentle-men - courtyers must take heede that they become not troublesome , importunate , nor quarrellers : that they be no filchers , lyars , vacabonds , and slaunderers , nor any way giuen to vice . as for other things , i would not seemeto take from them their pastime and pleasures , but that they may vse them at their own discretion . and in all other things lawfull and irreprouable , obseruing times and houres conuenient , and therewitall to accompanie themselues with their fellowes and companions . also the young courtyer that commeth newly to the court , must of necessitie be very well apparelled , according to his degree and calling , and his seruants that follow him well appointed . for in courte men regarde not onely the house and familie hee commeth of , but marke also his apparell , and seruants that follow him . and i mislike one thing very much , that about the court they doe rather honour and reuerence a man , braue and sumptuous in apparell being vitious , then they doe a man that is graue wise , and vertuous-and yet neuerthelesse , the courtyer may assure himselfe of this , that few will esteeme of him , eyther for that hee is vertouus or nobly borne , if hee be not also sumptuously apparelled and well accompanied : for them onely will euery man account and esteeme of him . wherefore i durst take vpon mee to sweare , if it were possible , to take oath of our bodyes , that they would sweare they needed them not , much lesse desire so large compassed gowns , that euery puffe of winde might swell thē as the sayles of a ship : neyther so long that trayling on the ground , they gather dust ; and cast it into our eyes . howbeit i thinke now-adayes these fine men weare them large and wide , and women long , with traynes vpon the ground : because in the court and else-where , no man makes reckning of him that spendeth but orderly , and onely vpon necessaries to goe cleanly withall : but him they set by , that is prodigall , excessiue , and superfluous . and who that in his doings and apparell is moderate , and proceedeth wisely , they holde him in court for a miserable and couetous mans and contrarily , hee that is prodigall and lauish in expence , him they count a noble and worthy person . albeit the courtyer be come of a noble house , and that he be yong of yeares , rich , and wealthie , yet would i like better hee should vse rather a certain mean and measure in his apparell ( wearing that that is comely and gentlemanlike ) then others of most coste and worship . for , like as they would count him a foole for wearing that he could not pay for : so they likewise would thinke him simple , if hee ware not that that become him , and that he might easily come by . his apparrell should be agreeable with his yeares , that is to say , on the holy dayes some more richer and brauer then on the worke dayes : and in the winter of the hotest furres : in the summer light garments of sattin and damaske : and to ride with , some others of lesser price and more durable : for as the wisdome of man is knowne by his speaking : so is his discretion decerned by his apparrell . let not the poore courtier study to weare or deuise any new or strange fashioned garment , for if he be of that humour , he shall quickly vndoe himselfe , and giue others occasion also to follow his light and vaine inuention . there are now a dayes found out so many strange wayes to dresse meate , and so many fashions and patterns of apparrell , that now they haue vniuersities of taylers and cookes . what more greater vanity and lightnes can there be then this ? that they will not suffer the mothers gowns to be made fit for their daughters , saying that they are olde , and out of fashion , and that they vse now a new kinde of apparrell and attire farre from the old manner . and notwithstanding those gownes bee it a manner new , good , whole , cleane , rich , and well made , & without weme , yet their daughters must needes haue new gownes at their marriage . so that we may aptly say , that a new folly , seekes alwayes a new gowne , namely , when they are light persons , without wit and discretion . and i pray you , is it not a goodly sight in the court , to see a foolish courtier weare a demy cappe , scant to couer the crowne of his heade , to haue his beard merquizotted , a payre of perfumed gloues on his hands , his shooes cut after the best fashion , a little curted cappe , his hose fayre pulled out , his doublet sleeues brauely cut and pinct , his rapier & his dagger guilded by his side : and then on the other side , the pestilence of penny he hath in his purse , to blesse him with : and besides he is deepe in the marchants booke for all those things hee hath taken vp of credit of him . their nagges foote clothes would not be so litle and narrow , that should seeme a fryers hood , neyther so great & large as the foot cloths of bishops moyles . also the courtier must see that his footcloth be good and whole , cleane , and without spot , not tattered and seame rent . this we speake , because there are some miserable courtiers that haue their footclothes threed bare , broken and seeme rent , foule and durty , narrow , and all digged full of holes with spurres . and therefore no man deserueth to be called a right courtier , vnlesse hee he fine and neate in his apparrell hee weareth , and also courteous and ciuill in his words and entertainement . and yet touching the rest of the furniture of their horse or gelding , their harnesse and trappes must bee kept blacke and cleane , and they must looke that the reines of the bridle bee not brokē nor vnsowed , which i speak not without cause : for there are a number of courtiers that at primero will not sticke to set vp a iest of a . or . crowns , and yet will think much to giue their poore horsekeepers . pence , to buy them a payre of reynes . and truly the courtier ( in my iudgement ) that is content to tye his horse with vntagged points , to see his fire smoke when hee should warme them , to ride with broken reines , and to cut his meate at the table with a rusty knife , i would thinke him base borne , and rudely brought vp . when the courtier will ride his horse , let him looke euer before hee take his backe , that he haue all his furniture fitte for him , his maine and tayle finely combed , his stirroppes bright glistering , his stirrops leather strong , and his saddle well stuffed , and aboue all , let him sit vpright in his seate , and carry his body euen , swaruing of neyther side , holding his legges still , and keepe his stirrop . for this name to bee called chiuallier ( signifieth in our tongue a rider of a horse ) came first because hee could ride and manage his horse well . and when he would stirre his legges , to spurre his horse , let him beware hee stoupe not forwardes with his body , and when he doth spurre his horse let him not spurre him low , but hie in the flankes , and whether he will runne or stand still with his horse , let him alwayes haue his eye vpon the reines , that in no case the raines goe out of his hand . and in giuing his horse a carere , let him not writhe with his body , nor bee too busie in beating or spurring his horse oft : for in his carere , to know when to spurre him , when to giue him head , or to pull him backe againe , and to stoppe him . i haue seene many take it vpon them , but few indeed that euer were skilfull , & coulde do it well . now the courtier being mounted on horse or moyle , without his rapier by his side , seemeth rather a physitian that goeth to visite his sicke patients , then a gentleman of the court , that for his pleasure and disport rideth abroad throgh the streets : and if he were by chance intreated by some noble man to accōpany him , or to ride behind him throgh the streets : euery honest courtier ought not only to doe it , but vnasked to be ready to offer himselfe to waite vpon him , and ●o goe with him willingly . and let the fine courtier beware that in giuing his hand to a gentlewoman hee be not gloued , and if she bee a horsebacke , that hee talke with her bare headed , to doe her the more honour , and if shee ride behinde him , & they chance to discourse together , let him neuer looke backe vpon her to behold her , for that is a rude manner , and a token of ill education . and one common courtesie there is among courtiers , that when they are in talke with ladies and gentlewomen , and entertaining of them , they suffer them to do with them what they will , to raigne ouer them , and to bee ouercommed in argument of them , and they holde it good manners to doe them seruice , when they haue any occasion offered to serue them . and when he shal accompany any gentlewoman to goe a visitation with her , or to talke abroad for their pleasure through the streetes , he must ride fayre and softly , and if she should happen to keepe him so long in talke till she should alight , the good courtier must beare it courteously , & make a good countenance , as thogh it grieued him nothing , sith wee know very well , that when women beginne once to talke , it is impossible for them tomake an end , vnlesse they bee ouerta●ken with night , or preuented by ●om● other accident . hee that will bee a courter , must weare his shooes blacke and cleane , his hose straight to his legges , and his garments without plight or wrincle , his sword fayre varnished , his shirts finely wrought , and his cappe standing with a good grace . for the chiefest thing of court is , that noble men bee rich in apparrell , and the right courtiers to bee fine and cleanly . it is not decent for a man to weare his slippers so long that the corke be seene , nor his garments till they be torne , nor surre till it be bare before , nor shyrtes till they be worne out , nor his cap till the turffe be greasie , nor his coate till it be threed-bare , nor his girdle till it be halfe-broken . for , the courtyer may not onely weare his garments to content himselfe , but also to like others , that shall behold it . and after that hee is once determined to goe to the courte , hee must suppose to goe thither well apparelled , else sure they wil not account him to be a right courtyer . for in this case , the excuse of pouertie may not be alleadged : for they will thinke them rather miserable , then poore courtyers . the good courtyer may not spare in court , to spend afterwards at home : but he must pinch at home , to be liberall afterwards in the court. and yet once againe i returne to recite , that for a courtyer to come into the princes fauour , hee may not any way bee sparing or miserable , but rather honestly liberall , and bountifull . for seldom-times concurre these two things together : to be miserable , and yet with his miserie , to attaine to the princes fauour . i remember i saw once a friende of mine in the courte weare a ierkin , faced at the coller with martens , and they were all bare and greasy , and there was a certaine portingale in the courte ( a pleasaunt companyon ) that came to this gentleman , and asked him properly , what faire furres they were he ware about his necke ? and this gentleman answered him , martins : martins syr , saith the portingale : me thinks they ore rather like surres of ash-wendesday , then of shroue-tuesday : and finely this portingale compared mardi ( that is tuesday ) to his martin furres : & so likewise his martin furres to mardi . and sure hee had great reason not to praise them , but greatly to rebuke him for them . for , it had been more for his honour and worship , to haue had the coller of his ierken lined with faire white lamme , then with such old , stale , dyrtie , and sweatie martins . the bruches that our courtyer must weare in his cappe , must be very rich , and excellently well wrought , and his deuse or motto , that hee will haue about it so curious , that though euery man may reade it , yet few shall vnderstand what it meanes . for such deuises are euer lightly grounded of vaine and fonde toyes : and therefore they should bee so much more secrete and obscure . for sure the faulte is great enough in a man to deuise it , though hee doe not bewray it . also his seruaunts that waytes vpon him , must needes goe handsomely apparelled , and fine and neat in their cloathing . for , it is a small honour for the master to be well apparelled , if he let his seruants goe beggarly . there are many courtyers that haue their men following them with thred bare clokes , torn cotes , foule shirts , broken hose , and rent shoes . so that these poore seruing-men , if for one moneth they weare that their master giueth them for three other moneths they weare their own proper flesh . it is no wise mans part , but a meere folly to keepe a greater traine then he is able : for that courtier that hath alwayes many seruants wayting on him , and they going tattered and torn hauing no good thing to put on their backes ( or at least that they haue is but meane and simple ) shall sooner winne the name of a broker , that preferreth other men to seruice , then of a master that keepeth seruants himselfe : the good courtier must giue vnto all his seruants that serue him , eyther apparrell or wages : for that seruant that serueth onely in house for bare meate and drinke , shall neuer serue truely while he doth serue . and therefore let the courtyer looke well to it , that hee entertaine no man into his seruice , but that first he agree with him for standing wages : vnles it bee that hee be some nephew , or kinsman , or some of his deere friends : or else in the ende , if he be a noble-man , ( vnlesse he doe so ) hee shall finde that at the yeares ende hee shall spend him more , then if hee gaue him ordinary wages , and besides they will not bee contented with him , although it be to his greater charge . also let him consider well , if it happen that ( when hee hath neede of seruaunts to wayte vpon him ) some brother or neighbours childe be offered vnto him , whether he shal receiue him or no. for after he hath receiued him in his house , eyther hee shall be compelled to beare with his faultes , and disorders he shall doe , or else desirous to rebuke and reforme him , or to send him home againe : he shall but winne anger and displeasure of his father , or his proper kinsfolks . surely such courtyers as take those kinde of men into their seruice , haue a great deale of pain and trouble with them . and truly it is too great a crueltie , that the courtyer , shold be driuen to beare the dishonestie of his man that serues him , whē his owne father could not away with his conditions . some fathers are so much blinded , and besotted with fatherly affection , and difficulte besides to please , that they are not contented that the courtyer hath receyued their sonne into his seruice , and that he entreat him as if hee were his owne kinsman : but further , they would haue the courtyer his maister , to beare with all his sawcie deshonestīes , and leawdnes : and if they cannot frame the young man to theyr minde , as they would haue him ; yet at least they would haue his maister to pittie him , for that hee is butyoung , and hath no knowledge , and for a while to wincke at all his faultes , in good hope of a better amendment . the courtier may not onely see , that his men be well in apparrell , but he must prouide also that they haue meate enough to put in their bellies : for the seruants that are starued for meat , are wont to do small seruice , and besides that to complaine much . let him beware also he doe not take into his seruice any lewde persons , busie bodies , and vnquiet men , cutpurses , ruffians , quarrellers or whoremongers : if hee finde that hee hath such in his house , let him turne him out of seruice straight ; for by keeping such mates in his house , his house shall neuer be wel ordered , there shall euer be quarrelling and swearing amongst them , and besides that , the neighbors and common people shall bee offended . let the good courtier foresee that he haue no cardes nor dice in his house to occupie the seruants : for those thriftles seruants that are giuen to play , beginne first to play , and afterwardes they learne to steale let the courtier be well aduised also when he chideth with his seruants , that hee bee not too lowde , that his voyce may bee heard abroad , as all the hostes and inne-keepers are : for in beeing too lowde , hee should bee more dishonoured then blamed , for the ill words he giueth his man. let him take heed also that hee doe not call his seruants drunkards , theeues , villaines , iewes , nor other such like names of reproch . for those and other like vncurteous wordes are of small correction , add yet they bring displeasure , and disdaine inough . and if the courtier cannot giue bountifully and pleasure his officers and seruants that are aboute him , yet at least ( howsoeuer the world go ) let him not be behind with them in paying them their whole wages due to them : for so it might lightly happen , that the seruāts would begin to make complaints of him , and that vnhappily in the end he might come to die with misery in his enemies hands . there is no enemy in the world so cruell , nor so much to be feared , as the seruant that is not contented with his master , for as he is the theefe of the house , so knoweth hee very well what peece of his masters harnesse is wanting for his body to set on him , when hee would in that place haue an arrow for his token . therefore so soone as it commeth to the courtiers eares , that any of his seruants complaine of him , eyther let him giue him al that he would haue or put him out of his house immediately : for if he doe it not , let him be assured that that seruant will neuer leaue till hee haue put in discord with his friends , and defame with others . and aboue all things we haue spoken of yet , the courtier must chiefely looke what his man is he trusted with his honour ? for in this case many are wont not onely to be deceiued , but also many times scorned . and there are many that will put their goods into the hands and trust of a man , but their honour & things of greatest weight and importance , they will sooner commit to the trust of a young foolish , and simple page , then of a wise and stayed man. and therefore how much more his busines is of weight and importance , so much lesse should it be reueled to the secresie of a boy . and if hee doe otherwise , i can assure him , hee shall sooner be spoken of of euery man , then hee shall haue his businesse dispatched . the courtier must also haue his chamber wel hanged , and finely kept , and cleane , and his house and family all in good order , and euery man quiet : for the cleannesse of the house , and ciuility of the seruants , are a great token and witnesse of the nobility of the master . in the courtiers chamber where hee lyeth , the bed must first of all bee made , and the cloth before the dore let downe , the chamber swept , the hangings and other stuffe that is there in good order , with some perfumes , or other sweet odors , so that it should laugh vpon a man that comes into it : for there are some in the court so filthy , and so ill furnished of hangings , and other stuffe , that if any man come to see their chambers , they seeme rather sheepe coates , then courtiers chambers . chap. ix . of the wise manner the courtier should haue to serue and honour the ladies and gentlewomen : and also to satisfie and please the vshers , and porters of the kings house . let the good courtier bee alwayes circumspect , that hee seeke not any fauour at the iustices hands but that that is lawfull : for if eyther hee bee denyed , he shall returne with shame , or being graunted , hee shall leaue his conscience to gage , in sutes and controuersies betweene men of religion in the spirituall court , let him in no case deale : for at the first shew they seeme very easie to the iudge , but when they come to the vnripping of the matter , to iudge of them then they are matters of great charge and conscience . there were manie towers in ierusalem , to any of which the diuell might haue brought iesvs christ , to haue perswaded and tempted him , to haue thrown himselfe down : howbeit he would not bring him but to the pinacle of the church , to let vs vnderstand therby , that he tooke more pleasure in one sinne done in the church , or of holy persons , then of tenne committed in the world , & of worldlings . and notwithstanding the courtyer doth not see that the reason is of his side that is recommended to him , hee neede neuer passe for that , to entreate for him , or to charge his owne proper conscience : as for example . if any man intreat him to speake to the iudge , or to write him a letter . for manie times wee see the iudges make much more account of one only word or letter from him that is in fauor and estimation with the prince , then they will of the religion and and iustice of another man. and alwayes write in this forme : right worshipfull , or honourable : the letters of fauour that shall be requested of you , &c. that by those wordes the iudge may know , that for that they were requested & besought , and not that it should seem you write for affection : for doing otherwise , that that you shall write to him to satisfie others in , he will thinke that you doe it , because eyther for reason , or dutie , hee should performe your letters . the like consideration and modestie the good prince should haue in that hee doeth commaund : the like and selfe-same shold the esteemed and fauoured of the court obserue in his requests he maketh . for many times the requests of the beloued in courte are with more celeritie performed , then the commissions of the prince are accomplished . let the courtyer alwayes haue in his minde also , that if hee meete with an noble-man or knight by the way , hee doe in any condition return with him and keepe him companie : although the noble-man or knight striue with him , not to haue him got backe with him : yet let him not suffer himselfe to be ouercome ; to let all men knowe , that notwithstanding the noble-man or knight passe him in degree or apparrell , yet he shall not exceede him in curtesie and ciuilitie . now this courtly company is only to be vnderstood to be offered the knight when he rideth into the citie of pleasure , and not when he goeth alone : and sheweth by his for-head an vnpleasaunt countenance , troubled in his minde . yet the courtyer neuertheles must offer himselfe to accompanie him , which if hee doe accept , hee may not then withstand or importune him to doe it : for where he should thinke to bee accounted courteous , they would repute him a troublesom man. when the courtyer shall accompany any noble-man of the court , let him not then seeme to contende with other courtyers for place and honour in his presence , who should be before , or behinde another . for this strife comming to the noble-mans eare whome they accompanie , it might easily happen that that companie , that came to wayte vpon him , and to doe him honour and seruice , should then seeme to dishonour and offend him . little knoweth he what honor meaneth , when in these trifles hee seeketh it . for the wise and courteous courtyer , hath not only to seeke honour with them , with whom he rideth cheeke by cheeke : but also with those that are beloued of the prince . now when the noble-man is accompanyed , and that hee is come hard by the court , your courtyers bee readie to alight off your horse , quickely before him : and when hee shall likewise take his horse againe , be as ready to take your horse backe before him : for doing thus , you shall bee neare about him when hee lighteth off his horse , and afterwards helpe him when hee mounteth on his horse againe . if perhaps at the comming in of a chamber , the lordes seruants want consideration , or that they remember not to holde open the cloth ouer the dore , the good and diligent courtier should sodenly put himselfe before him , to lift and hold it vp : for many times it is as great an honour for a courtier to be accounted one of good maner and bringing vp in the court , as out of the court , it is to be reputed a great and famous captaine in wars . and since the courtier is determined to accompany some noble man to the court , hee is also bound by the lawes of the court to wayte vpon him home againe , which if hee doe , the noble man shall bee more beholding to him for the attendance hee hath giuen vpon him , then for his cōpany to ride with him . if any come to speake with the courtier that were equall with him in degree , or meaner of calling or condition then himselfe , it is one of the first and chiefest points of ciuility & good manner , not to suffer him to open his lips to speake to him , before hee haue his cappe on his head , for one to talke commonly with the other with his cappe in his hand , is of great authority and reuerence , as from the duty of the subiect to the prince , or that of the seruant to the master . the good courtier must euer speake againe to him that speaketh to him , do him reuerence that doeth him reuerence , put off his cappe to him , that putteth off his , and this hee must doe without any respect that hee is his friend or foe : for in the effects of good maners , no man ought so much to bee an enemie , that the enmitie should breake the boundes of curtesie and humanity . it is rather fit for common persons , then for courtlike gentlemen , in so meane things to shewe their enmitie . for to say truely , the good courtyer should not shewe the enmitie of the heart , by putting on , or pulling off his cap , but by taking sworde in hand to reuenge his quarrell . and if the courtyer were in the church , court , or in the chappell of the prince , and set , and an other gentleman happely commeth in the same place where he is , he must doe him the curtesie to giue him the place and seat and to pray him to sit downe : yea , and if there were no other place fit for the gentleman to sit in , and that of curtesie also hee would not offer him that iniurie to accept it : yet at the least let the courtyer doe what hee may , to make him take a peece of his stoole , that parting with him his seate , the other may also come to part with him his heart . if those that were set hard by the courtyer begun to talke in secrete together , he should rise from thence , or goe a little aside from them . for , in the court they wil say he is ill taught , and brought vp , and wanteth ciuilitie and good manners that will seeme to harken to any bodyes tales or secrets . the courtyers must haue frienship also with the porters , to open him the court-gates that are kept fast chained in , that they be contented to suffer their moyle or foot-cloth-nagge to enter into the vtter-court . and the like must be practised with the gentlemen-vshers of the chamber , and captaine of the garde , to whom hee must doe a thousand pleasures , that they may respect his person , and let him come in when he wil. and the next way to winne his friendship , and to continue them friendes , and to be welcome of them , is to feast them otherwhiles : sometimes with a banket , but especially not to faile them with a new-yeares gift , on new-yeares day , what trifle or present soeuer it bee . that courtyer that is not acquaynted with the vshers , and doth them no pleasures , may bee well assured that those aboue in the hall , will make him tarry in the vtter-court : and those that stand at the gate of the cheyne , they will make him light in the myre . with the vshers of the priuie-chamber , hee must needes deale honourably withall , as to come and see them sometimes , and to do them much honour , in giuing them some faire iewell or presenting them with a gowne , or coate-cloth of silke or veluet . and thus he shall be assured , they will not only let him into the priuie-chamber : but they will also procure him , to speake with the prince , at his best leysure . to make the yeomen of the guarde also that make gentlemen giue place , and stand a loose off-from the prince , it cannot bee but very profitable for the courtyer to haue them his friends . for many times they may helpe vs to a fit place to talke with the king , it is such a trouble and charge to speake with the prince , that if wee haue not greaat friendship with these we haue spoken of , and that we doe them some pleasures before we come to the court they will shut the dores against vs , and wee shall come home ashamed of our selues . for , a courtyer to bee acquaynted with the ladies and gentlemen of the court , it is rather of pleasure then of necessitie : albeit it be true , that the young-courtyer , that serueth not some ladie or dame in the court , shall be rather blamed of his shamefastnesse , and cowardly heart , then approued for his modestie and grauitie . in deede for a young-gentleman that is rich , noble , and free-harted : it is an honest and comely entertainment , to become some ladyes seruaunt of the court : but for him that is poore , liuing in disgrace , and out of fauour , let him vtterly flye the loue of courtly dames , and sticke to the poor-friends ship of deuout nunnes . for the property of courtly mistresses , is to empty their seruants-purses , and the manner of religious-nunnes , to beg alwayes of him that visites her . the courtyer that offereth himselfe to serue any ladie or gentlewoman in court , doth bind himselfe to a streight religion : for sometimes hee must kneele by her of one knee , sometimes he must stand vppon his feete before her , and alwayes he must haue his cap in his hand , and he may not speake to her , vnlesse shee commaund him first : and if shee aske any thing of him , hee is bound to giue it her straight , if hee can : and though shee frowne vppon him , yet hee may not bee angrie with her - so that the courtyer must needes imploy his whole person , and goods , in seruing of her , that hee loues . for , the courtyer that is marryed , surely it is not fit for him to loue any other woman then his wife : neyther is it honest for the woman to be serued with any married courtyer , for these manner of loues are to no other ende , but for him to be merry with her , and for her to get somewhat of him . let the courtyer be very wise , and beware that he doe not loue and serue such a gentlewoman whom he cannot obtaine to his wife : for otherwise it should be a great corsiue to his heart , and a more shame , to see another before his eyes to enioy her , and eate of that fruite , which hee had now to his great coste and charges , made now a fruitfull orch-yard . and if it happen that his mistresse whom he serueth be nobly borne , very fayre of complexion , pleasant of condition , of good grace and behauiour in her conuersation , very wise & fine in her doings : hee may bee well assured , hee shall neuer forget this griefe , and sorrow , and so much the more , if hee did loue her with all his heart and vnfainedly . there is great difference between that we lose , and that wee haue : for if the heart lament for the losse of that wee haue , it bewayleth bitterly to lose that wee loue . also the courtier must be aduised that hee tell not to any that his wife hath told him , or any thing that hath passed secretly between thē , for women are of such a quality , that for any thing they doe , they would neuer heare of it againe willingly , and those secrets , that another commits to them of trust , they can neuer keepe them secret . there is a law common between women and their louers : for if they goe abroad , their louers must attende vpon their persons , and if they buy any thing in the streete as they goe , they are bound to pay for it . and if they be too late abroad , they must prouide them of torches to bring them home with ; and when the court remoueth frō place to place , theirs is the charge , to defray their expences by the way : and if any doe them iniury , they are bound to reuenge their quarrell : if they fall sicke , they must doe them a thousand pleasures and seruices : if any challenge bee made in court , of tilt , turney , or barriers , they must bee the first and best mounted and armed aboue others ( if they may possible ) with all , not forgetting their ladyes colours and deuise , offering themselus nobly to performe the challenge , giuing them to vnderstand , that for their sakes , they neyther feare to aduenture their liues , nor spare for any charge to doe them all honour and seruice . with out doubt , wee may speake it truely , that hee putteth himselfe to great perill and danger ( whatsoeuer hee bee ) that serueth women . but when the wise courtier is now become a seruaunt to any lade , hee must beware in any case hee entertaine or serue any other then his mistresse : for if hee did it otherwise , hee should raise a mortall hate and discorde betweene these women : by reason whereof many slaunders & broiles might ensue . it is a naturall thing to all women , that to hate any man , a hundred will come to agree in one opinion : but to loue him , you shall not finde two of one minde . the good courtier must couet the best he can to be alwayes at the making ready of the king , and at meat , and that for two causes : the one for that hee may be ready to doe him seruice , and the other , for that at such a time they shall haue an apt time to treate with the prince in any thing hee will , if he haue any occasion of busines with him . and when the king is eyther at his meate , or that hee bee putting on his apparrell , let the good courtier be circumspect he come not too neere the table where he sitteth , nor that hee touch the kings apparell he weareth on : for no man ought once to presume to bee so hardy to meddle with his meate , or his apparrell , vnlesse he be shewer or chamberlaine , and if in this time of repast , or making him ready , there were present any iesters or fooles , that sayd or did any thing to make them laugh . the good courtier must take heede that hee laugh not too loud , as in such cases many are wont to doe : for in such a case the prince would be better pleased at the modesty of the courtier , then at the knauery of the foole . the honest courtier must not haue a foole his friend , nor his enemy , for to make him his friend , hee is too dishonest , and to be his enemy , hee is too vile and cowardly . i wish the courtier not to bee angry with him : what soeuer he doth : for many times it happeneth that the friendshippe of a wise man doth not so much benefite or pleasure , as the enmity and displeasure of one of these fooles doth hurt . and if hee will giue them any thing ( as he must needes ) let him beware he giue him not occasion to condemne his conscience , and that hee stoppe their mouthes : for the courtier that is christian , shall giue as much more to the poore to pray to god for him , as hee shall giue to others to speake well of him to the king . when the king sneeses , and that the courtier bee present , hee must straight put off his cappe , and bowe himselfe in a manner to the ground , but for all that hee must take heed , he say not , christ helpe you , or god blesse you , or such other like : for to doe any maner of courtesie or honor : is pertinent onely to courtiers : but to say , christ helpe , or god blesse you : is the country manner . and if the king by chance should haue any hayre or feather to flye vppon his clothes , or any other filthy thing about him : none but the chamberlaine onely should take it away , and none other courtier should once presume to take any thing from his backe , or to touch his garment , neyther any other person , vnlesse it were in case to defend him . when the king is set at the table , the courtier may not come into the kitchen , nor much lesse leane vpon the surueying boorde : for though hee did it perhaps but to see the order of the suruey , and seruice of the prince : yet it may bee suspected of some , hee meant worser matter , and and thereby they should iudge ill of him . if the prince haue a felicity in hawking , the courtier must endeauour himselfe to keepe a cast or two of good falcons , and if in hunting , then he must haue good greyhounds . and when hee is eyther a hawking or hunting with the king , hee must seeke to serue him so diligently that day , that he may both find him game to sport with , and procure for himselfe also fauour at the princes hand . many times princes are so earnest of their game , and so desirous to kill that they hunt , that they are wonte boldly to chase the beastes they hunt , and pursue them so , that oftentimes they lose the sight of the rest , in such a case the good courtier must euer haue his eyes vpon him , and rather seeke to follow the king , then to take pleasure in hunting of other beasts : for in that case it shal be a better hunting for him to finde out the king , and to be with him , then he should take pleasure in being alone with the hart. it may happen lightly , that the king galloping his horse vpon the rockie stones , he might stūble at such a stone , as both the king and his horse should come to the ground : and at that time it could not be but very profitable to the courtier to bee present : for it might so happen , that by means of the princes fall ( he being ready to helpe him ) he might thenceforth beginne to grow in fauour and credite with the prince . the most part of those that delight to goe a hunting , are wont commonly to eate their meate greedily , & drinke out of measure , and besides to shout and make a wonderful noise , as they were out of their wits : which thinges the graue , and wise courtier should not do : for they are rather fit for vagabonds , & idle persons , that set not by their honesty : then they are for the honest courtier , that only desireth and endeauoreth by modesty & wise behauiour to become great , and in fauour . chap. x. of the great pains and troubles the courtier hath that is toilde in sutes of law , and how hee must suffer , and behaue himselfe with the iudges . there are in the court also diuers kindes of men , that bee not courtiers , & princes seruants , but only are courtiers of necessity , by reason of suites they haue with the counsell . and these manner of courtiers haue as much need of counsell , as of helpe : for hee that hath his goods in hazard , hath also his life in ieopardy . to speake of the diuers and subtill wayes of suffering , it is no matter worthy to bee written with ynke , but onely with liuely bloud : for indeed if euery one of these suters , were forced to abide for his faith , and beleeue those paines , troubles , and sorrowes , that he doth to recouer his goods , as much cruelty as tortures should vaglioditi , and grauata haue , as euer had rome in times past . in my opinion , i thinke it a hell to continue a long suter . and surely we may beleeue , yea and sweare to , that the martyrs executed in olde time in the primitiue church ( which were many in number ) did not suffer so much , neyther felt such griefe to loose their life , as doth now a daies an honest man , to see himselfe depriued of all his faculties . it is a great trouble and charge to recouer any thing , but in the end of these two effects , a wise man suffereth and feeleth more the displeasure he receyueth , then he doth the goods hee spendeth . and in my iudgement to striue and contend is nothing else , but to bring matter to the hart to sigh and lament : to the eyes to weepe , to the feet to go , to the tongue to complaine , to the handes to spend , to intreat his friendes to fauour his cause : and to commaund his seruaunts to be carefull and diligent , and his bodie to labour continually . he that vnderstandeth not the conditions of contention : i will let him know , they are these which follow , of a rich man , to become poore : of a mery man , to be made sad and melancholie : of a free man , a bond-man : of a liberall man , a couetous man : of a quiet man , an vnquyet person : and of a htaefull , a desperate person . how is it otherwise possible , but that the haplesse poore suter must become desperate ? seeing the iudge looketh vppon him with a frowning counteuaunce : his goods to bee demaunded of him wrongfully : and that now it is so long a time hee hath not bin at home , and knoweth not as yet whether sentence shall be giuen , with him , or against him . and besides all this , that the pooreman in his lingring sute hath spent so much , that hee hath not left him sixe pence in his purse . if any of these troubles be ynough to bring a man to his end , much more shal they be to make the poore-man desperate , and weary of his life . so diuers are the effects , and successes seene in matters of sutes , that many times there is no wit able to dyrect them , nor goods to bring them to end . nay , wee may boldly and truely say , that the lawes are so many , & diffuse of themselues , and mens iudgements so simple to vnderstand them : that at this day there is no suite in the world so cleer , but there is found another law to put that in doubt , & make it voyd . and therfore the good and ill of the suter , consisteth not so much in the reason he hath , as in the law which the iudge chuseth to giue iudgmēt of . it is well that the suter belieue and thinke that he hath right , but the chiefest thing of importaunce is , that the iudge also , desire that hee haue his right . for , that iudge that fauoureth my cause , and desireth to doe mee iustice , he will labour and study to seeke out some law that shal serue my turn , to restore mee againe to my right . to contend , is so profound a science , that neither socrates to the athenians , nor solon to the greeks , nor numa pom pylius to the romaines , nor prometheus to the egiptians , nor lycurgus to the lacedemonians , nor plato to his disciples , nor apolonius , to the poets of nemesis , nor hiarcus to the indians , could euer teach it them : and much lesse could they tell how to finde anie way to write it in the bookes of their common-wealth . the cause why these famous men did not finde it , was because this science could not be learned by studying of diuers bookes , nor by trauelling through diuers countreyes , but onely by framing great sutes and processes , and by infinite charge , and expences of money . happie , yea truly , and most treble happie were those ages , in which they neither knew , nor yet could tell , what strife or contention meant . for , indeede from that time hetherto , the world hath fallen to decay , and chiefly since men haue grown to quarrel , and each one contēded with his neighbor . plato was wont to say , that in that commonweale where there were found many physitians , it was also an euident token that there were many vicious people : and likewise we may say , that in that citie where there are manie suters , it is to bee thought it followes also , that there are many yll disposed-people . that onely may be called a blessed and fortunate common weale , where men liue quietly , and haue not to doe with iustices nor iudges : for it is a true rule , when physitians are much frequented , and iudges much occupied , that amongst that people , there is little health , and lesse quiet . but to returne to the troubles of our suiters : i say , that the disciples of the famous philosopher socrates , were not bound to be silent in athens aboue two yeares : but the vnfortunate suiters were bound to holde their peace ten yeares , if their suites did continue so long . for albeit the iudge doe them open iniury , yet they may not seeme to complaine , but rather say , hee thinketh hee hath done him the best iustice in the world . and if for his mishap or plague of his offences , hee would not so approue and speake them , let him bee assured , the iudge will perceiue it by his countenance , and afterwardes let him know it by his iudgement . some suters say , they are great sinners , and i say they are saintes : for of the seuen deadly sinnes that are committed , onely of three they are but to bee accused : for in the other foure ( although they would ) they doe not giue him time nor leaue to offend how can the suiter euer offend in pride , since hee must poore man goe from house to house with his cappe in his hand , and all humilitie to solicit his cause ? how can hee euer offend in auarice , sith hee hath not many times a penny in his purse to buy him his dinner : nor to pay for the infinite draughts and copies proceeding out of the chancerie ? how can hee offend in sloth and idlenes , sith hee consumeth the long nights onely in sighes an complaints , and the whole day in trotting and trudging vp and downe . how can he offend in gluttony , since he would be content to haue onely to suffice nature , and not to desire pies nor breakefasts , nor to lay the table euery day ? that sinne they most easily and commonly offend in , is ire , and indeed i neuer saw suter patient , and although hee be angry , wee may not maruell at it a whit : for if euer once in the end of halfe a year he happen to haue any thing that pleaseth him , i dare bee bound euery weeke after hee shall not want infinite troubles to torment and vexe him . these men also offend much in enuy : for indeed there is no man that pleades but is enuious : and this proceedeth many times , to see an other man , by fauour dispatched of his sute , that hath not continued onely two moneths in court a suter : and of his that hath continued aboue two yeares since it beganne , not a word spoken . they offend also in the sinne of backebiting , and murmuring against theyr neighbours : for they neuer cease complayning of the partiality of the iudges , of the slothfulnesse and timorousnes of his counsellor , that pleads his cause at the barre : of the little consideration of the attorney , of the payments of the notary , and of the small curtesies ( or rather rudenes ) of the officers of the iudge : so that it may be well sayde , that to striue in law , and to murmur , are neere kinsfolks together . the egyptians were in times past plagued onely with ten plagues , but these miserable and wofull suters are dayly plagued with a thousand torments . and the difference betwixt their plague & these is , that the egiptians came from the diuine prouidēce and these of our poore suters , from the inueution of mans malice . and it is not without cause , we say , that it is mans inuention , and not diuine : for to frame inditements , to giue delayes to the party , to alledge actions , to deny the demaund , to accept the proofe , to examine witnesses to take out proces , to note the declaration , to prolong the cause , alledging well , or prouing il , to refuse the iudge for suspect , to make intercession , to take out the copy of the plea , and to call vpon it againe with a . doubles . surely , al these are things that neither god commaundeth in the olde testament , neyther iesus christ our sauiour doth alow in his holy gospel . the writings of egypt , although they were to the great losse and detriment of the seigniory of the egyptians , yet were they neuerthelesse very profitable for the liberty of the egyptians : but the miserable plaintifes , are yet in an other great extremity ; for notwithstanding the plagues and miseries the poore wretches suffer dayly , yet doe they leaue their soules buried in the courts of chauncery , and cannot notwithstanding haue their goods at liberty . and if the plague of the egyptians was by riuers of bloud , frogs , horse flyes , death of cattel , tempests , leprosie , locusts , mysts , flyes , and by the death of the first borne children . the plague of the plaintifes is to serue the presidents to beare with the auditors to intreat the notaries , to make much of their clerks , to please the counsellers , to follow their heeles , that must open their causes to pray the vsshers , to borrow money , to goe from house to house , to solicite their atturneyes , all these things are easily to tell , but very hard to suffer : for after they are once proued and tryed by experience , they are enough to make a wise man contented , rather to lose a peece of his right , then to seeke to recouer it by any such extremity : for hee may bee well assured , that hee shall neuer want faire countenance , sugred words and large promises : but for good doings it is a maruellous wonder , if euer they meet together . and therefore before all other things it is necessary hee pray to god for his owne health and preseruation : and next to him , for the preseruation and long continuance of the iudge , if hee will obtaine his sute . therefore i aduise him that hath not the iudge for his friend , to beware , as from the diuel , hee doth not commence any sute before him : for to dispatch him the better , eyther hee will finde the meanes to make his case very darke , or at the least hee will prolong his sute as long as he please . it skilleth not much whether the iudges bee olde or yong men , for both with the one and the other , the poore plaintife hath enough to doe . if they be olde men , a man shall trauel long ere he wil heare his cause . if they bee young men , he shal wait long also ere hee can informe them of the very points of his cause . an other great discommodity yet follow these olde iudges , that being euer sickly , and of weak nature , they neuer haue strength nor time in manner to examine their cases . and as those that haue lost now a great peece of their memory , onely trusting in forepassed expences , they presume to dispatch their suites as lightly , without further looking into them , or throughly examining them , as if they had already aduisedly studyed them . and peraduenture their case is of such importance , that if they had looked vpon it very well , they could scantly haue told what to haue sayd in it . and i would not that when any case should be determined , and iudgement given vpon my matter , that the iudge should benefite himselfe onely with that hee had seene , or read before . for although experience bee a great helpe to the iudge to giue the better iudgment vpon the matter , yet notwithstanding he is to study a new to vnderstand the merits of the cause . it is also a great trouble , and daungerous for a man to practise with new iudges , and to put their matters into their hands , who onely were called to the place of a iudge , being thought learned and fitte for it , and so brought to rule as a magistrate : for many times these young iudges , and new physitians although they want not possible knowledge yet they may lacke a great deale of practise & experience : which is cause that one sort maketh many lose their liues before they doe come to rise in fame : & the other vndoe many a man , in making him spēd all that euer he hath . there is yet besides , an other apparant daunger , to haue to doe with these new and yong experienced iudges : for when they come to sit newly in iudgement , with their other brethren the iudges , hauing the lawe in their mouth to serue all turnes , they doe but onely desire and study to winne fame and reputation amongst men , and thereby to bee the better reputed of his brethren . and for this cause only when they are assembled together in place of iustice to giue iudgement of the pleas layde before them , they doe not only inlarge themselues , in alleadging many and diuers opinions of great learned men , and booke cases . so that the hearers of them may rather thinke they haue studyed to shew their eloquence and learning , then for to open the decision and iudgement of the cases , they haue before them . and for finall resolution i say , that touching pleas and sutes , i am of opinion , that they should neyther truste the experience of the olde iudge , nor the learning and knowledge of the young . but rather i reckon that man wise , that seeketh by little and little to grow to an agreement with his aduersarie , and that tarieth not many yeares to haue a lingring , yea ( and possibly ) an vncertaine ende . also i would ( in some sort ) exhort the poore plaintise , not to bee ouer-curious , to vnderstand the qualities of the iudge , as a man would say , if he be olde , or young , if he be learned or priuiledged , if he be well studyed , or but little , if hee be a man of few or manie words : if hee be afflicted or passionate , tractable or selfe willed ? for , possiblie beeing too inquisitiue to demaund of any of these things , it might happen ( though hee did it vnawares , yet hee should finde them afterwards all heaped togethers in the person of the iudge , to his hinderance and dammage in decyding his cause . the wise suter should not onely not seek to be inquisitiue of the iudge or his conditions : but also if any man would seeme to tell him of him , hee should giue no eare to him at all . for if it come to the iudges eares hee enquireth after his manner of liuing , and condition , hee will not onely be angry with him in his minde , but will be also vnwilling to giue iudgement in his fauour . the poore siuter shall also meete with terrible iudges , seuere , intractable , chollericke , incommunicable , and inexorable , and yet for all this he may not looke vpon his nature , nor condition : but onely to regarde his good conscience . for , what neede hee care if the iudge be of seuere and sharpe condition , as long as he may be assured that hee is of good conscience . it is as needefull for the vpright and good iudge , to haue a good and pure conscience : as it is to haue a skilfull head , and iudgement in the lawes . for , if he haue the one without the other hee may offend in malice : and if hee haue that without the other , hee may offend also in ignorance . and if the suter come to speake with the iudge , and hee by chaunce finde him a sleepe , hee must tarry till hee awake , and if then hee will not , or he cannot giue eare vnto him , hee must bee contented . and if he caused his man to say he were not within ( notwithstanding the suter saw him ) hee must dissemble it : yea , if the seruants giue him an ill answere , he must take it in good worth : for the wary and politike suter must not bee offended at any thing that is done or sayde to him , till he see the definitiue sentence giuen with him , or against him . it is a maruellous trouble also to the suter to chuse his counsellour : for many times hee shall chuse one that shall want both law and conscience . and some others shall chuse one that though on the one side hee lacke not law , yet on the other hee shall bee without both soule and conscience : and this is apparantly seen , that somtime for the gaine of twenty nobles , hee shall as willingly deny the truth , and goe against his owne consciedce , as at another time he will seeke for to maintaine iustice . it is true there are many other counsellours also that are both wise and learned , and yet notwithstanding , they know the law , they can by no meanes frame it to his clients case , wanting deuice and conuayance to ioyne them together . and so it happeneth many times that to compare it to his clyants case , hee conuaieth him so vnfitlie as of a plaine case it was before , it is now made altogether a folde of infinite doubts . i graunt that it is a great furtherance vnto the clyants , to haue a good and wise counsellor ▪ but it is a great deale more for their profite , if they can giue a sound and profound iudgement of his case . for , it is not ynough for the counseller to bee able to expound the law , but it is behouefull for him to applie it to his purpose , and to fit it to time , and place : according to the necessitie of his cause . i haue knowne counsellours my selfe , that in their chayres and readings in their halls , haue seemed eagles : they haue flowne so high in their doctrine and interpretations ; but afterwards at the barre where they plead and in the face of their court , where they should best shewe themselues , there they haue prooued themselues very capons . and the onely cause of this is , because they haue gotten by force of long trauell and continuall studie , a knowledge to moote , and read ordinarily their book-cases in their chaires by common-practise , and putting of them each to other . but when they are taken out of common-trade , and high beaten way , and brought to a little path-way straighted , to a counsellers-room , at the barre , to pleade his clyents strange and vnknowne case ( much contrarie to theyr booke-cases before recited ) then stript of their common-knowledge , and easie seate in chayre , they stand now naked on their feete , before the iudgement-seate , like sense-lesse creatures , voyde of reason and experience . but now to supplye these imperfections of our rawe counsellers , and to further also our clyents cause the better : wee will that the clyent be liberall , and bountifull to his counseller , ( thereby the better to whette his wit , and to make him also take paines , to studie his ease throughly ) beeing true , that the counseller giueth lawe , as hee hath rewarde . and that the counseller also be carefull of his clyents cause , and to goe through with that hee taketh vpon him , and truely to deserue that he taketh of euery man , for else they will say ( and who can blame the poor soules ) that they are better takers , then good dispatchers : a foule blot , to so great a vertue but well , wee will compare them to their brothers , the physitians ; who deale with their sicke patients , as the lawyers do with their poore clyants . for , if you giue him not a piece of golde or two in his hand , at each time of his visitation , to restore the languishing bodie : hee careth as little for the preseruation of his health , whether hee liue or dye , as the lawyer doth for his clients case , whether , whether it goe with him or against him . moreouer , my penne ceaseth not to write of the great troubles , displeasures , iourneyes , expences and trauels , that the poore suters haue with theyr counsellours dayly , as with their atturneyes , soliciters , clerks , officers , registers , and sealers , for want of matters to write on : but onely for that they are so tedious matters , and so foule examples , that they deserue rather to bee remedied then written . therefore leauing this law discourse , and returning againe to the priuate affaires of the courtier , abiding still in court , i say , that the courtier must learne to know the noble men and chiefe officers of the prince , as the lord chancellour , the lord treasurer , the lord marshall , the lord steward , the lord chamberlaine , the lord priue seale , the treasurer , the controller , the master of the horse , the vice chamberlaine the secretary , the captaine of the guard , and the coferer . and hee need not force to weigh their stocke and family , whether they were rich or poore , humble or proude , stout or fearefull , nor regard their qualities and complexions , much lesse theyr persons , saue onely their authoritie and office they haue , and to say truly , it cannot bee chosen , but wee must come before these iudges and officers , sometimes to beseech and pray them , now for our owne priuate causes , then for the misrule and offence of our seruants , and also for the importunancy of our friendes in their matters , to labour them for iustice and fauour . and for this cause mee thinks it is a wise part of the courtier to get into fauour with the counsell , and other officers of iustice , and to obtaine their good wils with continuall attendance of them , in doing them seruice at a neede , and also to entertaine them with some small presents , to continue their fauour . first , before wee beginne to trouble them , w●e must bee acquainted with them , visite them , and present them with somewhat : for indeed it is a colde and vnfit thing to craue fauour at a iudges hands , whom we neuer knew , nor did any seruice to . the wise courtier must beware also not to importune the noble men and his friendes so much , that for euery trifling thing hee would haue them to goe to the iudges , to solicite and entreate for him , which i speake , because i know there are some so vndiscreet , that dayly doe importune the iudges so much , and for such trifles , that afterwards with shame they are repulsed and denied in maters of great weight and importance . and there are some also that solicite their matter with grauity , and others with importunity , to whome i will bee so bold to say , and to tell them of it also , that importunacie sheweth the simplicitie of the suiter , and grauity , the honesty of the worthy knights , and gentlemen courtier . it is but well done , and meete , for the courtier that is a suiter , to be diligent to solicite his cause , and to follow it throughlie , but yet without troubling or importuning too oft the iudges : for if once the iudges know him for an importunate and cumbersome suiter , they will not onely not speake with him when hee comes , but also they will not let him come in at the gate , when they see him cōming to them . and if hee happen to goe home to the iudges house , and that hee tell his tale to him standing , let him in no wise care to sit downe , and that his wordes hee speake to him bee fewe , and his memorial he giues him briefe : for obseruing this order , hee shall at that time bee easily , yea willingly and courteously heard of him , and shall make him thinke that hereafter also he wil vse the like order with him . when hee seeth that the iudge is troubled , and that his head is occupied , let him in no case at that present offer to trouble him , or to speake to him in his matter . for admit hee were contented to heare you quietly ( though halfe vnwilling ) and to suffer you to tell your tale : yet it is impossible hee should wholy vnderstand your case , his heade being otherwise occupied . and it is needfull also to shewe you , that though the iudge seeme to bee a little melancholy , or collericke : yet the suiter neede not let for that to speake to him , to open his case : yea , and to seeke to holde in with him still : for many times wee see the melancholy , and ill-disposed natures , appeased and ouercome with the courteous and gentle conuersation . i remember touching this matter , i went once to the court to solicit the iudge , to pray him to dispatch my friends matter , and that he might haue iustice . and tooke my friend with me . and the iudge answered vs both , that with all his heart hee would dispatch him , and sware , and sware againe to him , that hee should haue iustice , and that with right good wil , hee would keepe his right all he could . nay sir , sayd my friend to him , whom the case touched : i thanke you sir , very much that you will dispatch mee quickly : but where you say , that you haue a great desire to keepe my right and iustice , i vtterly appeale from that sentence : for i come not sir , and if it please you , to followe your heeles , and to waite vpon you to solicite my cause , to the end you should keepe my right , and detaine it from mee : but that you should giue it to me . for i promise you this sir , if you once giue it me , i meane neuer to trouble your worshipp hereafter with the keeping of it againe , but will discharge you quite . and now after all these things we haue spoken , i conclude , that whosoeuer curseth his enemy , and seeketh reuenge of an iniury done him , let him not desire to see him poore and miserable , neyther hated nor ill willed of any other , dead , nor banished : but let him onely beseech god for to plague him with some ill sute : for a man cannot deuise to take a greater reuenge of his enemy , then to see him entangied in a vile sute to follow the cour , or to attend in chauncerie . chap. xi . the author changeth his matter , and speaketh to the beloued of the court , admonishing them to bee pacient in their troubles , and that they bee not partiall in the affayres of the common weale . the courtier shall doe well and wisely ( and chiefely if hee be noble , and beloued , to passe ouer the iniuries done him , and to beare them patiently , and neuer for to giue any words to any that shall offend him ; for the officers of princes can by no other meanes so well assure their offices and authority they haue , as by doing good continually to some and to suffer others , no way making any countenance of displeasure for the iniuries done them by others . and if it happen ( as many times i doth ) that a follower and hanger on of the court , hauing spent all that he hath , and driuen now to seeke a new banke , chaunce to speake dishonest words , and frame great quarrels against the kings officers ; in this case the courtier and wise officer should neuer answer him with anger and displeasure , and much lesse speake vnto him in choller : for a man of honour and respect , will be more grieued with a dishonest word that is spokē against him , then hee will bee for the deniall of that he asketh , those that are beloued , and beliked of princes , aboue all other things ought to bee very patient , courteous , and gentle in all things : for all that the followers of the court , and suiters cannot obtaine in the court , let them not lay the fault to the prince that denyed it them , but onely to the fauoured of the prince , and those about him for that they neuer moued it to the kings maiestie : nor once thought of the matter , as the poore suters supposed they had . the paines and troubles of court are infinite and insupportable . for , how quyet soeuer the courtyer bee , they will trouble and molest him , if hee be pacient , they will be impacient and in stormes , saying : that such a man spake yll of him , and seekes continually to defame him . which things wee will the courtyer heare with patience , and dissemble with wisdome . for the wise courtyer should not bee angrie for the yll wordes they speake of him , but onely for the vile and wicked actes they doe vnto him . let not the courtyer and fauourite of the prince be deceiued , in thinking that doing for this man , and for that man , & in shewing them fauour : that for all that , hee can binde or stay their tongues that they speak not ill of him , and their hearts , that they hate them not extreamly . for , the enemie receyueth not so much pleasure of that the courtyer giueth him , as hee doeth griefe and displeasure for that that is behinde yet in the courtyers hands to giue him . now in the pallaces of princes , it is a naturall thing , for eache man to desire to aspire , and to creepe into the princes fauour : to bee able to doe much , and to bee more worth then others , and to commaund also . and as there are manie that desire it , so are they very few in number , that by their vertues and demerits come to obtaine that high fauour . it is a thing most sure and vndoubted , that one alone , enioying his princes grace and fauour , shall be hated in manner of the most part of the people . the more they are rich , noble , and of great power , that are beloued , and accepted of princes : so much the more ought they to bee circumspect , and to liue in feare and doubt of such disgraces , and misfortunes , that may happen to them , sith all & euery mans eye is vppon them : and that they are the more enuyed , for that they can do much ; and desire also to take from them that authoritie and credite they haue , and to spoyle them of such treasures as they possesse , or haue gotten by the princes fauour . and in this case the fauourite of the courte must not truste in the pleasures hee hath done them : neyther in the fauor he hath shewed thē : much lesse the fayned friendships they seeme to beare him , and that hee thinks he hath gotten of them : neither must he trust too much his friends , neighbors , and kinsfolkes , no nor his owne brethren : but let him bee assured , that all those that are not in the like ranke of fauour , and estimation that hee is , ( be hee of what degree or parentage hee will be , yea , and as neere a kinne as may bee ) they will all bee in that his very mortall foes . authority to commaund , being the chiefe and highest point of honor and whereto euery man seekes to aspire , and which was cause that pompey became the deadly enemy of iulius caesar his father in law , absolon of dauid his naturall father , romulus of his brother remus , alexander of darius , who shewed himselfe before a father in loue , in bringing on him vp , and marke anthony of augustus caesar his great friend . so that i say , it may well bee saide , that after disdain and cankered ire , haue once possest the delicate brest of man onely concerning honour and commaundement , that it is neuer thenceforth recured of that infested sore , neyther by gifts & promises , and much lesse by prayers and requests . it is true the accepted of the prince may well bee free from all thyrste and hunger , colde , and heate , warres , plague , and pouertie , and from all other calamityes and troubles of this our wretched life , but hee shall neuer be free from detractions of venomous and wicked tongues , and from spightfull and enuious persons . for no lesse is enuie ioyned to fauour , then is thyrst to a burning ague . in this case it is impossible but that the courtyer should receyue manie times displeasure and disgraces in the court , but not to giue eare to these detracters , and ill-speakers of men . to remedy these things , the courtyer must needes seeme to let them know by his lookes and aunswers , that hee is more offended with them , that come and tell him these lewde tales : then with those that in deed did truely report them of him . this counsell would i giue the courtyer , that what ill so euer hee heareth spoken of him , i would wish him not seeme to know it , and much lesse to be angrie withall , nor once giue a distastfull word to the reporters thereof . for , his choller ouer-paste , the euill words hee hath spoken to them in his anger , may turne him to more displeasure , then he hath done him hurt that caused him speake these words . and therefore surely to bridle the tongue , is rather a diuine then a humane vertue : and chiefly in that instant , when the heart is maistered and subdued with chollericke passions . for afterwards it happeneth many times , that being quiet againe in our mindes we are sorry for that wee haue spoken in our anger : yea , against them that haue angred vs. if the courtyer should weigh euery worde that is spoken against him , and esteeme euery thing that is done to him , he should purchase himselfe a continuall and sorrowfull life : yea , and out of measure , a troublesome and vnpleasant , sith princes courts are euer full of serpents-tongues , and venomous harts , and that it lyeth not in mans power to let , that the hearts of men hate vs not , and that their tongues speake not ill of vs. i would aduise the courtyer to take all the ill that is spoken of him , in sporte and mirth , and not in anger . seneca sayde ( and that wisely spoken ) that there is no greater reuenge to punish an iniurious word , then to seeme to laugh at it ; for it is a thing more naturall and proper to women , then men to desire to take reuenge of wordes , with the like words againe : sith the noble heart that esteemeth his honour , must not haue his handes in his tongue , but his tongue in his hands . o how many haue we seene , both out of court , and in court , the which for no other respect , but to reuenge one onely silly word , that touched them not much , would put themselus , their goods , and fame in perill : and yet in the end had not that reuenge , which they desired , but rather redoubled it against themselues , in loosing their fond and vaine attempt . therefore to conclude those that will bee great in fauour and estimation in the princes court , and those also that are now in fauour and credite with the prince , and that desire to continue , and perseuer in his fauour still , must not make account of any wordes spoken to him , or offences done him : for all that are in fauour haue neede to suffer , and no occasion to report . till this present day i neuer saw any that receiued any hurt or detriment by being patient : but being impatient , i haue seen numbers cast thēselus away : you must also know , that in all places , where troupes and companies of people be , there is alwayes euer discords and diuersities , in opinions and iudgements of men , so that it happeneth many times in a common-weale , yea , and it meeteth sometimes in one house , that all shal be of one bloud and kinred , yet in priuate willes ; and affections , mortall enemyes . and therefore , sure it is a thing worthy to be noted , and no lesse to be wondred at , to see the fathers with the sonnes , the vnckles with the nephews , the graund-fathers with the children , the sonnes in law with their fathers in lawe : and brothers with their brothers : and sisters , the one to be as farre different from the other as white and blacke , and as much friends as the dogge and the cat . and all this is caused only , for that they are rather wedded to a selfe-will and opinion they haues , then they are adicted to loue and affect that that nature bindeth them to . we see also many young courtiers , that though they be vertuous and noble , ( hauing inherited and succeeded in nobilitie of bloud their ancestors ) by meanes whereof they are honoured and reuerenced : and possessing also the greatnesse , and abundance of their goods and riches , ( which makes them wealthy , and maintaines them honourably ) enioying the noble parentage for which they are regarded , hauing many friends and seruants that doe them great seruice and pleasure . and all in respect of their noble ancestors : and yet notwithstanding al these great things wee haue spoken , they follow their owne inuentions and imaginations , which their ancestors , knowing , would haue fled : and hate and mislike that , they , doubtlesse , being aliue would haue followed . and therefore it is rather a token of lightnesse then of good will , for one to leaue to helpe and relieue his owne friends and kinsfolks , to succour and doe good to strangers , or others , whom hee neuer knew , nor can tell what they are . for i assure you , that one of the greatest losses and mishaps that can come to a noble house , is to haue new friendshippe and parciality with strangers and men vnknowne . that gentleman that giueth himselfe to follow such a one as pleaseth his fantasie best , and that leaueth to leaue to those whom his ancestors heretofore both loued and liked : shall see those old friends , not onely leaue and forsake him , but cleane giue him ouer to his will : and shortly after shall finde his substance and faculty consume and waste away ; besides , the honour of his house to bee brought to vtter decay and obliuion . and this we haue spoken , onely to aduise the princes officers , and such as haue credite and authoritie , that they doe not with fauour support and ayde any partiall sect : namely , that that concerneth the state and body of common-wealth : for the esteemed of the prince , more easily , and with lesse occasion , doe vndoo themselues , and lose the credite they haue wonne : by reason of their partialiteis and factions they maintaine , then they doe for their daily benefites and suits they importune the prince in . wherefore the seruants and officers of the kings house , although they bee in good fauour with the prince , and that it please him to like well of them , yet they may not so hardly support any to doe hurt to others , and so absolutely , as if they were the lords and princes themselues . for albeit it pleaseth the king to call them , to honour , and to enrich them with goods and possessions , yet the king cannot , nor will not like that they shall bee suborners of factions , and quarels amongst their subiects in the common-wealth . and yet neuerthelesse it happeneth many times , that those that see themselues onely in fauour aboue others , will presume to doe violence and wrong to others , trusting to their great fauour they are in , that that shall suffice to cloke and hide any fault they shall commit , which they neuer ought to think , nor yet for any respect in the world to doe . for such vnhaply might be the crime they doe commit , that although it be in the princes power to doe great things for them , yet he could not at that time with his honor excuse their offence , nor seeme to protect them in their lewdnesse , without great murmour and discontentation of his subiects . i know very well , that in court the mindes , affections , and opinions of courtiers are so diuers and variable , and notwithstanding the beloued of the prince endeauour himselfe all hee can possible to please and content euery man in court , yet of all impossibilities , it is a thing most impossible euer to attaine to it , to winne all mens good willes . neuerthelesse , hee must so trimly and wisely behaue himselfe in all his doings , that those , at least , whom he cannot with all his pollicy and deuice make his friends , haue not yet any iust occasion giuen them to bee his enemies . i see there is no meane , no reason , no deuice nor pollicy of man , fauour nor negligence , that can defend the honoured and esteemed of court from detraction and enuy . therefore i will boldly giue him this aduice with him that in matters of iustice and other publike affayres , he beare himselfe so vpright , that notwithstadding they repine at his authoritie and credite : yet that they haue no cause offered to complayne of him . the courtyer is forced to complaine when his owne familiar companyons and fellow-seruants of the prince , in his matters of contenion or quarrell step between them , not to part them , but rather to the contrary to contend with them , and ioyne in demaund of that they striue for : which the luckles courtyer is very apt to know , although hee dares not discouer it . for many times he supposeth it lesse euill to suffer the persecution of the enemie , then to fall into the disgrace of the beloued , and esteemed about the prince . for the reputed of the prince , commonly thinke they doe much for the common-weale , in bearing and fauouring some , and in punishing and persecuting others . for those that are of great authoritie , professing honour and reputation , and that feare shame : would rather themselues to be defamed & reiected , then to see their enemies aduanced , or prefered to the fauor of the prince , or of thē that be in fauor with the prince : and the beloued or officers of the prince may not thinke , that the fauor they giue to one against an other , can bee kept secret , and that it cannot come to light : for in so doing they are deceiued : for in deed there is nothing more manifest or known in the common-wealth , then the doings & practises of those that are in fauour and authority , yea euen to the very words they speake : those that are agrieued , and haue to complaine of some iniury done them , or also those that are euen the familiars of the fauoured , and that doe but aspire dayly to grow in greater credite with their prince then others , doe not see any thing saide or done to others , that are in better credit , then themselus , be it in eating , drinking , watching , sleeping , in play , beeing quiet or busie , but they suddenly go & report it , and tell it to som other that is in fauour , to enter and to encrease alwayes into greater fauour and trust with them . if there happen any discention or enmity amongst the people in the cōmon weale or realme , the esteemed of the court must beware in any case , they put not in their hand : & if they do at all , that it be but to pacifie them , and to make them good friendes againe , and not to discouer thē worse then they were before : for if he do otherwise , all these quarrels in the end shall cease , they being reconciled together , and now made perfect friends and to him they wil all shew themselus open enemies . and therfore it behoueth the fauored of princes to behaue themselues so wisely towards them that are at discord and variance together , that both the one side and the other should bee glad and well pleased , to make him arbitrater between them , to decide both their causes , without any suspition that they haue of him , be it neuer so little , of partiality , of eyther part . the same day that the fauoured of the court shall take vpon him to beare any priuate affection to any of the common weale , and that hee rather leane to one party , or to an other : the selfe same day and houre he shall put in great hazard his person , and not without great danger to loose his goods , together with the fauour and credit of his prince . and the secrete enemies he hath , through the enuie they beare him , should suffice him , yea rather too much , by reason of his fauour and credit ; without seeking anie new enemies , for that he saith or doth . such as are great with the prince , and that flye the passions , affections , and partialities of the common-weale , may be assured they shall bee beloued serued , and honoured of all : but if they shall doe the contrary , they may trust to it likewise , that their enemies wil be reuenged of them , because they did pursue them : and their friends also will complaine of them , because they did not fauour their cause as they ought . therfore let not the beloued thinke , if he dare beleeue me , that by hauing onely the fauour of the person of the prince , it is inough for him to gouerne and rule the whole realme at his pleasure : for although it cannot be denyed , that to haue so great a friend as the person of a king , it is a great aduantage and commodity , and that he may do much : yet wee must graunt also , that many enemies are able to hurt vs , and do vs great iniurie . and therefore my aduise should be , that euery wise man , hauing one friend , should beware to haue an other enemy . chap. xii . that the officers and beloued of the court should be very diligent and carefull in dispatch of the affayres of the prince , and common-wealth : and in correcting and reforming the seruants , they should also bee very circumspect and aduised . svurely it is a great seruitude & trouble to liue in court , continually , but it is far greater when it is enforced of necessity , by reason of sutes and troubles , and yet greatest and most intolerable , whē they cannot obtain a short and briefe dispatch according to their desire ; for waying well the manner and conditions of the court , that suiter may reckon himselfe happily dispatched , euery time that he is quickly dispatchd , although his dispatch bee not according to his mind . and i speake it not without a cause , that he may reckon himselfe well dispatched when he hath his answere : for without comparison , it is lesse ill of both : for the poore suiter that attends on the court , to be presently denyed his suit , then to continue him long with delayes , as they they do now a daies , the more is the pitty . if the poore suters that goe to the court , did know certainely that the delay made in their suites were for no other occasion but for to dispatch them well , according to their desire , although it were not so reasonable , yet were it tollerable , the paines and trouble that they abide . but if the poore miserable and wretched creatures haue great trouble in trauersing the lawe , and abiding their orders : obtaining it neuerthelesse in the end with great labour and toyle : yea and contrary to their expectation : haue they not yet matter ynough trow yee to complaine of ? yes sure , enough to make them despaire . whatsoeuer he be therefore that goeth to the court to be a suiter for any matter of import , let him determine and thinke with himselfe he shal not obtaine his suite , euen as he wold haue it : for if he shall feed himselfe with certain promises , made in priuat , a thing common to courtiers , to promise much , and performe nothing , with other vaine and foolish thoghts : the great hope he shall conceiue of their smokes of court , must needes giue him afterwards occasion to despayre when hee seeth the promise vnperformed . the court is a sea so deep , a pilgrimage so incertaine , that there wee dayly see nought els , but lambes swim with safety in the deepest chanel , and elephants down in the shallowest foord . to go sue , to serue , to trauell , & to solicite in the court of princes , may aptly be likened and compared to those that put too many rich iewels to the lottery in open market : in which it happeneth very oft , that hee that hath put in a . lots , shall not happen perhaps of one , and an other that only hath but in one , fortune shal so fauour him , that he shall euer after be made a rich man. the like we may say to him that hath liued so long in court , that he hath not onely gotte him a beard , but it is also now becom a gray beard : and yet in all this long time of his seruice , he hath not gotten him any certainety , or stay of liuing to liue honestly , withall to maintaine his aged yeares in quiet : and he may well say , that all the lots haue beene vnfortunat to him which he put in aduēture . it is true that to be called a good and vertuous man , it sufficeth to haue a sharpe witte , and good head : but to become rich , he must only haue good fortune . and this is plainely seene in the court , that some in . monethes wil grow great like a melon , and some other in . yeares will neuer beare but little fruit like a palme tree . we haue told you all these things , to this end , onely to remember those that goe to the court of princes , to follow any fuite , or to continue a courtier still , that in any case they carry a purse with them , full of money , and a heart armed with patience . oh what pitty is it euery way to see him that is a suiter in the court , to bee long haled with a tedious suite , and in the end not to obtain any partof his desire , without a little pleasing winde of court : for if he wil haue his suite go forward , & take good successe , and haue it speedily granted , he must first buy it of god with bitter tears , and after of the king with hūble intercession , of the secretaries with promises , and of the vshers with presents , and of the beloued , and in authority , with infinit seruice : so that to conclude , far greater is the rewarde they craue then the value , of the fauour or benefite they bestow . if i haue discoursed vnto you sufficiently what the vnlucky suters haue done and do : you shall further know what they thinke and doe imagine , as it falleth out true . the sely soules they passe the nights in watch , deuising continually : not in what church the next day they may heare the diuine seruice , but onely by what meanes they may procure to come to the fauourites of the court , to speake one word vnto them . the poore suter ( vnskilfull of courtly practise ) belieueth , that when hee hath once exhibited a bill or memoriall of his sute , to the maister of requests : or that he hath spoken a word or two , to any one in fauour with the prince , that straight-wayes , without further delay he shall be dispatched of his sute , and that he shall not need to sue any more . but alas , they are deceiued , & preuented of their expectation . for , the vnhappie suter shall bee no sooner out of his sight , but they presently forget all that hath bin saide vnto them : yea and peraduenture his minde so occupied , that his bill of memoriall is also torne in pieces , and his sute and bill committed to flying aire . the affayres of the warres are done by force and necessitie , and those of friends by good-will : but those of the miserable suters of the court , by money or great importunitie . so that it followeth , that hardly any man obtayneth the ende of his sute , ( bee his right neuer so good ) without great diligence , and painefull toyle . and many times the poore suter of the court departeth from his owne house , and goeth to the court , on hope and deliberation to be dispatched in two moneths : and afterwards the poore miserable man shall spend aboue sixe moneths there without dispatch . but all this is nothing , to the griefe and displeasure hee shall feele in the ende , if with better iudgement he measure and consider , the pleasure and felicitie hee might haue had at home , with the troubles and displeasures hee abideth in the court. for , making account with his purse , hee shall perhaps finde all his money spent , ere his sute in manner be begunne . i tolde you but of a little wonder , to tell you that all his yll consisted in the emptying of the purse . for , indeede i should haue saide better , and more truely : telling you that hee had solde his nagge , layde his sworde in gage , baratted his cote and cloke , and of two shyrts he brought , the one hee solde : so that the poore-man hath no more left to chop , nor sell . and yet moreouer , mee thinks i tell you little . if i shew you not also , that after he hath consumed all his money that hee brought in his purse , solde , chopped , and layd to gage all the apparell that hee had , hee is notwithstanding all this enforced for debt , to gage to his host , all that remains behind , to satisfie him for his lodging . so that when he commeth home to his own house , he may say truely : that hee commeth home weary , ashamed , consumed , and all that he hath at gage . hee that determineth to be a suter at the court , is wont before he go from home , to make account what hee will spend euery day ordinarily : but what he shall spend extraordinarily , against his will , that he neuer reckons of . and therefore i would counsell him for the best , if he put ten crownes in his purse , for ordinary charges , let him also put ten crownes more for extraordinarie . for , it is impossible hee should euer keepe an order and measure in so great a disorder . for many times courtiers are compelled for their honor & reputations sake , to inuite their hosts & owners of the lodgings where they lie , and besides the great charges they are at the way , yet come there vnbidden to dinner and supper a company of iesters , players of enterludes , minstrels and musitians , or other pleasant companions , whom he cannot refuse and turne away for honesties sake , but must needs make them eate and drinke besides the reward they looke for . so that when hee hath made his account of ten or twenty shillinges charges for his dinner or supper , let him looke in his purse , and hee shall finde these mates haue pickt vp in rewards as much as the whole charges of his dinner or supper besides . moreouer , they are dayly visited of their friends and kinsfolks , and victuals are so deare , and of so excessiue price , that to make their prouision at the best hand , they must send out postes and lackyes into all partes to be their puruayers . and yet are they further recharged , that many times their seruants robbe them of all their money , and runne their way when they haue done , and somtimes they must new array themselues , all which things the courtier ( in respect of his estimation ) is bound to do thorowly , and with the best manner , or else to sequester , and banish himselfe from court and courtiers life . it is true that a poore gentleman or other suiter ( that of necessity must follow the court ) knoweth very well the cause that moueth him to bee a courtier , and attendant on the court ; but yet hee shall not know what his charge and expence will be about that suite . if hee haue any fauour or credite in the court , hee may happilie obtaine a quicke and ready dispatch , and so perhaps saue some part of his money in his purse he determined for to spend , without which , hee shall not onely be enforced to borrow , but to send a new messenger to his house for more money . o more is the pitty , how many haue i seene in princes courtes spend all that euer they brought to the court to follow their suit , and yet could not be dispatched in any thing they came for , saue in stead of their money they consumed , they purchased them great troubles & displeasurs bewayling their lost time , and vaine expence . and it is to be considered also , that if it be a great difficulty to speake to the prince in our matter , to the president of the councell , to the master of the requests , and to the priuie councell , to the marshals of the house , to the treasurers , to the cofferers , and to the fouriers , and to the fauoured of the court , it is farre greater and more trouble to entertain , and content their seruants and officers . for i dare assure you , you shall sooner and more easily winne the loue of the master , then you shall obtaine the fauour and good will of the seruant . princes are contented if wee obey them ; the fauoured of the court if wee serue them : but the seruantes are neuer contented , nor in quiet , if they see wee doe not entreate them , and worship them . and surely , i will not tell you a true tale , and will lye a worde to you . in those dayes when i my selfe was also a courtier in the court of princes , it stoode me vpon many times rather to trouble the masters , then to pray the seruants . if perhaps for penance of his sinnes ) the suter shew himselfe importunate in his affayres , and that he presume to daresay to him some nipping or vnpleasāt word , let him bee well assured , he will not bee reuenged on him , to hurt him with sword or lance : but onely in holding backe his penne , to delay him in his dispatch : for i remember , that once being but a poore priest , i was entreted by the procter of a prouince to say him a dozen of masses for a great noble man , and in great fauour and estimation in the court , that had his matter in his hands , & he conjured mee very earnestly , that i should not lay them for the health and saluation of his soule , but onely that god would inspire him , and put into his minde to dispatche him quickly of his busines . therefore as we haue spoken of the one , it is reason wee should also speake of the other . and therefore i say , that there are some of these officers and clerkes of iudges , magistrates , counsellours , secretaries , treasurers , marshals , fouriers , and other officers also of the court , that are so wise , and men of such honesty and ciuilitie , that the discourtesies and wrongs sometimes their lords and masters doe vnto vs : they doe the best they can eyther to take them from vs quite , or at the least to lessen or diminish them . for the contrary also , others there are so proud and shameles , such tatlers , and vile persons , and so vnconscionable with all : of whom , as it is a great pleasure for vs to see that they write , and to heare that they can speake so well , and promise so liberally , onely to win your money , and to picke your purse : so it is a great spight to vs , and more shame and reproch , and infamie for them , when afterwardes wee see the contrarie effects of their faire wordes , and fained promises , wherewith they seede vs continually . and adding thereto also , wee see many times that such a yong courtier , in lesse then foure yeares that hee hath remained in seruice with a noble man , or other officer of the kinges in the court , hath gotten by his practise and policy a faire moile of great price : with her harnesse all guilt , his coffers well filled , his tent for the field , with a field bedde and other furniture to it , his carpets on his table , his cloths of tapestrie ouer his dores , his gowns richlie furred for the winter , & those of sattin and damaske , and taffeta for the summer : and yet notwithstanding all this glory , he may possible keepe a curtezan for his pleasure , and maintaine her . all which things considered , and put together , is impossible hee should doe it by the gaines of his penne , or seruice , but onely by dishonest meanes , and robbing of his master . i saw once in my presence a poore suter , offer the clerke of a secretarie , eight rials of siluer for to dispatch him of his sute , and hee refused them flatly , and would none of them , by no meanes , notwithstanding , the poore man turned him vp the bottome of his purse , and shewed him that he had but onely foure rials left to bring him home withall : so the poore man came to me , and entreated me for to speake to this clerke for him , to perswade him to take his money he offered him , and to dispatch him since he had no more lest then he shewed him . and i did so : and this worshipfull clerke made mee this vnhonest aunswere . sir , beholdmy face and complexion , and you shall finde that it is all of golde ' and not of siluer . for i sweare to you , by our blessed lady of lancet , that it is more then two yeares that i receyued for my paines no other but gold , and not siluer layde in my hands . it cannot bee but that seruaunt , that vaunts himselfe to haue a face of golde , will one day put his masters face in the mire . now albeit we see the kings officers , and others peraduenture vnder them , to ride on their nags with theyr foote clothes , to be braue in apparrel , to bee rich in iewels , and happily to haue a hundred crowns in his purse , wee should not maruell of it at all : but if wee haue cause to thinke any thing ill in them : it is for that many times they play away more money fondly , then would serue any other man to spend in all his necessaries . that officer or clerke that hath not aboue a hundred crownes in his purse , and that in a night plaieth away two hundred crowns , what iudgemēt shall a man giue of him ? but that eyther hee deceyueth others in his office or he stealeth & pilfreth from his master or lord , or else he exacteth vpon the poore suters and racks them with all extremity , without conscience and honesty , and that hee will haue it on them , euen with plaine brawling ? yea and though these good fellowes bee liberall in play ( as you haue heard ) yet i warrant you they are not spare of diet neyther , but if they call their friends at a time to their table in the hall , or else bid their curtezan to some garden , you may be assured they want no dainty meates , nor delicate wines to please their liking lust : yea peraduenture with more copy , and better meate and drinke then their masters or lords haue any . here could i mate them with like companions to themselues , that marchants prentizes , which for their lauish expence , their excessiue play , their lusty banquetting and feasting , otherwhile their secret friends in gardens , and blinde tauernes , come not behind them at all in delicacy of fare , and in sumptuous expence , but rather go before , and leaue them far behind . and how thinke you , can these foule riots bee borne by any likelyhoode of the prentices owne ability ? nay sure , of the masters cost ( as best able ) whose purse paieth for the good cheare , though hee good man fare at home but thinly . but well , since it toucheth not our matter , i will returne againe where i left . all these thinges notwithstanding , they are dishonest , they are somtimes tolleruble , and to bee borne , so that with these faults they would bee diligent to dispatch men , and easily to talke withall . but alas , for pitty , wee see that for all these complaints they heare , and for all the requests and intreaty , that may be made to them , they will neuer take pen in hand before the poore suiter take his hand out of his purse , that they may feele him a little . we haue spoken all these thinges to admonish , remember , and beseech the fauoured of the prince , and other their officers , that neyther themselues nor their seruants vnder them , be long and slow in dispatching such things as they haue charge , and chiefly of poor and miserable suters . for if we consider the qualities and conditions of men , wee see that to many suiters it were lesse detriment and more profit , to bee answered quickly ( though they were denied ) then dispatched slowly ( as to haue it graunted ) to their great charge and long trouble : truly , me thinkes it is a great secret of god to know , why all those that are suiters in the court of princes , and those also whom wee sue to are all mortall . and all the suites that wee labour for , seeme , yea , to say more truly , are immortall . and hereof wee see a dayly experience , that the suiters dye , and their suites liue for euer , being neuer determined . o excellent art , and fine deuice of suite , that courtiers are wont to vse , that are gratefull to princes , as for familiar example . they find a way to put in a thousand manner of lets to hinder and delay the sutes , because that when by tract of time , they haue more then halfe despayred the hopelesse suiters : they then to reuiue them againe , and to make their honour seeme the greater , dispatch them euen in a moment , without let or delay , and to the suiters whole contentation . it is good reason the noble prince haue a regard of the things hee giues , and to whome they graunt them : and likewise of the time and place . for , in receyuing fauour for a good turne , at the princes hand , they sometimes make more account and estimate of the liberalitie , and bountifull minde of the prince , then they will doe of the giftes themselues . sure it is a good thing , and laudable , for those that are continually about the person of the prince , that they be easie to be spoken withall , pacient to heare , wise in aunswering , of good fame in their life , and readie to dispatch and doe good . for being otherwise , they may be well assured they shall shew the marke and white for their enemies to shoote their piercing shafte at , and shall giue the suters also occasion to complaine and speake ill of them . and therefore to cut them short , i giue them this counsell , that in those things they are besought , that they be not too harde to bee entreated : and in that they are requested , that they bee neuer too straunge , nor drawing backe , much lesse couetous : and in those things that are giuen them , they bee neuer vnthankfull : and with those that they are daylie conuersant , that they bee very well aduised and considered : and those thinges whereof they are aduertised , that they endeauour themselues to keepe it in minde and memory , and neuer to forget it . and if they shal do otherwise , let them assure themselues , and trust vnto it , that if they in time of suite shall shut the dores against the poore suiters , that the common people also will neuer open their hearts once to serue or loue them : princes seruantes should so gouerne themselues , that though there were found some ill persons that dispised them , for that they might doe much , and were of great authority : yet that there might bee many others also honest , that should prayse and commend them for the great good they doe . that man that is enuied , dispraysed , defamed , disloued , and all thought of of all , should thinke it lesser ill to die honestly , thē to liue with shame and in disgrace of euery man : for to say truely , me thinketh no man could liue a more bitter and hard life , although hee abode many sorrowes , then to see him disliked generally of the common weale . it is an honest and naturall thing for men to endeauour themselues by all diligence and industry to get much but it should bee farre better , and much more worth , to procure themselues good will : for in effect , nothing doth more satisfie and glad the heart , and maketh it more quiet , then to thinke that hee is beloued , and well accepted of all . it is a most certaine rule , that the foes and enemies of the fauoured courtiers , neuer ioyne in friendship with others , but with those whome they know to bee full of passions and quarrels like themselues . of which detractors , if any one happen at times to go to the house of the honoured of the court , vpon any occasion of suite , and that they cannot presently speake with them : they will not say , i warrant you that he was busie , and could not speake with him , but that hee was so proud , and so haughty , that hee would not once heare nor see them . wee are so willing and forward in wishing well , and so selfe-willed and obstinate in hating , that vpon a light occasion many times wee doe loue those wee loue , and with as much lesse occasion we defame and speake il of those wee hate . therefore the fauored of princes shal do great seruice to god , and much profite to the common-weale , if they giue order to dispatch all suters ( high or low ) speedily : since it is to the king onely that they impute the denyall of their sutes , but for the delayes and prolongation of them , that only they lay to the charge of the fauourites , and beloued of princes . and those that are great with the prince , may not excuse themselues , by reason of the numbers of matters they haue in their hands , for if he be alone , and that it lye in his hands only to dispatch all , and that hee is not able to satisfie them all , it cannot bee but that some one of his friends will aduertise the king that hee cannot doe all : and how the people complaine , and the poore-suters finde themselues agrieued : which purchase him great enemyes and yll-willers , by reason the common-wealth is so altered . so that he shall not tarry long , but the prince vnderstāding of these complaints , will ioyne a companyon with him , to ease him of some parte of his paines . and therfore the noble princes and great personages , should admonish , and warne the officers well , ( whom they take to dispatch matters ) that they bee wise and learned men , vertuous , and of good life : and that they bee not too partiall in theyr doings , nor too sharpe and rough in their aunswers . for many times there happen more troubles , and sinister vnlooked-for-chaunces , to princes , and noble-personages , for the vncurteous languages of their officers and deputies , &c : then for any euills that they themselues doe commit . and therefore those that are in fauour and authoritie with the prince , must of necessitie foresee , to chuse vnder them such persons , to whom they giue the care and charge of their affaires and businesses , to dispatch mens matters and sutes , that they be liberal of condition , pleasant in their conuersation , curteous in aunswers , true in their wrytinges , easie and diligent in their dispatches , very honest and modest in that they giue or take : and sincere and perfite in all their other vertues , if it be possible . so that they may euer be more carefull to get friendes for their lord and maister , then money . for , like as the life of the maister of the ship consisteth , and dependeth in the onely guiding and iudgement of the skilfull pylote , and the conscience of the iudge in his constitute , the goods of the marchaunt in the iust dealings of his factor , and the victorie of the noble prince , in his valiaunt captaine : euen so likewise doth the honour of the fauoured consist in those hee hath chosen officers vnder him for the dispatch of mens affayres . and although the seruant of the beloued bee no partaker with his master of his favor with the prince , yet hee is a coadiutor to him , to support his credite and fauour , and many times also a ready meane vtterly to vndoe his master , and to dishonour him for euer . the like watch and care the good bishoppe hath ouer his flocke , for to preach vnto them the gospell of iesus christ : the selfe same ought the magistrates and higher powers haue to their officers that are vnder them , in taking heed they be not slow and negligent in dispatching such businesse as as they haue in charge , that they bee not dishonest of life , presumptuous in demaunding , and false in their writing : for the least of these faults sufficeth vtterly to vndoe the seruant , & also to defame the master . and therefore so soone as the beloued of the court haue any suspition in the world , or inckling , be it neuer so little , that his seruant is growne to be proud , dishonest , and of a naughty conscience , he ought not onely immediately to correct him for it : but to put him out of his seruice forthwith , and to turne his coate ouer his eares . otherwise they will murmur so much at the seruant that doth all these faults , as at the master that will not see them , and suffereth them . therefore the reputed of court , must first see , and peruse ouer the writings and doings of their seruants and secretaries , before they dispatch them out of their hands and to moderate their gaine with reason that is due to them . otherwise their enemies might iustly say , that they keepe not such vnder them , to dispatch poore men that sue to their masters , but rather to spoyle and robbe them . and therefore they were better to augment their wages they giue those officers and seruants , then to consent or dissemble with their theft : for so doing , the seruant can neuer rise in wealth , but the master must needs diminish in honour . it may happen many times , that the esteemed of the court shall bee so occupied in the affayrs of the common weale , that he cannot though he wold giue audience to the suiters . but when they are thus occupyed that they cannot in deed , they must then commaund their seruants and officers , that they courteously entreate them , and heare them , and not checke or rebuke them , and call them importunate suters : for it is no reason , that for dispatch of their businesse , the poor soules should be laden with iniurious words . chap. xiii . that the beloued of the court beware they bee not proud and high minded : for lightly they neuer fall but thorow this wicked vice . wee reade that rhehoboam succeeded his father in realmes that were his , althogh they were but small realmes , who beeing requested and exhorted by the graue aged men of his realme , to be courteous and temperate , and not greedy , nor auaricious in recouering the tributes and subsidies the other realmes gaue him , and to bee merciful , and pittifull in punishing the offences committed , answered them thus . my father beate you onely with simple whippes , but i will not scourge you with whippes , but plague you with scorpions : for my little finger is greater then was his whole arme . which happened very ill to him , that for to chastice the proude and arrogant words he spake to them , and to punish him for his wicked doings and enormities committed , they afterwardes reuolted against him , and tooke from him eleuen of his realms and all his friendes forsooke him : so that as hee augmented in greatnesse of his fingers , hee diminished as much in his realmes and riches . so great was the pride likewise of king pharaoh , that not contented that god had pardoned him his sins , and with the ten plagues he had sent him , did yet notwithstanding resist and pursue the people of israel . wherefor the sea that was made a plaine passage and high way , for the safeguard of the children of israel his enemies , was prepared a sepulture for him and his . pompey the great also being in asia , when it was told him that he shold leuie his power , and prepare his men to be in readinesse to resist the battell that iulius caesar came to giue him , with a great fury he stamped his foote vpon the ground , and proudly spake these words . next to the gods i feare no mā , no not all mortall men , although they all were bent against mee , my power being so great , that i am able to destroy iulius caesar , and all his power comming against me : and not onely the realmes of asia shall fight for mee , but also i will commaund the ground that i tread on to rise against him . but what was the fatall end of pompeyes pride ? his captaines lost the battell , his children their realmes and seigniories , and hee in fine his head , rome her liberty , & his friends their liues . the emperour domitian also was so vicious in his doings , and so proud in his thoughts , that he openly commaunded the gouernours and magistrates of his realme in all their edicts and proclamations to say these words : domitian , our god , and our prince , commaundeth that this thing bee done : but loe the finall end of his pride , in taking vppon him the name of a god , by consent and counsell of his wicked wife domitia , hee had seuen deadly wounds giuen him in his bedde with a dagger . and thus wofully he ended his glorious life . plutarch also recounteth that king demetrius was the proudest prince that euer raigned ; for hee was not contented to see himselfe serued of all men like a great and mighty prince , as he was , but hee made them also honour him as a god , and he would not suffer any straunge ambassadours to come into his presence , but they shold be apparrelled like priests . haman was also very familiar with the king assuerus , and although all those of his realme did him great seruice , and that strangers had him in great veneration , and did honor him maruellously , yet was there a glorious mardocheus , that would neuer do him reuerence , nor once put off his cappe to him : by reason whereof this haman that was in so great fauour commaunded a gybbet of fifty yardes high to bee set vppe for mardocheus , whom hee would haue hanged on that gibbet , to be reuenged on him for the iniury he had done him : but the diuine wil of god was such , and fortune did permit it , that on the same gallowes hamon thought to haue put mardocheus to death , on the selfe same himselfe was hanged . themistocles and aristides were . famous men among the greekes , and because they were both great princes and philosophers , and had in great reputation of all those that knew them , there was such a secret emulation and ambition betweene them , the one to raigne ouer the other , that both aspiring , each to commaund other , there followed great disorders and oppressions of the subiects of their common-weale . wherefore themistocles moued with pitty and compassion of so great a tirant , which for their sakes , their common weale endured , one day in the market place before all his people with a loude voyce , hee spake these words . know you , o you people of athens , that if you doe not lay handes on my exceeding presumption , and on the ouer great ambition of aristides , that our gods will bee offended , the temples will fall down to the hard foundation , our treasures will bee consumed , our selues destroyed , and our common weales brought to vtter ruine and decay . therefore once againe , good people , i say , bridle these our inordinate and vnspeakeable affections betime , lest the reines layde in our neckes be runne too farre . o golden wordes of a prince , and worthie eternall fame . lucanus also , when hee would reproue the pride and presumption of the romane princes sayde , that pompey the great could neuer abide to haue any for his companion or equall with him within rome : and iulius caesar also wold neuer suffer that there should bee any greater in the worlde then himselfe . and therefore to discourse a little of this abominable and horrible vice of pride , we haue not without great reason layde before you these approued examples , before wee beginne to reproue it : for in al things the examples wee shew you , are wont to moue vs more , then the reasons we seeme to tell you of . for that which i haue seene , for that i haue read , and for that i haue heard say also of others i am most assured and resolued therof , that by the onely cause of this wicked sinne of pride , proceedeth the ruine and vtter decay of all our greatest things and affayres of this life for by all other sinnes a man may indeede discend and decline from his degree and state of honour and estimation : but by this onely sinne hee cannot chuse but hee must fall downe flat to the ground . they finde out the middest and center of the earth , the depth of the sea , and the highest toppes of riphey mountaines , the end of the great mount caucasus , and the beginning of the great floud nile , and only the little heart of man , touching desire to rule and commaund , can neuer finde ende . the insatiable couetousnesse is such , that it cannot bee contented with the things wee haue , but onely with those wee repute of lesse price : likewise ambition & pride to commaund , cannot bee contained within boundes , but onely by obeying : for neuer no vice can haue end , if hee that haue it , doe not leaue it , and banish it from him . after alexander the great had conquered all asia , and had subdued the great india , he was one day reproued of the great philosopher anacharses , who tolde him these words . sith thou art now , o alexander , lord of the earth , why doest thou weary thy selfe so much in thy affayres , as no paine seemeth troublesome to thee ? to whom alexander answered . thou hast tolde mee many times , anacharses , that besides this world , there are also three others . and if it bee so as thou sayest , how great a reproach and infamy it were to me , that being three other worlds , i should bee lord but onely of one . therefore i doe dayly sacrifice to the gods , that though they take mee out of the life of this world , yet at least they will not deny mee of so glorious a conquest . i confesse that the scriptures excepted i haue no wordes so rise in memorie as these , whereby may easily be perceyued , that for to quiet and to content a proud and haughty heart , the seigniorie of the whole world is not yet sufficient , and how ended the pride of this glorious prince ? euen thus . hee that hoped for to conquere , and to bee lorde of three other worldes , did not rule this one onely aboue three yeares . wee may boldly say this , and sweare it , and may also plainely proue it , to any that desire to see it , that he wanteth both wit and knowledge that taketh vppon him to bee proud and presumptuous : for the more hee looketh into himselfe , and reconsidereth and considereth his state and calling , and what he is , hee shall finde in him a thousande occasions , fitte to humble him , but neuer a one onely to make him proude and naughty . how great , rich , mighty , noble and worthy soeuer the person be , euery time that wee happen to see him , and that we haue no acquaintance of him . and that we desire to know what hee is , wee doe not aske of what element , of what sea , of what fire , of what planet , of what climat , of what sunne , of what moone , nor of what ayre , but onely of what countrey hee is of , and where he was born : for wee are all of the earth , wee liue in the earth , and in the end wee haue to turne into the earth , as to our naturall thing . if the planets , and the beasts could helpe vs with the instrument and benefite of the tongue , they would take from vs the occasions of vaine glory : for the starres woulde say , that they were created in the firmament , the sunne in the heauens , the birdes in the ayre , the salamander in the fire , and the fish in the water : but onely the vnhappy man was made of earth , and created in the earth . so that in that respect , wee cannot glory to haue other kinsfolke neerer to vs , then are the wormes , the flyes , and horse-flyes . if a man did consider wel what he were , hee would assertaine vs that the fire burns him , water drowns him , the earth wearies him , the ayre troubles him , the heate grieues him , the colde hurtes him , and the day is troublesome to him , the night sorrowfull , hunger and thirst makes him suffer , meate and drinke filles him , his enemies dayly follow him , and his friendes forget him : so that the time a man hath to liue in this wretched world , cannot be counted a life , but rather a long death . the first day , wee see one borne , the selfe same we may make reckoning that he beginnes to dye : and although that person liued amongst vs a hundred yeares after in this world , wee should not say therefore that he liued a long time , but onely that he tarried a great time to dye . therefore that person that hath his life tyed to so many tributes , i cannot deuise , or thinke with my selfe why , or wherfore he should be proud . but now returning againe to our purpose , let vs say , & exhort the seruants and familiars of princes , that they take heede they bee not proude and presumptuous . for it seldome hapneth , that the fauoured of kinges and princes fall out of fauour and credite for that they haue , or can doe much , nor for that they craue and desire much : but for that they are too bold and presume too much . for in the court of kings and princes , there is nothing more hurtfull and lesse profitable , then pride & presumption : for oft times the ouerweening of the courtier , and the foolish vaine pride and reputation , he hath of himselfe , bringes him to bee in the princes disgrace , and makes the people also to be offended and angry with him : for till this day wee neuer saw , nor heard tell of any that euer got into the princes fauour and credite , for that he was proude and high minded , but onely for that hee hath shewed himselfe an humble , obedient , courteous , louing , and a faithfull seruant . i would bee of this minde , that the courtier that seeth hee is receyued into fauour in the princes courte , should euer waxe better in seruing well , then grow worse in presuming too much . and i dare boldly say & affirm that it is a meere point of follie , by his pride and rashnesse to loose all that in one day , that by great good fortune hee hath attained vnto in many yeares . and though that the fauoured courtyer ( subiect possible to his fantasticall humour ) be somtimes ouercome with choler or carnall desire , drawne with auarice , and addicted to the gorge , enuironned with enuie , plunged in slouth and ydlenes , or some other vice and imperfection , it shall not skill much , neyther be any great wonder : since all mankinde is subiect to those passions : and neyther the prince , nor the commonweale , will reckon much of that . for , of all these faultes and vices , there can come no greater hurte vnto him , saue only that the common people would murmure against him . but his pride and peacockes glorie once knowne and espied , euery man casteth his eyes vppon him , to beholde his princely gate , and curseth him , in word and deede . therefore let a man bee in as great fauour as hee can deuise to be , as worthy , noble , rich , and of as great power and authority as hee desireth to be : i neuer saw any ill in all my life , if with all these vertues hee were prowde and high-minded , but in the ende he was persecuted of manie , and hated and enuyed of all . for those that are in greatest fauor about the prince , haue secret enemies enough to hinder theyr credite , although they doe not purchase nowe , to accuse them of their pride and presumption . and as we are taught by experience , the burning coale cannot onely be kept aliue , except it bee couered with the hote ymbers thereon . i meane , that the fauour of the prince cannot bee long maintained , without good bringing vppe , and ciuill manners , gentle conuersation , and familiaritie . the great men of authoritie about the prince , runne eftsoones into great and many dangers : and this happeneth , because they would not bee reproued in any thing whatsoeuer they doe , much lesse heare any words that should displease them , neyther can they abide to be tolde of their faultes , much lesse suffer to bee corrected for them . neyther doe they suffer willingly to be counselled in any thing , be it of neuer so great weight & importance , neyther would they haue any companion with them , in fauour with the prince : but they desire to be both on the right hand of the prince , and on the left : still they onely would be the fauored of the prince , and none other : aspyring to gouerne them , in all theyr doings , and to bee thought and reputed the sole and onely rulers of the affayres of the prince , and his common-weale , and to be belieued in all things of the prince , and to be obeyed also of the common-people . those therefore that are continually resident in the courts of princes , and that haue the chiefest roomes and offices in the court , let them well consider , and keepe in memorie this one word , which i will tell them : and that is this as followeth ▪ that the first day they take vppon them to bee superintendents and gouernors of the common-weale , euen in the selfe-same day they shall put in hazard their honour , fauour , and credit , how great soeuer they be . for , with great difficulty are the least things the prince himselfe comandeth , executed or done in his realme , or common-weale : and therefore may the fauored of the court see , how much more hard it is for him to rule , ( as sole and absolute lord ) the affaires of the realme , and to be obeyed in the commonweal : since the king himselfe cannot doe it , by his regall authoritie . and therfore the lesse he shall desire to meddle with the affaires of the people , the more shall he liue in quiet and contented : for naturally the common people are so vnstable , and vncertaine in their doings , vnthankefull of benefites receyued , and so ingratefull of a good turne done them : that the beloued of the court , or any other person in fauour with the prince can neuer doe any thing for the people ( be it neuer so well ) but they will speake ill , and mislike of him , and find fault with some of his doings . it is impossible that those , that will commaund many thinges in the court of princes should alwayes doe their things so , but they should somtime tread awry . and admit their faultes bee but light , and of small moment , yet they may bee assured there will be enough that will both open them to the common weale , and tell them also secretly to the prince alone . for those that seeke to diuorce the fauored of the court from the prince , doe not complaine or finde fault for that they are more in fauour with the prince then others , but they will shew they take it in ill part , they haue more authority and commaund then others in the common-weale : saying , that by meane of their place and authority , and vnder colour of good zeale , to minister iustice , they giue commonly foule and iniurious words , farre vnfit for the authority of the person , and worthinesse of the place : so that it cannot be otherwise chosen , but that continuing this disorder , they must needes make the king suspect them , and besides that bring a discorde betwixt the king and those that hee fauoureth , and make him maruellously offended with them : for in the end , princes would alwayes be serued , and obeyed , but not ruled and commanded . and it is a most true saying . ouer-much familiaritie breedeth contempt . which although it may be borne , betweene men of like degree : and coequalitie , yet is it not tollerable , between the prince & the fauored of the prince . but rather euery day , houre , moment , that the fauoured courtyer entreth into the princes pallace , or into his priuy-chamber , hee ought euer to doe it with as great curtesie , reuerence , humilitie , and honour , and in speaking to the king , as if hee had neuer spoken with him , nor seene him . so that hee should let all men see , that though it please the kings majesty to make of him , and to accept him into his fauour , yet that hee leaue not to serue him , and doe him that duety that all other seruants doe , and are bounde to doe . the safest and most certaine way to maintaine those that are sublimated , and exalted in the courtes of princes , and to raise vp and bring those to aucthority that are lowe and of base condition , is : that the esteemed repute himselfe euer a seruant , and that the seruant neuer vaunt nor boast himselfe to be fauoured or esteemed . the familiars of princes ought euer to beware that there come no complaints of them to the princes care : for , as a drop of water , by time and continuall fall , commeth to pierce the hardest stone : so it might happen that the numbers of complaints might bee occasion for the prince to withdrawe his fauor and loue from the courtier againe . if his only seruices were sufficient to induce the prince to fauor & loue him : so the number of his subiects cōplaints against him , were occasion enough to make him mislike him , and and put him out of fauor clean , changing his loue and fauor , to hate and discredite . for it is a certaine thing , that when the prince doth looke well into his owne doings , he had rather be be loued of all , then serued of one alone . the honored fauorite of the court may not so much regarde the honour and credit he is called to by his prince as the basenes and pouertie he was in , when it pleased the king to like of him and that he came first acquainted with the king. for , if he did otherwise , it might so happen , that like as fortune had brought him to that high estate hee had : so pride might ouerthrow him againe , and bring him as low as hee was before : for , i should haue saide more truely a great deale , saying : that it would haue made him fall downe right : beeing the propertie of fortune , to suffer the baser sort ( whom she hath caled to honour ) onely to returne them to their meane estate & calling , they were of at first , and neuer to leaue the fauored of the prince , and men of aucthoritie ( nor neuer satisfied ) till shee hath throwne them downe headlong into extreame misery , neuer to rise againe . agathocles ( first the sonne of a potter , and afterwards made king of scicilia ) whilst hee liued , hee euer vsed this manner , that in his treasurie or iewell house , yea , and also at his table , amongst all his cups and dishes of gold and siluer , hee had also some of earth amongst them : and beeing asked the occasion , why in so great a treasurie and masse of golde and siluer , he had so vile and base a thing as earth ? hee aunswered thus . i drinke in golden cups , and eate in earthen dyshes , to giue thankes vnto the gods , which of a potters-sonne that i was , brought mee to this royall estate of a mighty king. and i do it also , to haue euer more cause to bee humble and lowly , and to flye pryde . for , it is an easier thing , and more likelyer , for a king to become a potter , then for a potter to attain to the greatnes & state of a king these wordes of agathocles were euer worthie to bee noted and had in ●●nory , since we see plainly that to giue a man a fall , a little stone sufficeth to make vs stumble , and fall to the ground , but to rayse vs vp againe , wee must needes helpe vs with power of handes and feet . it may well be , that this braue courtier and fauoured of the court , before hee came to this degree of honour , was but of a meane house , and b●fuly borne : and besides that esteemed of few , for his nobilitie of bloud : of an vnknowne countrey , of poore parents , of small substance , and no better nor otherwise fauoured of fortune in his birth or linage : of all which things he hath no cause to be ashamed , but rather to glory , & praise god : for hee shall euer bee more esteemed in the court , and wel thoght of , to remember from whence hee came , and to regarde his first estate : then hee shall , if he waxe glorious , & high minded , by reason of the fauour he is at this present , vtterly forgetting his first rising . titus liuius reciteth , that the renowmed romane quintus cincinnatus , before he came to bee made captaine of rome , hee was taken out of the fields a labouring man , plowing & tilling the ground . and this so noble a person beeing occupied in great affayres of the common weale , eyther in prouisions , or munitions , or in expeditions of warre , was wont to sigh before all the captaines and say : alas , who could tell me now any newes how my beefes doe in my graunge , my sheepe in the mountaines , and whether my seruauntes haue prouided them of hay and pasture for to keepe them the next yeare . surely it is to be thought , that whosoeuer speakes these wordes with his mouth , must needes haue little pride in his heart . and vndoubtedly hee proued his words true , and shewed , that hee spake as hee thought and in good earnest without intent of iest : since afterwards returned home againe to follow the plough , to plant his vines , and to see his owne thinges gouerned , leauing behinde him a perpetuall testimony of his noble and worthy doings . and his common weale also greatly enriched by his famous acts . saul was king of israel , and taken fot a god , and was annointed of samuel , his father a poore husbandman of the countrey , and hee from his youth brought vp in that trade , for to holde the plough , and yet when hee was king , he neuer disdayned for to plough his ground , to sow his oates , and to driue his beasts , now to pasture then home againe : so that the good king did glory this day to holde the plough , and to morrow to fight with his sword . when fortune therfore sheweth her selfe enemy to any , and that from great dignity and high calling , shee ouerthroweth him , and bringeth him to low and meane estate : it is then that he hath good cause to complain of fortunes cruelty , and to bewayle his wretched happe , ashamed to see his lothsome misery . but when shee worketh contrarily , and from mean estate brings him to great honour and credite , that must needes be great honor and glory to him . therefore i say , let them beware that beare rule and authority in the court , that they be not proud , glorious & high minded , neither otherwise detected of any kinde of vice , though they be neuer so much in fauour and estimation . sith fortune sheweth most her spight against the proud and disdainefull heart , rather then to the humble and meeke . to stop the enemyes mouth , there can bee found no better meanes , then for the beloued of the court not to bee proude and presumptuous , since no man is found so madde or foolish in the same , as once to dare to say , i accuse this man , because hee is in fauour and estimation : but hee may boldly doe it , when hee seeth indeede that hee is a prowde vaine-glorious foole . if wee see the fauoured of the court offended with one another , wee will say , it is but heate , if wee see him eate too much , wee will say , it is but of a good stomacke . if he rise late , we will excuse him , and say , it was late ere he went to bed , and that hee was wearie with watching . if he play oft , we will say , he doth it for pastime : if hee be carefull in keeping that hee hath together , that hee is wi●● and pollitike : if hee speake much , that hee is a pleasaunt man , and giuen to be merrie : if he speake little , that he is wise and modest : if hee spend much , that he is liberall and bountifull : but if he be glorious and proude , what shall a man say on him , and with what honest meanes can wee excuse him ? surely let others looke . for i knowe not . truely , for all other faultes and errors of men , they may honestly be excused , saue onely that of pride . for , though many times we commit other offences , it is but through frailty : but if we offend in pride , it commeth of a great folly , and want of discretion . and for the contrarie , the lowly and curteous condition of courtyers , do not onely depresse and refist the detractions and murmurings of their enemies , but doth inforce them against their willes to say well of them . for , god doeth suffer many times , that the peruerse nature and condition of one , is subdued and ouercome by the good and gentle vsage of another . therefore the beloued of the courte should take great heed that they shew not themselues prowd in their words , and much lesse in their ceremony o● , which they vse in court : as in going vp the stayres , in entring in at the dores , in taking the stoole to sit downe , and also in the putting off his cap , &c. and though perhappes hee that shall reade these our aduertisementes , will thinke them rather precepts for children , then for men : yet i will answer him neuerthelesse , that they are verie necessary for those that are in fauour in the court , and for all other courtiers , without the vse of which he may happily nourish a venernous serpent in his brest . and therefore not without great reason wee haue spoken that we haue , that of too little heed taking , sometimes there may follow great trouble to the fauoured courtier . for many times they murmur more against him , in not putting off his cappe ; when hee is courteously saluted , then they doe , if they deny their fauour , when they are requested . if one courtier leaue to doe , curtesie to another , they say hee doth it not , for that hee beareth him ill will , but for want of bringing vp but if hee bee great with the king , then they say it is not for want of good maners , but for that he is too proude . to say truly , it is an vnhappy life , the life of the beloued in the court , sith they attribute all their faults and errours to folly , although they committed them rather through negligence , and want of foresight , then of pretended malice , or ill will , as it is taken and thought . gneus flacous a noble romane , going in company with other romanes to visite a sicke man , and comming also to an other romane to see the same sicke person likewise , and being no place commodious in the chamber , where the last might sitte downe , neyther any stoole left to sit downe vpon : they say , hee rose off from his stoole , & gaue him place that came last . the which humanity and curtesie was afterwards published among all the romanes , and after also greatly praysed of the writers . and the romanes also , being uery true , graue , curious , and worthy of great faith and credite in all that they wrote , it is to be credited , that that act of courtesie was much noted and esteemed , sith they would write it in the most noble and heroicall acts of their common-weale . when the fauoured courtier is accompanied with knights and gentlemen of the court , that brings him to the court , and it happeneth any to goe vp the degrees before him , hee should not passe for that , much lesse shew any token that hee made any rockning of it . for to say the truth , it is no great matter for him to goe vp before him on the degrees of stoue , sith hee went before al , on the degrees of fauour . what matter is it to the fauoured or officer of the court , to see an other enter in at the stayre dore before him , if afterwards when they shall come where the king is , hee shall goe into the priuie chamber , at one that indeed is in fauour and beloued , and the other shall stand without like a sheepe ? and to conclude , i say , if i were in the number of those that are thus beloued , and fauoured of the king : i would in the kings chamber vse my fauour and credite , and abroad , all curtesie and ciuility . chap. xiiii . that it is not fitte for courtiers to bee too couetous , if they meane to keepe themselues out of many troubles and daungers . avlus gelius , and plinie render true testimony in their writings , that the honesty of the romanes was so great in their eating , and their modesty in their maintayning of themselues such , that they did not suffer any romane citizen to haue more houses then one to dwell in , nor but one gowne to put on his backe , one horse to ride vpon , nor aboue two yoake of oxen to till his land , titus liuius , macrobius , cicero , plutarch , salust , lucan , seneca , aulus gelius , herodian , eutropius , trebellius , vulpitius , and all the other romane writers , do neuer cease to prayse the auncient romane pouerty , saying the common welth of rome , neuer lost one iote of her greatnes and honour , during the time that they went abroad to conquer other realmes and dominions : but only since they beganne to gather treasure together . lycurgus the philosopher , who afterwards was king of the lacedemonians ) ordayned in his lawes hee made , that no neighbour should haue any more goods then an other , but that all houses , lands , vines , and possessions , golde , siluer , apparrell , moueables , and generally of all other things whatsoeuer , should be indifferently holden among them to the common vtility of all . and being asked , why hee would not consent that the common weale should haue her own priuate commodities and particulars , answered thus : the paines and trauels men endure in this mortall life , and the greate troubles and disorders that come dayly to the common weale , chance not so much for that men haue neede of liuing to maintaine themselues with all , but for that they do desire to leaue their heyres and successors . and therfore i haue appointed euery thing in common among subiects , because that during their liues they might haue honestly to maintaine themselues withall , and that they should not leauy any thing to dispose by will after their deathes . herodotus sayth also , that it was decreede by the inhabitants of the isles baleares , that they should suffer none to come into their country to bring them any golde , siluer , iewels , or precious stones . and this serued them to great profite : for by means of this law , for the space of foure hundred yeares that they had great warres with the romanes , the carthagenians , the french , and the spaniards , neuer any of these nations once stirred to goe about to conquere their land , being assured that they had neyther golde nor siluer , to robbe , or conuey from them . promotheus that was the first that gaue lawes to the egyptians , did not prohibite golde nor siluer in egypt ( as those of the isles baleares did in theyr territories ) neyther did he also commaund that all things should be common , as licurgus : but also commanded , that none in all his kingdome should be so hardy once to gather any masse or quantitie of golde or siluer together , and to hoord it vp . and this he did vpon great penalties : for as hee sayde , auarice is not shewed in building of fayre houses , neyther in hauing rich moueables , but in assembling and gathring together great treasure , and laying it vp in their coffers . and plutarch in his booke , de consolatione , sayth also , that if a rich man dyed among the rhodians , leauing behind him one onely sonne , and no more suruiuing him , they wold not suffer that he should bee sole heyre of all that his father left : but they left him an honest heritage , & liuing , to his state and calling , and to marry him well withall , and the rest of all his fathers goods they dissipated among the poore and orphans , the lydians , that neyther were greekes nor romanes , but right barbarous people , had a law in their common weale , that euery man should be bound to bring vp his children , but not to be at charges in bestowing thē in marriage : so that the sonne or daughter that was now of age to marry , they gaue them nothing to theyr marriage , more then they had gotten with their labour . and those that will exactly consider this laudable custome , shall finde that it is rather a law of true philosophers , then a custome of barbarous people : since thereby the children were enforced to labour for their liuing , and the parents also were exemted from all manner of couetousnesse or auarice , to heape vp gold and siluer and to enrich themselues . numa pompilius second king of the romanes , and establisher of their lawes and decrees , in the law of the seuen tables which he made , hee left them order onely , which way the romanes might rule their common-weale in tranquilitie , and put in no clause nor chapter that they should make their willes , whereby their childrē might inherit their fathers goods . and therefore being asked why hee permitted ( in his lawes ) euery man to get as much goods as he could , and not to dispose them by will , nor leaue them to their heyres : he aunswered , because wee see , that albeit there are some children that are vnhappy , vicious , and abominable , yet are there few fathers , notwithstanding this , that wil depriue and disinherite them of theyr goods at their death , onely to leaue them to any other heere ? and therefore for this cause i haue commanded that all the goods that remaine after the death of the owner of them , shold be giuen to the common-weale , as sole heyre and successor of them : to the end that if their children should become honest and vertuous , they should then bee distributed to them : if they were wicked and vnhappy , that they should neuer bee owners of them , to hurt , and offende the good . macrobius in his booke de somno scipionis sayth , that there was in the olde time , an old and ancient law amongst the tuscans duely obserued , and kept , and afterwards taken vp of the romanes , that in euerie place , where soeuer it were ( in towne or village ) within their territories , on new-yeares day , euerie man should present himselfe before the iudge or magistrate of the place hee was in , for to giue him account of his manner of life , and how hee maintained himselfe , and in these examinations they did accustome to punish him that liued idely , and with knauery and deceipt maintayned themselues , as minstrels , ruffians , dicers , carders , iuglers , coggers , foyster , coseners of men , and filching knaues , with other loytering vagabonds and rogues , that liue of others swet and toyle , without any paine or labour , they take vpon them to deserue that they eate . i would to god ( if it were his will ) that this tuscan law were obserued of christians , then we should see how few they be in number , that giue them selues to any faculty or science , or other trade , to liue by their owne trauell and industry : and how many & infinite a number they bee that liue in idle sort . the diuine plato in his timee sayeth , that although an idle man bee more occasion of many troubles and inconueniences in a common-weale , then a couetous man , yet is it not alwayes greater : for the idle man , and that gladly taketh his ease , doth but desire to haue to eate : but the couetous man doth not only desire to eate but to bee rich and haue money enough . all the eloquence and pleasaunt speech that the orators studied in their orations , the lawyers in theyr law , and the famous philosophers in their doctrine and teaching , was for no other cause , but to admonish and perswade those of the common-weale , to take very good heed in chusing of their gouernours , that they were not couetous and ambitious , in the administration of their publike affayres . laertius reciteth also , that a rhodian iesting with eschines the philosopher , sayde vnto him . by the immortall gods , i sweare to thee , o eschines , that i pitty thee to see thee so poore , to whom , he aunswered , by the same immortall gods i sweare to thee againe , i haue compassion on thee , to see thee so rich . sith riches bring but paine and trouble to get them , great care to keepe them , displeasur to spend them , perill to hoorde them , and occasion of great daungers , and inconueniences to defend them : and that that grieueth me most , is , that where thou keepest thy treasure fast lockt vp , there also thy heart is buried . surely eschines words seemed rather spoken of a christian , then of a philosopher . in saying , that where a mans treasure is , there is also his hart : for there is no couetous man , but dayly hee thinkes vpon his hidde treasure , but he neuer calleth to mind his sinnes he hath committed . comparing therefore those things wee haue spoken , with those thinges wee will speake : i say , that it becommeth the fauoured of princes to know that it is lesse seemely for them to bee couetous then others : for the greatnesse of their fauour ought not to bee shewed onely in being rich , but also in being noble and worthy . plutarch sheweth , that denys the siracusian comming one day into the chamber of the prince his sonne , and finding great riches of gold and siluer that he had giuen him , he spake very angerly to him and sayde : thou hast beene farre fitter for a marchant of capua , then to be as thou art the kings sonne of scicilia , sith thou hast a witte to gather , but not to spend . which is not fitte nor lawfull for thee , if thou wilt succeede mee after my time in my kingdome . and therefore i doe remember thee , that kingdoms and high estates are not maintained with keeping of riches , but also with giuing and honorably bestowing them well . and to this purpose also reciteth plutarch , that ptholomeus philodelphus was demaunded why he was so slowe , and with so great difficulty receyued the seruices of others , and was so liberall , and noble in giuing , and granting fauours : hee aunswered , i will not get reputation amongst the gods , nor good renowne amongst men for beeing rich , but onely i will bee praysed and esteemed for making of others rich , and hauing vnder mee rich subiects . these words that ptholome sayde to a friend of his , and those that denys spake to his sonne : mee thinkes the beloued of the court should not onely be contented to reade them , but to seeke to keepe them still in minde : sith by them wee may manifestly see , that riches are euermore profitable for a man that oweth them , and giueth them bountifully : then to haue them , and with couetousnes to hoord and locke them vp in their coffers : and the fauoured of princes should not be enuied , for the goods that they can get by their fauour and credit , but onely for the good that thereby they may doe to their friendes and kinsfolkes . for they are those that with others goods , make the people slaues vnto them . what greater nobility can there be in this world , then to make others noble ? what greater riches then to make others rich ? and what more liberty then to make others free ? the glory that the princes , and those that they esteeme , and haue in their fauour ought to haue , should not consist in getting together much goods , but in winning many seruauntes , and friends . great are the priuiledges that the noble and liberall men haue , for their children are obedient vnto them , their neighbours loue them , their friendes doe accompany them , their seruaunts serue them faithfully , straungers visite them , and the enemies they haue dare not speake against them : for althogh they spight at their greatnesse and fauour , yet they dare not once presume to rebuke or reproue their liberality . phalaris the agrigentine , denys the syracusian , cateline the romane , and iugurth the numedian : these foure famous tyrants did not maintain their states and royall kingdomes with the vertues they had , but onely by force & ample gifts they gaue : so that wee may well say , that in the world there is no stone so philosophicall , nor hand so liberall as treasure and riches : sith that in giuing it , good-men become great , and tirants thereby are supported . i would those that are princes familiars would note wel this word , that is , that great fauor ioyned with much couetousnesse , is a thing vnpossible to continue long in any . for , if he meane to keepe himselfe in fauour , hee must needes flye auarice : and if hee will needes sticke to auarice , hee must of necessitie loose his fauour . there is no better meanes for him that seekes the princes fauour , to get into fauour , then to serue him diligently , and to trouble him but seldome . the kings officer that serueth him in his house , must endeauour to make the king knowe that hee serueth him more for the loue hee beareth him , then for any gaine or profit he hopeth at his handes . for , in so doing , the king will not only with his fauour and benefites bestowed on him , treate and handle him as one he loueth , and maketh account of , but also loue him , as if he were his owne sonne . it is most iust , the beloued of the prince , loue and honour the prince , with all his heart , since hee loueth him , and needeth not . those that are beloued , made of , and fauoured in brinces courts , should make great account of it , and therefore they should serue willingly . for , the loue we beare to princes , commeth commonly rather of the necessitie we haue of them , then of our owne proper wills . but the loue of princes to vs , commeth of meere good will , and not of necessitie . if any man doe accompany mee , speake to me , and serue me : it is onely in respect that i euer giue him , and for that hee hopeth i will giue him in time to come . and to such a man i might truely say , hee rather flattereth , then loueth me . the esteemed of the court must note , if it please them that though , the prince haue others about him , whom he fauoreth and loueth , as well as himselfe , that hee be not therefore offended not displeased a whit . for els all those he seeth accepted into fauour with the prince , hee would make them his enemyes : and because they may auoyde this inconuenience , they must take it in very good part . for albeeit the prince giue his fauour to one alone , yet hee imparteth his gifts to diuers . those that newly begin to rise in the court , and to doe much : may not euen vpon a sudden shew themselues to be rich : but onely studie daily to increase in fauour . for , euery time that the courtyer doeth assure mee he doth not diminish in fauour , i will bee bound to him he shal neuer be poore . the way they must obserue in the court to be great , and to be able to do is this : that is , to visite ofte , to suffer , to present , to perseuer , to be beloued , and to continue in the princes fauour : which i assure you , is a great secret , and right alchymine of court , suddenly to rise in fauour , and to be rich , and all in short time . by this i inferre that the wise man euer desireth to be in fauor , before he couet to be rich : but the foole and ideot desireth first to bee rich , and then in fauour last . not few but many wee haue seene in princes courtes , which though fortune in short time hath exalted to the first degree of riches , and made them chiefe in fauor , yet within short space after , shee hath made them also loose their riches , and fall from the top of their pretended honour and dignitie . it is most certaine that if one haue enemies in the court , onely for that he is in fauor , he shall haue as many me : if being in fauour , hee be also rich. for wee are all of so ill a condition , in thinges that touch our particular profire , that all that we see giuē to others , wee thinke suddenly taken away from our selues . we haue heretofore saide , that it is not fit for the courtyer , and those that are in fauour , to commaund for his profite all that he list , neyther all those that hee may . and wee now at this present , doe also aduise them to take heede , that they doe not accept and take all that is offered and presented , although they may lawfully doe it . for , if hee be not wise in commaunding , and moderate in taking , a day might come that hee should see himselfe in such extremity , that he should be inforced to call his friends , not to counsell him , but rather to helpe and succour him . it is true , that it is a naturall thing for a courtyer that hath twenty crowns in his purse , to desire suddenly to multiplie it to an . from a . to . from . to a . from a thousand to . and from , to an hundred thousand . so that this poore wretched creature is so blinded in couetousnes , that hee knoweth not , nor feeleth not , that as this auarice continually increaseth and augmenteth in him , so his life daily diminisheth and decreaseth : besides that that euery man mocks and scorns him , that thinketh the true contentation consisteth in commanding of money , and in the facultie of possessing much riches , for to say truly it is not so , but rather disordinate riches troubleth and grieueth the true contentation of men , and awaketh in them daily a more appetite of couetousnes . we haue seen many courtiers rich and beloued : but none indeede that euer was contented , or wearyed with commaunding , but rather his life should faile him then couetousnes . oh how many haue i seene in the court , whose legges nor feete haue bin able to carry them , nor their bodie strong enough to stand alone , nor their hands able to write , nor their sight hath serued them to see to reade , nor their teeth for to speake , nor their iawes to eate , nor their eares to heare , nor their memory to trauell in any suite or matter , & yet haue not their tongue fayled them to require presents and giftes of the prince , neyther deepe and fine wit to practise in court for his most auaile and vantage . so incurable is the disease and plague of auarice , that hee that is sicke of that infirmity , can not bee healed neyther with pouerty , nor yet bee remedied with riches : since this contagious maladie and apparant daunger is now so commonly knowne , and that it is crepte into courtiers , and such as are in high fauour and great authoritie by reason of this vile sinne of auarice . i would counsell him rather to apply himselfe to bee well thought of , and esteemed , then to endeauour to haue enough . also queene semiramis was wife to king belius , and mother of king ninus , and although by nature shee was made a woman , yet had shee a heart neuer otherwise but valiant and noble : for after shee was widdow , shee made her selfe lord by force of armes of the great india , and conquered all asia , and in her life time caused a goodly tombe to bee made , where she would lye after her death , and about the which she caused to bee grauen in golden letters these words . who longs to swell with masse of shining golde , and craue to catch such wealth as fewe possesse , this stately tombe let him in hast vnfolde , where endlesse heapes of hatefull coyne do rest . many dayes and kinges raignes past before any durst open this sepulchre , vntill the comming of the great cyrus , who commaunded it to be opened . and being reported to him by those that had the charge to seeke the treasure , that they had sought to the bottomlesse pit and worldes end , but treasure they could find none nor any other thing , saue a stone wher in were grauen these words . ah haplesse knight , whose high distracted mind , by follies play abused was so much : that secret tombes the carcasse could none binde , but thou wouldst reaue them vp for to be rich . plutarch and also herodotus which haue both written this history of semiramis , doe shew and affirme , that queen semiramis got great honour by this iest , and king cyrus great shame and dishonour . if courtiers that are rich , thinke and beleeue that for that they haue money inough , and at their will , that therefore they should be farre from all troubles and miseries , they are deceyned : for if the poore soule toyle and hale his body to get him onely that he needeth , much more dooth the rich man torment and burne his heart , till hee be resolued which way to spende that superfluitie he hath . iesu , what a thing is it to see a rich man , how bee tormenteth himselfe night and day , imagining and deuising with himselfe whether hee shall with the mony that is left , buy leases , milles , or houser , anuities , vines , or cloth , lands , tenemēts or pastures : or some thing in see : or whether he shal enrich his sonne with the thirds or fifts : and after all these vaine thoughts , gods will is , for to strike him with death suddenly , not onely before he hath determined how hee should lay out or spend this money , but also before he hath made his will. i haue many times tolde it to my friends , yea , and preached it to them in the pulpit , and written it also in my bookes , that it is farre greater trouble to spend the goods of this world well , and as they ought to be spent , then it is to get them : for they are gotten with swette , and spent with cares . hee that hath no more then hee needeth , it is hee that knoweth well how to parte from them , and to spend them : but he that hath aboundance , and more then needfull , doth neuer resolue what hee should doe . whereof followeth many times , that those which in his life time were enemies to him , shall happen to bee heyres after his death of all the goods and money he hath . it is a most sure and certaine custome among mortall men , that commonly those that are rich ( while they are aliue ) spend more money vainely in thinges they would not , and that they haue no pleasure in , and wherein they would lest lay it out : and after their death they leaue the most part of their inheritance to those whom they loued least : for it hapneth many times that the sonne which hee loueth worst , enheriteth his goods , & that sonne which hee loued best , and made most of , remaineth poore . therfore continuing still our matter , i say , that i know not the cause why the fauoured of the court desire to bee so rich , couetous , and insatiable , sith they alone haue to gette the goods , where afterwardes to spende them , they haue need of the counsell and aduise of many . let not those also that are in fauour with the prince , make too great a shew openly of their riches , but if they haue aboundance , let them keepe it secret : for if their lurking enemies know not what they haue , the worst they can doe , they can but murmur : but if they see it once , they will neuer leaue till they haue accused him . to see a courtier builde sumptuous houses , to furnish them with wonderfull and rich hangings , to vse excesse and prodigality in their meates , to haue their cupbordes maruellously decked with cups , and pots of golde , and siluer , to see infinite presents brought into his house , & to be greedy of money , and to haue a great train of seruants to wayte vpon them : all these are things not onely to make thē murmur and repine at , but also when time and place serueth to condemne and accuse them to the prince . and this were but little to murmur at them and accuse them : so that they did not defame them , and diminish their honour and reputation : for they tell it abroad afterwards , eyther that they are corrupted with presents , or that they doe robbe and steale from the prince their master . and therefore i returne once againe to admonish them , and specially the officer of the court , that they shal not neede , neyther is it requisire they make any ostentation of their riches : if they be wise at least : for besides that euery body will murmur against him , they will not spare to bring it to the princes cares quickly , so that by misfortune it might happen to him , that the king would doe that with his seruant , that the hunter doth oft with his beasts hee taketh , that many times he cherisheth him , and giueth him meate to eate , not to bring him vp , but to fat and kill him for his owne eating . chap. xv. that the fauoured of the court shoulde not trust too much to their fauour , and credite they haue , nor to the prosperitie of their life . a worthy chapter , & full of good doctrine . what reputation paul the apostle had amongest the christians , the like had the great cato the iudge , among the romanes , who in the progression of his life , proceeded so honestly , and in the gouernement of the publike weale was so iust , that hee deserued that this epitaph should be written vpon his pallace gate . o cato great , whose euerlasting fame , amidst the earth still liues with honour due , was neuer none could thee oppresse with shame , for iudgement wrong , whereby the guiltlesse rule , was nere none , durst presse to thee with suites , or fill thy hands with bribes , or flatter thee , whereby thou shouldest not shew the worthy fruits of iustice , zeale , as iudges all should bee . among all the noble and renowmed romanes , hee onely would neuer suffer statue or image of his , to bee set vp in the high capitoll . whereat diuers maruelling , and imagining diuersly what was his meaning , hee beeing one day in the senate sayde to them these words openly . i will they shall seeke the good workes i haue done , by which i did deserue that my image should be erected in the capitoll , then to giue thē cause to goe search and enquire what linage i was of , what was my life , with intent to pull downe my image : for it happeneth many times , that those whom inconstant fortune from a low estate hath raysed vp to high degree and steppe of honour , doe become afterwardes by the same occasion rather defamed , then praysed : for there are many that are reuerenced , & honoured openly , by reason of theyr honour and dignity they haue at this present , of whom they make a iesting stocke afterwards when they see them fall . lucan sayeth , that pompeius would say many times , when he would speake of these worldly things : my friends , i can tell you a true thing , whereby you may know the little occasion wee haue to trust humane felicities . example you may see in mee , which attained to the romane empire , without any hope i had euer to come vnto it : and afterwards also not mistrusting any thing , euen suddenlie it was taken from mee , and i depriued of it . lucius seneca beeing banished from rome , wrote a letter to his mother . albuina , in which hee did both comfort her , and himselfe , and wrotte thus . o my deare mother albuina , i neuer in all my life beleeued or trusted vnstabel fortune , although there haue bin many peaces and leagues made betwixt her and our house : for if at a time the trayteresse consented , that for a space i should bee quiet , and at rest , shee did it not of good will shee had to leaue to pursue me , but for to giue me a more cloaked seuerity : for when shee seeth wee thinke our selues assured , then with al her force and fury shee giueth vs the assault , as if shee came to assault the enemies campe : and i tell thee further , yet ( good mother ) that all the good shee wrought in mee , and the honour shee heaped on mee , and all the faculties and aboundance of riches she broght to my house , hee tolde mee shee gaue them freely , but i alwayes aunswered her , i did accept in way of imprest , & not of gift . her promises therefore shee offered mee the honour she layd vpon mee , and the riches she gaue me , shee layde them vp in such a corner of my house , that either by day , or by night , she might at her pleasur when shee would take them all from mee , without that shee should trouble at all therefore my iudgement , or that shee should sorrow my heart a whit : and because thou shouldest know how i did esteeme of fortune , i tell thee , that i euer thought it good , neuer to let any thing come within me , ●or into my heart , but only neere vnto me and so i was contented to esteeme it , and to keepe it vnder good safety , ●●● not that i therefore applyed , and gaue all my affection and minde vnto it : i was glad to haue fortune my friend , but if i lost her , i was neuer sorry for her . finally , i conclude , that when she came to assault mee , and to robbe my house , she might well conuay all that was to put in the arke , but not that shee could euer carry away the least sigh of my heart . they say that k. philip father of alexander the great , beeing aduertised of three great victories hapned in sundry places to his army , kneeled down on both his knees , and holding vp his hands to the heauens , sayd , o cruel fortune , o merciful gods i beseech you most humbly , that after so great a glory and victory as this , you haue hitherto giuen mee : you will moderate your correction , and punishment , which after this i looke for that you will graunt mee , that you punish me with pity , and not with vtter destruction and ruine . and yet he added this furder to his words . not without cause i conjure thee oh fortune , and doe beseeche you immortall gods , that you wil punish me fauourably , but not to vndoe me : because i am assured , that ouermuch felicitie and prosperitie of this life , is no more but a prediction and presage of a great calamitie , and an yll insuing happe . truely all the examples aboue recited are worthie to be noted , and to be kept alwayes before the eyes of our mindes , sith by them wee come to know , that in the prosperitie of this our thrawled life , there is litle to hope for , and much to be afrayd of . it is true wee are very fraile by nature , since we are borne fraile , we liue fraile , and daylie wee fall into a thousand fraylties : but yet notwithstanding we are not so frayle , but wee may if we will resist vice . and all this commeth onely , because one sort of people followeth an other , but one reason seldome followeth another . if wee fall , if we stumble , if wee be sicke , if we breake our face , are we sure ( that seruing as we do the world ) that the world will recure and remedie vs ? no sure , it is not so . for the remedy the world is wont to giue to our troubles , is euer notwithstanding greater trouble then the first : so that they are like vnto searing-yrons , that burne the flesh , and heale not the wound . for the world is full of guile and deceyte , and subtill to deceiue , but very slowe to giue vs remedy . and this we see plainly . for if it perswade vs to reuenge any iniury receyued , it doeth it onely in reuenging of that , to make vs receiue a thousand other iniuries . and if sometimes wee thinke wee receiue some comfort of the world , of our paines and troubles of the body , if afterwardes ouer-lodeth our mindes , with a sea of thoughts and cogitations . so that this accursed and flattering world maketh vs belieue , & perswadeth vs the right and perfite way , and in the end we are cast vnwares into the nets of all wickednes , priuily layde to ensnare vs. how great soeuer a man bee in fauor with the king , how noble of bloud how fine of wit , and how warie soeuer hee be , let euery man bee assured that practiseth in the world , he shall in the ende be deceyued by him . for , hee costeth vs very deere , and wee sell our selues to him good cheape . i tolde you but little , to tell you we solde our selues good cheape , for i should haue saide better , in saying we haue giuen out selues in preye wholly to him , without receiuing any other recompence . and in deede they are very fewe , and rare , that haue any reward of him : and infinit are they that serue him , without any other recompence , more then an ydle , foolish , and vaine-hope . oh trayterous worlde , in how short a time doest thou receyue vs ! and afterwardes with a glimce of an eye suddenly doest put vs from thee : thou gladdest , and makest vs sorrowfull , thou callest vs to honour and abasest vs , thou punishest vs , and doest vs a thousand pleasures . and finally i say , thou doest make vs so vile , and poysonest vs with thy vile labourers , that without thee , wee are yet euer with thee : and that that grieues vs worst of all is , that hauing the thiefe in the house , we goe out of the house , to giue him place , and make him owner . when the world knoweth one once that is prowd and presumptuous , he procureth him honour : to another that is couetous , riches : to another that is a glutton , good meats : to an other that is carnall , the commoditie of womē : to another that is idle , quyet and ease : and all this doth the trayterous worlde , to the ende that after , as fish , whom hee hath fed , hee may laye the net of sinne vpon vs , to catch vs in . if we would resist the first temptations the world offreth vs , it is impossible hee durst so many times assaulte vs. for to say truely by our small and weake resistance , increaseth his ouer-great audacitie . i would these louers of this worlde would but tell me a little , what 〈◊〉 or what hope they can hope of him , why they should suffer so manie e●cumbers , broyles , and troubles as they doe ? to thinke the worlde can giue vs perpetuall life , it is a mockery , and extreame madnes to hope of it . for we see when life is most deare to vs , and that we are lothest to leaue the world , then arriueth death ( in an vnhappie houre ) to swallow vs vp , & to depriue vs of all this our worldly felicitie . to hope that the world will giue vs assured myrth : euen this is also a madnes . for the dayes excepted , we must lament , and the houres allottod out to complaine , alas , we shal see but a small surplus of time left , to laughe and be mertie . i can say no more , but exhort euery man to looke well about him , what he doth , and that he be aduised what hee thinketh . for when we thinke and belieue wee haue made peace with fortune , euen then is she in battel against vs. and i doe assuredly belieue , that that i now prepare my selfe to speake euen presently , shall be read of manie , but obserued of few : and that is , that i haue seene those come out of their owne proper houses , mourning and lamenting that had spent and consumed all their time in laughing and making good cheere , & seruing this miserable world : which is but only a giuer of all euils , a ruine of the good , a heap of sinne , a tyraunt of vertues , a traitor of peace and warre , a sweet water of errors , a riuer of vices , a persecutor of the vertuous , a combe of lyes , a deuiser of nouelties , a graue of the ignorant , a cloake of the wicked , an ouen of lechery : and finally , a charibdis , where all good and noble hearts doe perish , and a sylla , where all noble desires and thoughts are cast away together . for it is most certaine , that this worlding that is not content with this world , and that leaueth his first estate , and that taketh vpon him a new manner of life , and chaungeth from house to house , and from countrey to countrey : hee shall neuer notwithstanding content himselfe , nor quiet his mind . and the cause hereof is , that if a worlding depart out of his house , neuer to come againe into it , there are yet at hand immediatly other ten licentious persons , that do but watch to enter into his house . speaking more particularly , i say , that in the court of princes they account them happy and fortunate , that be in fauour with the prince , that haue great affairs in court , that bee rich and of power : that be serued and honoured of euerie man , and that take place & goe before euery man : so that it may be said , that the common people doe not cal those fortunate , that deserue to be fortunat : but onely those that haue enough . but the auncient philosophers were not of this mind , and much lesse are the wise & vertuous men at this day : for we see that in the court of princes many lacke fauor , rather then life , others lacke both fauour , and life together , and others not onely their life and fauour , but also their goods and faculties . so that , all that their fauour and credite haue giuen them in many yeares , and by sundry griefes and troubles , they come afterwardes to lose them euen vpon a suddain , and in short time : i graunt notwithstanding that it is a great honour , profite , and furtherance , for the courtier to bee in his princes fauour , but neuerthelesse hee cannot deny me , but that it is a dangerous thing also : for naturally a great familiarity , bringeth also a great enuy with it , sith the beloued of the princes is commonly euill willed of the common weale . and that which is most daungerous is , that to obtain the fauor of his prince , hee must so behaue himselfe : that his seruice must bee more rare , better , and exquisite , then all others : and otherwise , to fall in disgrace , and to make the prince forget all the good seruice he hath don him his whole life time , hee need but the least displeasure and fault he can commit . eusenides was maruellously beloued with ptolomey , who after fortune had exalted and brought him to honour , and that he was grown to great wealth , sayde one day to cuspides the philosopher these words . o my friend cuspides , tell mee i pray thee of thy faith , is there any cause in mee to be sadde , sith fortune , hath placed me in so great authoritie , and honour , as she can deuise to doe , and that the king ptolomey my lorde , hath now now no more to giue me : he hath already beene so bountifull to me ? to whom the philosopher aunswered , saying : o eusenides , if thou wert a philosopher , as thou art a beloued seruant , thou wouldest tell mee an other tale , then that thou tellest mee now : for although king ptolomey hath no more to giue mee , knowest thou not that spightfull fortune hath power to take away from thee many things ? for the noble heart feeleth more griefe , and displeasure , to come downe one stayre , or steppe , then to clime a hundred . not many dayes after these words passed betweene cuspides and eusenides , it happened that one day king ptolomey found eusenides talking with a lemman or curtesan of his , which hee loued dearely , whereat hee was so much offended , that hee made her straight drinke a cuppe of poyson , and caused him to bee hanged before his owne gates . the emperour seuerus had one in so great fauour and credit , which was called plautius , and he loued him so extreamely , and trusted him so much , that he neuer read letter , but plautius must reade it , and hee neuer graunted commission or licence to any man , but it must passe vnder plautius seale : neither did hee euer graunt anything , but at the request of plautius , nor did make warres or peace , without the counsell and aduise of plautius . the matter fell out so , that plautius entring one night into the emperours chamber with a priuy coate , his ill happe was such , that a little of his breast before was open , whereby was spyed the male : which bahhian seeing , being the emperours eldest sonne , sayde vnto him these sharpe words . tell me plautius , doe those that are beloued of princes vse to come into theyr bed-chambers at these howers , armed with yron-coates ? i sweare vnto thee by the immortall gods , and so let them preserue me in the succession of the empyre : that since thou commest with yron , thou shalt also dye with yron : which presently tooke place . for , before hee went out of the chamber , they strake off his head . the emperour commodus ( that was sonne of the good emperour marcus aurelius ) had a seruant called cleander : a wise and graue man , olde , and very pollitike : but withall , a little couetous . this cleander was oft times requested of the praetorian company , that is to say of the whole band of souldiers , that he would commaund they might be payd their pay due vnto them : and to perswade him the better to pay it : they shewed him a bill , signed from the emperour , to which he answered : that the emperour had nothing to do in the matter . for , althogh he were lord of rome , yet had he not to deale in the affayres of the common-weale . these discurteous and vnseemely wordes related to the emperour comodus , and perceyuing the small obedience , and respect of duty that cleander shewed to him , hee commaunded forthwith he should be slaine to his great shame , and that all his goods should be confiscate . alcimenides was a great renowned king among the greekes , as plutarch writeth of him , and hee fauoured one pannonius entirely well , to whom only hee did not commit his person , his trust , but also the whole affaires and doings of the common weale , and hee might dispose of the goods of the king , at his will and pleasure , without leaue or licence . so that all the subiects found , they had more benefite in seruing of pannonius then in pleasing of the king. therefore the king , and the beloued pannonius playing at the ball together , they came to contend vpon a chase , and the one sayde , it was thus : the other sayde it was contrary : and as they were in this contention , the king commaunded presently those of his guarde , that in the very place of the chace where pannonius denyed , they should strike off his head . constantius the emperour also had one whome hee liked very well , and made much of , called hortentius , which might well bee counted a princes darling , for hee did not onely rule the affayres of the common weale , of the pallace , of warres , his goods , and person of the emperour : but also hee was euer placed aboue all the ambassadours at his table . and when the emperour went in progresse , or any other iourney , he euer had him to his bedfellow . thus things being in this state , i tell you , it happened that one day a page giuing the emperour drinke in a glasse , the glass , by mishappe fell out of the pages hand , and brake in pieces , whereat the emperour was not a little displeased and offended . and euen in this euill and vnhappy howre , came hortensius to the king to present him certaine billes , to the signe of hasty dispatch , which was a very vnapt time chosen ( and the emperour yet contented to signe it , could neyther the first nor the second time , because the penne was ill fauouredly made , & the inke so thicke , that it woulde not write , which made the king so angry , that euen presently for anger , he commaunded that hortensius head should be strucken off . but to the end wee may come to the knowledge of many things in few words , i will shew you how alexander the great slew in his choller his deere accounted cratherus , and pirrhus king of the epirotes , fabatus his secretary . the emperour bitillion his greatest friend cincinnatus domitian the emperour , rufus of his chamber . adrian the emperour his onely fauoured ampromae . d●cclesian his friende patritius , whom he loued as himselfe , and alwayes called him friend and companion . diadumeus , phamphilion his great treasurer : for whose death hee was so sorrowfull , that hee would haue made himselfe a way , because he caused him to be so cruelly slaine . all these aboue named , and infinit others also , some were masters , some lordes , some kings , and som of great authority and fauour about princes , by whose tragicall histories and examples wee may plainely see , that they did not onely loose their goods , fauor , and credit , but also vpon very light occasions were put to death by sword : therefore mortall men should put no trust in worldly things , sith that of little occasion they become soone great and of much lesse , they suddenly fall , and come to worse estate then before . and therefore king demetrius asking one day euripides the philosopher , what hee thought of humane debility , and of the shortnesse of this life , answered . mee thinkes , o king demetrius , that there is nothing certaine in this vnstable life : sith all men liuing , and all things also that serue them , endure dayly some clipse . and hereunto replyed suddenly demetrius and sayde : o my good euripides , thou hadst sayde better , that all things vegitiue , and sensitiue , and each other liuing thing doth not onely feele the eclipses force , and change from day to day , but from houre to houre , and minute to minute . meaning king demetrius , by these words hee spake , that there is nothing so stable in this world , bee it of what state or condition it will bee , but in the twinckling of an eye , is ready to runne into a thousand dangers and perils : and albeit we bee all subiect ( of what state or degree so euer wee bee ) to sundry and diuers thrals , and mishaps , yet none so neere neighbours to them , as those that are in highest authority , and greatest fauor with princes : for there are many that shootes to hitte downe the white of their fauour , but few that being down , will once put it vp againe , and restore it to his place , for to liue a contented life , a man had neede to want nothing , neyther to haue any occasion to trouble him : but the things that trouble vs in this vale of misery , being so many , and of such aboundance , and those thinges contrarily so few , and rare to come by , that wee neede and want : wee may iustly account this life wofull and miserable aboue all others : for sure farre greater are the grieues and displeasures wee receyue for one onely thing wee want , then the pleasures are great wee haue for a hundred others , whereof we haue aboundance . besides that , the familiars of princes cannot thinke themselues so mighty and fortunate , that any man may presume to call them blessed or happie . for if some serue and honor them others there are that persecute them : and if in their houses they haue that flatter them , and make much of them : there want not in the court others that murmur at them , and speake ill of them . and if they haue cause somtimes to reioyce that they are in fauour : so haue they likewise continuall trouble and feare that they shall fall , and bee put out of fauour : and if they glory to haue great treasure , they sorrow also to haue enemies . and if the seruices and company they haue , doe delight them , the continuall businesse they haue do vex them : so that wee may say of them , as of plastering houses , which are neuer so fayre , but they become blacke with some spotte in time , and wormes and other vermine doe eate and wast them . if there bee none that dare once admonish these great men in authority , and tell them their faultes by wordes of mouth : yet i will take vpon mee to doe it with my writing , and say : that they speake nothing but that it is noted : their steps they treade are seene : euery morsell of meate they eate is marked , they are accused for the pleasures they take , and all thinges that they haue are obserued : all the pleasures that is done them is registred , and all ill that they know by them is published . and finally , i conclude , that the fauoured of princes , are a game at tables , whereat euery man playeth : nor with cardes , nor dice , but only with serpents tongue . and therefore i haue sayde it , and once againe i returne to say : that all those that are accepted of princes must liue continually very wisely , and aduisedly in all their doings : for it is true , and too true , that euery mans tongue runnes of them , and much more if they had time and opportunity , like as they defame them with their tongues , so would they offende them with their hands . wee doe not speake this so much that they should looke to defend their life : but to foresee that they may preserue their honour and goods from perill , and to giue them by this precept a good occasion to looke about them . for to put them in disgrace with the king , all the dayes of their life , ( to their vtter vndoing and ouerthrowe , the king neede but onely for to giue eare and attention to his enemies . chap. xvi . the author admonisheth those that are in fauour , and great with the prince , that they take heede of the deceipts of the world , and learne to liue , and dye honourably , and that they leaue the court before age ouertake them , when king aldericke kept seuerine the romane consull prisoner , otherwise named boetius : that consull complained much of fortune , saying , alas fortune , why hast thou forsaken mee in my age , since thou diddest fauour mee so much in my youth , and that i had serued thee so many yeares , why hast thou left me to the hands of mine enemies . to which complaints fortune made answere thus . thou art vnthankeful to mee , o seuerius , sith i haue vsed my thinges with thee in such manner , as i neuer vsed the like with any other romane . and that this is true , i tell thee . consider , o seuerius , that i made thee whole , and not sicke : a man and no woman , of excellent witte and vnderstanding , and not grosse and rude , rich and not poore , wise and not foolish , free and not bound , a senator , and no plebeian , noble and valiant , and not cowardly , a romane , and no barbarian , or stranger borne : in great , and meane estate , a graue man , and no light nor vaine person , fortunate , and not vnlucky , worthy of fame , and not obliuion : to conclude i say , i gaue thee such part in the common weale , that thou haddest good cause to haue pittie of all others , and all others cause to haue spight , and enuie at thee . againe replyed seuerius to this answere and saide . oh cruell and spightfull fortune , how liberall thou art in the things thou speakest , and resolute in the thinges thou disposest : sith alwayes thou doest what thou wilt , and seldome that thou oughtest ? and thou knowest there is no such mishappe , as to remember a man hath once beene rich , and fortunate in his time : and to see himselfe now broght to extreame miserie . heare fortune thou oughtst to know it , if thou knowest it not , that hee that neuer was rich , scant knoweth his pouertie . but alas for pittie , he that was rich , and had once all pleasures and ease , doth sorrow much for the present extreamitie , and bewayleth the fore-passed felicitie . and i tell thee also , and thou oughtest to belieue me , that wee repute them more happy whom thou neuer exaltest nor gauest honor vnto : then we do those whom thou hast called to high honours , and afterwardes hast ouer-throwne them , and brought them lower , and in worser state then before . and as for mee , oh fortune , i tell thee truely , i thinke no man fortunate , but him that neuer knew what good-fortune meant . and this was the discourse betwixt fortune , and the consull seuerius . by which wee may perceiue and comprehend , that truly none may be thought vnfortunate and miserable , but such as haue been before in great honour and reputation : and he cannot be thoght abased of his state , or countenaunce , if he were not before in prosperitie , and fauoured of fortune . so that we may well say , that neuer no man in this world was so free , as he that neuer suffered fortune to enter into his gates . i haue been desirous to tell you of these things , because that such as are in fauor and credit with princes , shold not reckon too much of their fauour : neyther that those that are not in fauour with them , should be sorie for it a whit . for the great authoritie and credite that a man hath by the court , is in this mortall life in the ende nothing else then as a little worm in an apple , a wizell in the corne , and a magot in pease : which without , seem very good and within they are all rotten & eaten . princes authoritie aboue all others is most supream : for they are not subiect to the censors and iudges , to reproue them of their wordes and sayings : neither to magistrates , to whom they should render vp any accounts of their doings , whereof proceedes , that as they haue free-will to loue , so haue they a free libertie to hate , and absolute power to punish . therefore those that are in fauor in court , and they that shall read this wrytings of mine , must well consider what we meane by all those things we haue spoken : whereby they shall easily know , that princes are no lesse apte to hate him to day , they loued yesterday : then to loue him to morrowe , whom they hated the other day . the first and chiefest point the courtyer ought to obserue , is to feare god , aboue all : and to follow the profession and life of a good christian . for in the ende they liue in court with more safety , hauing a good and pure conscience , then with all the great credite and fauour they can haue . and therfore let euery courtyer belieue me , as well in fauor as out of faour : that it is the best & surest way to obtaine the goods of this world , as also for the preseruation of their soules , to esteeme and make account of holie scriptures & gods commandements and if hee doe otherwise , it shall happen many times vnto him that in the dispatch of his weyghtiest affaires , and needefull businessos , euen when hee shall thinke his matters brought to a prosperous ende , and that it is without all doubt of dispatch : then steps in crooked fortune with her wonted poison against him , and either makes him in a manner beginne his suite new againe , or at least ouerthrow it quite : for there are in princes courts many times certaine suites that haue a good and better end then looked for : and contrarily many others that are at the point of dispatching , and yet by sinister accident clean ouerthrowne , and succeeding contrary to their assured expectation . and yet notwithstanding it seemeth to the suiter , that the cause hereof commeth , eyther through the soliciters negligence and default , and litle care to follow it , or else through the malice and ill will of the fauoured of the court , that tooke vpon him the suite : and yet neyther the one , nor the other was cause of the disorder : but onely the diuine prouidence of god , to admonish vs that in all our actions and doings it little preuayleth vs to moue the king or his officers in all our matters , if we doe not deserue at gods hands to obtaine it . and therefore sayde the diuine plato in his timeon , that those that haue honour and prosperity in this life , haue as much neede of good counsell , as the poore afflicted creatures haue of help and remedy . and surely , it was wisely and profoundly spoken of him : for as neede and misery in this wretched life bringeth men to despayre : so likewise we see prosperity induce men to forget themselues and their state . and that which i haue hitherto spoken of , and that i hope yet to speak , none can vnderstand nor conceiue , but such as once in their time , in their nauigation had a fortunate and prosperous winde : and afterwardes turning contrary , euen at the shore side haue cast them on rockes and vtterly perished them . to the end that those in reading my wrytings , may yet lament and mourne for pittie : where the others can but onely reade , and goe no further . if we compare and put together the rich with the poore , the sorrowfull with the merry , the fortunate with the vnfortunate : the fauoured , with the banished , the vertuous and noble , with the vicious and defamed : wee shall finde without doubt the number of those farre greater , that could rise againe beeing downe , and had taken a fall : then those that keepe themselues in the authoritie and fauour , that fortune had brought them to . i haue not saide it a fewe times , but euery moment i would returne to say it againe , that this trayterous worlde in all his doings is so deceytfull , and fortune in all that shee promiseth so doubtful , that they make them belieue whom they make rich , beloued , and raise to high estate , that they doe it but to honour them : and afterwards contrarily they spinne a thousand deceipts and trumperyes , to make them sooner fall to the ground . surely i haue seene but fewe , and i remember i haue read of none , vnto whom fortune euer shewed herselfe so benigne and curteous , that euer put a man in his chiefest toppe of prosperitie , and fauour , but in fewe dayes after , she tooke his life from him , or at least in the ende of his iourney , shee made him runne into some secret disgrace or mishappe . and therefore i would that the courtyer that obtayneth fauour in the court , and riches in the common-wealth : that he should reckon and esteeme them as lent him , but not giuen him : and that he should so gouerne the things of fortune , as hee would that man whom hee trusted not at all . for , as seneca saith : no man is afflicted with fortune , but hee onely that trusteth to her , without feare or suspect at all of her . for courtyers , and those that are in great fauor and authority ought to know that like as in the deepest seas soonest perish the shippes , and as on the highest mountains the sunne hath alwayes least force and power : and as in the greenest boughs is soonest hidden the fowlers little net , to catch the silly byrdes : and as with the fullest bayts of meate the fish are soonest taken , & that with great force the wind doth blow on highest trees , and as the most prowd and stately buildings , the earth-quake doth most hurt and soonest ouerthrow them : euen so by this i meane , that fortune neuer stroue to throw downe anie , but such as she had made great in honour and fauour . for , i doe not take it for great good lacke ( though all things succede to be fauoured of the court , better then hee looked for ) nor to see them brought by their friends to great estate and honour , for albeeit fortune for a time dissemble with him , it is not for that she hath forgoten him , but afterwards to giue him a greater punishment . those that will maruell at that i will speake euen now , it proceedes of nothing else , but wanting wit , and capacitie , to vnderstand it . there is no greater sicknes in this world , then to be in health : no greater pouertie , then neuer to haue neede of any thing . and there is no greater temptation , then to be neuer tempted nor there can be no greater sadnesse , then to be alwayes merry : nor greater daunger , then neuer to be in danger . for many times it so happeneth , that where a man thinketh to passe ouer a dangerous floud safe enough , his horse falleth ouer head and eares , and drowneth his master , or hee escapeth hardly . socrates being one day demaunded which was the most sure and certaine thing of this life ? aunswered thus : there is nothing more certain in this life : then to account all things vncertaine hee hath : nor among riches any greater , then to haue life and health : but if the life bee doubtfull and vnquyet , what suretie or certaintie may bee found in it ? surely none . king agesilaus beeing requested of certaine of his grecian captains , to go see the olympiade , in mount olympus : where all the philosophers did assemble to dispute , and where all the rich men of the countrey came to buy and sell any thing , he answered them . if in mount olympus they solde and exchanged sorrow for mirth , sicknesse for health , honour for infamy , and life for death . i would not onely goe to see it , but i would also spend all that i am worth , and that i haue : but since the buyer is mortall , and the thing also hee buyeth condemned to death , i will buye nothing in this life , since i can not carrie it with mee , into my graue . yet is there another deceipt , which the poore courtyers fall into daylie : and that is , that in liuing many yeares , they think and assuredly belieue in the ende to light of a time , when they hope to haue ease and rest , which is a mockery to thinke it , and extreame madnesse to hope for it . for if their years grow by ounce , and ounce , their sorrowes and troubles encrease by pounds . who can denie , but that milke that is kept many dayes doth corrupt and becommeth sower and sharpe ? yea , the garments that are now very olde , and haue beene long worne ( without that euer moth doth touch it ) doth in the ende also become rags and dust . by this therefore i doe inferre , that if it be a most certain thing for young men to dye quickly , then much more should olde men be assured that they haue no long time to liue . and there are many in the courts of princes also , that finde themselues so laden with sinnes and wickednesse , that they thinke assuredly , that in changing their age , time , and fortune , they shall not onely leaue their vices , but shall be discharged also of manie grieues and troubles . which we see afterwardes happen contrary to them . for there is no way so plaine in this world , but there is some ascent or discent for vs to goe vp to the toppe , or some riuer for vs to passe ouer : or some terrible mountaine to feare , or some crooked ill-fauoured way , to loose vs in , or some caue or hole to fall into . those also that thinke certainely that the sunne cannot lose his light , nor that the moone can be eclipsed , nor that the starres may be darkened , and that the earth shall not cease to bring forth , the seas to flow , the water to runne , the fire to burne , and winter to be cold , let them also bee assured , that man cannot bee excused to suffer and abide much . for sure it is impossible hee should passe one day without some trouble or sinister hap of fortune . and the greatest trumpery and deceite that courtiers for the most part are abused in , is , that the more they waxe in yeares , the more they enter dayly into greater affayres and businesse , with a vaine hope and assurance they haue to dispatch them , and bring them to such end , as they list or desire . but afterwards when they come to looke into their matters , it is the wil of god , and their deserts to procure it , that the poore old men find ( when they thinke to goe home to their houses ) that they see death approach neare them , and they afterwardes are carried to be buried in their graues . o how many are there in court , that become aged men , by long seruing in court , with a vaine hope afterwards in their age to depart from the court , and to repose their aged yeares in their owne houses , in quyet and tranquilitie , which abuseth them very much . so that they may bee called christians in name , and thoughtes , but right worldlings , and courtyers in doings . and therefore many times i reproued diuers olde courtyers my friendes , for that they did not leaue the court when they might haue left it with honour , and commoditie : tellling them it was more then time now they should depart from the courte , seeing that age and grauitie had stollen vpon them . who could not tell how to aunswere me , nor what to say , more then they would within a shorte time , goe home to their houses , with deliberation and intent to take their ease at home , for the better health of their persons , which they had not till then : and so to seclude them from all doings , saue onely in the morning when hee riseth , to goe to the church and serue god : and from thence to go vnto the hospitalls , to visite the sicke and diseased , to seeke out the poore orphanes and widowes amongst his neighbours , and to make peace between neighbour and neighbour , and to relieue the poore . and albeit they haue tolde me this tale many a time and ofte , yet i neuer sawe any of them put it in execution with good will. and i saw once an honorable and rich courtyer , who was so olde , that for very age hee had neuer a blacke haire on his head , nor any teeth in his mouth , neyther any children , or sonnes or daughters to inherite his good : who notwithstanding was of so foolish and phantasticall opinion , ( brought to that kinde of madnesse by his sinnes ) that he sware vnto me , that for the discharge of his conscience onely hee would neuer leaue , or giue vp his office hee had in courte , to chaunge that seruile trade and course of life , for to obtaine his quyet rest at home . thinking assuredly , that enjoying rest at home , in his owne house , hee might easily be damned , and abyding the paines and seruice of court , hee belieued vndoubtedly hee should be saued . surely wee may aptly say , that this olde courtyer was more then a dotard , and that hee had marred the call of his conscience : since hee belieued that it was a charge of conscience to depart the court . the ambition to do much , and the couetousnesse to haue much , maketh the miserable courtyers belieue that they haue yet time ynough to liue , and to repent themselues , when they will. so that in the court , thinking to liue two yeares onely in their age good men : they liue fiftie , and three score yeares , naughty and wicked persons . plutarch in his apothegmes sayth that eudonius that was captain of the greekes , seeing zenocrates reading one day in the vniuersitie of athens , hee being not of the age of eightie fiue yeares , asked what that old man was and it was answered him , that it was one of the philosophers of greece , who followed vertue and serched to know wherein true philosophie consisted : whereupon he answered , if xenocrates the philosopher tell mee , that hee being now eightie fiue yeares old , goeth to seek vertue in this age , i would thou shouldest also tell me what time hee should haue left him to bee vertuous . and hee sayde moreouer , in those yeares that this philosopher is of , it were more reason we should see him , doe vertuous things then at this age to goe and seeke it . truely we may say the very like of our new courtier , that eudonius sayde of xenocrates the philosopher , the which if hee did looke for other threescore yeares , or threescore and ten to be good , what time should remaine for him to proue and shew that goodnesse . it is no maruell at all , that the olde courtiers forget their natiue countrey and bringing vp , their fathers that begate them , their friendes that shewed them fauour , and the seruants that serued them : but at that i doe not onely wonder at them , but also it giueth mee cause to suspect them , is , that i see they forget themselues . so that they neuer know nor consider that they haue to doe , till they come afterwardes to be , that they would not be . if the courtiers which in princes courts haue beene rich , noble , and in authority would counsell with me , or at least beleeue my writing , they shold depart from thence in time , to haue a long time to consider before of death , least death vnawares , and suddenly came to take execution of their liues . o happy , and thrice happy may we call the esteemed courtier , whom god hath giuen so much witte and knowledge to , that of himselfe hee do depart from the court , before fortune hath once touched him with dishonour , or laid her cruell handes vpon him : for i neuer saw courtier , but in the end did complain of the court and of their ill life that they ledde in court. and yet did i neuer know any person that would leaue it for any scruple of consciēce he had to remain there , but peraduenture if any did depart from the court , it was for some of these respects , or altogether , that is to say : eyther that his fauour and credite diminished , or that his money fayled him , or that some hath done him wrong in the court , or that hee was driuen from the court , or that he was denyed fauour , or that his side & faction he helde with , had a fall , or for that hee was sicke , for to gette his health , hee went into the countrey . so that they may say , hee rather went angrie and displeased with himselfe , then hee did to lament his sins : if you aske priuately euery courtier , you shall finde none , but will say he is discontented with the court , eyther because he is poore , or afflicted , enuied , or ill willed , or out of fauour , and hee will sweare and resweare againe , that he desireth nothing more in the world , then to be dismissed of this courtiers trauell and painefull life : but if afterwards perchance a little winde of fauour be but stirring in the entrey of his chamber dore , it will sodenly blow away all the good and former thoughts from his mind . and yet that , which makes mee to wonder more at these vnconstant courtiers , and vnstable braines , is , that i see many build goodly stately houses in their countrey , and yet they neyther dwell in them , nor keepe hospitality there : they graffe and set trees , plant fruites , and make good gardens and orchards , and yet neuer goe to enioye them : they purchase great landes and possessions , and neuer goe to see them . and they haue offices and dignities giuen them in their countryes , but they neuer goe for to exercise them . there they haue their friends and parents , and yet they neuer goe for to talke with them . so they had rather be slaues and drudges in the court , then lords & rulers in their own countrey : we may iustly say that many courtiers are poore in riches , strangers in their owne houses , and pilgrimes in their countrey , and banished from all their kindreds . so that if wee see the most part of these courtiers , backbite , murmure complaine , and abhorre these vices they see daily committed in court. i dare assure you , that this discontentation and dislyking proceeds not only of those vices and errors then see committed , as of the spight and enuie they haue daylie , to see their enemyes , growe in fauour and credite with the prince . for they passe little of the vices of court , so they may be in fauour as others are . plutarch in his book de exilio , sheweth , that there was a law amongst the thebanes , that after a man was fiftie yeares of age , if he fell sicke , he should not bee holpen with physitians . for , they say , that after a man is once arriued vnto that age , he should desire to liue no longer , but rather to hasten to his iourneys ende , by these examples wee may know that infancie is , till vii . yeares : childhood to xiiii . yeares : youth to xxv . yeares : manhood till xl . and age to three-score-yeares . but once passed three-score , me thinks it is rather time to make cleane the nettes , and to content thēselues with the fish they haue till now , then to go about to put their nets in order againe to fish any more . i grant that in the courts of princes all may be saued : & yet no man can deny mee , but that in princes courts there are mo occasions to be damned then saued . for , as cato the censor saith : the apt occasions bring men a desire to do yll , though they be good of themselues . and although some do take vpon them and determine to leade a godly and holie life , or that they shew themselus ' great hypocrites : yet am i assured notwithstanding that they cannot keepe their tongue frō murmuring , nor their hart from enuying . and the cause hereof proceedeth , for that ther are very few that follow the court long but onely to enter into credit , and afterwards to vaxe rich , and growe in great authoritie . which cannot bee without bearing a little secret hate and enuy against those that doe passe them in this fauour and authority ; and without , suspect and feare of others , which in 〈◊〉 are their equals and companions . it were a good counsell for those that haue 〈◊〉 the court or princes till they be 〈◊〉 old and gray headed , that they should determine and liue the rest of their yeares as good christians , and not to passe them as courtiers : so that though they haue giuen the world a meale , yet they should in the end giue the brain to iesus christ . i know euery man desireth to liue in princes courts , and yet they promise they will not dye in court. and since it is so , mee thinkes it is a great folly and presumption for such men to desire to liue long in such state , where they would not dye for all the golde in the world . i haue liued in the court manie yeares , and at this present i haue forsaken it quite : wherefore i dare boldly say , that if once a man come to enioy a qui life , and reposed rest , i am assured he would for euer hate and dislike to be a courtier longer . but like as these senseles courtiers remember not the life for to come , but onely account of theyr vaine and courtly life present , reputing that the most blessed and happie of any other . so god seeing theyr folly and their fond addicted minde to the vanitie of court to plague them , and scourge them there withall , withtheir owne rodde , doth great them no other nor better rest , then that they onely enioy in princes courts , and so feedes them with their owne humour . and therefore it is very truely sayde . that rest and contentation neuer endeth into a 〈◊〉 house . o you worthy and noble courtiers , o you blessed and fauoured courtiers , i will remember you , yea and againe remember , that you presume not to cut or pull off the winges of time , since you neyther shall haue time nor meane to plucke one feather from him : much lesse the least knowledge how to doe it . and therefore it is sayde , ill cutteth the knife if the edge bee broken , and ill can hee gnaw bones that lacketh his teeth . and if hee seeme good vnto you and me also , that to day it is time to gather the fruit of the vine of our youth , let vs go now againe to seeke it about by the meanes of our amendment . and if the pipe or caske wherein wee shoulde put our wine bee fusty , with the malignity and peruersnesse of our wicked doings . let vs season them with new and better wine of good and holy desires . and now to conclude , if to sequester themselues from court , it be a wholesome counsell for courtiers : much more wholesome and necessarie it is for such as beare sway and reputation about the prince . for other courtiers doe dayly liue in hope to enlarge theyr countenance and credite , and to grow in fauour and authority : but these darlinges and beloued of princes are continually afrade to fall , and vtterly to bee put out of fauour . chap. xvii . of the continency of fauoured courtiers , and how they ought to shunne the company and conuersation of vnhonest women , and to bee carefull quickly to dispatch all such as sue vnto them . titus liuius , and plutarch writeth , that the romanes had in such veneration those men that liued chaste , and those women also that professed virgins life , that they erected statues of them in the senate house , carrying thē thorough the city in triumphant chariots , recommending themselues to their deuout prayers , and giuing them great gifts and presents : and finally adored them as gods : and this was their reason , in that they honoured them as gods : for that they being of flesh , and liuing in flesh , did leaue to vse the workes and instinct of the flesh , which they helde a thing more diuine then humane . filostratus sayeth , that appoloneus thianeus was borne without any pain or griefe to his mother in all her travell . and that the gods spake to him in his eare , that hee raysed the deade to life , healed the sicke , knew the thoughts of men , diuined of things to come , how hee was serued with princes , honoured of the people , and followed of all the philosophers : & yet they did not make so great a wonder of all these things spoken of him , as they did for that hee was neuer married , and moreouer neuer detected with the knowledge of any woman liuing , much lesse suspected . whilest carthage was enuironed with siege on each side , a virgine of numidia taken prisoner , was presented to scipio , and she was very fayre : which scipio notwithstanding , would not onely not deflower , but set her at liberty , and married her very honourably . which act of his was more apprised of the roman writers , then was his conquest of numedia , the restoring of rome her liberty , the destruction of carthage , the succour and reliefe giuen to asia , and the enobling of his common wealth : for in all these enterprises hee still fought against others , but in the effects of the flesh , hee fought against himselfe . and therefore hee must needes be maruellous wise , and of good iudgement , that can subdue the desires and motions of the flesh : for wee doe as much couet to follow these carnall desires , as wee are apt to our meate when wee are hungry . cruell and bitter are the assaultes of the flesh to the spirite , and wonderful is the paine the spirite abideth , to resist the motions of the same , which by no meanes can be ouercome , but by eschewing the occasions thereof . as in brideling the desires , punishing the flesh , liuing with spare dyet , increasing learning , giuing himselfe to tears and altogether shutting the gates of our desires . o if this vice of the flesh came of aboundance of heate , or rage of bloud , we might soon remedy it with letting our selues bloud : if it were any sicknesse of the heart , it should be cured by interiour medicines : if of the liuer , wee would refresh it with ointments . if of melancholy humour , wee would wash away al the opilations . if of choler , wee would procure easie purges : but alas , it is a disease so farre from pitty , that it misliketh wee should call for physitians , and cannot abide wee should offer it any remedy . it cannot bee denyed , but that ciuill warre is most grieuous and dangerous in a common-wealth : but much more perillous is that at home , betwixt the husband and the wife : but most ieoperdious of all is , that a man hath within himselfe : for wee cannot reckon any other our enemy , but our owne desires . i remember i saw once written in a courties house these wordes , which truely deserued to bee written in golden letters : and the words were these : the dreadefull warves that i alas sustaine , where blinde desire , becomes my mighty foe : against my selfe , perforce my selfe doth straine the wreckfull gods , vouchsafe it doe not so . surely , hee that wrote this for his word , wee thinke hee was no foole , nor euill christian , sith hee neither sought for money , nor by sleight of witte procured to deceiue or beguile neither he called his friendes to helpe him to withstand his enemies , but only craued remedy against his vnhonest and vain desires . and vndoubtedly he had reason : for a man may easily absent himselfe , it is an impossible thing . and therfore me thinks it is a thing more to be lamented then written , to see that a multitude of corporall enemies , cannot vanuquish vs , and yet notwithstanding when wee are alone , and thinke nothing of it , this only vice of the flesh , dooth not alone make vs stumble , but fal downe on the groūd : for neither to becom religious , a frier , nor to dwell in churches , nor to be shut vp in cloysters , to sequester our selues from the world , nor yet to chaunge state and condition : for all this i say , i see none of al these things helpe vs mortall men , to defende vs from this vice and sinne . but the further we seeke to flye from it , the more daunger we finde to fall into it . and albeit to auoyd other vices and sinnes it shall suffice vs to bee admonished : yet against that alone of the flesh , it behoueth vs to bee armed . for there is no sinne in the world , but there are meanes for men to auoyd it : this only excepted of the flesh , wherewith all wee are ouercome , and taken prisonners . and to proue this true it is apparant thus . where raigneth pride , but amongst the potentates ? where enuie but amongst equalls ? anger , but amongst the impacient ? gluttony , but amongst gourmands ? auarice , but amongst the rich ? slouth , but amongst the ydle ? and yet for all these , the sinne of the flesh , generally reigneth in all men . and therefore , for not resisting this abhominable vice , we haue seen kings lose their kingdoms , noblemen their lands and possessions : the marryed wiues their auowd faith : the religious nunnes , their professed virginitie : so that wee may compare this sinne , to the nature and condition of the venemous serpent , which being aliue stings vs , and after hee is dead , offendeth vs with his noysome stinke . examples by dauid , who for all his wisedome could not preuaile against this sinne : nor salomon , for al his great knowledge : nor absolon for all his diuine beautie : nor sampson , with his mighty force : which notwithstāding the great fame they had , for their renowmed vertues : yet through this only defect they lost all : accompanying with harlots & licentious women . into which shameful felowship fell also holofernes , haniball , ptholomeus , pyr-pirrhus , inlius caesar , augustus , marcus antonius , seuerus , and theodorius , and many other great princes , with these aboue recited : the most part of the which we haue seene depriued of their crownes , and afterwards themselues haue come ( to their vtter shame and dishonour , on their knces to yeelde themselues to the mercy of these their infamed louers , crauing pardon , and forgiuenesse . many graue writers of the grecians say , that the ambassadours of lidia comming one day into the chamber of hercules , vpon a suddaine to speake with him , they found him lying in his curtesans lappe , she pulling his rings off on his fingers , hee dressed on his head with her womanly attire : and she in exchnnge on hers bedect with his royall crowne . they write also of denis the syracusian , that albeit of nature hee was more cruell then the wild beast , yet he became in the end so tractable , and pleasant , by meanes of a curtezan his friend called mirta , that she only did confirme all the prouisions and depeches of the affayres of the weale publike , and he onely did but ordaine and appoint them . and if the histories written of the gothes deceyne vs not , wee finde that antenaricus the famous king of the gothes , after he had triumphed of italy , and that hee had made himselfe lord of all europe , hee became so farre in loue with a louer of his called pincia : the whilest shee combed his head , hee made cleane her slippers . also themistocles , the most famous captaine of the greekes , was so enamoured of a woman hee had taken in the warres of epirns , that shee beeing afterwardes very sicke : when shee purged her selfe , hee would also bee purged with her : if shee were let bloud , hee would also bee let bloud : and yet that that is worst to bee liked , is , that hee washed his face with the bloud that came out of her arme : so that they might truly say , though shee were his prisoner , yet hee was also her slaue and subiect . when king demetrius had taken rhodes , there was broght to him a faire gentlewomen of the cittie , which he made his friend in loue : and this loue betwixt them , in time grewe so great , that she shewing her selfe vpon a time to be angry with demetrius , and refusing to sit neare him at the table , and also to lye with him : demetrius vtterly forgetting himselfe , and his royall estate , did not onely on his knees pray her to pardon him , but also imbracing her , conueighed her in his armes into his chamber . myronides the grecian , albeit hee had made subiect to him the kingdom of boetia , yet hee was notwithstanding made subiect with the beautie of numidia his louer . hee enflamed thus with loue of her , & she likewise strucken with couetous desire of his goods , in fine they agreed , that he shold giue her all the spoyle he had wonne in the warres of boetia : and that she should let him lye with her in hir house onely one night . hanniball made warres xvii . yeares with the romaines , and in all that time he was neuer vanquished , till hee was ouercome with the loue of a young mayden in the cittie of capua : which proued a most bitter loue to him : sith thereby it happened , that whereas hee had so many yeares kept in subiection all italie : hee now was made a subiect at home in his owne countrey . plutarch in his booke de republica , writeth : that phalaris the tyraunt would neuer graunt a man any thing that he desired : neyther euer denyed any thing that a dissolute woman requested . no small , but great disorder happened to the common-weale of rome by the occasion of the emperour caligula , who gaue but . sexterces onely to repayre the walls of rome : and gaue otherwise for furring one one gowne alone of his lemmans , a . sexterces . by all these examples aboue recited , wee may easily vnderstand , how daungerous a thing it is for the courtier to haue friendshippe and acquaintance with women of so vile a facultie : for the woman is of like quality , that a knot tyed of corde is , which is easily tyed of sundry knots , and very hardly afterwards to bee vndone againe . heretofore wee haue besought courtiers , and the fauoured of princes , that they should not bee so liberall in commaunding : and now once againe wee pray them to beware of fornication and adultery ; for albeeit this sinne of the flesh be not the greatest in fault , yet it is the most daungerous in fame . there is no king , prelate , nor knight in this world so vicious , and dishonest of life , but would be glad to haue honest , vertuous , and well conditioned seruants , so that it is impossible therefore for the fauoured courtier , liuing dishonestlie , to continue any long time in fauour with his prince : for wee haue seene many in princes courts , and common weales also , that haue lost their honour , fauour , & riches , not for any pride they shewed in themselues , nor for enuy that they had , nor for any treasure nor riches that they robbed , nor for any euil words that they should speake , neither for any treason that they committed , but onely through the euill fame that went of them for haunting the company of naughty women : for women be of the right nature of hedge-hogs , which without seeing or knowing what they haue in their heart , do notwithstanding drawe bloude of vs with their prickes . and let not any man deceyue himselfe , hoping that if hee did commit a fault through the flesh , that it shal be kept from the princes cares , or that it shall not bee blazed abroad in the court. for this sinne is of such a qualitie , that though it may bee hidden within curtaines : yet it cannot bee kept silent with tongues . how wise and slie soeuer a woman bee , yet at all times when shee giueth eare vnto mens requests , euen at that prosent shee resolueth to impart the whole with some friend of hers . for these women doe glory more , to bee the friend of a courtier , then to bee a true wife vnto their husbands . i haue my selfe seene in princes courtes many 〈◊〉 , very humble , courteous pittifull , patient , charitable , wise , deuout , and otherwise maruellous honest , and yet amongst all these i neuer found any one secret . and therefore that a man will haue published to the world , let him 〈◊〉 tell it a woman in ●●e at secret . 〈…〉 should come to 〈◊〉 that wee 〈…〉 women carry 〈…〉 heads a forrest of hayres , a coyre , a hood , gimm●● hanging at their eares , partlets vpon their shoulders , smockes on their bodies , petti 〈…〉 , kertles , hose , clokes , 〈…〉 , hatts , chaynes , braslets , rings , p●umes offethers in their hands , and many other trinkets not named : al which they carry lightly vpon them and thinke it no burthen : and yet they cannot abide in no case to keepe or carry one secret in their brest . alas , what pitty is it to see those affected courtiers , what meanes they vse to win a ladies fauour , what pleasaunt purposes and discourse they put forth vnto them , what bitter signes they let fall , what seruice they offer them , what iewels they giue them , what castles in the ayre they promise them , what sorrowes they fayne , and what lyes they make them belieue : and these silly women ( by nature proud and foolish ) are with a few gifts ouercome , & with a fewe flattering wordes beguiled . now let this courtier and his lady continue this mutuall friendship betweene them , one , two , three foure , or fiue yeares , though perhappes not fully these yeares compleate neyther many monethes also , and you shall see in the end vndoubtedly a maruellous breach , and hate betwixt them . for this amorous courtier , that so dearely seemed to loue his lady , will now make court a fresh to others , to dislike that heretofore he loued , and flie from her whom erst hee followed , abhorring that once hee delighted in , misliking the taste of those meats that once were sweet and pleasant to him : and cannot abide her face now , whose image before hee had engrauen in his minde . so if he before had spent . yeares seruice in making her his mistresse , he spendeth now . other yeares in the forgotting of her . and therefore these noble courtiers and beloued of princes must beware they make not these young and dishonest loues common in euery place : for the sweete and fragrant rose which they seeke to gather , continueth scantly one houre : but the prickes and plagues of the pearsing thorne , resteth hidden in their flesh , their whole life time after . a man erreth in nothing more in this world , then in taking to his charge a dishonest woman : for if hee will bring her with him to the court , shee shall shame him , put him to an vnreasonable charge , besides the burthen of his conscience . and if afterwards hee would put her away from him , she wil not depart for any thing : and if he would compel her to it , ere shee departe it will be all the court ouer : so what things haue past betwixt them two alone in secret , shall afterwardes be knowne of euery man abroade . and therefore we haue not causelesse tolde you , that it must needs be a maruellous expence to the courtyer to bring his louer with him , in the court. for he must alwayes be at the charges to keepe a page , maide , or gentlewoman , to wayte vpon her . he must content the hostesse of his house to lodge her secretly , please the marshall to seeme not to knowe of it , the harbinger that hee prepare him a good lodging , the page that hee be diligent , and at her hand : and her selfe also must haue to liue withall . so that the expence and charge hee shall be at with her , must needs farre exceede all the benefites and commodity he hath by the court. and besides that , hee may assure himselfe , that this their leawde and fonde loue cannot long endure , neyther can care also of her selfe be kept secret . for , eyther his hostesse that lodged her , or the bawde that procureth theyr meetings , or the page that bringeth commendations and messages betwixt thē , or the neighbors that see him frequent the house , or the seruant that shall suspect him , or the mother that solde her vnto him , in the ende will bewray their secret practise and friendship . whereof springeth afterwards disdaine , and from disdain , to defame each other : so that of extreame louers they were first , they afterwards become mortall enemyes : and therefore the wiuell is not so hurtfull to the corne , nor the locust to the oates , nor the wormes to the vines , nor maggots to the fruit , nor the moths to the garments , as the woman is to a man , that once was his friende , and now become his enemie . for like as in time of her loue , she robbed and spoyled him of all his goods : so likewise in the time of her hatred , she deuoureth all his good fame and reputation . but what shall wee say of the man that contenteth not himselfe with one friend alone , but like an vnsatiable leacher taketh vpon him to keep another . truly i cannot tell what to say of this man , but that it had beene better for him he had neuer been borne , then to haue kept company with such vile and common women . for he shall neuer appease the first , neyther with anger , nor flattery : nor humble her with presents , nor can expell her hatred with promises , neyther please her with cherishing of her , and much lesse shall ouercome her with threats . the ocean sea is not so daungerous , nor the sword of the tyrant so cruell , neyther lightning so suddaine nor earthquakes so horrible and fearefull , nor serpents so venemous as a harlot , when she doth but suspect her friend loueth another beside her selfe : for shee ceaseth not to defame him , and to follow the other , to raise a slander amongst her neighbours , to complaine to his friends , to bewray the matter to the iustice , to quarrell with officers , alwayes to haue spyes for him in euery place , as if hee were one of her mortall enemies . oh would to god the courtyer would esteeme as much of his conscience , as his louer maketh account of his person : happie were hee . for , i dare assure him , if he know it not , that shee spyeth out all the places hee goeth to , and counteth euery morsell of meate he eateth , and becommeth iealous of all that hee doeth , and of all those whose companie hee frequenteth : yea , she deuiseth and imagineth all that hee thinketh . so that he that seeketh a cruell reuenge of his enemy , cannot doe better then perswade and induce him to loue one of these well-conditioned gentle-women . now let him thinke that he hath great warres , and by his euill hap hath made her his enemie , which heretofore hee so entirely loued : for any man that esteemeth his honour and reputation , doth rather feare the euill tongue of such a woman , then the sword of his enemy . for an honest man to striue , and contend with a woman of such quality , is euē as much as if hee would take vpon him to wash an asses head . therefore hee may not seeme to make account of those iniuries done him , or euill words shee hath spoken of him . for women naturally desire to enioy the person they loue , without let or interruption of any , and to pursue to the death , those they hate . i would wish therefore the fauoured of princes , and such as haue office and dignity in the court that they beware they incurre not into such like errors : for it is not fitting that men of honour , and such as are great about the prince , should seeme to haue more liberty in vice then any other , neyther for any respect ought the beloued of the prince to dare to keepe company , much lesse to haue friendshippe with any such common and defamed women , sith the least euill that can come to them , they cannot be auoided . but at the least hee must charge his conscience , trouble his friends , waste his goods , consume his person , and lose his good fame , ioining withall these also , his concubine to bee his mortall enemy : for there is no woman liuing that hath any measure in louing , nor end in hating . oh how warily ought all men to liue , and specially we that are in the court of princes for many women ( vnder the colour of their authority and office ) go ofttimes to seeke them in their chambers , not onely as humble suiters , to solicite their causes , but also liberally to offer them their persons , and so by colour to conclude their practises and deuises : so that the decision and cōclusion of proces which they faine to solicite , shall not goe with him that demaunds there goods of them , but rather with him that desires but their persons to spoyle them of theyr honour . now the princes officers must seeke to be pure , and cleane from al these practises of these commō strumpets , much more from those that are suters to them , and haue matters before them . for they should highly offend god , and commit great treason to the king , if they should sende those women from them that sued vnto them rather dishonored and defamed , then honestly dispatched of their businesse . and therefore he bindeth himselfe to a maruellous inconuenience , that falleth in loue with a woman suter : for euen from that instant hee hath receiued of her the sweet delights of loue , euen at the present hee bindeth himself to dispatch her quickly , and to end all her suites , and not without great griefe i speake these words . there are many women that come to the court of princes , to make vnreasonable and dishonest sutes , which in the end , notwithstanding obtaine their desire : and not for any right or reason they haue to it : saue onely they haue obtained it through the fauour and credite they haue wonne of the fauoured courtier , or of one of his beloued : so as wee see it happen many times , that the vniust furnication , made her suit iust and reasonable . i should lye and doe my selfe wrong me thinkes , if i should passe ouer with silence a thing that hapned in the emperours court touching this matter : in the which i went one day to one of the princes chiefe officers , and best beloued of him , to solicit a matter of importāce which an hostes of mine should haue before him . and so this fauoured courtier , and great officer after hee had hearde of men the whole discourse of the matter , for full resolution of the same , hee asked mee , if shee were yong and fayre , and i aunswered him that shee was reasonable fayre , and of good fauour . well then ( sayth he ) bid her come to mee , and i will doe the best i can to dispatch her matter with speede , for i will assure you of this , that there neuer came fayre woman to my handes , but shee had her businesse quickly dispatcht at my hands . i haue knowne also many women in the court so dishonest , that not contented to follow their owne matters , would also deale with others affayres , and gaine in feliciting theyr causes , so that they with theyr fine wordes and franke offer of their persons obtayned that , which many times to men of honour , and great authority was denyed . therefore these great officers & fauoured of princes ought to haue great respect , not onely in the conuersation they haue with these women : but also in the honest order they ought to obserue in hearing their causes . and that to bee done in such sort , that whatsoeuer they say vnto them may bee secret , prouided also the place where they speake with them , bee open for other suiters in like case . chap. xviii . that the nobles and beloued of princes , exceede not in superfluous fare , and that they bee not too sumptuous in their meates . a notable chapter for those that vse too much delicacy and superfluitie . the greatest care & regard that nature laide vpon her selfe was that men could not liue without sustinance : so that so long as wee see a man eate ( yea if it were a thousande yeares ) wee might bee bolde to say , that hee is certainely aliue . and hee hath not alone layde this burden vpon men , but on bruite beasts also : for wee see by experience , that some feedeth on the grasse in the fieldes some liues in the ayre , eating flyes , others vpon the wormes in carring , others with that they finde vnder the water : and finally , each beast liueth of other and afterwardes the wormes feede of vs all . and not onely reasonable men and brute beasts liue by eating , but the trees are nourished thereby ; and wee see it thus , that they in stead of meate , receiue into them for nutriture the heate of the sunne , the temperature of the ayre , the moisture of the earth , any dewe of heauen : so that the sustenance for men is called meate , and that of plants and trees increase . this beeing true therefore that wee haue spoken , we must needes confesse , that to liue wee must eate : and yet withall , wee must vnderstand that the sin of gluttony consisteth not in that that wee eate for necessity , but only in that that is eaten with a disordinate appetite and desire . and sure now a dayes men vse not to eate to content nature , but to please their licorous and dainty mouthes . hee that giueth him selfe ouer to the desire of the throate , doth not onely offend his stomacke , and distemper his body , but hurteth also his conscience : for all gluttons and drunkards are the children , or the brothers of sinne . and i speake but little to say , that the mouth and sinne are c●sin germanes together : for by their effects and operations me thinketh them so knit and combined together , as the father and the sonne : sith burning leacherie acknowledgeth none other for her mother , but onely the infatiable and gurmand throate . and the diuersity of meates is but a continuall and importunate awaking of dishonest thoughts . doe we not reade of s. hierome , that albeit hee remained in the wildernesse , burned of the sunne his face dryed vp , and wrinkled , bare footed , and also bare headed , clothed with sackcloth , his body scourged with bitter stripes , watching in the night , and fasting and hungering in the day , continually exercising his pen and his heart in contemplation , and yet for all this grieuous penance , him selfe confessed , that in his sleepe , hee dreamed and thought he was among the curtezans of rome , and s. paul the apostle , who was a man of rare & exquisite knowledge , and deserued to see the very secretes of paradise , neuer here to fore seene , trauelling in his vocation more then any other of the apostles , did not he get his liuing with his owne hands : and also went a foote preaching through all the world , bringing infinite barbarous people to the faith of christ , being beaten in the day time by others , for that hee was a christian , and in the night time hee beat himselfe for that he was a sinner , punishing the flesh , to make it subiect to the spirit . and yet neuerthelesse he layth of himselfe , that he coulde not defend himselfe from dishonest thoughts which did euer let him to preach and pray with a quiet minde : saint austen reciteth of himselfe in his booke de consessionibus , that all the while he inhabited in the deserts , hee eate little , wrote much , prayed oft , & sharpely chastised his body , with continuall fasts and grieuous disciplines : but yet perceyuing that notwithstanding all this , his dishonest thoughtes suppressed his holy desires , he began to crye with a lowde voyce thorough the deserts , and rocky hils , saying . o lord my god , thou commaundest me to be chast , but this fraile and accursed flesh can neuer keepe it . and therefore i humbly beseech thee first to indue mee with thy grace , to doe that thou wilt haue me , and then commaund me what shall please thee : otherwise i shall neuer doe it . if therefore these glorious saints with their continual fasts and contemplations , and extreame punishing of their bodies , could not defend themselues from the burning motion of the flesh , how shal we beleeue that a company of drunkards and gluttons , can doe it , which neuer linne bibbing and eating . wee may bee assured that the lesse we pamper and feede our bodies with delicacy and idlenes , the morewe shall haue them obedient and subiect to our willes : for though wee see the fire neuer so great and flaming , yet it quickely wasteth , and is brought to ashes , if wee leaue for to put more wood vnto it . excesse is not onely vnlawfull for the body , but it is also an occasion of a thousand diseases both to the body & soule : for to say the truth , wee haue seene more rich men die through excesse , then poore men of necessity . and in mine opinion , mee thinkes the sinne of gluttonie need not to be otherwise punished by diuine iustice , seeing that of it selfe it bringeth pennaunce ynough . and to proue this true : let vs but require these gluttons to tell vs vpon their oathes , how they finde themselues in temper being full paunched ? and they will confesse vnto vs , that they are worse at ease then if they had fasted . that their mouth is drye , their bodie heauie , and yll-disposed , that their head aketh , their stomack is colde , and that eyes are sleepie , and their bellye 's full , but that yet they desire to drinke still . and therefore dyogenes cinicus , deryding the rhodians , sayde these words : oh you drunken and gluttonous rhodians : tell mee i beseech you , what occasion mooues you to go to the church , to pray to the gods , to giue you health , when at al times keeping sober diet , you may keepe it with you ? and moreouer hee sayde vnto them also : and if you wil be ruled by my counsell , i will tell yee , you neede not goe to the churches , to beseech the gods to graunt you health , but only to pray vnto them , to pardon you your sinnes and iniquities you daylie commit . also socrates the phylosopher was wont to say to his disciples , of the vniuersitie of athens : remember oh you athenians , that in the well-gouerned pollicies , men liue not to eat , to glut the bodie : but doe onely eate to liue , and sustaine the bodie . o graue saying of the good philosopher ! and i would to god that euery good christian would carry this lesson in minde . for , if we would but let nature alone , and giue her libertie , and disposition , of her selfe , she is so honest , and of such temperance , that she wil not leaue to eate that that shal suffice her , neyther will also trouble vs with that that is superfluous . yet an other foule offence bringeth this vice of gluttonie , and that is , that many put thēselues in seruice to waite on others : not so much for the ordinary fare that is commonly vsed in their house , as for the desire they haue to fill their bellies with dainty and superfluous meates . and in especiall , when they knowe they make any marriages or feasts for their friends , then giue double attendance , not contented alone with that themselues haue eaten , but further in remembrance of the worthie feast , committeth to the custody of his trusty cater ( his great hose ) perhappes a two or three dayes store of those rare and daintie dyshes , which i am ashamed to write , and much more ought they to be ashamed to do it . for that man that professeth to be a man , ought to inforce himselfe neuer to engage his libertie for that , his sensuall appetite inciteth him to : but only for that reason binds him to . aristippus the philosopher washing lettice one day with his owne handes for his supper , by chance plautus passing by that way , and seeing him said , if thou wouldest haue serued king dionisius , wee should not haue seene thee haue eaten lettises , as thou dost now . aristippus answered him againe . o plautus if thou wert content to eate of these lettises that i eate , thou shouldest not serue so great a tyrant as thou dost . the excesse of meates is greater in these dayes , both in quantity , and in dressing of them , then in times past , for in that golden age , which the philosophers neuer cease to bewayle , men had none other houses but naturall caues in the ground , and apparrelled onely with the leaues of trees , the bare ground for their shooes , their handes seruing them in the stead of cuppes to drinke in : they dranke water for wine , eate rootes for bread , and fruites for flesh : and finally , for their bed they made the earth , and for their couering , the skie , beeing lodged alwayes at the signe of the starre . when the diuine plato returned out of cicill into greece , hee sayde one day in his colledge : i doe aduertise you ( my disciples , that i am returned out of cicil maruellously troubled , and this is by reason of a monster i sawe there . and being asked , what monster it was , he tolde them it was dionisius the tyrant , who is not contented with one meale a day , but i saw him suppe many times in the night . o diuine plato , if thou wert aliue as thou art dead , and present with vs in this our pestilent age , as thou werte then in that golden : how many shouldest thou see , that doe not onely dine and sup well , but before dinner breake their fast with delicate meates and wines , & banket after dinner and supper also before they goe to bed . so wee may say , though plato saw then but one tyrant suppe , hee might see now euery body both dine and suppe , and scant one that contenteth him with one meale a day , in which the brute beasts are more moderate , then reasonable men . sith we see that they eate but so much as satisfieth them : and are not contented to eate inough yea till they be full , but more then nature will beare . and brute beasts haue not also such diuersity of meates , as men haue , neyther seruants to wait on them , beds to lye in , wine to drinke houses to put their heads in , money to spende , nor physitions to purge them as men haue . and yet for all these commodities , wee see men the most part of their time sicke . and by these things recited , we may perceyue , that there is nothing preserueth so much the health of man as labour , and nothing consumeth sooner then rest . and therefore plato in his time once spake a notable sentence , and worthy to be had in minde , and that is this , that in that city where there are many physitions , it must needs follow of necessitie , that the inhabitāts there of , are vicious , and riotous persons . and truly we haue good cause to carry this saying away : sith wee see that physitions commonly enter not into poore mens houses , that trauell and exercise their body dayly : but contrarily into the rich and wealthy mens houses , which liue continually idely , and at ease . i remember i knew once a gentleman ( a kinsman of mine , and my very friend ) which hauing taken physicke , i came to see how he did , supposing hee had beene sicke , and demaunding of him the cause of his purgation : he tolde mee , hee tooke it not for any sicknesse hee had , but onely to make him haue a better appetite against hee went to the feast , which should be two or three daies after . and within sixe dayes after i returned again to see him , and i found him in his bedde very sicke , not for that he had fasted too much , but that hee had inglutted him selfe with the variety of meates hee did eate at the feast . so it happened , that when hee purged himselfe once onely to haue better stomacke to eate , hee needed afterwards a dozen purgations for to discharge his loaden stomacke of that great surfet hee had taken at the feast , with extreame eating : and for the foure howres hee was at the table where this feast was , hee was lodged afterwardes in his chamber , for two monethes to pay vsury for that hee had taken , and yet it was the greate grace and mercy of god hee escaped with life : for if that it bee ill to sinne , it is farre worse to seeke & procure occasions to sinne . and therefore by consequent , the sin of gluttonie is not onely dangerous for the conscience , hurtfull to the health of the body , and a displeasing of god : but it is also a worm that eateth , and in fine consumeth wholy the goods and faculties of him that vseth it . besides that , these gurmands receiue not so much pleasure in the eating of these dainty morsels , as they do afterwards griefe and displeasure to heate the great accounts of their stewards , of their excessiue expences . it is a sweet delight to bee fed daylie with daintie dishes , but a sowre sauce to those delicate mouthes , to put his hand so oft to the purse . which i speake not without cause , sith that as wee feele great pleasure and felicitie in those meats that enter into our stomackes : so doe we afterwards thinke that they plucke out of our heart the money that payeth for these knackes . i remember i saw written in an inne in catalogia these words : you that hoast here , must say when you sit downe to your meate : salue regina , yea and when you are eating , vitae dulcedo : yea and when you reckon with the hoste : ad te suspiramus : yea and when you come to pay him , gementes , & flentes , now if i would goe about to describe by parcels the order and maner of our feasts and banquets , newly inuented by our owne nation , there would rather appeare matter to you , to lament and bewayle , then to write . and it had beene better by way of speech to haue inuented diuers fashiōs of tables , formes and stooles , to sit on , then such diuersity of meates to set vpon the tables , as wee doe vse now a dayes . and therefore by good reason did licurgus king of lacedemonia , ordaine and command that no stranger comming out of a strange countrey into his , should be so hardy to bring in any new customes , vpon paine that if it were knowne , he should be straite banished out of the countrey , and if he did vse and practise it , he should be put to death . i will tell you no lye , i saw once serued in at a feast . sorts and kindes of meates in seuerall dishes . in an other feast of diuers sortes of the fish called tuny . and in an other feast being flesh day . i saw diuers fishes broyled with larde . and at an other feast where i saw no other meat but troutes , and lamperies of diuers kinds of dressing . and at an other feast where i saw onely vi . persons agree together to drinke each of them three pottles of wine a peece , with this condition further , that they should bee . houres at the table , and he that dranke not out his part , should pay for the whole feast . i saw also an other feast , where they prepared three seuerall tables for the bidden guests , the one boorde serued after the spanish manner , the other after the italian , and the thirde serued after the fashion of flanders : and to euery table there was serued . sorts of meates . i saw also at an other feast such kinds of meates eaten , as are wont to bee seene , but not eaten , as a horse rosted , a cat in gely , little lysers with hote broth , frogges fryed , and diuers other sorts of meats which i saw them eat , but i neuer knew what they were till they were eaten . and for gods sake what is he that shall reade our writings , and see that is commonly eaten in feastes now a dayes , that it will not in a manner breake his heart , and water his plantes . the onely spices that haue beene brought out of calicut , and the manner of furnishing of our boordes , brought out of fraunce , hath destroied our nation vtterly . for in the old time they had no other kinds of spices in spaine but saffron , comin , garlicke and onions , and when one friend inuited an other , they had but a peece of beefe , and a peece of veale , and no more : and it was a rare and dainty matter to adde to a henne : oh mishaps of worldly creatures , you embrace not now the time that was : for now if hee bee an officer , or popular person of any like condition , and that hee inuite his friend or neighbor , hee will not for shame set before him lesse then vi . or vij . seuerall dishes , though hee sell his cloke for it , or fare the worse one whole weeke after , for that one supper or dinner . good lord , it is a wonder to see what sturre there is in that mans house that maketh a dinner or supper . two or three dayes before , you shall see such resort of persons , such hurly burly , such flying this way , such sending that way , some occupyed in telling the cookes how many sorts of meats they will haue , other send out to prouide a cater to buy their meate , and to hier seruants to wayte on them , and other poore folks to looke to the dressing vp of the house , brawling and fighting with their seruants , commaunding their maides to looke to the butterie , to rubbe the tables and stooles , and to see all thinges set in their order , as fitte as may bee , and to taste this kinde of wine , and that kind of wine : so that i would to god they would ( for the health of theyr soules ) but imploy halfe this care and paines they take in preparing one dinner , to make cleane their consciences and to confesse themselues vnto almighty god. i would faine know , after all these great feastes , what there remayneth more , then as i suppose , the master of the house is troubled , the stewards and caters wearied , the poore cookes broyled in the fire , the house all foule , and yet that is worst of al , somtimes the master of the feast commeth short of a peece of plate that is stollen . so that hee cannot chuse but bee sorry for the great charges hee hath beene at , besides the losse of his plate and vessell stollen , and the rest of his implements of house marred , and in a manner spoyled . and peraduenture also the inuited not satisfied , nor contented , but rather will laugh him to scorne for his cost , and murmur at him behind his backe . marcus tullius cicero was once bidden to supper of a couetous romane , a citizen borne , whose supper agreede with his auarice : so the next day it chanced this couetous citizen to meete with cicero , and hee asked him how hee did with his supper : very well , sayde cicero , for it was a good supper , that it shall serue me yet for all this day . meaning to let him vnderstand by these words , that his supper was so miserable and hee lest with such an appetite , as hee should dine the next day with a better stomacke at home . the author continueth his purpose it is now more then time wee doe bring you aparant proofes ( as well by scriptures , as prophane authors ) that there was neuer made feast nor banquet , but the diuell was euer lightly a guest , by whose presence alwayes happeneth some mischiefe . the first banquet that euer was made in the world , was that the diuell made to adam and eue , with the fruite of terrestriall paradise : after which followed a disobeying of gods commādement , the losse that adam had of his innocency , and a suddaine shame and perpetual reproch to our mother eue : mans nature presently brought to all sinne and vice . so that wee may well say , they eat the fruit , that set our teeth an edge . did not rebecca likewise make a feast to her husband isaac , in which esau lost his heritage , and iacob succeeded in the same blessing isaacke ( through fraude ) whom hee tooke for esau , and all through the counsell of his mother rebecca , she hauing her dedesire and purpose as shee wished . absolon , did not hee make an other to all his brethren , after which followed the death of aman one of his brothers & by one of the other brethren their sister thamar was defamed , and their father king dauid very sore grieued , and afflicted , and all the realme of israel slaundered ? king assuerus made an other of so great and foolish expence , that he kept open house for a hundred and fourescore dayes : and it followed that queene vasti was depriued of her crowne , and the fayre hester inuested in her roome : many noble men of the city of hull were murthered and hewen in pieces , by meanes whereof the hebrues came into great fauour and credit , and aman , the chiefe in authority and fauor about the prince , depriued of all his lands , and shamefully executed vpon the gallowes , and mardocheus placed in his roome , and greatly sublimed and exalted . also the . children of the holy man iob ( which were . sonnes , and so many daughters ) beeing all feasted at their eldest brothers house , before they rese from the boord , were they not all slaine ? also baltezar sonne of king nabuchodonozer made a banquet to al the gentlewomen and his concubines within the city , so sumptuous and rich , that that onely vessell hee was serued withall , and the cuppes they dranke in , were robbed out of the temple of hierusalem by his father : and this followed after his great banquet . the selfe same night the king with all his concubines dyed suddenly , and his realme taken from him , and put into the handes of his enemies . it had beene better for all these i haue recited , that they had eaten alone at home , then to haue dyed so suddenly accompanied . now let all these gourmands and licorous mouthed people marke what i shall say to them , and carry it well in mind , and that is this : that the sin of gluttony is nothing else but a displeasure , great peril , and a maruellous expence . i say it is a displeasure : for the great care they haue continually to seeke out diuersity of fine and curious meates : great perill , because they plunge their bodies into many diseases , and in vnmercifull charge , for the curiosity and number of dishes so that for a litle pleasure and delight wee take in the sweet taste of those dainety meates , but a satisfaction vnto the mind for a short time : wee afterwardes haue infinite griefes and troubles , with a sower sawce , to our no little paine . and therefore aristotle mockeing the epicurians sayde , that they vpon a time went all into the temple together , beseeching the gods that they would giue them neckes as long as the cranes and herens , that the pleasures and taste of the meates should bee more long , before that it came into the stomacke , to take the greater delight of their meate , complayning of nature for that shee made their neckes so short : affirming that the only pleasure of meates consisted in the swallowing of it downe , which they sayde was too soone . if that wee saw a man euen vpon a sudden throw all his goods into the sea or riuer , would we not imagine he were mad or a very foole ? yes vndoubtedly . euen such a one is hee that prodigally spendeth all his goods in feasting and banquetting . and that this is true : doe wee not see manifestly that all these meats that are serued in at noblemens boords to day , and to morrow conueyghed into the priuie , from the eaters by their page or seruant ? surely mans stomacke is nothing else but a gutte or tripe , forced with meate , bread , and wine : a pauement fild with wine lees , and a vessell of stincking-oyle , a receypt of corrrupt ayre , a sincke of a kitchin , and a secret place , whereinto we cast all our goods and facultie , as into the riuer . and therefore esay sayde , that all these noble citties of sodome and gomorrha , by this onely curse did incurre into such execrable sinnes , for which afterwards they were destroyed . and this was euen through excesse of feeding , eating , and drinking , and too much ydlenesse : and it is no maruell . for it is an infallible thing , that where ydlenesse and gluttony raigneth , there must needes come some yll ende vnto that man. the greekes , the romaines , the egiptians , and the scythes , although they were derected of many other sins and vices , yet were they alwayes sober and temperat in eating and drinking . iustine that wrote of trogus pompeyus reciteth , that among the scythes ( which were the rudest and most barbarous that came into asia ) vsed to reproue those that let goe winde , and to chastise and punish those that vomited : saying , that breaking winde , & vomiting , came only of too much eating and drinking . plutarch in his apothegmes sayde , that there was a philosopher in athens called hyppomachus : that was so great an enemy to gluttonie , that he vsed in his colledge such and so great an abstinence , that his disciples by that were knowne amongst all the other phylosophers . and not for no other thing , but to see them buye their cates and prouision to liue withall : for they neuer bought meates to fat them , and keepe them lusty , but onely to susteine nature , and that but little . the romanes made diuers lawes in the olde time to expell out of theyr cities drunkards and gluttons , wherof we will recite some vnto you , to the end that those that shall reade our present writings , shall both knowe and see what great care our forefathers tooke to abolish this horrible vice of gluttony . first , there was a law in rome , called fabian law , so called , because fabian the consull made it , in which it was prohibited , that no man should bee so hardy in the greatest feast hee made , to spend aboue a hundred sexterces , which might bee in value a hundred peeces of . pence , salets , and all other kinds of fruite , not comprised within the same . and immediately after that , came out another law called messinia , which the consul messinius made . by which they were also inhibited in all feastes to drinke no strange wines , which only were permitted to be giuen to those that were diseased . after which followed also another law licinia made by the consul licinius , forbidding in all feasts all kinds of sawces , because they incite appetite , and are cause of great expence . an other law emilia , of emilius the consul also , commanding the romans should be serued in their banquets but onely with fiue sortes of diuersities of meates , because in them there should be sufficient for honest re●ection , and no superfluitie to fil the belly : and then was there the lawe ancia made by ancius the consull , charging all the romanes for to endeuor to learne all kinde of sciences , except cookery . for , according to their saying : in that house where was a cooke , those of that house became poore quickely : their bodyes diseased , their mindes vitious , and al-together giuen to gluttonie . after this law there came forth another called iulia , of iulius caesar , comcommaunding al romains , that none should be so hardy to shut their gates when they were at dinner : and it was to this ende , that the censours of the cittie might haue easie accesse into their houses at mealtime , to see if their ordinary were correspondent to their habilitie . and there was also another lawe made afterwards , called aristimia , of aristmius the consull , by which it was enacted , that it should bee lawfull for euery man to inuire his friends to dinner to him at noon , as they liked , prouided that they supped not together that night . and this was established thus , to cut off the great charges they were at with their suppers . for the romanes exceeded in superfluity of dainty and fine meats , and moreouer they sat too long guzling & eating at their suppers of all these lawes heretofore recited , were authours aulus gelius : and macrobius . and for this was caius gracchus well reputed of , by the romanes , who notwithstanding hee had bin consull in diuers prouinces , ( and that many times ) and he was a man of great grauitie and authoritie in rome , his wife was his onely cooke : and trauelling , his hostesse of his house where he lay dressed his meate . marcus mantius in times past , made a booke of diuers wayes how to dresse meat , & an other of the tasts , sawces , and diuers maners of seruing of them in at the bankets , & a third book , how to couer the table , set the stools in order , order the cupbord : and also how seruants should wayte and giue theyr attendance at the table : which three books were no sooner imprinted , and published , but presently and publikely they were burned by the senate of rome , and if his author had not quickly voyded rome , & fled into asia , he had accompanyed his bookes in the fire . the auncient writers neuer ceased to reproue enough lentulus , caesar , scylla , scaeuola , and aemilius : for , a banket they made in a garden of rome , where they eate no other meates , but blacke-byrdes , torteyses , mallardes , nettles , pigs-brains , & hares in sauce . but if the romane writers wrote in these dayes , i doe not beleeue they would reproue so simple a banquet made by so noble and famous persons as they were : for now a dayes they doe so farre exceede in variety of dishes at noble mens boords , that neyther they haue appetite to eate , nor yet they can tell the name of the dishes . but now returning to our purpose , i say the intent why wee haue layde before you these forepassed examples , was onely to this end , to admonish the fauoured of princes , to looke into themselues , that they auoid this filthy sinne of gluttony . beeing a foule blot in a courtier , to be counted a greedy gut , and carmarant at his meate , and being one , whose manners and behauior euery man marketh : for sure it is more fitting for them to bee moderate and sober in eating and drinking then others , and good reason why : for as they are more noble then others , so haue they many that sue vnto them , and they haue also the waightiest matters of gouernement , passing vnder their charge : by reason wherof if they surcharge themselus with excesse , they are then very vnapt to dispatch any matters : for much eating causeth sleepe , and much drinking depriueth thē of their iudgement and sences both . is it not to be wondered at , yea , and to bee reproued also , to see a magistrate or counsellour sit in his chaire , to heare poor mens causes and suites : and the suiter opening his cause vnto him , he sitteth nodding with his head in his bosome , ready to sleepe ? euen so doe i say likewise , that it is a great reproach to the beloued of the prince , and great damage to the common-wealth , that it should be spoken amongst courtiers and suiters , that to day hee was of this opinion , and to morrow he is of another . so that the courtyer or suiter should haue hope to dispatch that to morrow , hee could not doe to day . king philip , father of alexander the great , although he was a prince noble and fortunate , yet was hee noted and rebuked for drinking of wine : whereof followed , that after hee had giuen iudgement vppon a time , against a poore widow-woman : she answered streight , she appealed . the noble-men that were present , hearing what was saide by the king : asked her , to whome shee would appeale , since the king in person gaue sentence of her , and no other ? and this was her aunswere she made them . i appeale to king philip which is now drunke : that when he is sober , he returne to giue sentence . and as the hystoriographers say , that writeth this historie : this poore woman was not deceyued , in her appellation at all : for after k. philip had reposed and slept a little , he reuoked and repealed the sentence that he had before giuen against her . and therefore concerning this matter , i say , that that how wilde or tame soeuer a beast bee , yet he still continueth a beast in his kinde , onely a man except , who very often through too much excesse of meat and drink , strayeth so farre from reason , forgetting himselfe , that neither he himselfe , nor any other knoweth well , whether hee be then a man or a beast . those that are the fauoured of princes , must bee very circumspect , that they be not too sumptuous , and prodigall , in their feasts and banquets , for they haue many eyes attendant on them . and some will say , that they make not those great feasts of themselues , but by the gifts and presents of others . i wish them in this case , that they should not hope to excuse themselues by saying , that they onely feast theyr kinsfolks & familiar friēds . for the enuie that comonly one beareth against the power & authority of a man , is so great and extreame , that it spareth not friends , remembreth not kinsfolke neyther maketh account of the benefites receyued : but rather as soone as the bidden guests are departed from his house that bad them , they go talking among themselues , and murmuring amongest others , saying many times that it is more worth , that is lost by the vaine and lauish expences of the fauoured courtier , then that that is commonly serued to the princes owne boorde . also i counsell the beloued of princes that they take heede whome they trust , and whom they inuite vnto their tables : for many times if they bee but foure that are bidden , one of them goeth sure to eate and banket , & the other three to fleere and mocke , and to marke all that is brought in , & the manner of the seruice . and the worst is yet , that he shall many times bring such to eate with him , that would more willingly eate his flesh , then his meate . these reputed courtiers must be well aduised , that though they be too delicate and superfluous in their meat yet at least that they bridle their tongs ; for they may be assured , that as their guests they bad go full paunched from them , so cary they away with them all the superfluous and vaine wordes they heard at the table . besides that , that what so euer the courtyer said at the boord , reporting it otherwhere , they will not say that hee spake it of himselfe , but that the king himselfe tolde it him . and yet is there a farre greater danger and perill then this wee haue spoken of , and that is : that they will not simply tell that they hearde of the beloued courtyer , but will adde vnto it of their owne heads , what they thinke best , and what was his meaning , in speaking it . so that wee may say , that there are not so many comments vppon the byble , ( as they make glosses vppon the same reports , by their rash iudgemēts and fond interpretations ) which they did descant vpon one only word spoken vnawares perhaps , by some at the table of this fauoured courtyer . it is a generall custome amongst all estates and conditions of people : that where the●e are sumptuous tables , and aboundance of dyshes , there the inuited sit long at their meate , and are liberall to speake euill . which sure such as are in fauour with the prince , neyther ought to doe , nor suffer it to be done at his boord . for the good and honorable feast , ought onely to bee serued , with good and daintie meates : but in no wise marred with the defaming of his neighbour . oh how manie feasts and bankets are made in princes courtes , where without al comparison there are more detractions vsed of their neighbours , then there are diuersityes of dyshes to eate . a pernitious thing doubtlesse , and and not to bee suffered nor abidden : for no man hurteth the reputation of another with his tongue , but with the selfe-same hee condemneth his owne conscience : and therefore let men be aduised of their speach , and what they speake of others . for it is alwayes an easie matter to detract and hinder the good fame and reputation of a man : but very harde afterwards to satisfie the partie . therefore i counsell , and admonish those courtyers , that they doe not oft feast others : but also that they do not accept to goe to others tables where they are bidden . for , they may bee assured , that they are beloued of fewe , and hated of all : and besides that , it might so happen , that others should be at the charge of the feast , and that they should lose their liues . also let not the fauoured courtier trust those too much that come ordinarily to his table , and that doe rebid him againe to theirs , yea though they seeme euen to bee wholly his to dispose , and possible , as it were his right hand , and that they be those whō hee happily to haue done much for , in dispatching their affayres : for lightly in such like feasts , treasons , and poisonings are not practised with the master of the feast , but only with him that waiteth at the table to giue drink or else by the cookes that dresseth the meate . also let not the courtier trust too much those whom hee hath beene in company with all at diuers feastes , ( where he neuer had hurt ) much lesse knew any little occasion to suspect ill of them , touching any treason meant towards him : for so at a time when he suspecteth least , he may bee in most daunger , and finde himselfe deceyued . and therfore by my councell , he shall not easily be entreated to euery mans boorde , vnlesse hee bee first well assured of the companie that are bidden as also of the seruants that wayte : for the holes and spaces of the french riddles ( with which they dust their corne ) sometimes is euen stopped with the very grains of the same corn : and letteth the cleare passage of all the rest one of the greatest troubles ( or to tearme it better ) one of the greatest daungers , i see the fauoured courtier in , is this : that all the courtiers and in a manner all the citizens , desire to see them out of fauour , or dead by some meanes . for euery man is of this minde , that with the chaunge of things , by his fall or death hee hopeth hee shall rise to some better state , or happily to catch some part of his offices or liuing . an other mischiefe and inconuenience yet happeneth to this fauoured courtier , by haunting other tables , and that is , that many times it chanceth , vnseemely , and vnhonest wordes are let fall at the table , and perhapps quarrell arise vpon it , which though hee bee present , yet he can neyther remedy , nor appease it . and because these thinges were done & spoken in the presence of the esteemed of the prince , he that spake them hath credit , and those that heard it , descryed it : yet there is an other disorder that commeth by these feasts that is , that he which maketh the feast and biddeth guestes , dooth it not for that they are of his acquaintance , his kinsfolkes , or his faithfull friends , nor for that hee is bound and beholding to them , but onely to obtaine his desire in his suites that he hath in hand : for they are few that seeke to pleasure men , but in hope to be greatly recompenced . therefore those that are in fauor and authority about the prince : and that accept others bidding , sure one of these two things must happen to them : eyther that hee must dispatch his businesse that inuiteth him : yea although it be vnreasonable , & so vniust , and damnable , that obtayning it , both he and the fauoured courtier goe to the deuill together for company , for the wrong and iniury they haue done to another : or on the other side refusing to doe it , the bidder is strucken dead , and repenteth his cost bestowed on him . aboue all things i chiefly admonish the courtiers and officers of princes , not to sell , chaunge , nor engage their liberties as they doe , the same day they beginne to follow such feasts , or to receiue gifts or presents , or to linke themselues in straight friendshippe with any or to deale parcially in any cause : for by these foresayde occasions , they shall oft binde themselues to doe that that shall not bee fit for them , besides the losse of their liberty they had before , to doe that was most honest and commendable . chap. xix . that the fauoured of princes ought not to be dishonest of their tongues , nor enuious of their words . anaxagoras the philosopher disputing one day of the cause why nature had placed the members of mans body in such order as they are , and of the propertie and complexion of euery one of them , and to what ende they had beene so orderly placed by nature , each member in his place , falling in the end to treat of the tong , sayde thus of it : you must vnderstand my good disciples , that not without art and great mystery , nature gaue vs two feete , two hands , two eares , and two eyes , and yet for all this but one tongue , whereby shee shewed vs , that in our going , feeling , smelling , hearing , and seeing : we may bee as long as we will : but in speaking wee should be as sparing and scant , as could bee : alleadging further , that nature suffered vs to goe open , and bare-faced : the eyes , the eares , the hands , the feete , and other partes of the bodie bare also , excepting the tongue , which shee hath enuironned with jawes , and empaled with teeth , and also shut vp with lips : which shee did to giue vs to vnderstand , that ther is nothing in this present life that hath more neede of guarde and defence , then hath this our vnbrydeled tongue . and therefore sayde pythachus the phylosopher , that a mans tongue is made like the yron poynt of a lance , but yet that it was more daungerous then that : for the poynt of the lance can but hurte the flesh , but the tongue pierceth the heart . and surely it was a true saying of this philosopher . for i know not that man how vertuous or pacient so euer he be , but thinks it lesse hurt , the bloudie sword should pierce his flesh , then that he should be touched in honour , with the venemous poynt of the serpentine-tongue . for , how cruell soeuer the wound be , time doth heale it , and maketh it wel againe : but defame or infamie , neyther late nor neuer can be amended . we see men refuse to goe by water for feare of drowning : not to come too neer the fire for feare of burning , nor to goe to the warres , for feare of killing : to eate no ill meates , for beeing sicke : to climbe vp on high , for feare of falling : to goe in the darke , for feare of stumbling : to auoyde the yll ayre and raine , for feare of rewmes : & yet i see very few or none , that can beware of detractors and ill tongues . and that this is true i tell you , i doe not thinke that in any thing a man is in such perill and daunger , as when he liueth accompanyed with men dishonest in theyr dooings , and vile , and naught in their tongues . i haue also read touching this matter , that aformius the phylosopher being asked what he meant to spend the most part of his time amongst the desart mountaines , and in hazard , euery houre to be deuoured of wilde beasts ? answered thus . wild beasts haue no other weapons to hurt mee , but theyr hornes and nayles , and theyr teeth to deuoure mee , but men neuer cease to hurte and offend mee , with all their whole members . and that this is true , behold i pray you , how they looke at mee with their eyes , spurne mee with their feete , torment mee with their hands , hate mee with their hearts , and defame me with their tongues . so that we haue great reason to say : that a man liueth with more securitie amongst wilde beasts , then amongst malignant and enuious people . plutarch in his booke de exilio sayth that the lidians had a law , that as they sent the condemned murtherers to rowe in the galleyes , so they confined those that were detractors , and euill tongued men into a secret place , ( farre off from all company ) the space of halfe a yeare . in so much that many times these lewde mates chose rather to rewe in the galley three yeers then to bee exempt from company , and speaking with any but sixe monethes . much like vnto this law did tiberius the emperour make another , and condemned a great talker and railer of his tongue , and commaunded straightly that he should neuer speake word the space of a whole yeare . and as the historic sayth , hee remayned dumbe , and neuer spake during the whole terme , but yet that hee did ( with his dumbnesse ) more hurt with nods and signes with his fingers , then many other would haue done with their ill tongues . by these two examples wee may see , that sith these naughty tongues are not to be repressed by silence , in secret , nor to entreate them as friends nor by doing them good , nor by sending them to galleyes : nor to make them holde their peace , and to be as dumbe men : by mine aduise i would haue them banished ( by general counsell ) out of all colledges counsels , chapters , townes and common-wealthes : for wee see dayly by experience , that let an apple haue neuer so little a bruise , that bruise is inough to rotte him quickly , if hee be not eaten in time . demosthenes the philosopher was of great authority for his person , graue in manners , and condition , and very sententious , & profound in his words : but with these he was so obstinate , & wilfull , and such a talker in all his matters , that all greece quaked for feare of him . whereupon all the athenians one day assembled in their hall , or common house , and there they appointed him a great stipend of the goods of the common wealth , telling him that they gaue him this , not that he should reade , but because hee should holde his peace . also this great and renowmed cicero that was so valiant and politicke in martiall affayres , so great a friend to the common weale of rome and moreouer a prince of eloquence , for the latine tongue , though he was cruelly put to death by marke antony , it was not for any fact committed against him , neyther for any wrong or iniurie hee had done him , saue onely for that hee enuyed against him , and spake euill of him . also the noble and famous poet salust , and famous orator of rome , was not hated of strangers , and not beloued of his owne neighbours , for no other cause , but for that hee neuer tooke penne in hand to write , but hee euer wrote against the one , and neuer opened his mouth to speake , but hee alwayes spake euill of the other . plutarch touching this matter reciteth in his bookes de republica , that amongst them of lidia , in their publike weale , it was holden an inuiolable law , that they should not put a murderer to death for killing of any , but that they should onely execute , and put him to tortur , that would defame his neighbour , or in any one worde seeme to touch him in honour and estimation . so that those barbarous nations thought it more execrable to defame a man , then to kill and murther him : and therefore i say , hee that burneth my house , beates my person , and robbeth me of my goods , must needes doe me great dammage : but he that taketh vpon him to touch my honour and reputation with infamy , i will say , hee offendeth mee much , and that so greatlie , as he may well stand in feare of his life : for there is not so little an offence done to a man of stoute courage , but hee carrieth it euer after imprinted in his heart , till hee haue reuenged the villany done him : euen so in princes courts , there rise more quarrels , and debates through euill tongues and dishonest reports , then there dooth for any play or shrewde turnes that are done . i know not what reason they haue to strike off his hand that first draweth sword , and fauoureth and leaueth him vnpunished , that draweth bloud with his il tongue . o what a happy good turne were it for the common weale , if ( as they haue in all townes and well gouerned policies , penall lawes , prohibiting for to weare or carry weapon ) they had like lawes also to punnish detractiue , and wicked tongues : surely , there can not be so great a blotte or vice in a noble man , knight or gentleman of honest behauiour and countenance , as to bee counted and reputed a tatler of his tongue , and therewithall a detractor of others . but let not such deceiue themselues , thinking that for their countenance or estates sake they bee priuiledged aboue others , at their wills and pleasure to enlarge their tongues on whom they list in such maner , but that their inferiours farre , will as liberally speake of them , yea , & as much to their reproach , as they before had done of them : repenting as much of their honesty and credite for their calling ( beeing in equiualent in estate or degree to them ) as they doe of their dignity and reputation . at that time when i was a courtier , and liued in princes court , there dyed out of the court a worthy knight , who at his noble funerals was commended of vs al , to be a good and deuout christian , and chiefly aboue all his noble and heroicall vertues , hee was onely lauded and renowmed , for that they neuer heard him speake ill of any man. so one of the company that was present , hearing this great prayse of him , tooke vpon him to say this of him : if hee neuer spake ill of any , then did hee neuer know what pleasur those haue that speake ill of their enemies . which words when we heard though wee passed them ouer with silence , yet was there none but was greatly offended at them , and good cause why : for to say truly , the first degree of malignity is , for a man to take a felicity in speaking ill of his neighbour . king darius being at dinner one day , there were put foorth of the waighters and standers by , certain arguments of the acts and doings of alexander the great : in which lispute , one mignus a captaine of the king , and greatly in fauour with him , was very earnest against alexander , and went too farre in speech of him . but darius perceiuing him thus passioned , sayde to him : o mignus , holde thy tongue , for i doe not bring thee into the warres with mee , that thou shouldest infame alexander ( and touch his honour with thy tongue , but that thou shouldst with thy sword ouercome him . by these examples wee may gather , how much wee ought to hate detraction and ill speaking , since we see that the very enemies themselues cannot abide to heare their enemies euill spoken off in their presence : and this is alwayes obserued of the honourable , graue , and wise men that are of noble mindes : for sure each noble heart disdaineth to bee reuenged of his enemy with his tongue , for his iniuries done him : if hee cannot be reuenged on him with his sword . it is fitting for all in generall to be modest and honest in their speech , but much more it is due for him that embraceth the fauour and credite of his prince : for it is his profession to doe good , to helpe euery man , and to speake ill of no man. they haue such centinels of spies vpon them continually ( which are officers in court and about the prince ) to marke what they speake and do , that treading once awry ( how little soeuer it bee ) it is straight blowne into the princes eares , and they perhaps accused of that which they neuer thoght delighting , and taking great pleasure to tell openly what they heard them say . such therefore as are dayly courtiers , attending vppon the prince , and in fauour with him , must ( if they meane to continue that fauour and credite ) be gentle , and courteous in their wordes , and bountifull to those that stand in need of them . also the esteemed courtyer must beware hee doe not speake yll of no man , but also that he be not too great a talker . for commonly these great talkers besides that they are not esteemed , bee also reputed of small iudgement and of simple counsell . pythyas ' , that was the great gouerner , and duke of the athentan nation , was a noble prince , beloued and feared , hardy , and valiaunt , and yet in the ende as saith plutarch , the aboundance of wordes , obscured the glorie of his heroicall deedes . although oft times these great talkers , and men too full of words bee of noble byrth ' or worship , wealthie in possessions , and otherwise of authoritie and estimation : yet neuerthelesse , all that time they spende in speaking too much , others that heare them , occupie the same in deryding and scorning of them . i beseech you consider , what greater reproach could a courtyer haue , then to be counted a babbler , a prater of his tongue , and a lyer ? for when hee thinks euery man is attentiue , and listening to him , it is quite contrarie : for euen at that instant do they laugh him to scorne : and yet this is nothing to the shame they doe vnto him afterwards . for those that talke to him , whilst he is thus babbling , pots at him with their mouthes , behind his backe , nods with their heads , holdes downe theyr eyes , and soothes him in all that hee sayes , and all this not to praise or commend him , but to be merry afterwards at the matter , when they are together . and it is a sport to note , and heare of one of these great talkers , if any man talke of warre , of the liberall sciences , of hunting , or of husbandrie , hee will streight leape into the matter althogh he be vtterly ignorant in the thing proponed , taking vppon him to reason of the matter , as if hee were very skilfull , or master of that faculty . and to make the hearers belieue , that that is true he saith , hee bringeth in an example : saying that he hath seene it , read it , or heard it , and all perhaps a starke lye , that hee neyther sawe it , reade it , nor heard it of any : but onely deuised of his owne head , on a sudden , vnder the colour of truth , to forge and make a false lye. acaticus the phylosopher , beeing one day at a feast , where hee neyther spake nor offered once to speake : being asked after dinner , what was the occasion of his silence , answered them thus : it is better for a man to know his time to speake , then it is to knowe to speake . for to speake well , is giuen vs by nature : but to chuse fit time to speake , proceedeth of wisdome . epimenides the painter , after hee had dwelt long time in asia , returned to rhodes , from whence hee first departed , and because none of the rhodians euer hearde him speake any thing , eyther of that hee had seene , or done in asia , they maruelled very much , and earnestly prayed him to discourse vnto them some part of that he had seen , and suffered in asia . to whome hee made this aunswere . two yeares i sulked the seas , abyding the perills of the water , and ten other yeares i was resident in asia , to learn the perfection of a paynters art : sixe other yeares i studyed in greece , to accustome my selfe to be silent , and nowe you would i should feede you , with tales and newes . o rhodians , come to mee no more with any such motion : for you should come to my house to buy pictures , and not to heare newes . albeit in so many yeares , and in such farre and strange countries it could not be but epimenides had seene many things worthy to bee recounted , and also very pleasant for to heare : yet hee would neuer tell them , nor shew thē : and sure herein he did like a good philosopher , and answered like a wise & graue person : for in telling of strange things , and of diuers countries , there are few that will beleeue them , and many that will stand in doubt whether they be true or not . and therefore touching this matter also , pythagoras the philosopher was one day asked vpon what occasion he made his scholers vse so great silence in his colledge , that in two yeares after they were entered , they might not speake . he answered thus : in other philosophers schooles they teach their disciples to speake , but in mine there is taught nothing but to holde their peace . for in the whole world there is no better nor higher philosophy then to know to bridle the tongue . it is a maruellous thing to see a mā that with time his beard and haires of his head become all white , his face withered , his eares deafe , his legs swoln his breath stinke , his spleene stopte , and his body faint and feeble with age , and all the parts thereof consumed saue onely the heart and tongue , which we neuer see waxe olde in manner , how aged or impotent soeuer he bee , but rather dayly become greene : and that is worst of all is , that what euill the wretched hart thinketh in that crooked and miserable age , that doth that accursed tongue with all celerity vtter . there is a companie of courtiers in the court that presume to bee eloquent , and well spoken , and of courtly entertainement , which when they will talke of some pleasant matter , they must first tell you a lye , and surely these kind of courtiers wee may better call them detractors of others , then ciuill entertainers . accursed bee hee that to the preiudice of his neighbour maketh profession to bee a courtly entertainener , and you shall hardly see none of these recited courtiers iest of any but they haue in secret spunne the thread to weaue a great cloth of malice . and yet wee doe these men great honour and reuerence , not for any good will we beare them , but for that wee are afraid of their ill tongues , and althogh to dissemble other while , it is a graue and wise mans part , yet for all that wee may not iudge ill of them , since wee see the best mans honour and credite commonly to be no greater nor lesse : then a malignant person shal seeme to vse his tongue to speake of him . i remember there was in the court in my time a noble man , noble of birth and person both , whome i reproued diuers times ( as his familiar friend ) of his prodigall liuing and ill speaking : and he made me this answere . truely sir , those that report that i speake ill of them , it is themselues that do it of me : and if i follow them therein , it is for nothing else , but to bee a witnesse for them , if any seeke to impugne their saying : but sure of my selfe i neuer vttered , or deuised word , that might bee to the preiudice of any . o what euill causeth hee , that speaketh ill of another , he onely offendeth not that beginneth , but hee that assisteth him , and much more he that heareth him , and after publisheth it but aboue all , hee that telleth it abroade , and addeth more then hee heard . the fauoured of princes must also thinke , that though they are prohibited to speake much , yet it is most fitte and decent for them to bee true and faithfull secretaries : for there is no thing that the prince priseth more , then the secret breast of his fauoured courtier . and therefore i say not without cause that they ought to bee secret , but most secret : for the esteemed courtier must haue a better consideration of his princes secrets committed vnto him , then of the benefites receyued of him . sure it is no small , but a great and most necessary vertue in a man to bee close and of fewe words , and so secret in deede , that he make no more countenance of that was tolde him priuily , then if he had neuer heard it spokē of . i know an other kinde of people so proane to speake yll , that they cannot keepe secret theyr owne faultes , much lesse others faults , publishing them in euery corner . cecilius metellus beeing asked one day of a centurion , what he meant to doe the next day following ? aunswered thus . thinke not centurion that those things i am determined to doe , my hands shall so lightly discouer : for i am of this minde , if i knewe that my shyrt had any knowledge of that i will doe tomorrow , i would put it off , and throw it straight into the fire , & see it burned before my face . it is not alike trust , to put money into one mans handes of trust , and to commit secretes to the breast of another : and this to be true we see it plainly , that the prince deliuereth his goods and treasure to the custodie of manie , but his secrets hee committeth onely to one . the fauoured of princes ought to be so secrete , that whatsoeuer they see the prince doe or say ( be it in the presence of diuers , and that they are tolde of it by many : ) yet they ought not to be acknowne of it . for , indeede the prince speaketh many things cōmonly for his pleasure , which being reported againe of the fauoured courtyer , wil be thought true , and most certain . therefore speaking generally of this matter , i say , that surely friendes are greatly bound to keepe the secretes of their friends : for that day i discouer my intent to any , the selfe-same i make him lord of my libertie . therefore let that man thinke he hath wonne a maruellous treasure , that hath a secrete friend . for without doubt it is no such matter of importance , to keepe treasure safely locked vp in a chest , as it is to commit and trust secretes vnto the heart of another . plutarche writeth that the athenians hauing warres with king philip of macedonie , because there came certain leters of k : philips to their hands ( intercepted by their scowtes ) directed and sent vnto his wife olimpia : which they no sooner vnderstoode , but they presently returned again safely sealed , and vntouched of them , as they came first vnto them , saying : that sith by theyr law they were bound to be secret , they wold not reueale the secrets of others , notwithstanding they were their mortall enemies , as k : philip was to them : and therefore they would neyther see them , nor read them openly . diodorus siculus sayth also , that among the egyptians it was a criminal act for any man to bewray the secrets of another : which was proued true by the example of a priest , that in the temple of the goddesse isis had defloured a virgine , and they both trusting to the fidelitie of another priest , making their loue knowne vnto him : euen as they were in venus sweete delights , hee not regarding any longer their secrets , in ipso facto exclaimed and cryed out , and thereupon conuict and apprehended by the iustice , these poore louers were miserably executed , and this spightful and vnfortunate priest condignely banished . and this banished priest complaining of the vniust sentence , saying , that which he reuealed was in fauour of the religion , and for the behoose of the common wealth : the iudge aunswered him thus : if thou haddest knowne their offence of thy selfe , without their notice giuen thee , thou haddest had reason to haue complained of our sentence , but since they trusted thee with their doings , and thou gauest them thy word and promise to be secret , if thou hadst called to minde the bonde thou werte bound to them in , and that thy selfe did freely without their compulsion submit thy selfe vnto , thou wouldest not once dared to haue published the fact as thou hast done . plutarch in his booke de exilio sayeth , that a man of athens once demaunded an egyptian ( disciple of a philosopher ) what hee had vnder his cloke , aunswered him thus : truely thou hast studyed little , and borne away lesse , although thou art an athenian borne , sith thou seest that i carry secretly that thou demaundest , because thou nor none other shoulde know it , and yet thou askest it of my selfe , what it is that i carry . anasillus that was a captaine of the athenians , was taken of the lacedemonians , and put to the torture , because he should tell that hee knew : and what the king agesilaus his lord and master did , to whome hee gaue this answere . you lacedemonians haue liberty to dismember me , and to hewe mee in pieces : but so haue not i to reueale my lord and masters secrets : for in athens wee vse rather to dye , then to bewray the secrets of our friend . king lisimachus entreated the philosopher philipides very earnestly , that he would come and dwell with him : but hee made them this answere : i would bee very glad to bee in your company , knowing you to bee a fauourer of philosophy : and if you will goe to the warres , i will follow you : and if you trust mee with your goods , i will keepe them carefully and faithfully , if you haue children , i wil teach them with all my heart : if you will vse my counsell in your affaires , i will giue you the best i can : and if you will also giue mee the charge of your common wealth , i will gouerne it with my best discretion . onely one thing i will request you that you will neuer commaund mee : that is , not to make mee pertaker of your secrets . for it might happen that what you had tolde me in secret , your selfe vnawares at a time might tell it openly , and yet not thinke of it : and beeing afterwards tolde you by some other , you would presently enter into suspect that it came to knowledge by me . this phylosopher would first indent with the prince ( before hee would come to his seruice ) that hee should neuer heare any of these things the knowledge whereof bringeth many a man to their end , or at the least to some great mischiefe : onely to shew vs the eminent perill and daunger the secretary of a prince standeth in . for our heart is such a friende of newes , that euery hower it feeleth a thousand temptations to vtter that to others , that was deliuered to vs of secret . in this our age we do not vse for to keepe secrets , so well as in olde time the grecians were wont , sith wee see by experience , that if one friend haue to day told his friend a thing in secret , tomorrow , yea perhaps the selfe same night before , it was tolde among the neighbours . there are also some kinde of men so desirous to heare newes , that for to know it , they will sweare a thousande othes neuer to reueale it againe to any . but so soone as they know it , they are like vnto the bloud-hounds that follow the deare , now here , now there smelling with their noses , till they haue found the hurt deare , then they open and baye for their master . therefore i counsell and exhortal wise and discreet men , that they doe not accōpany with those whom they know are not secret : for the hurt that commeth by them , consisteth not only to tel that they know , see , and heare : but with this they tell that they haue imagined of their owne wicked , and malicious heads . it cannot be otherwise , but beeing men , wee are also subiect to the frailtie of a man : as for example ; to fall into the sinne of the flesh , and in that to forget the sinne of gluttonie , and to haue small consideration of that of slouth , to be assured of that of auarice , or with that to bee ouercome with passion and rage , or to bee puffed vp in the sinne of pride . and if perhappes by misfortune , any one chance into such mens company , that hath but parte , or all these conditions , and such one as doe discouer and disclose both his own secrets and others too , what other can there be hoped of , then a fire enflamed in his good fame and reputation , and a contagtous plague and pestilence in his house ? for that that i haue heard , seen , and read , yea and also proued : i say and affirme , that there is no bread so ill spent , as that that is giuen to the seruaunts which open and reueale their maisters secrets . and sure it may be saide , that such are not seruaunts that serue them , but traytours that betray them , and fell their maisters libertie . and it is of such importance , for the fauoured of princes , to keepe secret , and not to reueale any parte of the princes secrets , that euery man must thinke , that when the prince telleth them any thing in secret , he telleth it not alone to them , but rather he confesseth it vnto them . princes being men ( as indeed they are ) and much busied , with the cares of the common-wealth , it cannot bee , but when they are withdrawne a part into their priuy chamber , they wil both play , talke , sleyt , sigh , laugh , be angry , threaten , and make much againe of some before others . all which things though they doe before their seruants in secret , it is not their pleasure , neyther will they like it should be told abroad amongst theyr subiects . and sure they haue great reason : for men of grauity and authority , doe not lose their reputation for doing of things graue , and of good example : but they are iustly noted , when publikely they will shew any lightnesse or folly , how lightly soeuer it be . not only those that be in authority and fauor about the prince , but such other officers of the court and seruants of houshold of the prince also , ought not to tell or reueale any thing they see their prince do : for they may be well assured , that the prince will be more offended and displeased to haue that he doth in his priuie chamber tolde abroad by those of the priuy chamber , or other whom it pleaseth him to make familiar with him , then he would be , if his tresurers and receiuers should rob him of his treasure . it was tolde to denys the sir acusan on a time that plato the philosopher was at the chamber dore to speake with him , and hee presently sent bias of his priuy chamber ( that hee loued well ) to him to know what hee would with the king : and plato a●ked bias what denys did : and hee answered that hee laye starke naked vpon a table , which when denys vnderstoode , he was so offended with bias , that he commanded forthwith hee should bee beheaded , saying first these words vnto him . i will that like a traytor thou be beheaded , sithence thou hast trayterously betrayed mee , presuming to disclose the secretes of my chamber . for i sent thee not to plato to tell him what i did , but for to know what hee would of mee . now princes familiars and beloued of them , as they must bee very circumspect and heedefull that they tell no man the princes secretes : so they must bee much careful that they tell it not chiefly to women , yea though they were their owne wiues : for as women are very good and profitable , to looke to things of housholde , and safely for to locke vp their husbands goods : so are they on the other side very daungerous for man to commit any secrets to them : for notwithstanding a woman know , that in reueling the secrets of her husband , she putteth her life in perill , the honour of her husband , the losse of her children , the reputation of her house and kindred , and peraduenture the peace and tranquility of the common weale : yet had shee rather dye , then shee should not vtter that shee knoweth . and many times for no other respect , but to make these women beleeue that heareth her , that she onely commaundeth her husband , and all besides in her house . well , i will enlarge my selfe no further of this matter , for if i would but giue my penne leaue to write that i know , i shoulde finde lime and sand enough to builde a tower as high as babylon . but to end my purpose , i will speake this one word , and that is , that i coūsell and exhort , and with all my heart request princes familiars or seruants , that they commit not their princes secrets to any , how great a friend , or neere kinsman soeuer he be to them : for they may bee assured , that since they refuse to keepe secrete that the prince commandeth them , that much lesse their friend will keepe it secret for any request they make to him . if thou cannot keepe the secret , that to open it , importeth the losse of thy fauour & credite , and happily thy life also : how canst thou thinke an other will doe it , that in telling it , winneth both honor and credit . chap. xx. a commendation of truth , which professed courtiers ought to embrace , and in no respect to be found defectiue in the contrary , telling one thing for an other . epimenides the philosopher being requested of the rhodians to tell them , what the vertue was they caled verity , he answered them thus : verity my friends , is a thing which the gods aboue al other professe , and her vertue is such , that it warmeth the heauens , lighteth the earth , maintains iustice , and gouerneth the common-wealth , and suffereth no euill thing in her , making plain and cleare all doubtfull and hidden things . the corinthians asked the like question also of chilo the philosopher what verity was ; who aunswered , that it was a perdurable pillar , neuer diminishing , nor decreasing : a buckler or shield impassable , a fayre time that is neuer troubled , an army that neuer perisheth , a flower that neuer withereth , a sea that neuer feareth fortune and a sure hauen where neuer was ship wracke . anaxarchus the philosopher , was also demaunded of the lacedemonians what verity was , who aunswered that it was a health without sicknesse , a life without end , a iuleppe and sirrop that healeth all , a sunne that neuer darkneth , a moone without eclipse , an herbe that neuer dryeth , a gate that is neuer shut , and a way that neuer wearieth man. the like was asked of eschines the phylosopher touching veritie , by the rhodians : and he saide , that it was a vertue , without which all force was weakned , iustice corrupted , humilitie fained and dissembled , patience insupportable , chastitie vaine , libertie loste , and pitie superflous . the like was demanded of pharmacus the phylosopher by the romans . and his aunswer was , that veritie was a true center , wherein all things reposed , a carde to saile by , to direct the pilote and mariners , a wisdome to heale and recure euery man , and a present remedie for all euills : a height , in the top whereof euery man resteth , and a bright light , to enlighten the whole world . and surely this maketh mee thinke that these phylosopehrs were great friendes and louers of veritie , since that they did so much enrich and sublime the same , with so many rare and excellent titles . but now omitting these phylosophers , who haue truly spoken that they knew : let vs come speake of him that aboue all the world hath exalted veritie : which was the diuine word : and that was iesvs christ , the onely begotten sonne of god : and true glasse of eternitie : who being asked the selfe-same thing of pylate , said not to him , i am wisedome , neyther iustice , nor chastitie , nor patience , humanitie , not charitie : but onely saide vnto him , i am veritie . to let vs vnderstand , that euery creature might bee partaker of that veritie . but our lord iesus christ was not partaker of that veritie , but the sole and onely possessor of the same , hee beeing the very trueth it selfe . oh of how manie is this vertue desired ? and of how few ( yea , most fewe ) obserued . for , in effect it is nothing else but a marke , whereat all good men shoote with their eyes , and all yll and wicked persones loose their sight . the emperour augustus in the triumph hee made of marke anthony , & his loue cleopatra , amongst others brought to rome an egyptian priest , of . yeares of age , and the senate being informed of a surety , that dayes of his life he neuer tolde lye , they agreede not onely to restore him to liberty , but to make him high priest of their temple , and to erect a statue of him , among the noble and princely persons of rome . spartianus writeth , that in the time of clandian emperour of rome , there deceased a citizen of rome called pamphilus , whose doings after his death examined , it was manifestly proued , that hee neuer spake one true word all his life time , but alwayes lied in that he sayde . which related vnto the emperour , hee commanded his body should not be buried , his goods should be confiscate , and his house raized to the foundation , and his wife and children for euer banished rome , and all her territories , to the end there should remayne no memory to the common-wealth , of so pesteferous and venemous a beast . at that time when these thinges thus happened , the romanes and egyptians were mortall enemies , and therefore by these examples wee may see , of what force and power this vertue of verity is , sith the romans made a statue to their enemy , only for that he was a true and iust man : and depriued of sepulture their natiue childe , and a romane borne , for that he was a lyer . a true man may goe in any place where hee listeth , freely without interruption , accompanied with all men , not fearing to be accused of any , and may with safety reproue the vitious , and ill persons : and finally , to conclude , he may without the feare of any speake in the face of the world , & shew his face among the best . if a man will chuse a friend , he need not bee inquisitiue if he bee wise , iust , chaste , carefull , couragious , or noble , but onely if hee be true of his worde . and if that be so , it followeth that all vertues and honesty must abounde in him . helius spartianus reciteth of the life of traian the emperour that beeing one night at supper , and accompanied with noble men at his boorde : they argued of the fidelity of friendes , and infidelity of enemies , whom traian aunswered . that hee neuer had friend in his life but he was good , true , honest , and faithfull ; whereupon his lordes besought him , that it woulde please him to tell them the occasion of his good hap in this , and he aunswered thus : the cause why i haue euer beene so fortunate herein was this , i neuer would chuse to my friend a lyer and couetous man : for in him that raigneth auarice , and lying , there can neuer dwell perfect friendship . those that are honest , and like so to be reputed , must endeauor them selues to speake well alwayes , and euer to say , that that is true : and if they will not doe this for conscience sake , yet let them doe it for to auoide the shame that followeth them . for there can bee no greater mockerie or despight done to a man , then openly to make him know hee hath lyed . wee see the childe when hee perceyueth hee hath tolde a lye , he blusheth straight , and is ashamed : much more ought men growne in yeares , whose face is couered with hayres , not onely blush , but shame to tell a lye . many times i thinke what a great griefe the marchant suffereth euerie houre not to bee counted a lyer , whē he vttereth his ware , and sure he dooth it but because hee would not lose his credite . and lo here why they sweare commonly by the faith of a marchant to bee more assured , when to the contrary we see many other , that in apparance seeme to bee honest and graue men , that vse not the manner , but rather they will sticke no mere to tell you a lye , then to lose a wheat grain : but here i speake nor , neyther doe meane to touch those that are indeed vertuous and good men : but i speake of those that thinke themselues honest and yet be not , god knoweth . and therefore wee may be assertained , that a marchant esteemeth more his goods and marchandize , then a lyer doth his honour , otherwise honesty . there is nothing that preiudiceth truth so much , as a tatling tongue that neuer lyeth : being in a manner impossible , that amongst many wordes , some lye he not interlaced . all things consist not in other more or lesse , saue onely in the vse that men haue of it : for if a man doe vse to eate little , hee alwayes goeth from the table : if wee vse to sleepe little , wee also leaue our bedde . and if we accustome our selus also to lye , we shall haue it such a continuall vse , as though wee would , wee shall neuer leaue it after : for there are diuers sorts of men , that as they accustome themselues to eate and drinke oft times in a day , so doe they vse to lye euery houre . but i aske what is the greatest and most perfect thing in this life , that a man whilest he liueth may enioy . i dare boldly say , that it is neyther nobility , great parentage , nor fauour , neyther the great estate , health , nor riches : but rather that it is the sole honour , which tatlers and lyers may neuer enioy , because they are neuer credited nor beleeued in their wordes : what fame , credite , honour , reputation , or good can hee haue , out of whose mouth there cōmeth nothing but lyes ? a lyer deserueth credite of no man , neyther that any man should deale with him in any thing , much lesse to commit any matter of trust into his hands , no nor loue him , nor accept of him , but rather as a detractor , and defamer of mens good name , wee should banish him our company . hanibal that was the mighty prince of the carthagenians , so valiant in warlike prowesse , so hardy to follow it , and therewithall so fortunate to ouercome his enemies , was yet notwithstanding , blamed of titus liuius , and reputed for a malignant & periured person : for hee neuer gaue that hee promised to his friends , neyther euer kept any couenant or agreement made with his enemies . such was not gneus pompeius ( sonne to pompey the great ) with whom octauian , and marke antony ( both his mortall enemies ) beeing at supper with him on the sea , menodorus the captaine of his armie sent him word , if it were his pleasure , he would so liuely haue hoist vp the sayles of the ship , that he would soone haue perished them , or sunked the shippe they were in . to which message pompey gaue this answer . thou shalt tell menodorus my captaine , that if i were menodorus as hee is , that neuer knew what truth meant , i would haue followed his aduise , and haue done that hee sendeth to mee for : but if hee were pompeius as i am , which keeps my word and promises with all men , such a thought and treason would neuer haue occupied his head . wordes sure worthy of so noble a prince , sonne of so great and worthy a father . herodotus writeth also , that when the egyptians would make any new amitie betwixt themselues , or bee in league , and confederate themselues with straungers , they vsed to binde their thombs harde to the thombes of those with whome they would ioyne in friendship , and then with an instrument pricked euery one of theyr thumbes that the bloud spurted out , which they sucked the one the other , with their tongue : inferring thereby , that they would rather sheadde their whole bloud , then in one iote to falsifie and breake that friendship promised betweene them . is it not a goodly thing to heare him that sweareth by the masse , of mine honesty , so god ketch mee , by my good sooth , by cocke and pye , and other like nice oathes , only vnder simplicitie thereof to make you belieue a lye he will tell you : which in deed we should least then belieue , when hee is most ruffe in his oathes . for it is most certaine , the more a lyer enforceth his words with aboundance of oathes , the lesse is hee to be belieued . for that is a plaine demonstration , that it is a prepensed lye , he would make vs belieue for a truth . it is a sport to see a true man and a lyer in argument together : for the true man enforceth his words none otherwise but thus : truely friend , it is euen thus as i tell thee , thou mayest if thou wilt belieue mee . and the other to defend and maintaine his lye , will inuocate for witnes all the diuells of hell , &c. so that for defence of the trueth , it sufficeth to stand fast on his feete : but for the defence of a lye hee must runne throgh the whole world . if i were a king or prince to throw the beloued out of fauour , to put my men out of seruice , to depriue men of their office & dignitie , or to disgrade a knight of his order of knight-hood , or to giue no more faith nor credit to one then an other . i would desire no better occasion or testimonie , then once to take him with a lye. and i would think it lesse ill , that the fathers should rather pardon a great faulte in their childrē , that friend in his friend , and the maister in his seruant , then to beare with him in one lye . for by time the wings of sin is cut : but to lye is of such a condition , the elder a man waxeth , the more force and power it hath of him . it is not ynough for a man to be free of this vice , but hee must also flye and sequester himselfe from the fellowship of those which are possessed with that fowle and inueterate error , for , it is commonly seene , when a man would bring out a sudden lye , to giue it the more credit , he will auouch his friend for a witnes , saying : hee knoweth it , and was present with me . now those that heare this famous lye , and know the very truth in deede of the matter as it was , condemneth his friend he auoucheth ( although he be innocent of the matter ) for that he is brought in for testimony , as they doe this notorious , and shamelesse lyer . i should lye also for companie , if i should denie to tell you , that being in the court vpon a time in a good presence , a friende of mine stucke not to forge a lye amongst others : and said that hee had sayled in a ship , made all of the canes of synamon , and he auouched mee for a witnes : affirming that i was likewise with him in his companie in the ship : and i to saue his honour ( hee being my very friend ) being ashamed he should incurre the name of a lyer , was compelled seriously to confirme his tale with him , whereof i repented mee afterwardes with all my heart . for thereby i was in secret noted of the hearers , to be as great a lyer as hee . also another time , when i went to preach at the court ( being diseased of the gout ) i walked vp and down with a staffe of reede to stay me withall , the selfe-same person i told you of before , tolde amongst the prelates that were in the chapell where i preached , that hee had giuen mee a reede or caue to walke withall , that from one knob to another , it wold hold three great pots of wine . loe , now by my example you may gather , what shame and deshonestie an honest vertuous man sustaineth , to bee a friend and companion of one so shamelesse and horrible a lyer . for to bee plaine , i was brought to this passe , by meanes of this friend of mine , that i could not tell what i should doe , but when i heard him beginne to speake , to flye from him , and leaue him , because i would not be reputed of like reputation with him : how beit in the end i was forced to vse this policie : that what hee had openly auouched me a witnesse in , secretly again i would excuse my selfe and denie it . but now returning to our matter againe , i say , that these courtiers & familiars of princes , ought to exile and banish from them this abominable crime of lying : for if a mean gentleman or simple plebeyan happen sometimes to tell one thing for another , it is but taken of the hearers straight for a simple lye . but being spoken by one of the fauoured of the court , or other gentleman of reputation , it is thought a kinde of treason : for like as betwixt god and the sinner , our sauiour iesus christ , is our onely meane and mediatour , being called vpon by the priest , euen so betwixt the king and his subiects , that are suiters to his maiesty : those that are in fauour with the prince , are mediators for them : now therefore if these priestes bee double in their wordes and dissemblers in that they speake , how shall the sinnes of the one be pardoned , & the businesse of the other dispatched : oh wofull and vnhappy sinner , that putteth his sinnes into the hands of a naughty and wicked priest , and likewise vnfortunate and miserable is the poore suiter that comitteth his affaires to the trust & dispatch of a lying and dissembling officer . there are many officers in princes courts , that tell the poore suiters still they will dispatch them , but when it commeth to the push , to followe the matter , all his faire words are then but winde , and indeede they make an arte of it , to speake all men faire , to promise much , and to performe nothing , weening with their sweete flattering wordes to winne the hearts and good wills of all , little regarding the great expence and losse of time of the poor suter : much lesse also respecting their owne honour , honesties , and credite . sure it were lesse dishonour for them , to bee counted rough , and churlish , then to be bruted for lyers , and breakers of their promise . the officer of the princes pallace , that is a dissembler , and a lyer in his words , and doings , hee may for a time maintaine his suites , and goe through with his matters : but in the ende , his trecheries perceiued , himselfe , his fautor , and all his dealings lye in the dust , and are vtterly ouerthrowne . oh how many haue i seene rise in courte of nothing to great matters , and offices , and this not through their painefull seruice , but altogether by meanes of their deceipt and flatteries they vsed : not exalted also for theyr merites , but onely by a subtill meanes and pollicie they had , to drawe water to their mill : nor for any good conscience they had , but onely for theyr great diligence vsed in their practises . and all this not without the preiudice of others , but rather to the great hurt and vtter vndoing and ruine of theyr neighbour : and not for any bountie they had to giue liberally , but a greedy and couetous a desire to get : not for any needefull businesse , but to haue those that are superfluous : and not for to relieue the poore and needie , but onely to satisfie their insatiable apetites : and in fine , their account cast , wee haue seene after theyr death their goods confiscated , their seruants dispersed , and gon away , and their children vtterly vndone . so that in briefe , there was no more memorie of them in this world , and god graunt also that in the other life their soules were not for euerdamned . courtyers may easilie with their fauour and credite attaine vnto great possessions , as the iudges may also in robbing , the counsellers in pleading , and maintaining naughtie causes , the captaines in powling the prince of the souldyers wages , the merchaunts in their false weights and measures , and their brokers , in telling lyes out of all measure . but in the end of their journy & pilgrimage , they may be assured that the soules of the fathers shall not only be damned in hell , but the goods shall bee taken from their children . and also that that is truely and iustly gotten by the honest industry and trauell of the man , with a good zeale and holie intent , and to a good and iust ende : it is written that it shall bee of long continuance , & by the good permission of god , & prayers of the people , it shall also prosper and increase . for the true gotten goods , atchieued by the sweat and labour of man , god doth alwayes prosper and augment . and therefore continuing our matter , i say that the princes officers ought to determine with themselues , to bee vpright in all their actions and doings , and aboue all , true & iust of their words : which so performing , they shall be sure to be beloued of all , not alone of them that passe vnder their lee , but euen also of those whom they haue denyed fauour . and also they need not to beafraid to speak boldly in all places where they come , besides that they shal be reuerenced of all men . where to the contrarie , if he be a lyer , a babbler , & dissembler , there are few that wil feare them , much lesse loue them , and least of all do them reuerence , or honour . and although wee cannot denie , but that these officers of the courte , and other men of authoritie be wayted vpon , visited , accompanyed , reuerenced , and honoured of diuerse sortes of men : yet it were a follie for vs to belieue , that their traine and attendaunts doe them all that honour and reuerence , for any desire they haue to doe them any seruice : but only they vse all that curtesy and capping , to get themselus & their suites quickly dispatched . and this to be true , we see it daily by experience . for , when these suters haue at chiued their suite and desyre , they doe not onely leaue off , and giue ouer to accompanie him , and to attend vpon him : but moreouer , they get them home , without eyther thanking of him , or once taking their leaue of him . if all those that haue function , or office of estate or dignitie , ( hauing charge of the dispatch of great and weightie matters , beeing also lyers and dissemblers in their doings ) knew the yll reports that goe of them , and how they condemn their corrupt and naughtic consciences : me thinketh it impossible ( if they bee not altogether gracelesse ) but they must needs eyther change condition and estate , or else quite giue vp their rooms and offices . for they are in euery mans mouth called bablers , liers , dissemblers , traitors , perjurers , miserable , auaricious , and vicious . and yet a worser thing then all this , and that is : whilest they liue , a thousand complain of them : and after they are dead and buried , they take vp their bones out of the graue , to hang them vp vpon a gibbet . for thus saith the olde prouerbe : such life , such ende . so as we may say , that to these officers aboue recited , resteth nothing but only these goodly titles . and herevnto we may adde also , that officers of like conditions to them , need not to haue any to accuse them , neyther yet to punish them . for a time will come one day , that they will plunge themselues so deepe into a sea of troubles , that it cannot be chosen but they must needs at last drown , and vtterly perish , or at the least bee driuen into the hauen of their greatest enemyes : so that they shall carrie the burden of their owne wickednes , and bee condignely chastised with their owne follie . therefore i pray all those that shall read these writings of mine , for to obserue them in their heart , and imprint them well in minde : beeing a matter of such moralitie and wisdome , that it can hardly be vnderstood of anie , but of such as first haue had some proofe thereof . helius sparthianus writeth , that there was somtimes a senator in rome called lucius torquatus , who was a tyrant , a dissembler , a great lyer , and very seditious , deuising onely to set discord between the emperor tytus and the people : who beeing many times complained vpon vnto titus hee aunswered them thus : i pray you good people let no man seeke to reprooue him , perswade him , threaten , nor punish him : for he is so wicked and peruerse in all things , that i trust in the gods one day his owne naughty and crooked condition , shall make reuenge and satisfaction of all the mischiefes hee hoth done mee : which was a wonderfull thing in this noble prince , that for an iniurie of such great importance as that was , hee would haue no other reuēge of him , but referre all to that he hoped to see by his own yll nature . and sure the matter well considered , hee had good reason to doe it . for a wicked person is of this condition , that after hee hath once begun to do euill , he neuer ceaseth to do worse , ( if hee be not reclaimed by some honest man , vntill such time as vnwares not looking to himselfe ) he vtterly falleth to ruineand perdition . so that we may aptly compare an ill man , to a cādle , which after it is once light , it neuer leaueth burning , till it haue made an end of it selfe . in great and weightie matters somtimes , such as haue the dispatching of thē , are wont to speake one word for another , & also to make some fainte promises to their suiters , not in respect to lye to them , nor deceiue them : but to prolong them longer in suit , to increase their gaine the more . which i must say , they ought not to do , much lesse once to think it . when the fauoured courtyer or officer of the prince is moued in any matter by the suter , let him consider well if it bee any thing that may displease the prince , bee it neuer so little : for they must take great heed that they tell not princes nor theyr seruants any thing that they know may be displeasant to their eares : but only that that shall be both pleasaunt to the eare , profitable to the purse , and therwithal , that it be true and necessary to be told and looked to . for there is no greater destruction to the commonweale , then to bring false reports vnto the k : of his affaires . it is one of the greatest kinds of treason that can be , for a prince to disclose the secrets of his heart to his fauoured courtyer , and for him againe to tell the prince nothing but lyes and tales . how great a friend soeuer the prince be to his fauoured courtyer , yet the beloued courtyer ought not to presume to aduaunce himselfe to tell , or make his prince belieue one thing for an other . for the matter afterwards discouered , and the truth knowne , it shal not bee ynough for him in his excuse , to tell the prince that hee made him belieue so , onely to satisfie his friend . for the king may iustly tell him , that it is but an excuse , and that hee meant no other but to deceiue him . for princes eares and conditions are so delicate , that i am bolde to admonish thē that are his familiars , and beloued of him , that they endeauour themselues alwayes to speake ( with all humble duty and reuerence ) that that is true , yea though in secret it pleaseth the prince to be merry with them . this is euer true , he that is a friend of veritie , is also of iustice : and hee that is a friend of iustice , is also of the common weale : and he that is a friend of the common weale , is euer indued with a good conscience : and he that hath a good conscience , consequently is of a good life , he that is of a good life , is also of a good fame , and beloued of all . albeit we cannot deny , but that his enemies will euer speake euill of him : yet wee may say also , that they can neuer hurt nor condēne him , but rather hee should be counted a foole of all men , that will goe about or seek to be his enemy , who is honest in his doings , true in his wordes , modest in his behauior , beloued , and well thought of of all . therfore he putteth himselfe into a great perill , that dare make himselfe a companion , and fellow in doings with a wise & vertuous man : for he must thinke , that accōpanying with such a man , he accompanieth not his person alone , but also the vertues that raigne in him : and if hee doe repugne and gainesay reasonable things , hee shall straight shew himselfe to come of a wicked race , and to bee plunged and rooted in all malice . now to the end we may leaue nothing behind , that may serue to aduise and counsell this our fauoured courtier . i say also , that there are many other in fauour with the prince , that oft times do procure the prince to giue offices of dignitie , and realtie of the realme , sometimes to their kinsfolks , otherwhiles to their friends , and afterwards to their seruants also , which perhaps are so vnmeete and vnworthy for them , that neyther their merites shall deserue to haue them , nor their knowledge and experience also fit , for so weighty an administration : and they do not procure these offices for them , for that they are wise and capable : but onely to aduance them aboue others , and because they are very troublesome and importunate . i am sorry to write it , and much more to see it , that offices are not giuen now for the benefite of the common-wealth , but to recompence those of whome the fauoured courtier hath receyued pleasure , or else to satisfie the importunacie of his seruants of his owne house . but by processe of time it might happen ( by meanes of their skillesse rule ) that the king would take from them altogether their offices , or remoue them from one place to another , although they were neuer well setled in a towne , and commodiously : and being the princes pleasure to do this , the wise and beloued courtier must take heede , he doe not contrary the king , much lesse take vpon him to defend the ill gouernment of those officers , hoping therby to come to greatter honour : for it were lesse hurt for him , the officer lost his estate and office , then he his credite and reputation . therefore those in fauour and authoritie ought to content themselus with the prince , the seruāts with their masters , and the parents and kinsfols with the princes officers , for that they procured them these offices at the kings hands , with the ill wills of many : without that they further prease , and importune them , to suborne their faults : for after that the doings of these worthy officers be once discouered to be naught and corrupted , it is impossible by any meanes to make them good before the prince , with whom all the meanes the parents and kinsfolkes of such persons can make , cannot steade them to bring them to their first honour by their owne folly lost . and now to end this our present volume of the fauoured courtier , i do assure all the beloued courtiers , that if god shall find purity in their soules , the common weale iustice in theyr owne house , & the king troth in their mouthes , and fidelity in their hearts , the good and honest men grace in their fauour , and that the ill and wicked boast themselues no more of their authority and office , and that the poor shall praise them for their good works and the king also finde them faithfull seruants : i will at this present with mine owne hand giue them such faith and assurance , that they shall neede neuer to feare that god will forsake them , nor that men can hurt them , & that they shall neuer bee detected of any infamy , ouerthrown by any misfortune , neither put out of fauour and credit with their prince at any time . here followeth certaine other letters , written by marcus aurelius . selected out of the spanish copie , not written in the french tongue . chap. i. of the huge monster seene in scicilie in the time of marcus aurelius , and of the letters hee wrote with bloud vpon a gate . in the yeare of the foundation of rome . and xlii , of the age of marcus aurelius , and two yeares before hee tooke possession of the empire , the twenty day of august , about the going downe of the sunne , in the realme of scicill , in the city of palermo ( a port of the sea ) there chanced a thing perillous to them , that saw it then , and no lesse dreadfull to those which shall heare it now . whiles they of palermo were celebrating a great feast with much ioye , that they had vanquished the nauy of the numedians , the pirates diuiding their bootie , were preuented by the magistrates of the city , who cōmaunded the whole spoyle to be laide vp till the warres were finished : for such was the law of the isle : and truly it was a iust law : for oftentimes the onely let why the peace is not made betweene princes , is because there wanteth riches to satisfie the damage done in wars . when all the people were returned home vnto their houses to supper ( for it was in the summer ) there appeared an huge monster in the citie in this forme . hee seemed to be of the length of three cubites , his head was balde , so that his skul did appeare hee had no eares , saue onely two holes in the necke , whereby men iudged that hee heard : he had two writhen hornes like a goate , his right arme was longer then his left , his hands were much like the feete of horses , without throte , his shoulders and his head were both of one height , his shoulders shone as doeth the scales of fishes , his brest was all rough of haire . his face in all things , was much like vnto a man , saue that hee had but one eye , which was in the middest of his fore-head . in his nose there was but one nosethrill . from the middle downwards , there was nothing seen , because it was all couered : he sate on a charyot with fowre wheeles , which was drawn with fowre beasts : that is , two lyons before , and two beares behind . no man can tell of what wood the charriot was made . in fashion it differed nothing from those which other men do accustomably vse . within this chariot stood a great chauldron with eares , wherein the monster was , wherefore it could not be seene but from the middle vpward , it wandred a great space in the cittie , from one gate to another , casting out sparkes of fire . the feare and terror hereof was so great throughout all the cittie , that some women with childe were with great daunger deliuered , and others beeing weake and fainte hearted , fell downe dead . and all the people , both men and women , great and small ranne to the temples of iupiter , mars , and februa , with dolefull clamours and cryes , making their importunate prayers . at the same time , all these rouers were lodged in the gouernours pallace of the cittie , whose name was solyno , borne at capua , where also the riches was kept . after the monster had beene in all patts of the cittie ( or in the most part thereof ) it came to the pallace where the pyrates were , and cut one of the lyons eares off , and with the bloud therof wrote these letters vppon the pallace gate , which was shut . r. a. s. p. i. p. these letters were of diuers men diuersly interpreted : so that the interpretations were moe then the letters . and in the end a woman-prophetesse greatly esteemed for her science ( vnto whome god had giuen this secrete knowledge ) opened the true meaning of these letters , saying : r. signifieth reddite , a aliena , s , sivultis , p. propria , i. in pace , p. possidere . which altogether is to say : render vnto others that which is theirs , if you in quyet will possesse your owne . truly the pyrates were wonderfully afrayd of this sudden commaundement , and he woman was highly commended for her exposition . this being done , the monster went the same night out of the city , vnto a high hill called iamicia , & there stood for the space of dayes in the sight of the city , the lions with terrible voyces roaring , the beares with no lesse fearefull cries raging , and finally , the monster most dreadful flames casting . during all this time there was neither bride seene in the aire , nor beast in the fields . and the people offered such great sacrifices vnto their gods , that they brake the veines of their handes and feet , and offered the bloud therof to see if they coulde appease theyr wrathes . these three dayes being passed , there appeared in the element a maruellous darke cloud , which seemed to darken the whole earth , and therewith it beganne to thunder and lighten so terrible , that sundry houses fell to the ground , and infinite men ended their liues . and last of all there came such a flame of fire from the monster , that it burned both the pallace where the rouers were : and all other thinges that were therein , so that all was consumed with fire : yea the very stones themselues . the tempest was so great , that there fell aboue two thousand houses , and there dyed more then tenne thousand persons . in this place where this monster was on the toppe of the hill the emperour edified a sumptuous temple to the god iupiter in perpetuall memory of the same . whereof afterwards alexander emperour , hauing warre with the people of the isle , made a strong castle . chap. ii. of that which chaunced vnto antigonus a citizen of rome , in the time of marcus aurelius . at the same time when this woefull chaunce happened in the isle , there dwelled a romane in the same city called antigonus , a man of a noble bloud , and well strucken in age , who with his wife and daughter were banished two yeares beefore from rome . the cause of this banishment was this : there was an olde laudable custome in rome instituted by quintus cincinnatus the dictator , that two of the most auncient senators should go with the censour newly created in the moneth of december , to visite al rome , and to examine seuerally euery romane , declaring vnto him the . tables , and also the particular decrees of the senate , demaunding of of them , if they knew any man that had not obserued these lawes : and if they did , they should enforme the senate thereof . and so euery man should receyue condigne punishment according to his offence . but they neuer punished before they warned , for they vsed the one yeare to admonish them of their faultes , and the next yeare if they did not amend to punish them , or else to banish them : these were the wordes of the law in the fift table , and third chapter . the sacred senate doth ordaine the happy people do consent , and the ancient colonies doe allow , that if men as men in one yeare doe trespas , that men as men for that yeare doe winke at them : but if they as euill men doe not amend , that then the good as good men doe punish them . moreouer , the law sayd , the first faults are dissembled withall , because they are committed through weake ignorance : but the second shall bee punished , because they proceede of negligence and malice . this inquiry was made in the moneth of december , because in the moneth of ianuary following the officers of rome were elected . and it was reason the good from the euill should bee knowne , to the entent they might know who merited to haue them , & who deserued to go without them . the chiefe cause why this antigonus his wife and his daughter were banished was this : it was ordained by the eleuenth emperour of rome augustus , that no man should bee so hardy as to pisse neere the dores of any temple . and caligula the fourth emperour commaunded , that no woman should giue or iell any letters of witchcraftes to hang about the peoples neckes , to deliuer them from the feuer quartaine . and cato the censour made a law , that neyther man nor mayde should talke together at the conduites , where they vsed to fetch water , nor at the riuer where they washed their cloths , nor at the bakhouse where they baked their bread : because all the wanton youth of rome ordinarily haunted one of these two places . it chaunced when the censors and consulles visited the warde of mount celio , antigonus who dwelled thereby , was accused to haue pissed against the walls of the temple of mars : and his wife likewise was complained of , for selling of writings to cure the feauers : and his daughter was noted for one that commonly haunted the conduits , riuers , and bake-houses , to talke with young-men : the which in those daies was a great shame to maidens of rome . the censours therefore , seeing the euill president which they found in the house of antigonus at that time registred also before , and that he had been gently thereof admonished : banished him vnto the isle of scicilie , for as long time as it shold please the senate . and like as in sumptuous and goodly buildings , one stone falleth not without shaking of another , so it chaunceth likewise to men . for commonly one mischaunce commeth not alone , but that another immediately followeth . i speake it for this purpose , for that antigonus was not onely depriued of his honour , goods , and countrey , but also by an earth-quake , his house fell downe to the ground , and slewe his dearely beloued daughter . whilest both these mischaunces hapned , i meane the monster of scicily , and of the banishment of antigonus from rome , marke the emperour was in the warres against the argonantes : where hee receiued a letter from antigonus of his banishment : whereof the emperour was maruellous sorrie , as it appeareth by the aunswere which hee sent to comfort him . chap. iii. how marcus aurelius sought the wealth of his people , and how his people loued him . the second yeare that marke was elected emperour the xlv . of his age , when hee returned from the conquest of the germanes , and the argonants , from whence hee brought great riches and treasures to the romane empire , he to rest himselfe , and to appoint his men lay at salon , vntill such time as the romanes had prepared all thinges conuenient for such a glorious triumph : there was one thing done which neuer was seene in rome : for the same day of his triumph , his sonne comodus by the assent of the whole people of rome was chosen emperour after the death of his father . hee was not chosen at the request of his father , for he was against it : saying that the empire ought not to bee giuen for the merites of those which are deade , but hee should bee chosen for his owne good workes beeing aliue . this emperour sayde oftentimes that then rome should bee vndone , when the election shall be taken from the senate , and when the emperour shall enherite the empire by patrimonie . now to come to our matter , the emperour being at salon , trauelled much to bring his men into rome in good order : and rome was more careful for to receiue him triumphantly , and as it appertained to such a great conquest . he was meruellously wel-beloued of all the empire , and he alwayes studyed the wealth of his people , and they were alwayes most faithfull in his seruices . so that sundrie times there was a question moued in the senate : which of these two things was better , beloued : either the emperour of his people , or the people of their emperour . so that one day they appoynted two iudges in this case : the one was the embassadour of the parthes , and the other was the embassadour of the rhodes , and the information was giuen on both parts in writing . the emperour alleadged the great profite he had done to the common-wealth , and the many euills which hee had deliuered it from . on the other part the senators declared the good deeds they had done , in his absence , and the great loue they bare him alwayes in his presence . so likewise the emperour another day moued an other question to the senate , affirming that it was more glorie for him to haue such subiects , then for them to haue such an emperour . the senate denyed it , affirming that the comforte was greater which they had of him , then that which hee could haue of them . and in this wise the emperour gaue the glorie to his people , and the people gaue the glory to their emperour . thus merily this matter was reasoned of againe . it was a pleasaunt thing to heare the reasons wherewith each party proued his purpose . for the good emperour attributed the whole land , for a perpetuall memorie vnto the people , because of the great obedience , diligent seruice , and faithfull loue , which hee had found in them . and on the other parte the fortunate people , gaue the glory vnto the emperour , for his clemencie , and mercifulnesse , for his vprighteous gouerning , for his honestie of liuing , and for his stoute courage in conqueting . it was a thing worthy of noting , to beholde , how the people gaue the honour to their emperour , and how the emperour attributed the praise to his people . these matters were deliuered in trust to the straunge embassadors , to the ende that all people might learne to obey their princes , and also princes learne to loue theyr people : only to this end , that by such worthy examples ( as it is reason ) the better sorte should be encouraged , and the euill discomforted . thus the noble emperour prepared all things in readinesse , with his captaine and captiues , for his entring , and the people of rome made as great preparation for to receyue him . it was a maruellous thing for to see what people came forth of rome to meete him , and what infinit number were at salon to behold him . they that were at salon had their eyes there and their hearts at rome , and they that were at rome had their hearts at salon in such sort , that their hearts dazeled with that they saw , and their heartes also reioyced for that they hoped to see . for there is no greater torment to the heart , then when it is deferred from that which it greatly desired . chap. iiii. how at the intercession of many which the empresse had sent , the emperour graunted his daughter lucilla license to sport her selfe at the feasts . you shal vnderstand that the romanes vsed alwayes in the moneth of ianuary to permit that their emperours should triumph . and it chāced that at that time when they prepared for the triumph , faustine the empresse caused diuers noble barrons to demaund licence of the emperour , that her daughter might come from her mistresse , where shee was taught , to the feasts . her name was lucilla , who was elder then the prince comodus her brother . shee had a goodly iesture , she was well made in the body , and deerely beloued of her mother , whom shee resembled not onely in beauty , but also in liuing . though the request seemed to be reasonable , and those that made it his counsellours and great about him , and thogh him whom they asked was the father , and she that demaunded it was the mother , and shee for whom this request was made was the daughter : yet the emperour would not graunt it , but halfe against his will. faustine when shee had obtained licence was exceeding glad , & so soon as shee might possible , shee brought her daughter home vnto the pallace : and when the day of the great feast and solemne triumph came , the young damosell perceyuing her selfe at large without any gouernour , trusting in the innocency of her selfe , esteemed not the malice of any other man : but reioyced with those that reioyced , talked with them that talked , beheld thē that beheld her , and shee thought because shee meant euill to no man , that no man willed euill to her . in those dayes it was as great an offence for a maide of rome , to laugh in the company of men : as it was for a woman of grecia to be taken in adultery with a priest . so greatly was the honesty at that time of the romane matrones regarded , and the lightnes of the maydens was so detested , that they gaue more sharper punishment for one offence done openly , then for two which were committed in secret . amongst all other things , from these seuen the romane matrones did maruellously refraine , that is to say , from talking much at feasts , from greedie eating among strangers : from drinking wine whiles they were whole : from talking in secret with any man : from lifting vp their eyes in the temples : from gazing much out at the windows , and from wandring abroad without their husbands : for the woman that was apprehended in any of these things , was alwayes after counted as one defamed . there are many things suffered in persons of mean estate , which cannot be endured in those of higher degree : for ladies of high renowne cannot keepe the reputation of their estates , vnlesse they are maruellous circumspect in all their doings . all thinges that degenerate from their kind , deserue blame , but the dishonest woman meriteth infamy . if ladies will be counted ladies indeed let them know how much they excell others in riches , so much lesse license haue they then other to goe gadding in the streetes : for of a surety the aboundance of their riches , and the liberty of the persons , should not bee a spur to prouoke them to gad abroad , but rather a bridle to keepe them within . all this is spoken for this cause that lucilla , as a mayde tender and young , and faustine her mother , as one not very old , sometimes on foot and sometimes riding : sometimes openly , and now and then secrerly : sometimes with company , and at other times alone : sometimes by day , and oft times by night : vsed to foote the streetes of rome , to view the fields of vulcane , to sport them by the riuer of tyber : to gather the fruites in the orchardes of saturne , to suppe at the conduites of nero , and such other vagaries they vsed , the which thinges though their age did desire , and their idlenes allure them vnto : yet the grauity which ladies ought to haue should withdraw them from it . i will speake one thing , to the ende that other ladies and gentlewomen may take warning thereby : which is , that i cannot tell which was greater , eyther the small discretion which moued faustine and lucilla to wander in such sort about the streetes , or the audacity that euill men tooke thereby to talke of their persons , and doubt of their honesties . the keeping of women in their houses , is like vnto a bridle to holde still euill mens tongues . the woman that is a strayer abroad , putteth her good name in much danger . of truth it were better for a woman neuer to be borne , then to liue with an euill name . among all the families of the ancient romanes , that of the cornelians was counted most fortunate , for among the men there was neuer any found a coward , nor among the women any that was defamed . the historiographers say , that there was one woman of that linage onely , for beeing light in her behauiour , was by the handes of her owne parents executed , and put to death . surely , it was well done of the romanes , to the intent that the lightnesse of one woman alone , should not defame the whole family . where as is noblenesse and honesty : there the matters that touch the honour , ought not to tarry whiles they bee remedied by iustice : but from that man or woman which among all hath lost his good name , from the number of the liuing he ought also to be taken . it is not sufficient for one to himselfe to be good : but it is requisite that hee giue no occasion to others to iudge him to be euill . all the losses of temporall goods that chance vnto men in this life , ought not to be compared with a little blemish of a mans good name . the man that hazardeth for a trifle his good name in this world , shal at a būdred shootes scarsly shoote one right . and contrariwise , that man that hath lost his honesty , and that esteemeth not the reputation of his person , truly from him we shall neuer see any good thing proceed . now the emperour like vnto a wise shippe-master , fearing after the great calmes some tempestuous storme : seeing the lightnesse of his daughter , and vanitie of the mother ( i meane in the time of this great mirth and gladnesse ) feared least any infamy should ensue vnto these two ladies . and for a surety hee doubted not without a cause : for it is an infallible rule of enuious fortune for to giue vs in many yeares a little prosperity , to the entent that afterwardes suddenly and at vnawares shee may bring vs into some great aduersity . by experience dayly we see , that the sea is seldome times calme : but immediately there followeth some perillous tempest . the extreame heate of the day doth prognosticate , that terrible thunder is the euentide . i meane , when fortune doth flatter vs with her golden pilles : it is a token that shee intendeth to catch vs in her snares . the mylner before the banke broken repayreth the dammes . the husband man before it raineth , thacketh his house , fearing the snow and raine that is to come . so likewise the sage man ought to cōsider that during this life he hath prosperitie but by leaue and aduersity , as by patrimony . marcus aurelius among all other men was hee that knew how to enioy prosperity , and also to preuaile of aduersity . though fortune gaue him much prosperitie , yet he neuer trusted therein , nor for any troubles that euer he receyued in this life , he was at any time abashed . chap. v. of the sharpe words which marcus aurelius spake to his wife , and to his daughter . when the triumphes before named were finished , this good emperour then beeing willing to vnburden his heart , and to aduise faustine , and to teach the yong damosell his daughter , and to the end , that no man should heare it , he called them a part , and sayde vnto them these words . i am not content faustine with that thy daughter did , nor yet with that which thou hast done , being her mother . the daughters if they will bee counted for good children , must learne to obey their fathers : and the mothers if they will be counted good mothers , must learn to bring vp their daughters well . when the mother is honest , and the daughter shamefast , the father is excused in giuing counsell . it is great shame to the father being a man , that the mother ( beeing a woman ) should chastife his sonne . and this is a great reproach to the mother , that the daughter should bee chastised by the hands of any man. there was a law enacted amongst the rhodians , that neyther the fathers should haue to do with the daughters , nor the mothers with the sonnes , but the men vsed to bring vp the men , and the women the women . and in such wise , that they abiding all in one house , it seemeth vnto the fathers , that they had no daughters , and vnto the mothers that they had no sonnes . oh rome , rome , i bewaile thee not to see thy streets vnpaued , nor to see thy houses so decayed , nor to see thy battlements so fallen downe , nor thy timber hewed downe , not for the diminishing of the inhabitants : for all this time bringeth , and time taketh away , but i weepe for thee againe , to see thee vnpeopled of good-fathers and vnprouided in the nourishing of their children . rome beganne to decay , when the discipline of sonnes and daughters was enlarged , and that their bridle was set at libertie . for there is now such boldnes in boyes , and so little shamefastnes in gyrles , with dishonestie of the mothers : that whereas one father sufficed for xx . sonnes , and one mother for xx . daughters : now xx . fathers dare scarcely vndertake to bring vp well one sonne , and xxx . mothers one daughter . i say this to you faustine , you remember not how you are a mother : for , you giue more libertie to your daughter then ought to bee suffered and now lucilla , remember not how you are a daughter : for you shew to haue more libertie then requireth for a young maiden . the greatest gift that the gods haue giuen to the matrones of rome is , because that they are women , they keepe themselues close and secret , & because they are romanes they are shamefast . the day when the women want the feare of the gods secretlie , and shame of men openly beleeue me they shall either faile the world , or the world them . the common wealth requireth it of great necessity , that the women which therein inhabite should bee as honest , as the captaines valiant : for the captaines going to warre defend them , and the women which abide at home conserue them . as now foure yeares passed you saw this great pestilence , and i demaunded then to haue account of the people , and i found that of a c. and xl . m. honest women lxxx . m. dyed , and of x. m. dishonest women , in a manner they scaped all : i cannot tell for which i should weep , eyther for the lacke that wee haue of the good and vertuous women in our common wealth , or else for the great hurt and dammages that these euill and wicked women doe to the youth of rome . the fire that burneth in mount ethna , doth not so much endamage those that dwell in scicill , as one euill woman doth within the walls of rome . a fierce beast and a perillous enemie to the common wealth is an evill woman , for shee is of power to commit all euils , and nothing apt to doe any good . o how many realmes and kingdomes reade wee of , which by the euill behauiours of one woman haue been lost , and to resist against them , there hath beene neede both of wisedome , perils , money , and force of many men . the vices in a woman is as a green reede , that boweth euery way : but the lightnes and dishonesty is as a dry kyxe that breaketh , in such wise that the more euill they vtter , the more vnlikely is the amendment therof . beholde faustine , there is no creature that more desireth honour , and worse keepeth it , then a woman , and that this is true , wee see by iustice , by orations , by writing , and other trauells , man getteth fame and renowm : but without it bee by flattering , and faire speaking , this houre by auncient wryters we can read of few women or none , which eyther by writing , reading , working with needle , spinning , or by weauing , haue gotten them any great renowme . but euen i say of one , so i say of another , certainly of diuers we reade , by keeping themselues closed in their houses , being well occupyed in their busines , temperate & modest in their wordes , faithfull to their husbandes , well-ordered in theyr persons , peaceable with their neighbours , and finally for beeing honest amongst their owne familie , and shamefast amongst strangers , they haue obtained great renown in their life time , and left perpetuall memorie of them after their death . i will tell you an ancient history as profitable to restraine your vices , as it did then augment vertues , which is this : the realme of the lacedemonians saieth plato : was a long time as dissolute through the vnthriftines of the women-kinde , as infamed by the vices of the men : so that of all nations they were both called and esteemed barbarous , what time greece of the phylosophers , was called the mother of phylosophers . lycurgus , a moste wise phylosopher in knowledge , and a right iust king concerning his gouernāce , partly with his doctrine very profitable , and partly with his life most pure , ordayned lawes in the said realm , whereby hee expelled all vices , and planted all vertues . i cannot tell which of these two were most happyest , the king hauing so obedient people , or else the realme to haue so worthie a king ? amongst other lawes for women , hee enacted one worthy of high commendations : the wich commaunded that the father which dyed , should giue nothing to his daughter : and an other , that neyther liuing nor dying , hee should giue any money to marrie her withall : to the intent that none should take her for her goods , but only for her vertues : and not for her beautie , but for her good qualities : whereas now some are forsaken , because they be poore , so then they abode vnmarryed , because they were vicious . oh time worthie to bee desired : when maydens hoped not to be marryed with their fathers goods , but by the vertuous works of their owne persons : this was the time called the golden worlde : when neither the daughter feared to be disinerited by the father in his life , nor the father to dye sorrowfull , for leauing her without dowrie at his death . oh rome , treble accursed bee hee that first brought gold into thy house , and cursed be he that first beganne to hoord vp treasures . who hath made rome to be so rich of treasures , and so poor of vertues ? who hath caused noble-men to marry the plebeyans , and to leaue the daughters of senatours vnmaried ? what hath made that the rich mans daughter is demaunded vnwilling , and the daughter of a poor man none will desire : what hath caused that one marryeth a foole , with . marks , rather then a wise woman with ten thousand vertues : then i will not say that in this case the flesh vanquished the flesh : but i say that vanitie is ouercome of malice . for , a couetous person will now-adayes rather take a wife that is rich and foule , then one that is poore and faire ? oh vnhappy woman that bringeth forth children , and more vnhappie be the daughters that are born , the which to take in marriage no man desireth : neyther for the bloud of their predecessors , nor the fauor of their friends , nor the worthinesse of their persons , nor the puritie of their liues . oh wicked world , where the daughter of a good-man without money shal haue no mariage : but it was not wont to bee so . for , in the olde time when they treated of marriages : first they spake of the persons , and afterward of the goods : not as they do at this present in this vnhappie time . for now they speak first of the goods , and last of all of the persons . in the said golden-world , first they spake of the vertues , that the person was endued with , and when they were marryed , as it were in sporte , they would speake of the goods . when camillus triumphed ouer the gaules , he had then but one sonne , and he was such a one that his deserts merited great praise : and for the renowm of his father , diuers kings desired to haue him to their sonnes , and diuers senators desired to haue him to their sonnes in law . this yong man , being of the age of thirty years , and the father at . was importunately styrred by his naturall friendes , and desires of strange kings , for to marie him : but alwayes the olde camille withstood the counsell of his friends , and the importunitie of the straungers . when it was demaunded , why he determined not vpon some marriage for his sonne : sith thereby should ensue the quyet life of the man , and the ioy and comforte of himselfe , in his age : he aunswered them thus , i will not marry my sonne , because some offer mee rich daughters , some noble of lynage , some young , and some fayre . but there is none hath sayde to mee , i giue you my vertuous daughter . certainely gamille merited triumph , for that hee did , and deserued eternall memory for that he said . i spake to you faustine , all these wordes , because i see you leade your daughter to theaters and playes , and bring her into the capitol you put her to the keeping of the sword players : you suffer her to see the tumblers , and yet doe not remember that shee is young , and you not too aged , you goe into the streetes without licence , and sport you by the riuers : i find no villany therein , nor thinke that your daughter is euill but i say it , because you giue occasion that she should not bee good . beware , beware faustine , neuer trust to the race of flesh of young people : nor haue no confidence in old folkes , for there is no better way then to flye the occasion of all things . for this intent the virgins vestals are closed vp betweene the walles , to eschew the occasions of open places , not to bee more light and foolish , but to bee more sad and vertuous , flying occasions . the young shall not say , i am young and vertuous : nor the olde shall not say , i am olde and broken : for of necessity the drie flaxe will burne in the fire , and the greene flagge smoke in the flame . i say , though a man be a diamond set among men , yet of necessity hee ought to bee quicke , and to melte as waxe in the heate among women . wee cannot deny that though the wood bee taken from the fire , and the imbers quenched : yet neverthelesse the stones oftentimes remaine hote . in likewise the flesh , though it bee chastised with hote and drie diseases , consumed by many yeares with trauell , yet concupiscence abideth still in the bones . what neede is it to blaze the vertues , and deny our naturalities ? certainely there is not so olde a horse , but if hee see a mare will neigh once or twice : there is no man so young nor old but let him see fayre young damsels , eyther hee will giue a sigh , or a wish , in all voluntary things i deny not but that one may bee vertuous : but in naturall thinges i confesse euery man to be weake . when you take the wood from the fire , it leaueth burning : when sommer commeth , the colde winter ceaseth , when the sea is calme , the waues leaue their vehement motions : when the sunne is set , it lightneth not the world. i will say then , and not before , the flesh wil cease to trouble vs , when it is layde in the graue : of the flesh wee are borne , in the flesh wee liue , and in the flesh wee shall dye : and therby it followeth , that our good life shall sooner end , then our fleshlie desires forsake vs : oftentime some wholesome flesh corrupteth in an euil vessell , and good wine sometimes sauoureth of the foist . i say , though that the workes of our life bee vertuous , yet shall wee feele the stench of the weake flesh , i spake this , faustine , sith that age cannot resist those hote apetites , how can the tender members of youth resist them ? vnlesse you that are the mother goe the right way , how should the daughter that followeth you find it ? the romane matrones , if that they will bring vppe their daughters well , ought for to keepe and obserue these rules , when they doe see that they would wander abroade , that they breake their legges , and if that they should bee gazing , then put out their eyes : and if they will listen , stop their eares : if they will giue or take , cut off their hands : if they dare speake , sowe vp their mouthes : if they will pretend any lightnes , burie them quicke : death ought to be giuen to an euill daughter , in steade of a dowrie : for gyftes , giue her wormes , and for her house , a graue . take heed faustine if you will haue much ioy of your daughter , take from her all the occasions wherby she shall be euil . to vnderset a house , behoueth diuers proppes : and if the principalls be taken away , it will fall downe : i say you women are so fraile , that with keepers , with great paine they can keepe themselues : and for a small occasion they will lose altogether . oh how many euill hath there bin , not for that they would be so , but because they followed such occasions , the which they ought to haue eschewed . it is at my pleasure to enter into this battel but yet it is not in my power to attaine the victorie , it is for mee to enter into the sea , yet it lyeth not in my hands to escape the perill : it is in the hands of a woman to enter into the occasion , and after that shee is therin , it is not in her power to escape from euill , nor to deliuer her from tongues . peraduenture faustine , thou wilt say vnto mee , none can speake to your daughter lucilla , vnlesse thou hearest it , nor see her but thou seest him , nor conuey her , but thou knowest where : nor make any appoyntment , without thy consent : and yet thou knowest , that those which will her euill , seeke with their tongues to dishonour her : and those that with their heartes loue her , speake only in their harts . wee loue in young bloud , in the spring time , and flourishing youth is a poyson , that forthwith spreadeth into euery vaine , it is an herbe that entreth into the entrailes , a swouning that incontinently mortifieth all the members and a pestilence that slaieth the hearts : and finally , it maketh an end of all vertues . i know not what i say : but i feele that which i would say , for i would neuer blaze loue with my tongue , except i were sore wounded therewith in my heart . ouid sayeth in his booke of the art of loue , loue is i wot not what , it it commeth i know not from whence , who sent it i wot not , it engendreth i know not how : it is satisfied i know not wherewith : it is self , and i know not how , oft it slayeth , i know not wherefore : and finally , without breaking the flesh outwardly , loue taketh roote , and molesteth the heart inwardly . i know not what ouid meaneth hereby , but i know when he sayde these words , he was as farre banished from himselfe , as i am at this time from my selfe . o faustine , they that loue together , vtter the secrets of their hearts by diuers wayes , and in sleeping they reason and speake by signes , they vnderstand each other . the many wordes outwardly declare small loue inwardly , and the seruent inward loue keepeth silence outward . the entrailes within embraced with loue , cause the tongue outward to be mute : hee that passeth his life in loue , ought to keepe his mouth close . and to the entent that you shall not thinke , that i speake fables : i will prooue this by auncient histeries , we find anciently , that in the yeare cclxx . after the foundation of rome , etrasco a young romane that was dumbe , and verona a fayre lady of the latines which was dumb also : these two saw each other on the mount celio at the feastes , and there fell in loue together , and their hearts were as sore fixed and entangled in loue , as their tongnes were tyed from speech . it was a maruellous thing to see then , and fearefull to note now that this young lady came from salon to rome : and he went from rome to salon , sundry times by the space of . yeares , without the knowledge of any person , and neuer spake together . it chanced at the last , that the husbande of the lady verona dyed , and the wife of etrasco also , and then they discouered their loue , and treated a marriage betweene them . and these two dumbe persons had issue a sonne of whom descended the noble lynage of our scipions , which were more famous in the seates of armes , then their father and mother were troubled for want of words . then faustine marke this thing , it had little auayled to haue cut out the tongues of the two dumbe persons to haue remedied their loue , and not to haue cut our their hearts . and i shall tell you of masinissa , a worthy knight of numidie , and sophonissa a famous lady of carthage , all onely by one sight as they saw each other on a ladder , hee declareth his desire vnto her , and she knowing his lust , breaking the ores of feare , and lifting vp the anchors of shame , raysed incontinent the sayles of their hearts , and with the shippes of their persons they ioyned each to other , heere wee may see how the first sight of their eyes , the knowledge of their persons , the consent of their hearts , the copulation of their bodies , the decay of their estates , and the losse of their names , in one day , in one houre , in one moment , and in one steppe of a ladder , were lost : what will you that i say more to this purpose ? doe you not know what helen the greeke and paris the troian of two straunge nations , and of farre countries , with the one onely sight in a temple their willes were so knitte together , that hee tooke her as his captiue , and shee abode his prisoner . in paris appeared but small sorce , and in helene but small resistance : so that in a manner those two yong persons , the one procuring to vainquish , and the other in suffering to bee vanquished : paris was the causer of his fathers destruction , and both of their own deaths , losse and damage to both their realmes , and slaunder to all the world . all this loue grew of one onely sight . when great king alexander would haue giuen battell to the amazones , the queene ( captaine of them ) no lesse faire then strong and vertuous , came to a riuers-side : and the space of an houre each of them beheld the other , with their eyes , without vttering of any worde . and when they returned to theyr tents , their fiercenes was turned into sweete amorous words . when pyrrus the faithfull defender of the tharrentines , and renowmed king of the epyrotes was in italie , he came into naples , and had not beene there but one day , but hee was enamoured of a faire lady named gemelicia , of a high linage and greatly esteemed for her beautie , and the very same day she was gotten with childe , and shamed throughout all italie , and cast out of the cittie : and after that she was deliuered of childe , she was slaine by one of her owne bretheren . also queene cleopatra in the prouince of bythinia , in the wood sechin , made a goodly banket to marcus anthonius her louer , and though shee was not very honest of her selfe , yet had shee with her chast women . and thus the banket endured a great parte of the night . now the wood being thicke , young damzels were not so wily to hide thē , but the yōg men romains found them : so that of . daughters of the senators . were goten with child among the thicke bushes , which thing made a great slaunder in the people , and augmented the infamy of marcus anthonius . thus as i haue shewed of a small number , i could say of many other . all men are not men , nor all women are not women . i speake it , because i would it should bee saide , let it touch them that it toucheth , and let them that come vnderstand me . there are som ships which are so light that they will sayle with a little winde . and there bee other some milles that will grinde with a little water . i say there bee some women so brickle , that as a glasse with a philip will breake , and will slippe with a little mire . tell mee faustine , haue you suffered your daughter to speake but with her vncles , and keepe company but with her cousins ? i say in this case , that the mother is in as much blame , as the daughter in perill . doe you not know , that the hote fire doth not forbeare the wood , bee it wet or drie : but in like manner it consumeth the hard stones . doe you not know that the extreame hunger causeth beasts to deuoure with their owne teeth the thing that was bredde in their entrals ? doe you not know , that the gods made a law ouer all things , except ouer louers , because they may not abide it : and doubtles much more then i haue sayde . and diuers times mee thinkes i should fall downe , because i dare not weepe with mine eyes , yet i feele it inwardly in my heart . i would faine commune with thee in diuers things : come i pray thee to briette , to the entent that wee may speake together : and sith it hath pleased the gods to take my child from mee that i loued so well , i would counsell with thee that art my louing friend . but fewe dayes passed , there came thither an ambassadour from the rhodes , to whom i gaue the most part of my horses : and from the farthest part of spaine , there were brought me eight : of the which i send thee foure . i would they were such as might please thee : the gods be thy safeguard , and send mee and my wise some comfort . marcus aurelius right sorrowfull hath written this with his owne hand . chap. vi. a letter sent by marcus aurelius emperour to catullus censorius , of the newes which were at that time in rome . marcus the new censor , to thee catullus now aged , sendeth salutations . there are ten dayes past , that in the temple of god ianus i receyued thy letter : and i take the same god to witnesse , that i had rather haue seene thy person : thou desiredst that my letters may belong but the shortnesse of time maketh mee to aunswere thee more briefly , then i would . thou willest mee to giue thee knowledge of the newes here . thereto i aunswere , that it were better to demaund , if there were any thing remayning here in rome , or italy , that is old : for now by our euill destinies , all that is good and olde , is ended : and new things which bee euill , now beginne : the emperour , the consull , the tribune , the senators , the ediles , the flamines , the pretours and centurions , all things be new saue the vertues which be old . wee passe the time in making new officers , in deuising new counsels , and in raysing new subsidies . in such wise that there hath beene now more nouelties within these . yeares , then in times passed in . yeares : we now assemble together . to counsell in the capitoll , and there wee bragge and boast , sweare and promise that wee will exalt the vertuous , and subdue the vitious , fauour the right , & not winke at the wrong , punish the euil , and reward the good , repaire old , and edifie new , plucke vices vp by the rootes , and to plant vertues , to amend the olde , and follow the good , reproue tyrants , and assist the poore : and when that wee are gone from thence , they that speake best words are often taken with the worst deedes . o wicked rome , that now a dayes hath such senators , which in saying we will doe , we will doe , passe their i for & so euery man seeking his owne profit forgetteth the weale publike : oftentimes i am in the senate to beholde others as they regarde mee : and i do maruell much to heare the eloquence of their words , the zeale of iustice , and the iustification of their persons : and after that i come thence , i am ashamed to see their secret extortiōs , their damnable thoughts , and their euill workes . and yet there is another thing of more maruell , and not to be suffered , that such persons as are most defamed and vse most wicked vices , with their most damnable intentions make their auowes to doe most extreame iustice . it is an infallible rule , and of humane malice most vsed : that hee that is most hardy for to committe greatest crimes , is most cruell to giue sentence against an other for the same offence . wee thinke that wee behold our owne faults , as through small nettes , which cause things to seeme the lesse : but we beholde the faultes of others in the water , that causeth them to seeme greater . oh how many haue i seene condemned by the senate , for one small fault , done in all their life : and yet they themselues commit the same euery houre . i haue read in the time of king alexander the great , there was a renowmed pyrate on the sea , called dyonides , the which robbed and spoiled al the shipping that hee could get : and by commaundement of this good king alex : there was an armie sent foorth to take him . and when he was taken and presented to k. alexander , the king sai●e vnto him , shew me dyonides , why dost thou so spoyle on the sea , that no ship can sayle out of the east into the west for thee ? the pyrate aunswered , and sayde : if i spoyle the sea , why doest thou alexander rob both the sea and land also ? o alexander , because i fight with one shippe in the sea , i am called a thiefe : and because thou robbest with two hundreth ships on the sea , and troublest all the world with . men , thou art called an emperour . i sweare vnto thee alexander , if fortune were as fauourable to me , and the gods as extreame against thee : they would giue mee thine empyre , and giue thee my little shippe : and then peraduenture i should bee a better king then thou art , and thou become a worse thiefe then i am . these were high words , and well receyued of alexander : and of truth to see if his wordes were correspondent to his promises , hee made him of a pyrate a great captaine of an armie , and hee was more vertuous on land , then he was cruell on the seas . i promise thee catullus , alexander did right well therein , and dyonides was to bee praised greatly for that hee had saide . now-adayes in italie they that robbe openly are called lords , and they that robbe priuilie , are commonly called theeues . in the annales of liuius i haue read , that in the second troublous warre punicke , between the romanes and the carthagenians , there came an ambassadour lusitaine sent from spaine , and to treate of accord of peace . when hee came to rome , he proued before the senate , that sith hee entred into italy , he had bin ten times robbed of his goods : and whiles he was at rome , he had seene one of them that robbed him , hang vpanother that had defended him . hee seing so euill a deed , and how the theefe was saued without iustice : as a desperate man tooke a cole , and wrote vpon the gybet as followeth . o gybet , thou art planted among theeues , nourished among theeues , squared of theeues , wrought of theeues , and hanged full of innocents , with innocents . the originall of these wordes are in the history of liuius , where the whole decade was written with blacke inke , and these words with redde vermelion . i cannot tell what other newes i should send thee , but that euery thing is so new and so tender , and it ioyned with so euill sement , that i feare mee , all will fall suddenly to the ground . i tell thee that some are suddenly risen within rome vnto honour , whose fal i dare rather assure then life : for all buildinges hastily made , cannot bee sure . the longer a tree is kept in his kinde , the longer it will bee ere it bee olde . the trees whose fruite wee eate in summer , doe warme vs in winter : oh how many haue wee seene , wherof we haue maruelled of their rising , and beene abashed at their falles . they haue growne as a whole peece , and suddenly wasted as a skumme . their felicity hath beene but a short moment , and their infortune as a long life . finally , they haue made a mille , and layde on the stones of increase , and after a little grinding , left it vnoccupied all the yeare after , thou knowest well , my friend catullus , that wee haue seene cincius fuluius in one yeare made consull , and his children tribunes , his wife a matrone for young maydens : and besides that , made keeper of the capitoll : and after that not in one yeare , but the same day we saw cincius beheaded in the place , his children drowned in tiber , his wife banished from rome , his house razed down to the ground , and all his goods confiscated to the common treasury . this rigorous example wee haue not read in any booke , to take a copie of it , but wee haue seene it with our eyes , to keepe it in our minds . as the nations of people are variable , so are the conditions of men diuers . and mee thinketh this is true , seeing that some loue , some hate , and that some seeke , some eschew : and that some set little by , other make much store . in such wise , that all cannot bee content with one thing , nor some with all things cannot be satisfied . let euery man chuse as him list , & embrace the world when hee will , i had rather mount a soft pace to the falling , and if i cannot come thereto , i will abide by the way , rather then with the sweat to mount hastily , and then to tumble downe headlong . in this case sith mens hearts vnderstand it : we neede not to write further with pennes . and of this matter , marke not the little that i doe say , but the great deale that i will say . and sith i haue begunne , and that thou art in strange lands , i will write thee all the newes from hence . this yeare the . day of may , there came an ambassadour out of asia , saying hee was of the isle of cetin , a baron right proper of body , ruddy of aspect , and hardy of courage : hee considered being at rome , thogh the summers dayes were long , yet winter would draw on , and then would it bee daungerous sayling into this isle , and saw that his busines was not dispatched : on a day beeing at the gate of the senate , seeing all the senators enter into the capitoll , without any armour vpon them , he as a man of good spirite , and zelator of his country , in the presence of vs all sayd these words : o fathers conscript : o happie people , i am come from a straunge countrey to rome ; only to see rome : and i haue found rome without rome . the walles wherewith it is inclosed hath not brought mee hither , but the fame of them that gouerne it : i am not come to see the treasury : wherein is the treasure of all realmes : but i am come to see the sacred senat , out of the which issueth counsell for al men : i came not to see it , because yee vanquish other : but because i thought you more vertuous then all other . i dare well say one thing , except the gods make me blinde and trouble my vnderstanding , yee bee not romanes of rome , nor this is not rome of the romanes your predecessors . wee haue heard in our isle , that diuers realmes haue beene wonne by the valiantnes of one , and conserued by the wisedome of all the senate : and at this houre you are more likely to lose , then to winne as your fathers did . al their exercise was in goodnes , and yee that are their children passe all your time in ceremonies : i say this yee romanes , because you haue almost killed me with laughing at you , to see how you doe all as much your diligence to leaue your armour without the gate of the senate , as your predecessors did take to them to defend the empire . what profite is it to you to leaue off these armours which hurt the bodies , and to put on them those which kill all the world ? what profiteth it to the carefull suiter , that the senator entreth vnarmed into the senat without sword or dagger , and his hart entreth into the senate armed with malice . o romanes , i will that you know that in our isle wee esteeme you not as armed captaines , but as malitious senators . you feare vs not with sharpe golden swords and daggers , but with hard hearts , and venemous tongues : if yee should in the senate put on harnesse , and therewith take away our liues it were but a smal losse , seing that you sustaine not the innocents , nor dispatch not the businesse of suiters : i cannot suffer it , i cannot tell in what state yee stand here at rome : for in our isle we take armour from fooles whether your armours are taken away as from fooles or mad folks , i know not : if it bee done for ambitiousnesse , it commeth not of romanes but of tirants : that wranglers and irefull folke should be iudges ouer the peaceable ; and the ambitious ouer the meeke , & the malitious ouer the simple ? if it be done because you are fooles , it is not in the lawes of the gods , that three hundred fooles should gouerne three hundred thousand wise men . it is a long season that i haue tarried for mine answere and licence , and by your delayes i am now further off , then i was the first day . wee bring oyle , honey saffron , wood , and timber , salte , siluer : and solde out of our isle into rome , and yee will that wee goe else where for to seeke iustice . yee will haue one law to gather your rents , and another to determine your iustice : yee will that wee pay our tributes in one day , and yee will not discharge one of our errands in a whole yeare . i require you romans , determine your selues to take away our liues , & so wee shall ende : or else heare our complaints , to the intent that we may serue you . for in another manner it may be , that ye know by hearing with your eares , which peraduenture yee would not see with your eyes . and if yee thinke my wordes be out of measure , so that ye will remedie my countrey , i set not by my life . and thus i make an ende . verily friend catullus , these bee the words that he spake vnto the senate , which i gate in wryting . i say of truth that the hardinesse which the romains were wont to haue in other countreys , the same ( as now ) strangers haue in rome . there were that saide that this embassadour should bee punished , but god forbid : that for saying trueth in my presence , he should haue beene corrected . it is ynough , and too much too , to suffer these euils , though wee slea not , and persecute those that aduertise and warne vs of them . the sheepe are not in surery of the wolfe , but if the shephearde haue his dogge with him . i meane , dogges ought not to leaue barking , for to awaken the shepheards . there is no god commaundeth , nor law counselleth , nor common-wealth suffereth , that they which are committed to chastice lyers , should hang them that say trouth . and sith the senatours shewe themselues men in their liuing , and sometimes more humane then others that bee slaues , who else should deliuer them , from chasticement . oh rome , and no rome , hauing nothing but the name of rome : where is now become the noblenesse of thy triumphs , the glorie of thy children , the rectitude of thy iustice , and the honor of thy tēples ? for as now they chastice him more that murmureth against one onely senatour , then they do them that blaspheme all the gods at once . for it grieueth mee more to see a senatour or censor to bee worst of all other : then it displeaseth mee that it should be saide , that hee is the best of all other . for a trueth i say to thee my friend catullus , that now we need not to seek to the gods in the temples , for the senators are made gods in our hands there is a difference betweene them that bee immortall , and they that be mortal . for the gods neuer do thing that is euill , and the senatours do neuer any thing well . the gods neuer lye , and they neuer say trueth . the gods pardon often , and they nouer forgiue : the gods are content to be honoured fiue times in the yeare , and the senatours would bee honoured tenne times a day . what wilt thou that i say more ? but whatsoeuer the gods doe , they ought to bee praised : and the senatours in all their workes deserue to be reproued . finally , i conclude that the gods are constant in euery thing , and erre and faile in nothing : and the senatours assure nothing , but erre in all things . onely in one thing the senators are not of reason to be chasticed , and that is : when they intend not to amend their faultes , they will not suffer the oratours to waste theyr time to shew them the truth . bee it as may be , i am of that opinion , that what man or woman withdraweth their eares from hearing the truth , impossibls it is for them to applye their hearts to loue any vertues : bee it censour that iudgeth , or senatour that ordaineth , or emperor that commaundeth , or consul that executeth , or oratour that preacheth . no mortall man , take hee neuer so good heede to his workes , nor reason so well in his desires , but that hee deserueth some chastisement , for some cause , or counsell in his doings . and sith i haue written vnto thee thus of others . i will somewhat speake of my selfe , because of the words of thy letter . i haue gathered that thou desirest to know of my person . know thou for certaine , that in the kalends of ianuary , i was made censor in the senate , the which office i desired not , nor i haue deserued it . the opinion of all wise men is , that no man without he lacke wit , or surmounteth in folly , will gladly take on him the burthen and charges of other men . a greater cause it is for a shamefast man to take on him an office to please euery man : for hee must shew acountenance outward , contrary to that hee thinketh inward . thou wilt say , that the good are ordained for to take the charge of offices . o vnhappie rome , that hath willed to take mee in such wise , as to be the best in it . grieuous pestilence ought to come for them that be good , sith i am escaped as good among the euill , i haue accepted this office , not for that i had neede thereof , but to fulfill the commaundement of antoninus my grandfather . haue no maruell of any thing that i doe , but of that i leaue to bee done : for euery man that is wedded to faustine , there is no villany but he shall doe it , i sweare to thee , that sith the day wee were wedded , me seemeth that i haue no wit. i leaue wedding for this time , and returne to speake of offices : surely , a peaceable man ought to bee in offices , though it be painefull : for as the offices are assured among them that bee vertuous , so perillously goeth the vertuous folke among offices : and for the truth hereof reckon what they winne , and then thou shalt see what they lose . say that is good , if thou knowest it , and heare the euill , if thou desire to know it . hee that will take the charge for to gouerne other , seeketh thought and trouble for himselfe , enuie for his neighbours , spurres for his enemies , pouerty for his riches , a waking for theeues , perill for his body , end of his dayes , and torment for his great renowne . finally , hee seeketh a way to reiect his friends , and a repeale to recouer his enemies . o vnhappy man is hee , that taketh on him the charge of children of many mothers , for he shall bee alwayes charged with thoughtes , how he should content them all : full of sighes , because one hath to giue him : feare that one should take from him , weeping if he lose , and feare that they infame him , hee that knoweth this , without long tarrying ought to set a bridle in his head . but i say of one as i say of another : for i will sweare , and thou wilt not deny it , that wee may finde some now a dayes that had rather bee in the parke to fight against the bulles , then be in surety vpon the scaffold , ostentimes i haue heard say : go wee to the theaters to runne at the buls : goe wee to chase the harts & wilde bores : and when they come thither they runne away , not the beastes from them , but they from the beasts , in such wise as they went running , they returne againe flying . i say , these ambitious persons procure for to gouerne , and are gouerned : they commaund , and are commaunded , they rule and are ruled : and finally , thinking to haue diuers vnder their hands , these wretches put themselues vnder euery mans foote . for the remedy of all these perils , my thoughtes are comforted with one thing , and that is , without procuring or offering my selfe , he senate of their own will hath commaunded mee . in the eight table of our auncient laws by these wordes . wee commaund that in our sacred senate , charge of iustice bee neuer giuen to him that willinglie offereth him selfe to it , but to such as by great deliberation are chosen . this is certainely a iust law : for men be now not so vertuous , not so louing to the common wealth , that they will forget their own quietnes and rest , doing damage to themselues , to procure another mans profite . there is none so foolish that will leaue his wife , children , and his owne sweet countrey , to gee into straunge countries : but if hee see himselfe among strange people , thinking vnder the colour of iustice to seeke for his owne vtility . i say not this without weeping , that the princes with their small study and thought , and the iudges with their couetousnesse , haue vndermined and shaken downe the high wals of the policie of rome . o my friend catullus , what wilt thou that i shall say , but that our credence so diminisheth , our couetousnesse so largely stretcheth , our hardinesse so boldneth , our shamefastnesse so shamelesse , that wee prouide for iudges to go and rob our neighbours , as captaines against our enemies : i let thee to know , where as rome was beloued for chastising the euill , now it is as much hated for spoiling the good . i doe remember that i reade in the time of dennis siracusan , that ruleth all scicill , there came an ambassadour from rhodes to rome , being of a good age , wel learned , and valiaunt in armes , and right curious to note all things . he came to rome to see the maiesty of the sacred senate , the height of the high capitoll , enuironed with the colliset : the multitude of senators , the wisedome of the counsellors , the glory of triumphes , the correction of the euill , the peace of the inhabitants , the diuersity of nations , the aboundance of the mantenance , the order of the offices : and finally , seeing that rome was rome , hee was demaunded how hee thought thereby ? he answered , and sayde ; o rome , at this present world thou art ful of vertuous and wise men , hereafter thou shalt bee furnished with fooles . loe what high and very high words were these : rome was seuen hundred yeares without any house of fooles , and now it hath beene three hundred yeares without any wise or vertuous man. looke what i say , it is no mockery , but of truth , if the pittifull gods now a dayes did raise our predecessors from death to life , eyther they would not know vs for their children , or else they would attach vs for fooles . these be things vsed in rome , but thou sendest no word of that is vsed in agripine . i will write nothing vnto thee to put thee to paine : write to me some thing to reioyce me , if thy wi●e dimisila chanced well of the flote that came out of cetin with salt , oyle , and honey , i haue well prouided for her : wilt thou know that flodius our vncle was cast downe by the rage of his horse , and is deceased . laercia and colliodorus are friendes together by occasion of a marriage . i doe sende thee a gunne , i doe pray to the gods to send thee ioy thereof . my wife faustine saluteth thee . recommend mee to iamiro thy sonne : the gods haue thee in keeping , and and sinister fortune bee from me . marcus thy friend , to thee catullus his own . chap. vii . marcus aurelius writeth to the amorous ladies of rome . mark orator , reading in rhodes the art of humanity , to you amorous ladies of rome , wisheth health to your persons , and amendmēt of your desired liues . it was written to mee that at the feast of the mother berecinthia , all you being present together , made a play of mee , in which you layed my life for an example , and slaundred my renowne . it is tolde mee that auilina composed it , lucia fuluia wrote it , and thou toringua did sing it , and you altogether into the theater did present it . you brought mee forth painted in sundry formes , with a booke in my hand turned contrary , as a fained philosopher , with a long tongue , as a bold speaker without measure : with a horn in my head as a common cuckolde , with a nettle in my hand , as a trembling louer , with a banner fallen down as a coward captaine : with my beard halfe shauen , as a feminate man , with a cloth before my eyes as a condemned foole : and yet not content with this , another day yee brought mee foorth portracted with another new deuise : yee made a figure of mine , with feete of straw , the legges of amber , the knees of wood , the thighes of brasse , the belly of horne , the armes of pitch , the hands of mace , the head of yron : the eares of an asse , the eyes of a serpent , the heares of rootes ●agged , the teeth of a catte , the tongue of a scorpion , and the forehead of lead in which was writtē in two lines these letters , m. n. s. n. i. s. v. s. which in my opinion signifieth thus : this picture hath not so many mettals as his life hath changes . this done , yee went to the riuer and tyed it with the head downwarde a whole day , and if it had not beene , for the good lady messelyne , i thinke it had beene tyed there till now . and now yee amorous ladies , haue written mee a letter by fuluius fabritius , which grieued me nothing but as an amorous man from the handes of ladies i accept it as a mockery . and to the end i should haue no leysure to thinke thereon , yee sent to demaund a question of me , that is , if i haue found in my bookes , of what , for what , from whence , when , for whom , and how women were first made . because my condition is for to take mockes for mockes , and sith you doe desire it , i will shew it vnto you . your friendes and mine haue written to mee , but especially your ambassador fuluius hath instantly required mee so to doe . i am agrieued with nothing , and will hold my peace , sauing to your letter onely i will make aunswere . and sith there hath been none to aske the question , i protest to none but to you , amorous ladies of rome , i send my aunswere . and if an honest lady will take the demaund of you , it is a token that shee doth enuie the office that yee bee of . for of a truth , that lady which sheweth her selfe annoyed with your paine openly , from henceforth i condemne her that shee hath some fault in secrete : they that bee on the stage , feare not the roaring of the bull : they that bee in the dungeon feare not the shot of the canon . i will say the woman of good life , feareth no mans slaunderous tongue , the good matrons may keepe mee for their perpetuall seruant , and the euill for their chiefe enemie . i aunswere . it is expedient you know of what the first women were made . i say that according to the diuersities of nations that are in the world , i find diuers opinions in this case . the egyptians say , that when the tiuer nilus brake , and ouerranne the earth , there abode certaine peeces of earth which cleaued together , and the sunne comming to them , created many wilde beasts , amongst whom , was found the first woman . note ladies , it was necessary , that the floude nilus should breake out : so that the first woman might bee made of earth . all creatures are nourished , and bred in the entrailes of their mothers : except the woman which was bredd without a mother . and it seemeth most true , that without mothers you were borne : for without rule yee liue , and with order yee die . truely hee that taketh vpon him a great thing , & hath many cares in his minde , much to muse vpon , needeth much counsell , needeth long experience , and ought to chuse amongst many women , that thinketh to rule the onely wife by reason . bee the beasts neuer so wilde , at length the lion is ruled by his keeper , the bull is enclosed in his parke , the horse ruled by the bridell , the little hooke catcheth the fish , the oxe contented to yeelde to the yoake : onelie a woman is a beast , which will neuer bee tamed , she neuer loseth her boldnesse of commaunding , nor by any bridle will bee commaunded , the gods haue made men as men , and beasts as beasts , and mans vnderstanding very high , and his strength of great force : yet there is nothing , be it of neuer so great strength and power that can escape a woman , eyther with sleight or might . but i say vnto you amourous ladies , there is neyther spurre can make you goe , reine that can holde you backe , bridle that can refrayne you , neyther fish-hooke , nor nette that can take you : and to conclude , there is no law can subdue you , nor shame restraine you , nor feare abash you , nor chasticement can amende you . o to what great perill and danger putteth bee himselfe vnto , that thinketh to rule and correct you : for if you take an opinion , the whole world cannot remoue : who warneth you of any thing , yee neuer beleeue him . if they giue you good counsell , you take it not : if one threaten you , you straight complaine . if one pray you , then are you proude : if they reioyce not in you , then are you spitefull : if one doe forbeare you , then are you bolde , if one chastice you , straight you become serpents . finally , a woman will neuer forget an iniury , not bee thankefull for a benefite receyued . now a dayes the most simplest of all women will sweare that they doe know lesse then they doe : but i doe sweare , which of them that knoweth least , knoweth more euill then all men : and of a truth the wisest man shall faile in their wisedome . will yee know my ladies , how little you vnderstand , and how much you bee ignorant ? that is in maters of great importance yee determine rashly , as if you had studyed on it a thousand yeares : if any resist your counsell , you holde him for a mortall enemie : hardie is that woman that dare giue counsell to a a man , and hee more bolde that taketh it of a woman : but i returne and say , that hee is a foole which taketh it , and hee is a foole that asketh it , but he is most foole that fulfilleth it . my opinion is , that he which wil not stūble amongst such hard stones , nor pricke himselfe amongst such thorns ; nor sting him with so many nettles : let him harken what i say , and doe as he shal see , speak well , and worke euill . in promising , avow much : but in performing , accomplish little . finally allow your words , and condemne your counsells . if wee could demaund of famous men which are dead , how they liked in their life time the counsells of women ? i am sure they would not rise againe to belieue them , nor to be reuiued to heare them . how was that famous king philip with olympia , paris with helene , alexander with rosana , aeneas with dido , hercules with deyanira , hannibal with tamira , antonie with cleopatra , iulius with domitian , nero with agrippina ? and if you will belieue what they suffered with them , aske of me vnhappie man what i suffer amongst you ? oh ye women , when i remember that i was borne of you , i loathe my mylife : and thinking how i liue with you , i wish and desire my death . for there is no such death or torment , as to haue to doe with you : and on the contrarie , no such life , as to flye away from you . it is a common saying among women , that men be very vnthankfull , because we were bred in your entrailes : wee order you as seruants . ye say for that ye brought vs forth with perill , & nourished vs with trauell , it is reason that wee should alwayes employ vs to serue you . i haue bethoght me diuers times with my selfe , from whence the desires that man hath vnto women commeth ? there are no eyes , but ought to weepe , no heart but should breake , nor spirite but ought to waile , to see a wise man lost by a foolish woman . the foolish louer passeth the day time to content his eye , and the dark-night hee spendeth in tormenting of himselfe with fond thoughts : one day in hearing tydings another day in doing seruices . sometimes in liking the darkenesse , and somtimes in loathing of the light , being in company , and solitary liueth : and finally , the poore louer may that he will not , and would that he may not . moreouer , the counsel of his friends auayleth him nothing , nor the infamy of his enemies , not the losse of goods , and the aduenture of honour , the loosing of his life , nor the seeking of his death , neyther comming neer , nor flying farre , nor seeing with his eyes , nor hearing with his eares , nor tasting with his mouth , nor feeling with his hand : and to conclude , to get victorie , hee is alwayes at strife and warre with himselfe . then i would ye louers knew , from whence your loue doeth come , it is thus : the entrailes whereof we are bredde be flesh , the breasts that we sucked are flesh , the armes wherein we be fastued bee of flesh , the thoughtes which wee thinke be fleshly , the works which wee doe are fleshly , the men with whom wee liue are of flesh , and the wonder for whom we dye are flesh . by which occasion commeth , the reuerting of our flesh to flesh , manie free hearted are entangled with these snares of loue. it seemeth well ( my ladyes ) that yee were engendred in puddles , as before is mentioned of the egyptians : the puddles haue no cleare waters to drinke , nor fruite to bee eaten , nor fish to bee taken , nor yet shippe to sayle in . my meaning is , that in your liues ye be filthy , and your persons without shame in aduersity , weake and feeble in prosperity , full of deceit and guile , false in your words , and deceitfull in your doings , in hating without measure , in loue extreame , in giftes couetous , in taking vnshamefast : and finally , i say yee are the ground of feare , in whom the wise men finde perill , and the simple men suffer iniury . in you , the wise men holde theyr renowne slaundered , and the simple men their life in penury . let vs omit the opinion of the egyptians , and come to the greekes , which say , that in the deserts of arabia , the sunne shineth hotest : and at the beginning there was found one woman , with one birde called the phenix , which birde was created on the water , and the woman engendered by the great heat of the sunne , and of the powder of trees in this wise . there was a tree sore eaten with wormes , and vpon a time a blast of lightning set it on fire , and burnt it : so as among the ashes of that rotten tree , the first woman was made and found . although i bee a romane philosopher , yet can i not disallow the opinion of the greeke philosopher . of a truth ' ye amorous dames , you haue your tongues of the nature of fire , and your conditions like the powder of a rotten tree . according to the diuersity of beasts , so nature hath in diuers parts of the body placed their strength : as the eagle in her byll : the vnicorne in the horne , the serpent in the tayle : the bull in the head , the beare in his pawes , the horse in the breast , the dog in the teeth , the bore in the tuske : the doues in the winges , and the women in their tongues . for of a truth , the flight of their loue is not so high , as the fantasie of your foolishnesse is vaine : the catte scratcheth not so sore with her nayles , as yee doe scratch the foolish men with your importunities . the dogge hurteth him not so much that hee runneth after , as ye do the sorrowful louer that serueth you : the life of him is not in so much danger that catcheth the bul by the horns as is the fame of him that falleth into your hands . to conclude , the serpent hath not so much poyson in his tayle , as ye haue in your tongues . i accept the romane ladies apart , for there are many very noble , whose liues are not touched with complaint , nor good fames had in suspect . of such , neyther my letter speaketh ought , nor my penne writeth : but of those women i speake that bee such , as all the venemous beasts in the world haue not so much poison in their bodies , as one of those haue in their tongues . and sith the gods haue commaunded , and our fate doth permit , that the life of men cannot passe without women : i aduise the youth , and beseech the aged : i wake the wise , and instruct the simple , to shunne women of euill name , more then the common pestilence . reading the auncient lawes of plato , i finde written this . we command that all women openly defamed , bee openly banished the city , to the entent that others seeing the sinne punished , may abhorre the same , for feare to fall in the like paine . the same law sayde further , wee commaund that they pardon a woman for all her faults shee committeth boldly , in case yee see amendment likewise in her : but wee will that no fault bee pardoned , committed by the tong , for actuall sinne done , is the frailety of nature , the tongue onely of malice . o diuine plato , master , and measure of all knowledge and science , and prince of all philosophers : when thou in the golden world madest such lawes : in which time there was such scarcitie of those women which were euill , and so great plentie of them that were good : in this case what should wee doe now in rome , where there bee so many euill openly , and none good in secret ? women ought naturally to bee shamefast in their face , temperate in their words , wise of wit , sober in their going , honest in their conuersation , pittifull in their correction , warie in their liuing , auoyding companies , faithfull in their promises , constant in their loue . finally , shee that will be counted honest , let her not trust to the wisedome of the worldly-pretended-wise : nor commit her fame vnto the wanton youth : let euery wise woman take heede what hee is that promiseth her ought . for after the flames of venus be set on fire , and cupid shotte his arrowes , the rich offereth all that hee hath , and the poore all that hee may . the wise man will euer be her friend , and the simple-man , for euer her seruant . the wise man wil lose his life for her , and the simple will accept his death for her . the old men say , they will be friends to their friends : and the yong men will say , he wil be enemy to theyr enemyes . the aged promising to pay her debts , the other to reuenge her jniuries . finally , the one because to hide their pouerty , and the other to publish their beautie , leade these fooles losing their liues , and bringing their fame to ende . i will leaue to speake of the good women , for i minde not to charge them with ought . i aske you amorous ladyes , if plato was amongst you , when ye made a play of my life , and drewe my picture about rome ? no surely , for that i see in your acte now : i doe suspect that to be true , which hath been saide of others , for there are fewe in rome that execute the paines of platoes law. one thing yee cannot denie : if i were the worst of all men , at the last ye see the end of my transgressing : but this you cannot denie , that she which is least euill of all you , the naughtines of her life , i could not sufficiently set out in my life . it is great perill to wise women to be neighboured with fooles , it is great perill to the shamefast to bee with the shameles : it is great perill to the chast to be with the adulterers : great perill it is for the honourable to be with the defamed : for there is no slaundered woman but thinketh euery one defamed , or at the least is desirous to haue them so , procureth to haue them slaundered , or saith they bee infamed . and in the end to hide their infamie , they slaunder all the good . it is long sith i knewe you amorous ladyes , and you mee . if i speake , i speake : if you knowe , i knowe . if yee holde your peace , i am still : if ye speake openly , i will not talke in secrete . thou knowest well auilina , thou diddest compasse the ieast of mee , that eumedes solde calues de●rer in the butchery , then thou diddest innocent virgines in thy house . and thou toringa knowest well , that before mee thou couldest not recount all thy louers on thy fingers , but diddest desire to haue a bushell of peason . thou knowest well lyuia fuluia , when thou wert ( thou knowest with whom ) at bretus , we made agreement with thy husband , thou tookest him aside and sayedst : vnles i may lye out of my house one night in a weeke , thou shalt not lie quietly in thy house : thou knowest well rotoria , that in thy youth thou werte two yeares on the sea , and diddest compound with the pirate , that no woman shold serue the . soldiers , but thou alone in a gally . thou knowest right wel enna curtia that when the censor came to take thee , hee found v. mens apparrell , the which thou warest in the night season and but one womans attire , wherewith thou wert clothed in the dayetime . thou knowest well pesilana fabricia , that alluines , metelles , and thou beeing married , demaunded openly what thou haddest gotten in his house with thy friendes in secret : thou knowest well camilla , not being content with thy owne countrey folke , thou haddest such resorte and haunt of strangers to thee , that thou canst speake all languages . i will marke them that haue marked mee , hurt them that haue hurted mee , persecute them that haue persecuted mee , defame them that haue slaundered mee , all other my penne pardoneth , for that they pardoned me in their play . because my letter begunne with that ye did to my person : therefore i will end it , with that it knoweth of your good names . and thus i conclude , that a man may escape from all dangers in shunning them : but from women , there is no way but to flye from them . thus i end , and beseech the gods that i may see of you that which you would see of mee : and sith yee bee louers , i counsell you , as you haue sent mee the play in a mockery , euen so receyue my aunswere . marke now the rhodian , to the amorous ladies of rome . chap. viii . of a letter sent by marcus aurelius to his loue boemia , for that shee desired to goe with him to the warres . marcus the romane pretor , beeing in the warres of dacia , sendeth health to his louing boemia , remayning in the pleasures of rome . escaping from a cruell battell , thy fewe lines i read and vnderstood thy large information . i let thee know thou hast astonied me more , then mine enemies haue feared me , and taking thy letter in my hands , the herbe of malice entred into my heart . when i temper my body with the delights , i thinke my heart free from the venome of thy amours : sith i of my will , and thou for want of power hath giuen vs to bee free of our pleasures . i thinke as well to make a diuorce of our sorrowes : but yee bee such , yea such i say , as are the banishments of loue , and the treasure of griefes . the loue of you all ought to bee digested with pilles , but the passion of one of you will not bee oppressed , with all the rubarbe in alexandria , yee shew your selues cruell to pardon an enemie , and euer lightly you change your friendes . i haue curiously made search , whilest delight gouerned my youth : yet could i neuer see in a woman stedfastnesse , nor reason in their loue , nor end in their hate . the present wantonnesse quarrelleth with my youth passed , because thou seest not in me the auncient good will towardes thee , nor the present seruice . and certainely hearing thy accusation , and not my iustification : thou mightest pay me as iustly with death , as i pay thee with forgetfulnesse : the which forgetfulnesse ought to bee as straunge in him that serueth , as ingratitude in the lady that is serued : thinkest thou that i haue forgotten the law of venus ? when i commaunded that the curious louers should exercise their strength in chiualry , and occupy their hearts in loue ? and more it willeth a man to weare his clothes cleanly , their feet right , their bodies constant , their voyce soft and humble , demure and modest of cheare : they ought to haue eyes open , alwayes looking vp to the windowes , and their hearts ready to flye into the aire : for a truth , my friend boemia , hee is a grosse louer that hath his will in captiuity , and his iudgment free . the iudgment is of no value , where the will is in thraldome . this i say , that thou mayest know , though my age hath left the exercise : yet my vnderstanding hath not forgot the art : thou complaynest because i giue my selfe vnto much quiet , and that i haue forgotten thee . i will not deny the truth , the day of my forgetting maketh thee priuie of my thoughts . and reason the ouerseer declareth that it is not requisite for my grauitie to permit i should loue : nor in thy age to suffer to be beloued . the world doth dissemble many things in youth : which in age meriteth grieuous corrections . the wanton toyes of youth proceed of ignorance , but the villanies done in age grow of malice . when i walked in the nights , i ietted the streetes , i sang ballades , i gazed to the windowes : i played on the gitiornes : i scaled the walles : i wakened the youth . thinkest thou that i win what i did in my youth ? but sithence i see my selfe bereaued of all my wonted wanton toyes , and polished with so many white hayres , cladde with so many sorrowes : eyther i thinke now i was not then , or else i dreame now , not knowing the way i stray in , nor seeing that stony way ready to stumble in . vnwittingly i haue fallen into the stayres , not foreseeing the whirlepoole : guidelesse i entred , in the rashnesse of my youth i lost mee : for the which i aske pardon . and nowe that i am out of the bryers , thou woldest haue me further in , then euer i was . now that i cannot take the purgations , thou offerest to mee the sirropes . i haue awaked all night , and now thou giuest me a fresh alarum . by our auncient friendshippe i pray thee , and by the gods i coniure thee , that sithence my heart is rebell to thy will , that thy doubtfull will doe suffer , and let alone my will out of doubt . and because thou shouldest not thinke any ingratitude in my white hayres , as i may in thy young wanton person . i will that wee account that wee haue gotten , and that wee hope to get . tell mee what commeth of these vaine pleasures ? the time euill spent , the fame in way of perdition , the goods consumed , the credite lost , the gods offended , the vertuous slaundered : from whence wee gette the names of bruit beasts , and surnames of shame : such bee yee and others . thou writest in thy letter , how thou wouldest willingly leaue rome , & come to see mee in the warres of dacia . considering thy folly , i laugh , but knowing thy boldnesse i beleeue thee . and when i thinke on this i turne to my bosome , and peruse thy seale : doubting whether the letter were thine or not . the veines of my heart doe chaunge , my colour doth turne , imagining that eyther shame hath vtterly forsaken thee , or els grauitie hath wholly abandoned mee : for such lightnes should not be beleeued , but of the like persons . thou knowest well he that doth euil , deserueth punishment sooner then hee that doth infamy . i would aske thee whether thou wilt goe ? thou sufferedst to be cut as a sower grape , and now thou wouldest bee sold for good wine ? thou camest in with cheries and yet wouldest remaine as quinces . wee haue eaten thee in blossomes , and thou wilt bee like the fruite ? the nuttes bee pleasant , but the shelles bee hard . by dung thou wert made ripe in thy youth , and thou thinkest to bee in still . thou art nought else but rotten . and if thou bee rotten , thou art to bee abhorred . thou art not content with forty yeares which thou hast whereof . thou diddest passe in taste , like to sweet wine that is solde , or like the melons that bee ripe and mellow . art not thou that boemia which lacketh two teeth before ? are not thine eyes sunken into thy head ? thy hayres whiter , the flesh wrinckled , and thy hand perished with the gowt , and one rib marred with child-bearing ? whether doest thou desire to goe ? put thy selfe then in a barrell , and cast it into the riuer , so shalt thou become pure and white . wee haue eaten the fresh fish , and now thou wouldest bring hither the stinking salt fish . o boemia , boemia , in this case i see no trust in youth , nor hope in age : for vnder this thy hored age there is hid the pangues of frayle youth . thou complainest that thou hast nothing : it is an old quarrel of the auncient amorous ladyes in rome , that taking all thinges , they say they haue left them nothing . the cause thereofis , where you do lacke credite , there you would haue it accomplished with money . beleeue me louing friend , the foolish estate of vnlawfull gaming , both giueth an vnsure estate , and also an euill fame to the person . i know not how thou art so wastfull , for if i pulled off my rings with the one hand , thou pickedst my purse with the other : greater wars haddest thou then with my coffers , then i haue now with my enemies . i neuer had iewell , but thou demaundedst it of mee , and thou neuer askedst mee thing that i denyed thee i finde and bewaile now in my age the high parts of my youth . of trauell & pouerty thou complainest , i am hee that hath great neede of the medicine for this opilation , and playsters for the sonne , and colde water for such a burning feuer . doest thou not well remember , how i did banish my necessity into the land of forgetfulnesse , and placed thy good wil for the request of my seruice ? in the winter i went naked , and in the sommer loaded with clothes . in the mire i went on foot , and rode in the fayre way . when i was sad i laught , when i was glad i wept . being afraid i drew out my strength , and out of strength cowardnes . the night with sighes , and dayes in wayling i consumed . when thou haddest neede of any thing , i robbed my father for it . tell mee boemia , with whom diddest thou sulfill thine open follyes , but with the misorders that i did in secret ? thinke you what i thinke of the amorous ladies in rome : that yee be mothes in olde garments , a pastime for light persons , a treasure of fooles , and the sepulchres of vices . this that seemeth to mee is , that in thy youth euery man gaue to thee , for that thou shouldest giue to euery one ? now thou giuest thy selfe to euery man , because euery one should giue them to thee . thou tellest mee that thou hast two sonnes and lackest helpe for them . giue thanks to the gods for the mercy they shewed thee . to xv . children of fabritius my neighbour , they gaue but one father : and to thine onely two sonnes , they haue giuen fifteene fathers . wherefore diuide them to their fathers , and euery one shall bee well prouided for . lucia thy daughter indeed , and mine by suspect , remember that i haue done more in marrying of her , then thou diddest in bringing her forth : for in the getting of her , thou calledst many : but to marry her , i did it alone . verie little i write thee , in respect of that i would write . butrio cornely hath spoken much to mee on thy behalfe , and hee shall say as much to thee on my part . it is long agoe sithence i knew thy impatience : i know well thou wilt sende mee another more malitious . i pray thee , since i write to thee in secrete , discouer mee not openly : and when thou readest this , remember what occasion thou hast giuen me to write thus . although wee bee fallen out , yet i will send thee money . i send thee a gowne , and the gods bee with thee boemia , and send mee from this war with peace . marke pretour in daeia , to boemia his louer , and ancient friend in rome . chap. ix . the aunswere of boemia , to the emperour marcus aurelius , wherein is expressed the great malice , and litle patience of an euill woman . boemia thy auncient louer , to thee mark of mount celio her naturall enemie , desireth vengeance of thy person , and euill fortune during thy life i haue receyued thy letter , and thereby perceyue thy spitefull intents , and thy cruell malices . such naughty persons as thou art , haue this priuiledge , that sith one doth suffer your villanies in secret , you will hurt them openly : but thou shalt not doe so with mee marke , althogh i am not treasuresse of thy good : yet at the least i am of thy naughtinesse : all that i cannot reuenge with my person , i will not spare to doe it with my tongue . and though we women for weakenesse sake , are easily ouercome in person , yet know thou that our hearts are inuincible . thou sayest , escaping from a battell , thou receyuedst my letter , wherof thou wast sore agast . it is a common thing to them that be slothful to speak of loue , for fooles to treate of bookes , and for cowards to blaze of armes : i say it because the aunswere of a letter was not needfull , to rehearse to a woman whether it was before the battell , or after . i thinke well thou hast escaped it , for thou wert not the first that fought , nor the last that fled . i neuer saw thee goe to the iwarre in thy youth , that euer i was fearefull of thy life : for knowing thy cowardlinesse , i neuer tooke care for thy absence , i alwayes iudged thy person safe . then tell mee marke , what doest thou now in thy age ? i thinke thou carriest thy lance , not to serue thy turne in thy warre , but to leane on , when the gout taketh thee . the head-peece , i iudge thou hast not to defend thee from the strokes of swords , but to drinke withall in tauernes . i neuer saw thee strike any man with thy sword , but i haue seene thee kill a thousand women with thy tong . o malitious marke , if thou wert as valiant as thou art spitefull , thou shouldest be no lesse feared among the barbarous nations then thou art abhorred ( with good reason ) amongst the romanes . tell me what thou list , but thou canst not deny ? but both thou hast beene , and art a slacke louer , a cowardly knight , an vnknown friend auaricious , infamed , an enemy to all men , and friend to none . moreouer , wee knew thee a light young man , condemne thee now for an olde doting foole . thou sayest that taking my letter into thy hands , forthwith thy heart receyued the hearbe of malice . i beleeue thee well vnsworne : for any thing touching malice , dooth straight finde harbour in thy brest : the beasts corrupted do take poysō , which the sound , and of good complexion refufeth , of one thing i am sure , thou shalt not dye of poyson : for seldom times one poyson hurteth another : but it driueth out the other . o malicious marke , if all they in rome knew thee , as well as the vnhappy boemia doth : they should see how much the wordes that thou speakest , differ from the intention of thy hart . and as by the bookes thou makest , thou meritest the name of a philosopher , euen so , for the ilnesse thou inuentest , thou doest deserue the name of a tirant . thou sayest , thou neuer sawest constancy in a womans loue , nor end in her hate . i ioy not a little , that other ladies in rome as well as i , doe know thy small wisedome . behold marke , i will not mocke thee : for thou art such a one as neuer deserued that one should beginne to loue , nor end to hate . wilt thou haue stability in loue , and thou vnthankfull of thy seruice , wilt thou serue in mockerie , and be beloued faithfully ? wilte thou enioy the person without spending any of thy goods ? wilt thou haue no complaints on thee , and thou ceasest not thy malice ? : thou knowest the il of women : i will that thou know , that wee bee not so foolish as yee suppose vs to be : nor thou so wise , as thou praysest thy selfe to be . hitherto we haue seen more men follow the desire of women , then women haue liked to follow men . i haue seene a thousand times , yea and thou thy selfe , that one man hath not so mighty a heart as to ouercome three wise women , and one woman holdeth her self strong enough to subdue three hundred light persons . thou sayest thou art ashamed of my lightnesse , to see mee forsake rome , and come to thee into the wars . great is the loue of the countrey and many leaue much goods which they haue in straunge lands , to liue poorely in their owne : but greater is thy loue , sith i would leaue rome with the delights therin , and come to seeke thee in strange lands among the rude souldiers . o malitious marke , o straunge friend , if i leaue rome , it were to goe seeke my heart , which is with thee in the warres . and certainly oftentimes when i thinke of thy absence , i fall into a swound , as one that had no hart : but i neuer finde remedy . i thinke our loue is not like to these beastes , which haue their mindes onely vpon sensuall pleasures , without the conioyning of the louing hearts . i sweare to thee by the goddesse vesta , and the mother berecinthia , that thou owest more to me for the loue i haue borne to thee in one day , then for the seruice i haue done to thee in . yeares ▪ behold , vnhappy marke , how much and dearely i loued thee . in thy presence i alwayes beheld thee , and absent i alwayes thought of thee : sleeping i dreamed on thee , i haue wept for thy sorrowes , and laught at thy pleasures : and finally , all my welth i wished thee , and all thy misfortunes i tooke as mine . i assure thee of one thing , that i feele not so much the persecution thou hast done mee , as i doe the wailing forgetfulnesse thou shewest vnto mee . it is a great griefe to a couetous man to lose his goods , but without comparison it is a greater torment for the louer to see his euil bestowed , it is a hurt that is alwayes sore , and a paine alwayes painefull , a sorrow alwayes sorrowfull , and it is a death that neuer endeth . oh if men knew how dearely and faithfully women doe loue , when they are bent to loue : and with what malicious hart they hate , being set to hate : i sweare vnto you , yee would neuer companie with them in loue : or if ye did loue them , yee would neuer leaue , for feare of their hate . and as there is neuer great hate , but where there was first much loue : euen so , thou shalt neuer bee greatly hated , for that thou wert neuer truly beloued of the ladies . the sorrowfull boemia hath loued thee xxii . yeares of her life : and now shee hateth thee till after her death . thou sayest i may bee eaten for vertiuyce : and yet would be sold for wine . i knowe i haue erred , as one both young and light : and when i found me to stray out of the way , i was too farre gone , and my mishap could no other way , nor remedie . it is a great losse of all losses when there is no remedy . i haue offended as a weake and fraile woman , but thou as a man strong . i erred by simple ignoraunce , but thou of a purposed and wilfull malice . i sinned not , knowing that i did amisse : but thou knowest what thou diddest . i gaue eare and credite vnto thy words as a faithfull knight , and thou betrayedst mee with a thousand lyes , and protestations , as a common lyer . tell me , diddest not thou seeke occasion to come into my mother getuliaes house , to entice me her daughter boemia , to thy minde ? diddest thou not promise my father , to teach me to read in one yeare : and readdest mee ouide , of the arte of loue ? diddest not thou sweare to marrie mee , and after withdrewe thy hand as a false adulterer ? diddest thou not know that thou neuer foundest in my person any villanie , nor in thy mouth any trueth ? at the least thou canst not denye , but thou hast offended the gods , thou art defamed amongst men , odious to the romaines , a slaunderer of the good folkes , an example to the ill , and finally a traytour to my father , a breaker of thy faith to my mother , and to me the vnhapy boemia , an vnkind louer . oh malicious marke , hast thou not cut me in leaues , offering to my father to keepe his vines safe ? euill may the chicken trust the kyte , or the lambs the wolfe , or the doues the faulcon , but thou art worse , to bring vppe the daughters of good men . oh cursed marke , a hurtfull keeper of vines hath the matrone of rome foūd thee , in keeping their daughters . i sweare , that there was neither grape or cluster , but it was eyther eaten , or gathered by thee . thou didst cut mee greene , for the which i promise thee , it hath set thy teeth on edge . thou sayst i was riped by power of heat & straw . it grieueth mee not so much that thou sayest it , as that thou giuest mee occasion to say vnto thee , thy shame is so shamelesse , and thy euill so malicious , that i cannot make aunswere to thy purpose , vnlesse i rubbe thee on the quicke . i aske thee when thou marryedst faustine , whether thou foundest them green or ripe ? thou knowest well , and so doe i also , that others gaged the vessell and thou drankest the lees : others had the meate , and thou the huskes : others did eate them beeing greene , and with the refuge set thy teeth on edge . oh cursed marke : beholde how great thy euills are , and how the gods haue iustly punished thee : that being young couldst not deserue to be beloued ●f thy zouers : nor yet now in thy age , thy wife keepe her faith to thee . for me to be reuenged of thy person , i need no more but to see thee marryed to faustine . by the mother berecynthia , i promise thee , that if thy small wisedome might attain to know at the full , what they say of thee , and her in rome : thou wouldest weepe both day and night , for the life of faustine , and not leaue the wofull boemia . oh marke , little care is taken for thee , and how farre is our vnderstanding vncoupled from thy thoughts ? for through thy great learning , thy house in the day time is a schoole of phylosophers , and the wantonnesse of thy wife faustine in the night , maketh it a receyte of ruffians . it is a iust iudgement of the gods , sith that thy malice onely sufficeth to poyson many that bee good , the euilnes only of one woman , shal be enogh to spoile & take away thy good renowm , one difference there is betwen thee and me , & thy faustine , which is : that my facts are in suspect , & yours done in deede : mine bee secrete , but yours known openly . i haue but stumbled , but ye haue fallen . for one only fault i deserue punishment : but you deserue pardon for none . my dishonor dyed with my fact , and is buryed with my amendment : but your infamie is borne with your desires , nourished with your malices , and still with your works . finally , your infamie shall neuer dye , for you liued neuer well . oh marke malicious , with all that thou knowest : doest thou not know that to dye well , doth couer an euill fame , and to make an ende of an euill life , doth beginne a good fame ? thou ceasest not to say euill onely of suspect , which thy false iudgements giueth : and yet wouldest thou wee should conceale that wee see with our eyes ? of one thing i am sure , that neither of thee , nor of faustine , there are , or haue been any false witnesses . for there are so many true euils , that there needeth no lyes to be inuented . thou sayest it is an olde custome , with the amorous ladies in rome , though they take it of many , yet they are the poorest of all , because we want credit , we are honoured for siluer : it is most certaine , that of holly wee looke for prickes , of acornes husks , of netles stinging , and of thy mouth malices . i haue seriously noted : i neuer heard thee say well of any , nor i neuer knew any that would thee good . what greater punishment can i desire for thy wickednenes , nor more vengeance for my iniuries , then to see al the amorons ladies of rome discontented with thy selfe , and ioy to think on thy death , cursed is the man whose life many doe bewayle , and in whose death euery one doth reioyce . it is the property of such vnthankefull wretches as thou art to forgette the great good done to them , and to repent the little they giue . how much the noble hearts do reioice in giuing to other : so much they are ashamed to take seruice vnrewarded . for , in giuing they are lords , and in taking they become slaues . i aske what it is thou hast giuen me , or what thou hast receyued of mee ? i haue aduentured my good fame , and giuen thee possession of my person : i haue made thee lorde of mee and mine : i banished mee from my countrey , i haue put in peril my life . in recompence of this , thou doest detect mee of miserie . thou neuer gauest mee ought with thy heart , nor i tooke it with good will , nor it euer did me profit . as all things recouer a name , not for the workes wee openly see , but for the secret intention with which we work : euen , so thou vnhappie man desirest mee , not to enioy my person , but rather to haue my money . wee ought not to call thee a cleere louer , but rather a theefe , and a wily person . i had a little ring of thine , i minde to throw it into the riuer : and a gowne thou gauest me , which i haue burnt . and if i thought my bodie were increased with that bread i did eate of thine : i would cut my flesh being whole , and let out my bloud without feare . oh malicious marke ; thy obscured malice will not suffer thee to vnderstand my cleare letter . for i sent not vnto thee to aske mony , to relieue my pouertie and solitarines : but onely to acknowledge and satisfie my willing hart . such vaine and couetous men as thou , are contented with gifts , but the harts incarnate in loue , are not satisfied with a little money . for zoue is rewarded alwayes with loue . the man that loueth not as a man of reason , but like a brute beast , and the woman that loueth not where she is beloued , but onely for the gaine of her bodie : such ought not to bee credited in words , nor their personages to be honoured . for the loue of her , ends when their goods faileth , and his loue when her beautie decayeth . if the beautie of my face did procure thy loue , and thy riches onely allured my good will : it is right that wee should not bee called wise louers , but rather foolish persons . o cursed mark , i neuer loued thee for thy goods , although thou likedst me for that i was faire . thou sayedst the gods vsed great pittie on me , to giue me few children , and them manie fathers , the greatest fault in women is shamelesse , and the greatest villany in men is to be euill sayers . diuers things ought to bee borne in the weaknesse of women , which in the wisedome of men are not permitted . i say this , for that i neuer saw in thee temperance , to cloke thine owne maliciousnes , nor wisdome to shadow the debilitie of others . then i loued with my hart , and now i abhorre thee with all my heart . thou sayest my children haue many fathers : but i sweare vnto thee , that the children of faustine shall not be fatherles although thou dye . and if the gods as thou sayest haue beene pittifull to my children , no lesse art thou vnto straunge children . for faustine keepeth thee but to excuse her faultes , and to bee tutor to her children . oh cursed marke , thou needest not to take thought , for thy children haue no need to be marryed . for one thing wee are bound to thee , that is : the example of thy patience : for since thou sufferest faustine in so manie open infamyes , it is no great neede wee suffer any secretes in thee . for this present i say no more , i ende my letter , desiring shortly to see the ende of thy life . chap. x. ¶ marcus aurelius writeth to the ladie macrine the romane , of whome , ( beholding her at a window ) he became enamored . which declareth what force the beautie of a faire woman hath in weake man. marke , the verie desirous , to the ladie macrine greatly desired . i knowe not well whither by euill chaunce , or by hap of my good aduenture : not long agoe i saw thee at a window , where thou haddest thy arms as close , is i mine eyes displayed , that cursed be they for euer : for , in beholding thy face , forthwith my heart abode with thee as prisoner . the beginning of thy knowledge , is the ende of my reason , and falling in : shunning one euil , come infinite trauells vnto men . i say it for this , if i had not bin idle , i had not gone out of my house : and not gone out of my house ? i had not passed by the streete . and not going through the street , i had not not seen thee at the windowe : and not seeing thee at the window , i had not desired thy person , and not desiring thy person , i had not put thy fame in so great peril , nor my life in doubt : nor we had giuē no occasion to rome to speake of vs. for of truth lady macrine , in this case i condemne my selfe : for very willingly i did behold thee . i did not salute thee , thogh thou desiredst to be seene . sith thou wert set vp as a white , it is no marell though i shotte at thee with the arrowes of mine eyes , at the butte of thy beautie , with thy rowling eyes , with thy browes bent , well coloured face , incarnate teeth , ruddie lips , courled hayre , handes set with rings , cloathed with a thousand manner of colours , hauing purses full of sweete sauours : the bracelettes , and eare-rings , full of pearles and precious-stones . tell me what this meaneth ? the most that i can thinke of this is : sith you shewe vs your bodyes openly , yee would wee should know your desires in secret . and if it be so , as i belieue it is : it seemeth to me lady macrine , thou oughtest to loue him that liketh thee , to enform him that seeketh thee : to aunswere him that calleth thee : to feele him that feeleth thee : and to vnderstand him that vnderstandeth thee : and sith thou vnderstandest me , i do vnderstand thee , and vnderstand that thou knowest not . i doe well remember as i went by the street solitarily , to see two theeues put to death , mine eyes glauncing saw thee at a window : on whom dependeth all my desires . more iustice thou doest to mee , then i to the theeues : for i beeing at iustice , thou hast iusticed the iustice , and none dare payne thee . the gallowes is not so cruell to them which neuer knew but doing euill : as thou art to mee , which neuer thought other but onely to serue thee . they suffer but one death , and thou makest mee suffer a thousand : they in one day and one houre ende their liues , and i eache minute doe feele the pangs of death . they dyed guyltie , but i innocently . they died openly , and i in secrete . what wilt thou that i say more vnto thee ? they wept for that they dyed , and i weepe daily teares of bloud from my heart , for that i liue . this is the difference , their torments spreadeth abroade through all their bodie , and i keep mine together , in my hart . o cruell macrine , i know not what iustice this is , that they kill men for robbing and stealing from manie ? and suffer women to liue , which steale mens hearts ? if they take the liues from them that picke purses : why then doe they suffer ladyes , which robbe our entrails ? by thy noblenes i pray thee , and by the goddesse venus i conjure thee , eyther satisfie my desire , or restore me to my heart , which thou hast robbed from me . i would thou shouldst know lady macrine , the cleare intention of my heart , rather then this letter written with my hand . if my happe were so good , as thy loue would permit me to speak with thee , i would hope by sight and speech to winne that , which i am in suspect by my letter to loose . the reason whereof is , because thou shalt reade my rude reasons in this letter , and if thou sawest me , thou shouldest see the bitter teares which i wold offer to thee , in this my vnhappy life . oh that my mouth could publish my cruell paines , as my heart feeleth them . i sweare vnto thee lady macrine , that my woefull plaintes would styrre vppe thy small care , and as thy beautie hath made thee thyne owne , so the true knowledge of thy griefes , should make thee mine . i desire thou wouldest regarde the beginning : and therewith note the ende . for of truth , the same day that thou imprisonedst my hart at the window , in the dungeon of my desires , i had no lesse weaknesse to ouercome , then thou haddest strength to enforce me : and greater was thy power to take me from my selfe , then my reason was to put mee from thee . now ladie macrine , i doe not aske other mercie of thee , but that we may declare our mindes together . but in this case , what wilt thou i say vnto thee ? but that thou hast so much power ouer mee , and i so little of my liberty : that though i would not , my heart must needes bee thine : and that beeing thine , thou wilt shew thy selfe to be mine . and sith it may not be , but that my life must bee condemned in thy seruice : bee thou as sure of my faith , as i am doubtfull of thy good-will . for , i shall haue a greater honour to be lost for thy sake , then to win any other treasure . i haue no more to say vnto thee now , but that thou haue respect to my perdition : and to drawe life out of my death , and turne my teares to ioye . and because i holde my faith , and will neuer despaire in thy hope , i send thee x. little rings of gold , with x. rings of alexandria : and by the immortall gods i conjure thee , that when thou puttest them on thy fingers , thou receyuest my loue into thy heart . marcus thy louer , wrote this with his owne hand . chap. xi . ¶ of an other letter , which the emperour sent to the ladie macrine : wherein hee expresseth the fiery-flames , which soonest consume the gentle-hearts . marke thy neighbour at rome , to thee macrine his sweete enemie ; i call thee sweete for it is iust , i dye for thee : and enemy , because thou ceassest not to kill me . i cannot tell how it is , but sith the feast of ianus hitherto i haue written three letters vnto thee , in the answer wherof i would haue been contented to haue receiued but two from thee . if i would serue thee , thou wilt not bee serued : if i speak to thee , thou wilt not answer me if i behold thee , thou wilt not looke at mee : if i call thee thou will not answer me : if i visite thee , thou wilt not see me : if i write vnto thee , thou wilt make no answer : and the worst of all is , if others do shew thee of my griefs , thou takest it as a mockerie . oh that i had so much knowledge where to complaine to thee , as thou hast power to ease my plaint : then my wisdome should be no lesse praised amongst the wise , then thy beautie among the fooles . i beseech thee hartily not to haue respect to the rudenes of my reasons , but regard the faith of my teares , which i offer to thee , as a witnes of my will. i know not what profite may come by my harme : nor what gayne of my losse thou mayest hope to haue , nor what surety of my perill thou maist attaine : nor what pleasure of my paine thou mayest haue ? i had aunswere by my messenger , that without reading my letters , with thine own hands thou didst rent them in peeces : it ought to suffice to thinke how manie persons are tormented . if it had pleased you ladie macrine , to haue read these few lines , you should haue perceyued , how i am inwardly tormented . yee women be very extreame : and for the misaduenture of one man , a woman will complaine of all men in generall . so yee all shew crueltie for one particular cause : openly yee pardon all mens liues , and secretly ye procure death to all . i account it nothing ladie macrine , that thou hast done , but i lament that which thou causest thy neighbour valerius to say to me . one thing i would thou shouldest remember , and not forget , that is : sith my libertie is so small , and thy power so great , that beeing wholly mine , am turned to be thine : the more iniury thou dost to me , the more thou hurtest thy selfe , since by thee i dye , as thou by me dost liue . in this peruerse opiniō abide not , so maist thou hazard the life of vs both . thou burist thy good name , and destroyest my health , in the end thou must come to the same physicke pardon me lady macrine , if i say ought that may offend thee . i know ye women desire one thing greatly : that is , to haue souerainty of vs , and yet not seeme so much as by thought to wish the same . thou haddest the fame of a gentle nature , though indeede thou wert not so : yet thou haddest the fame therof , and an ancient good name ought not to be lost with a new vnkindnesse . thou knowest how contrary ingratitude is to vertue , in a vertuous house . thou canst not be called vertuous , but if thou be curteous . there is no greater ingratitude , thē not to loue againe . though i visite thee , and thou not me , it is nothing : though i remember thee , and thou forgettest mee , it is nothing : thogh i weepe , and thou laugh , it is nothing : though i craue of thee & thou denie me , it is nothing : thogh thou owest mee , and pay mee not , it is nothing : but if i loue thee , and thou not mee , this is a great thing : which the eyes can neither dissemble , nor the heart suffer . all the vices in mortall men are to be pardoned , because they offend naturally , saue only this discurtesy in women , and vngentlenes in men , which are counted of malice . diuers seruices by mee done to thee , and all the good willes i haue heretofore borne to thee , thou onely lady macrine , with one thing reward me . i pray thee be not slacke to helpe me , for i was not so to offer mee into perill , if thou sayest that patroclus thy husband hath that property in thee , at the least yet receiue me vpon proofe , & i will pretend a possession of thee : and in this wise the vainglory in being thine , shall hide the hurt being mine : thou makest mee maruell not a little , that for so small a rewarde , thou wilt suffer so great an importunity . for certainly we grant many things to an importunate man , which wee denie to a temperate man. if thou lady macrine , hopest to ouercom me , behold i yeeld mee as vanquished . if thou wilt loose mee , i holde mee lost : if thou wilt kill mee , i holde me dead . for by the gestures which i make before thy gates , and the secrete sighes , which i fetch in my house , thou mayst know how greatly i minde to rest , but thy braue assaults are rather buildings to nourish death , then to comfort the life . if thou wilt i escape this danger , denie me not remedie . for it shal be a greater dishonour for to slay me , then shame to saue me . it is no iust thing for so small a gaine , to lose so faithfull a friend . i wote not how to make thee my debter , nor how to make thee pay mee : and the worst of all is , i knowe not what to say , nor how to determine for , i was not borne to mine owne wealth , but to be faithfull in thy seruices . and sith thou knowest whome thou hast trusted with thy messages , the same i do trust with this open letter , and my answer it secret . i do send to thee a jewell of pearle , and a peece of golde : i pray the gods make thee receyue them , as willingly as i doe freely send them . marke orator , to the inexorable macrine . chap. xii . ¶ of a letter which the emperour marcus aurelius sent vnto the ladie lyuia , wherein he reproueth that loue is naturall , and that the most part of the phylosophers and wise men haue been by loue ouercome . marke full of sorrow , to thee carelesse lyuia . if thy little care did lodge in me , and my sorrowes were harboured in thee , thou shouldest then see how little the quarrell is , that i make vnto thee in respect to the torments i suffer . if the flames did issue out , as the fire doeth burne mee within , the heauens should perish with smoake , and the earth should make imbers . if thou doest well remember the first time i saw thee in the temple of the virgine vestals , thou beeing there , diddest alwayes pray to the gods for thy selfe , and i vpon my knees prayed to thee for mee . thou knowest and so doe i , that thou diddest offer oyle and honnie to the gods , but i did offer vnto thee teares and sighes . it is iust thou giue more vnto him that offered his heart , then to him which draweth mony out of his purse i haue determined to write vnto thee this letter , whereby thou mayest perceiue how thou art serued with the arrowes of mine eyes , which were shot at the white of thy seruice . oh vnhappy that i am , i feare least this present calme doth threaten mee with a tempest to come . i will say that discurtesie in thee , causeth doubtfull hope in mee . beholde my misaduenture , i had lost a letter , and turning to the temple to seeke it , i found the letter , which was of some importance : and had almost lost my selfe , which is the greatest thing . considering my small reward , i see mine eyes ( the ladders of my hopes ) set on so high a wall , that no lesse certaine is my fell then my clyming was doubtfull . thou bending downe thy harnesse of thy high deserts , and putting mee to the poynt of continuall seruice , sufferest mee to enioy the fruite , and giue vnto whom thou wilt the leaues . by the immortall gods i sweare vnto thee , that i maruell not a little : for , i thought that in the temple of the virgin-vestals no temptations could haue comen vnto any man : but contrary now by true experience i finde , that that woman is easylier ouercome , which is most watched , then the other that hath honest libertie . all bodily diseases bee first had , ere they be knowne , and knowne ere they seene , and seene ere they be felt : and felt ere they be tasted : and so in all things except this dart of loue : whom they first feele the stroke thereof , before they knowe the way how it commeth . the lightning commeth not so sudden , but it is knowne before by the thunder . the wall falleth not suddenly , but first some stones fall downe . the colde commeth not so fast , but some small shiuering is seene before : only loue is not felt , vntill he hath had power in the entrailes . let them know that are ignorant , and thou lady lyuia , if thou wilt know , loue sleepeth when we waken , and waketh when we sleepe : laugheth when wee weepe , and weepeth when wee laugh . it assureth in taking , and taketh in in assuring : it speaketh when wee bee still , and is still when wee speake . and finally , it hath such a condition , that to giue vs our desire , it causeth vs to liue in paine . i sweare vnto the , when my will became thy seruant , and thy beautie made thee my mistris , when i was at the temple , and there found thee , neyther thou in thy prayers diddest minde mee , nor ( i vnhappie man ) did thinke on thee . oh vnhappy heart of mine , that being whole , thou art diuided : being in health thou art hurt , being aliue thou art killed : being mine thou art stolne : and the worste of all is , that thou not helping to my life , consentest that death should assault mee . considering manie times lady liuia with my selfe , my thoughtes to be high , and my fortunes base , i would haue separated my selfe from thee : but vpon better hope , knowing my trauells to be well employed in thy seruice , i say though i might , i would not now wish to bee separated from thee . i will not denie one thing , that is : the cursed loue taketh away the taste of all things , and in those things only it giueth vs pleasure , which are greatly against our profite . this is the proofe of him that loueth heartily , that one frowne of her that hee loueth , doeth more grieue him , then all the delights of the rest of his life can please . i deeme ladie lyuia , thou art abashed to see mee openly as a phylosopher , & to know me secretly as a louer . i beseech thee hartily discouer me not . for if the gods graunt mee long life , i am now a young foole , yet in age , i will be wise . the gods know what i desire , and the force which doeth enforce mee thereunto . and as the flesh is weake , and the hart tender , the occasions manie , the vertues fewe , the world deceitfull , the people malicious . so i passe this spring-time with flowres , in hope that in haruest i shall haue some fruite . thinkest thou lady lyuia , that philosophers ( bee they neuer so wise ) are are not touched with the sharpe darts of loue ? and that vnder their course cloathes , there is not softe flesh and white ? certainly amongst hard bones is nourished soft flesh : and within the pricking huskes growe the chess-nut . i say that vnder the simple attyre , is the faithfull loue . i do not denie but our fraile nature doeth withstand our vertues . nor i denie not but that the wanton desires are repressed with vertuous mindes . nor i denie not , but that the rashnes of youth are restrayned with the reynes of reason . i denie not but many times wisdome doeth withstand that which the flesh procureth : and yet i confesse that hee which is not amorous , is a foole. and doest thou not know , that although we be wise , we leaue not therefore to be men ? doest not thou know , all that euer wee learne in our life , sufficeth not to gouerne the flesh one houre ? doest not thou know , that to wise men in this case hath fallen many errours ? doest not thou knowe , that there hath bin and are manie maisters of vertues : and much more there are and hath bin followers of vices . then , why doest thou make such a wonder onely of mee ? i will nor say it without a trueth , that i neuer had my iudgement so good and perfite , as when cupid blewe winde on mee , with his wings . there was neuer man vntill my time accounted wise , but first hee was intangled with cupids snares . gratian was in loue with tamira . solon salaminus the giuer of the laws , was enamoured with one gretian . pittachus mytelenus left his owne wife , and was in loue with a bond-woman that hee brought from the warres . cleobolus when hee was foure-score yeares elde , and had read phylosophie sixtie-fiue yeares , climbing vp a ladder , to scale his neighbours wall , fell , and of the bruise dyed . periander prince of achaya , and chiefe philosopher of greece , at the instance of his louers , slew his own wife . anacharsis a philosopher , a scythian by his father , and a greeke by the mothers side , loued so dearely a woman of thebes , that hee taught her all that he knew : in so much that he being sicke on his bed , shee read for him in the schooles . epimenides of creete , that slept . yeares without waking . although hee was a great worshipper of the gods , yet he was banished athens . yeares for the louing of women . architus tarentinus , the master of plato , and scholler of pythagoras , occupyed his minde more to inuent newe kindes of loue , then to employ his studies to vertue and learning . gorgias leontinus , borne in scicile , had mo concubines in his house , then bookes in his studie . all these were wise men , and we knew them wise , yet at the ende they were ouercome with flesh . therefore blame me not alone , for as i haue tolde thee of these fewe , so could i of a whole armey . for of trueth he ought to haue many things , that will bee accounted a curious louer . he must haue his eyes displayed on her that hee loueth , his vnderstanding much altered in that hee thinketh , his tongue troubled in that it should speake : so that in seeing he is blinde , in thinking dismaid , in speaking troubled . o ladie lyuia , the louing in mockerie , passeth by mockery : but where true loue is , there is griefe and no mockery : there true loue spitteth his poyson , and cruell cupid fixeth his arrowes vp to the feathers . the eyes weepe , the heart sigheth , the flesh trembleth , the sinewes doe shrinke , the vnderstanding is grosse , reason falleth to the earth : finally , the heauie louer abyding in himselfe , holdeth nothing of himselfe . all this i say , because if i want knowledge to make mee a louer ; yet am i sure that the workes faile not in me to effect thy seruice . and though by mishap i saw thee , yet by good chaunce i knew thee . i aske nothing of thee , but that thou loue me faithfully , sith i loue thee vnfainedly . and if thou hearest that i am sicke from my hart , i desire thee to doe me some good . sith it is in thee only to helpe me , it is reason thou onely doe seeke for remedie . i was greatly comforted when fulius carlotus desired me in thy behalfe , to doe a pleasure , which i did incontinent all that thou desiredst , to the intent that thou another day shouldest doe franckly that i desire thee . and beholde faire ladie lyuia , the woman that is serued with seruices , it is great reason within a while she be sued vnto by prayer . and though my strength cannot open the gates of the purpose , or not agreeing to thy demand yet all my labors slacke not to vphold thy renowne . i pray thee discouer not the one , nor beguile me with the other : for thou seest in graunting is remedy , and in hoping is comfort : but promise is deceiuable , and delaying is perillous , and the entertayning bindeth . i see well that the hearty demaund requireth a long answere : but i wold not thou shouldst doe so . but as i loue thee , so loue mee : as i desire of thee , so graunt thou mee . i will say once againe , i am all thine , and nothing mine owne . and note lady lyuia , that it is as much honour to thee , as profitable for mee , that thou chaunge these thy desires , and put in order thy disordered will. for , thou seest it is much better to heale shortly , then too-late , with fayling thy purpose ? all women obserue an euill opinion , that is : yee neuer receiue councell , although it bee giuen you in neuer so weightie a case . and if it bee not so , then because thou art esteemed beautifull , bee likewise honoured for taking of good councell . in this sort , though my losse be much , and thy patience little , yet shall they account me wise in giuing counsell , and the most happie to follow it . one thing i will say vnto thee , and pardon mee therein . women bee much defamed in that they will take no counsell , and such as doe assure their renowme so much on the iudgement of others , as they condemne well doing before . i thinke good if it so like thee , and would if thou wilt , that thou shouldest doe in all 〈…〉 i haue counselled thee . i will say no more lady lyuia , but that i do present vnto thee , all my vnfortunate troubles , my sighes as a desperate man : my seruice , as thy seruant , my troubled griefes , my wordes of phylosophie , and my teares as a louer : i send thee heere a gyrstle of gold , on condition that thou alwayes sixe thine eyes on that , and thy heart on mee . i pray the gods giue mee to thee , and thee to mee . marke the open phylosopher , wrote this in great 〈◊〉 . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e the heathē may teach christians how to liue . 〈…〉 . a worthy sentence of plato . a prettie sentence . the trees of the earth sheweth the malice of man. a good lesson for all persons to follow . a comparison necessiry to be respected . a sentence of paulus dyaconus : the end of warre both fickle & vnconstant . a speech of xenophon . how dāgerous a thing it is to meddle with princes affaires . the paines that the authour tooke in this booke . the inordinate loue betweene nero and pompeia . the folly of the emperour nero described . a commendation of demosthenes the philosopher . how happy a thing it is to liue vnder a vertuous prince . 〈…〉 . diuers historiographers at controuersie , what things were most authentike . new things and vnaccustomed ought not to be vsed . the prouidence of the ants. a description of the alphabet . a worthy sentence of plato : 〈…〉 . spayne cōmended for learned mē , & expert in the warres . the property of this ●ooke of the dyall of princes . notes for div a -e a notable sentence . iulius caesar . a worthy sentence of what was the occasiō the ancients aduentured their liues . how difficult & hard a matter it is to attaine to true honour . the cruelty of tyrants heee described , & layd open . a mans owne conscience a iudge betweene truth and lyes : a poesie which cato the censor had engrauen in his ring . how much homer was helde in account . the commendation of the 〈…〉 of marcus aurelius . notes for div a -e the definition of time according to archimenedes . the saying ●o plato . the opiniō of aulus gellius cōcerning time . the reason why this is called the iron-age . for what cause marcus aurelius was chosen emperour . the diuersity of mens opinions . one ought not rashly to cōdemne another mans wryting . the time when the author began to translate the booke of marcus aurelius . the booke of marcus aurelius , at the first imprinted , without the knowledge of the authour . notes for div a -e marcus aurelius a romane born . a 〈…〉 to ●l rome . the epitaph on the graue of camilla , a worthy law among the romās . chaunges of rulers breed flor● of vices . concerning the father of marcus aurelius . the romanes foure garrisons . distribution of offices . honourable armies of the romans gb●●uation among the roman antiquaries the answere of phalaris to a romane philosopher the triumphes of marcus aurelius . the climateriall yeares of mans life . the imperfections of young men deserue no publication a most wise and worthy obseruation . the heart of a man is seldome satisfied . a notable custome in rome . the happines of any kingdome . cicero in lib de legibus . idlenes is the badge of all lewdnes . the golden and copper dayes of rome . a famous visitation vsed by the ancient romanes . a towne in the middest of campania . the folly of a romane censour . the wisedome of a poore host of nolo . the harme ensuing by euill education of children . a countrey of the lesser asia , neere phrygia . conference betwixt marcus and his master . fiue especial respects among the romanes . where the gods are displeased , all goodnes decayeth . a most diuine and christian confession . diuersity of nations . the occasion of the warres betweene the alleines ●● armenians . cicero de natura deorum . ● notable sentences of bruxellus . the speech of bruxellus at his death . paul. oros de mach. mund. lib. an ancient custome among the romanes : a rule deseruing obseruation . considerations resolued on b● the romans for their owne good , the wilfull ignorance , and peruersity of the gentiles . of the great concorde & agreement of noahs arke . the saying of aristotle . weake is the arine of man , to resist against god. the mighty army of senacherib ouerthrowne . the succes of ioshua ouer kings and kingdomes . the god of troy could not resist the grecian . the dignity of the church militant . the enmity of nations one against another . variety of opinions concerning the true god. arist . in metaph lib. . mar. var. in lib mist . theol. cic. in lib. de nat . deorum . emperours made gods or deuils by decree of the senate fiue things fitting an emperour . romaine 〈…〉 goddesse . a worthie saying . no goodnesse but proceedeth from god. all power is in the hand of of god. wherefore princes should obey god. how much men are bound to the almightie god. hercules de repub : cicero de natura deorum . pub. vict. de nuptiis antiq. naturall & peculiar gods. plin. ad rutil . cic : de na tu . deorum . couetousnes the root of all euill . the iust iudgement of god. good counsell for women . difference betweene a good prince & a tyrant . the speech of sophia vnto tiberius . tiberius answere . the frailtie of man. the saying of epimenides . 〈…〉 . the memorable deedes of tiberius . treasure . found by tiberius . a good lesson . paul : diacon : lib : . de gestis roman . the false opinion of the gentils . 〈…〉 . the outrages of the gothes . a worthy saying approned by narsetes . buccelinus did many outrages in italy . the inconstancy of fortune . king synduals epitaph . ennie a foe to all vertue . narsetes reply . the seuere sentence of the empresse . strange sights seene in the ayre . the ingratitude of the emperour against narsetes . a good obseruation . 〈…〉 . marcus. aurelius speech to gorbon . afflictions incident to all men . the miseries of marcus aurelius . all is worth nothing without the helpe of god. the fickle estate or the worlde . difference betweene the good & the euill . the d●●ty of a good prince . the difference betweene a good prince and a tyrant . hee that violateth the temple feareth not god. an ancient 〈…〉 . the vow of marcus camillus . the duetie of euery good captaine . the reward of well doing . the 〈…〉 into the hands of pylates . the great zeale of the romains . the difference of women in rome . titus liuius , lib : . . and . difference betweene the true god and the false . princes ought to excell their subiects . what pleasure it is to serue the liuing god. what is required in a good prince like prince like people . how circumspect princes ought to be . god onely is iust . what vertue 〈…〉 to bee in a good prince god the beginner & ender of all things . god the giuer of all things . laert. de antiq . graec. the wisdome of bias the philosopher bias the occasion of peace . laert de antiq . graec. certaine questions resolued by byas . laws made by byas . god the creator of all things . rewards 〈…〉 to the 〈…〉 the wicked the mercifull goodnes of god. how god punisheth ingratitude . leuit. . god the onely ruler of all estates the iust iudgement of god. the permission of god. the plague of god vpon idolaters . . reg. . a good admonition for all estates . babylon besieged . the stout resolution of pirius . the reward due to those that contemne god. a good caneat for magistrates the wickednes of ahab . the punishment of ahab . what mischiefe followes the contemners of god. the cruelty of pompeius . the punishment of sacriledge . the pride of xerxes euerthrown the misrable end of brennus . the valour of gracian . what maketh a man to be respected in this world . gracian chosen emperour . the heresie of arian . the description of a religious man. the cruelty of valente . the duety of euery good prince the folly and ouersight of the emperour . the miserable end of the emperour valentinian . a custome among the romanes . the duty of euery good christian . the description of the emperour valentinian the saying of seneca . the death of the emperour . the wisedome and discretion of young gracian . the olde prouerbe not alwayes true . the oration of the emperour : the duety of euery good souldier . the tyranny of thyrmus . the death of thyrmus the wickednes of valent. the death of theodosius . the iudgement of god. the lawes ordained by the counsel of hyponense . what is required of euery true christian . no respect of persons with god. man may purpose , but god disposeth . the speech of appolonius . a wort saving , 〈◊〉 worthie obseruation . what we lost by the fall of adam . the difference of opinions . the soule mistresse of the body . what is required in the gouernemēt of the common wealth . god suffereth euill gouernors for the offences of the people . reg. . the folly of youth . the power and 〈…〉 of a king. the folly of men . how much we are boūd to pray vnto god for good gouernors . the gouernment of rome . the care of princes . the reason why warres first began . how seruitude began . the first tyrant that euer was . belus the first inuentor of wars the mutability of the world. god made al things for the vse of man. what man loft by adams fall . a warning for all sorts of people . nothing so sure as death . the reason wee haue to obey our prince . the pride of alexander . a compendious reprehension . how wee ought to iudge of men . the propertie of a tyrant . in what true honor consisteth . how a prince must winne honour . how true honour is wonne . the propertie of a wise man. what mean a wise man should vse . the greedy desires of man neuer satisfied . the man is happie that hath content . how a man ought to conceyue of himselfe . the lawes of the garamantes . what gifts god bestoweth vp on princes , aboue other men . what is required in a prince . what time thales the philosopher flourished . thales the first that found out the north starre . questions resolued by thaks . princes and magistrates supporters of the common wealth the description of plutarch . the authoritie of princes . what is most requisite in the common wealth . god the only letter vp of princes . man differeth from all other creatures . what benfite cōmeth by a good prince . good lawes ordayned . what the prince ought to do the king compared to the common wealth the king the onely head of all the death of iulius caesar . a prince ought not to be sparing in words . what is required in a prince for the gouernment of the common-wealth . the commendations of the emperour alexander scue . us . the feasts of the romanes . the duty of euery good christian . an ancient custome in rome . an other custome in rome . nothing so hurtfull , as an enuious tongne . enuse an enemie to vertue . the prayse of marcus aurelius . patience ouercommeth many matters . true patience described . the property of a wise man. the replye of the emperour . how a prince ought to behaue himselfe . the court neuer without flatterers . the loue of the prince to his people . the fondnes of our time . pride the ouerthrow of great personages . pride the fall of many great men . tarquine noted of vnthankfullnes . the punishment of tarqui the miserable end of euill gouernours . the true patterne of a vertuous prince . a true saying of homer . a description of a perfect friend . what pleasure it is to remember dāgers past . two good properties of marcus aurelius . the epitaph of periander . an vsuall custome among all nations . diuers laws made by to periander the tyrant . the punishment of ingratitude . the commendation of phylosophy . the battell betweene the athenians and lysander . the pouerty of the philosophers of athens . the small hope of the wicked . the philosopher aeschilus described . aeschilus the first inuenter of tragedies . aeschilus his opinion , wherein the felicity of this life consisted . wherein true felicity consisteth . of the philosopher zeno. the strength of zeno. wherein felicity consisteth . no respect of persons with god. the opinion of anacharsis . the felicity of the sarmatians . the epitaph of lucius pius . an ancient custome in rome . warres in greece , euer since the destruction of troy. idlenes and pastimes hated by the philosopher crates the philosopher estilpho . simonides . archita . gorgias . chrysippus . antistenes . sophocles . euripides . palemon . themistocles . aristides . heraclitus . no perfect felicity in this world . a description of the city of thebes . strabo de situ orbis . a law among the aegyptians by the example of the thebanes is shewed the duty of euery christian . an in humane custome among the thebans . beauty the mother of vices . time the consumer of al things the smalest creatures profitable in the commonwealth . what folly it is for man not to regard his own soule . the vertue of the mind beautifieth the whole body . the deformity of iulius caesar . the valiant deeds of hanniball . the description of alexander . the letter of marcus aurelius . what offence comes by much talke . learning well regarin ancient times . an euill man a wicked member in a common-wealth . how children should be brought the description of a yong man. the of the wicked . the office of death . what death is . the miserable estate of man. the counsell of wise men euer respected among the ancients . what is required of euery magistrate . what hurt commeth by euill counsellors what benefite proceedeth frō good councellors time best spent in the seruice of god. how little wisedome now a dayes is regarded . youth subiect to many vices . how circumspect princes ought to be 〈…〉 theodosius . the duety of euery good christian . the loue of a master to his seruants the fault of many princes . the inconstancy of the world . the younger sort must accompany with the vertuous . proud and ambitious men ought not to gouerne . plin lib. de nat . hist . the description of cresus . the godly minde of cresus . the letter of king cresus . the description of cresus . the liberal mind of cresus . the answer of the philosopher anacharsis . wherein consisteth true phylosophy . how little the phylosophers desire riches . certaine points required to be performed by the physopher . the description of phalaris . the speech 〈…〉 . the frailtie of the flesh . couetousnes the ouer throw of iustice . what princes ought to doe . two things requisite in euery man. the letter of phalaris . cruelty wel rewarded . the praise of alexander the great . the prayse of alexander the great . the saying of diogines . the saying of alexander . two notable things of k. philip of macedonie . the prayse of ptolome alexander vnhappy in his death . pholosophers onely reioyce in pouertie . a custome among the egyptians . the miserable death of euripdes . the worthy saying of archelaus . a saying worthy obseruation . sentences of cinna . notes for div a -e no loue comparable to that of man and wife . fiue things follow marriage . the loue of the father to the child . the saying of solon . a third cōmodity of marriage . what inconenience so loueth them that are not maryed in the feare of the lord. the fourth commodity belonging to mariage . the worthie sayings of lycurgus . the prayse of marriage the cares incident to ma●●age . no man content with his owne estate . marriage the cause of loue and amitie . mariage a meanes of peace betweene god and man. what is required of euery vertuous prince . a law among the tharentines . a law among the athenians . a worthie saying of socrates . the spech of cimonius . a beastly custome in old time . in england . an ancient custome among the romains . a law among the cymbrians . the law of the armenians . a custome among the hungarians the custom of the scythians good counsell for all sorts of women . women bound to loue their husbands . the tongue cause of debate . the loue of women towards theyr husbands . the praise of women . the law amongst the lidians the loue of sinoris & comma how good women ought to behaue themselues . the death of sinoris and camma . good coūsell for women . the great dangers women sustaine . the custome of the achaians . the law of the parthians . the law of the lideans women weake of nature . the foolish opinion of some women . a propertie of a wise & discreete husband . good counsell for women . the saying of 〈…〉 . the office of the husband , and dutie of the wife . the law of lycurgus . the propertie of good houswifes . what inconuenience cōmeth by gadding abroad the commendations of lucretia . the praises of the wiues of numidia where loue wanteth , discord resteth . a propertie of a good woman . the quality of naughty house-wiues . the follie of man. how the man childe ought to be brought vp . how womē ought to carry themselues in the time they goe with childe . the desire of women . tibullus de casibus triumphi . the first dictator in rome . the first rebell in rome . an auncient custome vsed by the ladyes in rome . the first victorie the romaines obtained by sea. the death of sophia , titus liuius the mutabilitie of fortune . the death of ypolita . the dangs● of women with childe . a good warning for women with childe . aristotle de animalibus the propertie of a good husband . reasonable creatures may take example by the vnreasonable . a custome among the mauritanians . a custome in hungary the false opinion of the heathen . the commendation of the emperour octauian . the saying of pisto . how good counsell ought to be regarded . what is required of women with child . pulio de moribus antiq : lucius seneca his counsell . how vertuous princes ought to be . how the emperour marcus aurclius spent his time . a custome among the romanes . the speech of marcus aurelius at his death . rome destroyed by the gothes . the importunity of the empresse . a law a-among the romane . what euill commeth by the tong . what is required in a woman . the emperours answere . what is required of euery man , what hurt commeth by not gouerning the tongue . crosses incident to marriage . what women naturally are inclined vnto . women can not endure to haue superiours . annales of pompeyus . a law among the barbarians . the frailty of man. the cause why men ought to endeauor to be vertuous how wee ought to to spend our time . reason leadeth to vertue , sensualitie to vice . what dangers are incident to men by following women . women neuer contented . women cōpared to golden pilles . the speech of drusio , what inconuenience follow those that are discontented in marriage . how euery man & woman ought to behaue themselues . what hurte cometh by misgouerning the tongue . how marryed folkes ought to carry themselues . rules for euery man to followe that meanes to liue in peace , women extreame in their demands . a froward woman described . rome in ancient times rich in vertues . fiue things granted to the matrones of rome . the commendation of a vertuous woman . the epitaph of macrine . foure things which women naturally desire . women bound by gods law to giue her children sucke . the example of dumb creatures may teach women to bring vp their owne children . arist . de animal . the description of children in their infancie . what loue women ought to beare their children . the reward of the roman captain . the speech of scipio the affricā . what dutie is required betweene the parents and the childe . the eruelty of nero towards his mother . the reason that may moue women to giue their children sucke . a custome of asia . the saying of iunius rustious . how men and women ought to be stow theyr time . what profit cometh to women by giuing their childrē suck how women ought to spend the time about theyr children . pleasures that women may take in their children . the lawes of the auncients . what care women ought to haue of their children . a good example for women . a good example for all sorts of women . what inconueniēce cometh by changing nurses . arist . de secret . secretorum . how children ought to be nourished and brought vp . good counsell for one that would liue long . aristot : de animalib : what dyet nurses ought to vse . an example of the women of thrace . women giuing sucke , ought to abstaine from wine . womē prohibited to drink : wine in former times . 〈…〉 the speech of sabina . the answer of the consull fuluius . wherefore the consull would not haue his children nourished in his house . what is required in euery good nurse . the description of pressilla . what is required of a nurse for bringing vp of children . what is required of a good captaine . how alexander gouerned his armie . a custome among the persians . what time it requisite for a man to eate . strabo de situ orbis . what order the auncients vsed concerning marriage . the custome of the chaldeans . how long women ought to giue their children sucke . questions demanded by the philosopher arethus . when rome flourished : how circumspect a man ought to bee to speake the truth . what property belongeth to the goute . what inconueniēce commeth by eating too much fruit . what hurt commeth by iugglers and players . titus liuius . the pollicy of the auncient romaines . god the onely physitian . the mutabilitie of mans life . what difference there is betweene man and beast . ioseph de bello iudaic . what caused cicero to bee famous . the opiniō of plato the commendation of iulius caesar . the ordinances of socrates . how euerie man ought to guide & gouerne himselfe . children compared to trees . how to choose nurses for children . the glory of the ancients to enioy vertuous women . greece euer famous for learned women . disputation betweene the women of greece and rome . the wickednes of heliogabalus . the ancient women farre excelled these in our times . the difference betweene one man and another . the commendation of aretha . the epitaph of aretha . the proty of women . man without truth is not worthie to be regarded . the humilitie of pythagoras . the wife of king euander a prophetesse . a custome among the macedonians . k. alexanders answer concerning his mariage the prayse of cornificia . the speech betweene calphurnius and cornificius . how great ladies ought to to esteeme of thēselues . what difference there is betweene the women of our time & the ancients . fiue families in rome chiefly were esteemed . the epitaph of cornelia . a letter of a romane lady to her two sons . the wickednesse of rome described , the vncertainety of mans life . 〈…〉 the commendations of warlike men . a law among the tharentines . how euery man & women ought to spend their time . what a good traueller in this worlde ought to seeke for . the vanity and foolish opinion of the commō people . the philosopher phetonius his answere to the thebaines . the philosophers counsell acceptable to the thebanes . the reason why parents are bound to instruct then children . how childrē ought to bee brought vp . what mischiefe commeth by giuing childrē their owne will in their youth . questions demaunded of dyogenes the phylosopher . . things to be obserued of all men . what comfort parents may looke for of their children . ordinances and customes of the rhodians . what youth ought to obstaine from . a lawe among the athenians . the miserable estate of man. what misfortunes are incident to man in this life . men ought to flie the pleasures & vanities of this life . wholsome and warie lawes of the lacedemonians . the speech of 〈…〉 concerning the professe of the lygures the stoute answere of the english ambassadour to the romanes . the prowesse of viriatus , and his vntimely death . an ancient law obserued by the inhabitants of capua , the answer of the emperour augustus caesar . the prouidence of a careful mother . the commendations of the labouring man. the more tēderly children are brought vp the more diseased they proue . childrē the dishonor of their parēts whē they be not well brought vp . distastfull things vnfit for either young or olde . vide genes : &c. excellent comparison and forewarning , &c. aduised caueats for the bringing vp of tēder youth . what conditions belong to a good schol master . like master like scholler what is required in a well gouerned cōmon welth the speech of camillus camillus loued of the romanes , and feared of his enemies . a good law in rome , fitte to bee vsed all the world ouer . a custome of the carthagenians . the carefulnes of princes in times past to bring vp their chidren . a custome among the athemans . questions demaunded by the phylosophers of athens . affro . de rebus atheniensium . a great thing for parents to chuse good tutors to their children . the descrip of a cruell and wicked prince . the death of the prince verissimus greatly bewayled . the tendernes of the emperour toward his sonne . how euery man ought to examine their tutors . how circūspect the emperour was in chusing teachers for his sonne . with what vertues princes ought to be adorned . how princes shoulde giue credite to their seruants . three of offences neuer pardoned in rome . the greate loue of the romanes to the emperour . a question demaunded of the emperour , and his answere . the wisedome of the emperour marcus aurelius . the speech of the emperour to the philosophers . how a wiseman is discerned from a foole . an ancient law among the romans worthy obseruation . what rome was in ancient time . rome in auncient times ●●iled , the mother of good workes . one badde worke marres many good speeches . what is required in a sage phylosopher . whē rome flourished in vertue . what moued the emperour to put away the phylosophers . the counsell of the emperour what is required in good tutors . the phylosophers speeche to k. seleucus . king seuleucus his answer . what profit cometh to children by good counsell . tutors ought not to beare with the vices of theyr schollers . custome in sinning is hardly to be reclaimed . schoolemasters ought not to bee couetous . the complaint of apuleius rufynus to the emperour seuerus . the sentēce of the emp : seuerus . what euil followed covetousnesse . the speech of the emperour to the nine masters of his sonne comodus . the duty of euery good father to prouide good instructors for their children . good tutors compared to naturall fathers . what is required in a good instructor of children . difference betweene the teachers of princes children & others . what is required in a scholler . the earefulnes of the emperour for the common-wealth . children in their youth apt to entertain all vices . what is required in the master towards his schollers . an ancient law in rome . a cruell sentence vpon a lyer . the speech of a senator to the emperour . the emperours answere . how carefull masters ought to be to refraine their schollers from lying and gaming . the speech of the emperour octauian . the sentence of the emperour vpon the prince and his master . what is required in great mens children the reward of shamefastnes . commendation of the empeperour the odosius . a memorable thing of the emperour theodosius . the ordinances of plato . young mē ought to abstaine from the vice of the flesh . what inconueniēce followeth the fleshly minded man. a good lesson for parents . notes for div a -e the excellency of vertue . how vile man were if iustice were wanting . nothing mor profitable to the common-wealth then true lustice . no nation so barbarous , but it founded of instice . the office of euery magistrate . what a great thing it is to doe iustice vprightly . hee that in his life is vn iust , cannot doe iustice to another . lawes giuē to the egyptians . what is required in a vertuous iudge . how circūspect princes ought to be in chusing iudges how iudge , ought to bestowe their time . difference betweene him that is iust , and him that administreth iustice ancient lawes and customes ought nor to be broken . princes ought not to be partiall in iudgement . princes the ministers of god , for iustice . an excellēt saying of alexander seuerus . the lawes of plato , concerning princes . the difference betweene a tyrant and a good prince a great pestilence in rome in the time of m : aurelius the description of the villaine . the oration of the villaine to the senators of rome . hee that taketh away another mans goods , putteth his life also in peril . euery man giuen to one sinne or other . the villain continueth his oration wherein hee layeth open the tyranny and oppression of the romanes against the germanes . man may giue the battell , but god must giue the victorie . iniury done wher iustice is neglected an apologie of the viilaine . conclusion of the villains speech wherein he reproueth the roman magistrates . the tyrannie of the romanes to the germanes . here the villaine layeth open the miserable estate of his country . the commendation that the emperour gaue of the oration of the villaint . the speech of king alexander the great . the greate courage of alexner the phylosophers speech concerning the honour of princes . the saying of plutarch to traian the emperour . good admonitions of seneca to his friend lucilla . graue sentences of seneca . the speech of king philip. what ma●ter of men iudges and officers ought to be what is requyred in an vpright iudge . the wise answere of cato . cato his aduise in choosing officers . a letter of marcus aurelius to his friend antigonus . ancient lawes obserued among the rhodians . god the onely true ●udge . what may moue one man to bee mercifull to another . the emperour continueth still his letter concerning cruell magistrates . the commendations of lycaronicus for equal iustice . the cruelty of lycaronicus . the pitty & mercifulnes of romulus . the first romane king. the vertue of an herbe called ilabia . an epitaph of a vertuous king : the emperour continueth his letter against euil iudges . the cruelty of nero. with one of his pittiful sayings . the carefulnes of augustus in choosing iudges . what is required in an vpright iudge . the reason why iudges are ordained . the emperour continueth still his letter concerning cruell magistrates . what the ancient hebrewes were and their conditions . how vn . happie that realme is , that is forsakē of god. a token of peace if the disturbers thereof bee taken away where iudges are vniust , there the commōwealth goeth to ruine . the counsell of the poore ought not to bee despised . the 〈◊〉 that princes ought to haue in 〈◊〉 magistrates . the conclusion of the emperours letter concerning cruell iudges . the property of euil iudges and officers . a caue at for iudges and all other magistrates . offices giuen more for friendshippe then for desert . the triumph of marius the romane consull . the speech of the grandfather of k. boco . the nephew pardoned for the good desert of the grandfather . the vertous life of augustus second emperour of rome described . the vertues of a godly prince described . warre ought to be eschewed , & peace entertained . k , dauid a patterne for princes , how to stain warre . howmuch euery ought to preferre peace before warre . how vnsat●able a couetous man is . what incōueniences are incident to warres . what may moue princes to lo●● peace , and ●ate warre . questions demaunded by king dimo , and answered . commodities that follow peace . warres vniustly taken in hand , neuer come to good end . for what reason wars ought not to be taken in hand . the warre , destruction , of the good and godly men . the reason why the emperozr augustus was o fortunate . a dreame of king antigonus . a true saying of plato . our sauiour christ the true patterne of peace . good coūsell , and worthy to be followed . dangers incident to warres . enuie and malice a deadly foe to true honour . mā putteth his life in danger only to winne honour . how little the emperour marc : aurelius esteemed vaine honours . wherefore the emperour cursed rome . rome in ancient time the most flourishing city of the world . the emperour goeth on with his letter , touching the order of warre . customes which the romanes vsed before they went to the war. the great outrages that the romane souldiers did . lewde women oftentimes the cause of warre . what mischiefe followed , by the ●●●●●dnes of a strumpet . priestes exempt from warre . the answer of the oracle of apollo . how the rumanes were wonte to make trial of their captaines . a reward giuen by the emperour to a cowardly captaine . marcus aurelius continueth his letter , shewing the detriment that followeth wars . what felicity the ancient romans tooke in warlike discipline . what mischiefe came to rome by conquering asia . the great miseries that were specified of asia . what vices were brought to rome , from asia . what incōuenience cōmeth by cōquering strange realmes , warre the mean & occasion to make a cōmonwealth poore . how vncertaine the euent of warre is , no greater hinderance to a common wealth then to keepe men of warre . a custome among the auncient romanes . lycurgus his lawes to the lacedemonians . death maketh an end fal worldly miserie . a wise sentence of cato . a saying of phalaris the tyrant . a wise aunswere of a philosopher the six ages of mans life said opē & explaned . a graue sentence of sences . good counsel of seneca , worthy to be followed both of olde and young . how circūspect & wary men ought to be in eating & 〈◊〉 , discommodityes that come by excesse of eating and drinking . the answer of a young man to the senate or rome . the iudgement of the senate against drunkennes an euill qustome vsed among the goths . euery man ought for to weare apparrell according to his calling . pride in the aged , ought to be neglected . a lye in a young man hatefull , but in an olde man abhominable . a worthy lesson , &c. olde men ought to be a lanterne to youth . a letter of the emperour , reprouing light behauiour in old men . a discommodity that war bringeth . for foure causes friends are to be esteemed . the speech of the emperour adrian to his ieaster . the difference of solon and lycurgus in opinion . the continuation of the emperours letter to his friends . the vanity of the world and the vncertainety thereof . how warie euery man ought to be no man euer contented with his estate in this world , euery man ought to flye the vain intisements of the world . the prosecution of the emperours letter teaching old men to be vertuous what is required in euery olde man. what duty is required of the yong man to the olde . a question demaunded of a● senatour of rome . olde mē by experience know and feele many daungers . a speech of the emperor adrian . a custome among the barbarians . the conclusion of the emperours letter , reprouing old men which liue dissolutely , like young children . all the mēbers of man waxe feeble in time , but onely the heart and tongue . the pride of the auncient senatours of rome . a seuere sentence giuen by the senators of rome vpon an old man. a question demaunded of an olde man and his answere . a good example , and worthie to be noted . what caused alexander to be loued and honoured king darius noted of couetousnes . the vice of auarice so odious , that it cannot be sufficiently expressed . a worthie saying of aristotle . a true saying o● boetius . the description of a miserable and couetous man. poverty far better , then riches with couetousnes the desire of couetous men neuer satisfied . the description of a couetous man. a comparison between the glutton , & the vsurer . the almes of the couetous man , if he giue any . the emperour sheweth the abuse of those that leaue their calling . wherein true friendship consisteth . the emperour sheweth what vertues men ought to vse , and the vices they ought to eschew . a worthy saying of cicero . the emperour concludeth his letter , describing the vanities of the world . the frailety and state of man described . cares that are incident to them that hoorde vp riches . deceyuers neuer go vnpunished , either in this life , or the other . a good counsell to reframe frō couetousnes . couetousnes alwayes accursed . a saying of pisistratus . the tyrant . the opiniō of the philosopher lido , concerning a couetous man. a custome among the lumbards , worthy to be noted and followed . couetousnes in great personages , a greater blemish thē in the poore the safetie of princes consists in the loue of his subiects . a question lemau ded of great alaxander , & his answere . an olde prouerbe . a worthy ●aying of the emperour seuerus . the prayse of king ptolomeus . a wise saying of king ptolomeus . a worthy saying of titus the emperour . a worthy saying of great alex : to king darius . a worthy saying of phocion , the phylosopher . great difference betweene the anciēt warriours , & these of our times . an ancient custome among the romanes . a letter of the emperour to mercurius . what profiteth it a man to couet much , since his day ●s are so short . riches neuer letteth man be in quiet . socrates teacheth vs how to esteeme the goods of this world . the conclusion of the emperours letter , shewing the nature of couetous men . a superscriptio written ouer the gates of the king of lacedemonia . the vices of rome and alexandria layd open . what it is that couetous men doe long for in this life . the tyranny of mydas described . the answere of the oracle concerning the life of king mydas . conference betweene mydas and the philosopher silenus . the speech of the philosopher silenus . a worthy thing to bee considered of among christians . a worthy saying of eschynes the philosopher . beasts more prouicent in their kinde then man. the miserable estate of man in his infancy . nature of men and beasts compared both together . the cares & troubles that followe man in this life . man of all other creatures subiect to dangers . brute beasts an instrument to punish man. malitious men worse then brure beasts . we ought not to regard where our dead corpes are enterred . a letter of the emperour to a banished man. when good orders were obserued in rome . the time when good orders were broken in rome . the reason that domitius was banished . a worthy speech of seneca to his mother albina . how little wee ought to regard the flatteries of forune . alexaander the great after his so many conquests dyed by poyson . how quickly sodaine death ouertaketh many men . how carefull men ought to be to liue wel . a worthy example of an atheniā king. a good custome among the ancient romanes . a rebuke of a friēd more acceptable , then the slattring words of foes . the pittifulnes of the emperour claudius . the speech ●t king alexander , to king darius wherefore the worthie anthoninus was renowm . d. a worthy saying of the emp : & worthy to be followed how accessarie it is for a wife to be in her owne house . a custome vsed by widdowes in ancient times . what a cōfort a good husband is to a woman the care that worldlings haue . sorrowes that women haue in bringing vp their children . a saying of seneca . troubles and cares incident to widdowes . 〈…〉 . an ancient law amōg the carthagenians . the life & vertues of claudinus described . how little this life is to bee respected . how little we ought to esteeme of this life . mē in their kinde , more cruell then beasts . the prosecutiō of the emperours letter to widowes . the dutie that euery christian ●●eth to god. a custome vsed by the romains in visiting widdowes . a custome vsed among the romane widowes . an admonition of the emperour to widowes to leaue off mourning . 〈…〉 what punishment ought to be inflicted vpon a widow of light behauiour . the opinion of sundry philosophers of the description of the world . 〈…〉 . the deceitfulnes of the world layd open . a worthy saying of k. salomō : nothing in this worlde but vanitie , the vaine hope of the worldly minded man , the speech of the emp : traian . the answer of plutarch how little we ought to esteeme the flatteries of the world . the inconstancie of the world . how the world deceiueth sinfull men . the vaine opinion of the worldly minded mē , how suddēly death assaulteth vs , comfor● 〈…〉 if the emp : marc : aur. how a true friend is to be knowne , the loue of marcus aurelius to his friend , the considerations that euery man ought to haue , a worthy saying of plato . no man in safety to long as hee liueth in this world . the emperour perswedeth mē to trust in the world what the world is compared vnto . how malicious & vnconstāt the world is , fortune & nature two contrary enemyes . doe what thou canst at last the world will deceyue thee , examples of the vncōstancy of the world . plutarch commendeth the lacedemonians in obseruing their lawes a saying of plutarch , the laws of plutarche . wherfore the romans esteemed fencers . an ancient custome among the romaines , the reason wherefore the romās allowed iesters , allowance giuen by the romans to iuglers . the difference betweene roscio the iester and cicero , a good and ancient law amōg the lacedemonians . punishment infflicted by augustus vpon a iester . an other worthy sentence of the emperour augustus , the vanity of men in maintaining iesters & such idle persons : how necessarie it is to bee beneficiall to the poore . how hatefull iesters and loyterers ought to be in a common-wealth . a custome vsed by the romanes , worthy to be vsed of euery nation : the cause wherefore the emperour wrote this letter . the emperour bewayleth the folly of the romanes . such company as mē haunt , the same shall they shew in their life . to what sorts of people men ought to giue to eate . the emp : cōmendeth the isle of helespont . how reuerently the sages were esteemed in former time the noble minded respect antiquities . what vnloked for mischiefes arise at such meetings . the reason wherefore the emperour banished fooles and loyterers . the reward a poore philosopher had for speaking truth . idlenes the mother of all vices . the folly of fooles ought to be contemned of the wise . the great riches of two parasites . the property of iuglers . a true patterne for good and vertuous children . death the best gift that can be giuen to mortall men . how little we ought to esteeme of death . comforts against the feare of death . a question of plato , demaunded of socrates . a question demanded of cato , & his answer , a worthie sentence of seneca . a sentence of plinie , a worthie speech of the emp : theodose none ought to procrastinate or deny their amendment . a great discouragemēt to lo●e so worthie a personage . extreame sorrows oppressed the good emp : m : aur. men ought to prouide a cleare conscience to depart this life , &c. good counsell against the feare of death . wise men prepare thēselues before death . death terrible to all men . repentance not to be omitted . what care is had to inherit transitory goods . the worthy secretary panurius his speech . the reason why men studie , is to learne to liue well . stedfastnes of minde is commendable . the words of a wise man workes strange effects : how loath great men are to die . too much merriment in life breedeth woe in death . a custome of the grecians and romains . wise men do outwardly dissemble inward griefes . the custōe of many widowes . there are two things that grieue men at their death . the same order that time keepeth , man ought to follow . this transitory life not worth the desiring . man neuer happy till death . the trauell of death is harder then all the trauell of life . the cause why men feare death . he giues best counsel to the sorrowfull that is himselfe likewise tormented . the occasion why aurelius tooke his death heauily children brought vp in liberty & wantonnes easily fals into vices . it is perillous to be adorned with naturall giftes , & to want requisite vertues . what parents should glory of in their children . many yong vicious princes in rome . the cruell inscription , in coligulaes brooch the cruelty of nero , to his mother . they seldome mend that are vicious in youth . the difference betweene the poore and the rich in death . vicious children by an ancient law disinherited . fiue things that oppressed marcus aurelius heart . the counsell of the emperour to his sonne comodus . what words cannot doe treason will. the sinnes of a populous cittie not to be numbred . as vice intangleth the vicious , so vertue cleaneth to the vertuous . disobedience of children is their vndoing . ripe counsell proceedeth from the aged . the pastime that princes should seeke princes are to accompanie ancient men . all young men are not light , nor all olde men sage . princes that rule many , must take counsell of many . weighty affayres are to be dispatched by counsell . whose coūsell is to be refused . the marks of an vndiscreet prince or ruler . it is more perillous to iniure the dead then the liuing . the duty of a thankefull child . ministers are to bee honoured of all men . a good admonition for children how to vse their stepmothers . women are of a tender condition . princes that doe iustice , doe get enemies in the execution thereof . the emperour here concludeth his speech , and endeth his life . death altereth all things . deferring of the punishment is not the pardoning of the fault . the wisedome of god in disposing his gifts . a table of good counsell . notes for div a -e the painefull iourney the philosophers booke to vi●●t good ●en . the properties of a true friende . what loue is . a remarkeable saying of zenocrates , great eate is to bee had in choosing a friend . the saying of seneca , touching frindship . good workes doe maruellously cheare the heart . the times past better then the times present . a question demaunded by the emperour augustus of virgil , and his answere . sinne is not so pleasaot in the committing , as it is likesome in the remembrāce good counsell for all men , especially for courtiets . christians are in all things to be prefered before all others . what the author or wryter of books should ayme at . a wise man reserueth some time for his profite and recreation . notes for div a -e le●rned men greatly honored in times past . the letter of k. phili , to aristol at the birth of his sonne alexander . the benefite that accreweth by companying , with wise men . notes for div a -e they are oft times most known that least seeke acquaintāce no misery comparable to that of the courtier why this name court was adhibited to the pallace of princes . it is more difficult to bee a courtier then a religious person . many a courtier spends his time all . the life of a● courtier , an open penance . the courtier is abridged of his liberty . an honest hart is more greeued to shew his misery then to suffer it . the courtyer subiect to much trouble . what epences the courtier is at . the misery that courtiers are subiect vnto how courtyers ought to order their expences . the trouble courtyers haue with friends , the griefe of th● courtyer , that cānot pleasure his friend . the mishaps of the court are more then the fauors . the courtier wanteth many things hee would haue . few purchase fauor in the court a speech of lucullus , and may well bee applyed to euery courtier . courtiers are rather grieued then relieued with the princely pompes of the court. the particular troubles of thē which follow the court. the ambition of the courtyers . many rather glory to be right courtiers tken good christians . the courtyer of least calling proues most troublesom . all courtiers subiectto the authority of the harbingers . how a courtyer may make the harbinget his friend . how the harbinger is to appoint his lodgings . the courtier must entrear his host well where hee lyeth . ●ow the courtier may make his host beholden to him . it is necessary for courtiers to keepe quiet seruants . the courtier is to commaund his seruants courteously to aske of his host all needfull things . too many women about the court. the care the courtier ought to haue of his apparell . how the courtier is to demeane himselfe at his departure from his lodging . the troble of him that is in fauour in the court is great . want of audacity hinders good fortunes . the reason why fortune rayseth some , and throweth down others the course he must take that would bee in his princes fauour . the saying of dionisius to plato & other philosophers that came to visite him . backbyting is a kinde of treason , especial●y against princes . the law of a drian the emperour againest sedicious persons . good seruice demāds recompence , though the tongue bee silent . things to be eschewed of him that would speake with the king. in what sort the courtier is to demand recompeuce of the prince the courtier shoulde not be obstinate . how princes are to be spoken to , if they be in an error . how the courtier must demean himselfe , when his prince sporteth before him . where wise men are best known . what disposition should be in a princes iester . he that will come to fauour in the court must be acquainted with all the courtiers in the court. a prince hath alwais some fauourite : the inconueniences that follow the needles reasoning of that the king allowes . betweene words spokē & the intēt with which they were spoken is great difference . it is best for the courtier to bee 〈◊〉 friendshippe with all , if can possible . there is no man , but giues more credit to one then another . wherein true visitation of our betters or friends consisteth . the indiscretion of some that are visited . the discretion the courtyer is to vse in his curtesie . one gyft in necessitie is better then a thousand words . two things which a mā should not trust any with . a custome wherein the courtier may lauish hia reputation . when a wise man may put himselfe in perill . how hee that is biddē to a feast may purchase thāk● of the bidder . to what ende wee should desire riches . many not 〈◊〉 to serue god , as their own bellies . how he is welcome that is a common runner to other mens tables . how he is to demeane himself , that will visite noble means table . many loue to haue their cheere and attendance commended . wine tempered with water bringth . commodities . no man ought to complaine of want at anothers table . what talke should bee vsed at the table . to whose table it is best for a feast hanter to resort . ill company loseth a mans credit . wherefore noblemen , knights & gentlemēs sonnes are sent to the court. with whom the young courtier should accompanie himselfe . what vices the young courtyer should eschew . a meane ought to be vsed in apparell . whence new fashions in apparrell proceede . who may bee rightly termed a courtier . a good order for it 〈◊〉 great noties . there is almost no end of a womans talke . where the courtier should spare and spend . how the courtiers seruant should bee apparrelled . a good caueat for courtiers . the custome of many iudges . contention for place in accompanying a noble man. a point of ●ood man●●s to bee obserued in ●aring or ●eaking to ●ur superiours . hee is ill taught that listneth to other men speaking in secret . what the propertie of courtly mistresses is . the nature of women in hating or louing to man. the friendship of a wise man doth not so much good , as a fooles displeasur doth hurt . diuers and sundry sorts of courtiers , the heauie happe of those that are in sutes of law. what misery the poore clyents & suters are subiect vnto what torments are incident to those that haue sutes in law . a iudge not to trust too much to his memory . the weake knowledge , of some counsellers the lawyers & physitians to be compared together . how the poore 〈◊〉 should demeane himselfe , when he commeth before the iudge . how euery wise and prudent courtier should behaue himselfe . the courtiers paines insupportable . a worthy saying of seneca . kindred are not alwayes friends . great seruitude and trouble to liue in the court. a lesson for him that meaneth to be a courties . by what meanes affaires are dispatched . how the seruants and officers of the court must be entreated . the intollerable exaction of a secretaries clerke . some suiters dye , but their suites neuer haue end . the fauoured of the court ought to bee easily spoken with . what persons should be chosen for gouernors . the cruelty of rhehoboam , and his punishment . pride was the ouerthrow of pompey , & many other princes . pride the ruine and decay of all things . the speech of anacharses the philosopher to alexander . the fauourites of princes ought to beware of pride . the fauourites of princes ought to beware of complaints . a worthy speech of agathocles k : of scicilia . pride of all other faults inexcusable the lawes of lycurgus , king of the lacedemonians . a law amongst the tuscans , worthy to be obserued . a worthy saying of plutarch . he that will be a courtyer must shun couetousnes . a good caueat for young courtiors . the couetous desire of some courtiers . an epitaph of queene semiramis . the covetousnes of king cyrus rewarded with deceite who knoweth who shall enioy his riches after his death . an epitaph of cato , written ouer his gate . the speech of philip k. of macedonie . the vncertaintie of this worlds felicitie . examples of many fauourites of princes that haue come to vntimely ends . a worthy saying of euripides the philosopher . the fauourites of the court compared ●o a game at tables . a diseourse betwixt fortune , & the consul seuerius . how suddenly the fauours of princes change . a worthie saying of plato , a worthy saving of seneca . a true saying of socrates . the speech of king agesilaus . the follie of olde courtiers . the foolish opinion of an olde courtier . a worthy saying of plutarch . a good caueat for courtiers . 〈…〉 in what veneration the ancients held them that were continent . a worthy sentence , and worthy to be engrauen in euery mans heart . the sinnes of the flesh goeth beyond all other . plutark de repub. it is impossible that the courtier that liueth disordinately , should continue in fāuour with the prince . courtiers must beware of dishonest women . what dāger followeth the courtier that keepeth leawd women . the painefull trauel and industry of saint paul. a worthy speech of socrates the phylosopher . a worthy saying of the diuine plato . another sentence of plato . 〈…〉 . the author continueth his speech concerning the abuse of feasts . fearefull examples of those that haue made riotous feasts . wholsome lawes of the romains against gluttonie . a law made by iulius caesar . king philip noted of drunkennes how carefull a man ought to be to bridle his tongue . anaxagoras his opinion concerning the tongue . plutarch reciteth a law vsed among the lidians . what punishment by a law of the lidians , was due to him that would defame his neighbour . a speech of king darius . what behauiour belongeth to a courtier . a wise saying of acaticus the philosopher a speech of pythagoras the courtyer ought to be a t●ue secretarie . a worthy answere of anasillus . no seruāt so hurfull as hee that reuealeth his maisters secrets . the sentence of denis vpō byas , a courtyre . courtiers ought to keepe their secrets from women . pamphylus reported neuer to haue tolde a true tale . a worthy speech of the emperour 〈◊〉 in concerning lyers . how hatefull and odious a lyer ought to be esteemed among men . wee ought not to belieue one that sweareth much . priests ought not to distemble , nor be double in their words a vindication of an essay concerning critical and curious learning in which are contained some short reflections on the controversie betwixt sir william temple and mr. wotton, and that betwixt dr. bentley and mr. boyle : in an answer to an oxford pamphlet / by the author of that essay. rymer, thomas, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing r estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a vindication of an essay concerning critical and curious learning in which are contained some short reflections on the controversie betwixt sir william temple and mr. wotton, and that betwixt dr. bentley and mr. boyle : in an answer to an oxford pamphlet / by the author of that essay. rymer, thomas, - . [ ], p. printed for e. whitlock ..., london : . signed at end: t.r. [i.e. thomas rymer] attributed by wing and nuc pre- imprints to rymer. error in paging: p. - misprinted - . imperfect: print show-through with some loss of print. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rymer, thomas, - . -- essay concerning critical and curious learning. bentley, richard, - . boyle, robert, - . education -- early works to . education -- philosophy -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread - jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vindication of an essay concerning critical and curious learning : in which are contained some short reflections on the controversie betwixt sir william temple and mr. wotton ; and that betwixt dr. bentley and mr. boyl . in answer to an oxford pamphlet . by the author of that essay . — pudet haec opprobria vobis , et dici potuisse , & non potuisse refelli . london , printed for e. whitlock , near stationers-hall . . a vindication of an essay concerning critical and curious learning , &c. in answer to an oxford pamphlet . sir , i little thought there would have been any need of defending the short essay concerning critical and curious learning , &c. which i ●ately writ and printed , you know , ●urely in complyance to your desires . but i did not consider how tenderly some people are affected with any thing that looks like a reproof . it was no sooner published , but out comes an acute answer from oxon , and pronounces it a down-right ignorant and impudent libel , and the author of it an atheistical town-wit . whether this dreadful charge is made out or not , shall be my present inquiry ; and because i am not much in love with the la●pooner's method of railing in general , and talking at random , i will beg your patience while i take every particular paragraph into a distinct , but short , examination . not that i think there is any thing in this trivial paper worth the trouble ; for on the other hand , pudet recitare , & nugis addere pond●s . but the author seems to be so full of himself , and writes with such a magisterial air , that some people ( especially those that are byassed ) may be apt to fancy he has justice on his side , and that my silence is a tacit acknowledgment of it . besides , i may possibly do him himself no disservice , in shewing him how unfit a champion he is to undertake the defence of a publick cause . there is a vast difference betwixt the qualifications , which may make a man appear advantagiously enough in an university , and those which will render him acceptable and eminent in the world. but i do not , sir , pretend to undervalue an university ▪ education ; for i know , the mo●t considerable personages of our nation have always been those , who had their first institutions there . i would only urge , that a man must have a more diffused and mixed conver●ation than is to be met with in a college , before his learning will sit agreeably upon him , or he can hope to become a finish'd scholar ; such a one i mean as this gentleman takes himself to be . i can observe no method in what i am about . you must take it as it comes , in the confusion he has delivered it . and therefore without any more preliminary , i will begin to transcribe . viz. sir , i thank you ●or the pamphlet you sent me the other day ; and because you was pleased to make it the condition of your gi●t , that i should return my thoughts upon it : i have here sent them by the first post , and i believe much sooner than you expected . you have them in the very order they at fi●st occurred to me , without any manner of correction ; for truly i did not think it worth my while to make any . this introduction you see affords nothing remarkable , but that our friend is very good at writing letters ; and may be depended upon by his correspondents for a speedy answer , let the business they employ him about be never so disobliging to him , or insignificant in it self ; unless perhaps we are to understand by the particular character of the words condition and gift , that there is some pretty double entendre couched in them . i suppose his meaning ( if he has any ) must be to inform us ( by way of lawyer ) that some gifts are upon condition , and some not ; and that where there is a condition , that condition must be performed before the title to the gift can be good . but let the distinction lye where it will , i wish for my part he had not thought this small gift worth his acceptance , upon the barbarous condition of persecuting his unknown , humble servant , as you shall hear he now and then does . first then , it is obvious to remark , that the author , whoever he is , has given his essay a wrong ●itle . if he had had a mind to deal honestly with his reader , it should have run thus : an essay , &c. ●n which are contained several false and scandalous reflections on christ church in oxon. but to turn over the title page . in his preamble ( where i assure you he pretends abundance of modesty ) he cannot forhear making open proclamation , that he and his friend , to whom he addresses this piece , have resolved to censure and damn all books , that shall be hereafter published : to which purpose they have established a critical correspondence between them . wo be to all poor writers for the future ! but he has given the world no reason to hope well of this grand design . for in the present case ( which it seems is the first he has medled in ) he is far from b●ing so fair and equitable a moderator as he ought , or indeed as he himself would pretend to be . for he has every where shewed that dogmatical humour and arrogance he blames in others ; and has taken a most intolerable freedom , where he ought not to have done it . i have but two reasons to think that dr. bentley himself did not write this treatise : one is , that the matter is infinitely too polite , and the style too smooth and flowing for him . the other , that i hardly believe his self-love and pride , would have suffered him to have dealt so freely and justly with his own and his friend's characters ; tho' it was the most likely way to do him a real service at the bottom . for these reasons i must acquit the doctor , and tell you , that i rather believe the author to be an esquir● , ( as he calls himself ) and one of those mighty wits amongst you in town , that set u● for the overthrow of religion ; who the better to gain their en●s , lay hold on all occasions , of traducing the universities , and undermining the dignity and character of the clergy . and tho' i have said this of him , yet it is no wonder that he is dr. bentley's friend and acquaintance . here i have several things to account for . the first is a misnosmer . but i cannot agree with him in it , since i am by no means guilty of the false and scandalous reflections he talks of . for what i have said of christ church in oxon , is so far from being the false or scandalous insinuation of an enemy , that their best friends have frequently and publickly owned the truth of it ; and ( to quote horace once more ) dicere verum quid vetat ? i appeal to you , or any impartial person , whether i have not left many things unmentioned , that might easily have been brought in , if i had had a mind to shew my malice . but i thought my self obliged to touch upon nothing , but what lay immediately within the argument . i did not so much urge my own single opinion , as deliver the sense of every body that knew them , which i could easily make appear , was it not too invidious a task . but if i could not , this gentleman has effectually done it for me . he has given the world a fresh and unquestionable evidence , that there is as much vanity at least , as learning in that college , as i shall prove by and by from his own words . if instead of making amendments in my title page , he had given me some useful monitions and grave advice , and told me , that it was a rule in satyr , parcere personis dicere de vitijs , that truth was not to be spoken at all times , &c. i might very probably have stood corrected , and never have troubled you nor him with this defence . but he is pleased to be scurrilous , and i must go on with him to the next accusation ; which is for erecting a critical tribunal , and making you and my self the arbitrary judges of it . could this be made out , i must confess , he would have great reason to complain of me , for removing that court of extream justice from his residence , and for wresting the authority out of their hands , who have more leisure and assurance to put it in execution . but i cannot imagine what brought the whim into his head. there is not the least ground for it , in that sentence he seems to point at in the essay ; where , after professing my own inability and unwillingness to venture upon so nice a topick , i say , in order to begin that correspondence betwixt us , which your letter so kindly proposes , and which is so much for my own benefit , i will here give my imperfect thoughts upon , &c. he might as well have found out the doctrine of transubstantiation in these words , as any such meaning ; but when a man is resolved to say what comes next , who can help it ? hitherto the essay and the essayer ( as he calls me ) are only concerned . but now you have dr. bentley forced in by neck and heels , to bear me company , and take his share of the satyr . it seems , he is never to escape the gaul of their acute pens ; for otherwise i cannot conceive , why he is named here , only to tell the courteous reader , that he had nothing to do with this treatise . the same argument would have brought in the czar of muscovy , and many other great men , that never dreamt of turning authors ; unless he will insist upon it , that he has but two reasons to believe the dr. did not write it , and perhaps there may be two and twenty , to think the czar did not : but then he must consider again , that one of the reasons he has given is as good as one thousand , and in such a gase a little logick , with the help of as much philosophy , would have taught him to conceal his private resentments . if dr. bentley had not been a man of self-love and pride , commo● sense sure would have hindered him from dealing so very freely with mr. wotton and himself . for i cannot see what real service it could do him at the bottom , to wound his enemy through his own sides . the other reason indeed i doubt was thrown in unawares , or with a design meerly to mortifie the doctor . for he no sooner says , that i write a better style than the doctor , but you may perceive he immediately recollects himself , and least i should grow proud upon it , calls me in the same breath a traducer of the university , a reviler of the clergy , an underminer of the church , and an overthrower of religion : and which is still more notorious ( for i was to expect no better language from him ) he bestows the same compliments upon the doctor too , without any regard at all to his character . one would have thought dr. bentley's sermons against atheism ( for i must suppose our student has read them ) would have secured him in partic●lar from such insufferable calumnies . i hope after this , he will not complain of any man's incivility . there are no such aspersions to be found in my late piece . the liberty there taken with dr. aldrich , is of a●other nature , of a much lower form . for any thing i have said to the contrary , he may still be an honest man , and a good christian. i medled not with his morals or way of life , because it would have been an impertinent and unjustifiable way of det●action , which i thought b●low me : and yet this censor mo● , this correcter of my intol●rable freedoms , has not boggled at it himself . whatever he may think of my squireship , i have a greater respect for any dignified divine , than to call him an atheist : i am not so like almanzor ( as he would elsewhere have me ) to do all this because i dare . every man's reputation ( especially a clergy ▪ man's ) ought to be sacred : the law makes it so , and has provid●d penalties against the authors o● libels and de●amatory books . but , if ●here was no satisfaction to be had in these cases , it is a mean and ungenerous thing , to expose and p●t lish any one's faults , especially such as may really wound his character , and good name in the world. no body that had had any notion of honour or good manners , would have been guilty of it , when it had no relation at all to his subject . so much for my morals . in the next place you have an account of my learning . but i would gladly know what there is in this piece , that should make it gain so mighty a reputation , as you say it has ; and particularly how it comes to deserve your esteem , notwithstanding the aversion you are pleased to say you have to the satyrical stuff in it . it is indeed called ( i should say miscalled ) an essay concerning critical and curious learning : which , i must own , is a very promising title , and one might reasonably expect som●thing new and delicate upon so nice an argument . it came to my hands with an extraordinary advantage , in that it had your recommendation . i durst not pass any censure upon it . i suspended my judgment , and read it again and again ; but i liked it worse every time i did so . i cannot indeed but acknowledge , i had some little reason to be byassed , when i found the worthy and reverend dean of christ church so undecently treated ; and the reputation of ●is whole society arraigned in a most imperious and insolent manner . this paragraph is civil enough in conscience from a professed adversary ; and if i manage it to the best advantage , i shall be able to pick up a compliment or two at least out of it , which may make some little amends for his former rudenesses . first then , he tells me , the essay has gained a good reputation in general ; that his friend in particular , was pleased to pass a favourable censure upon it ; and that truly for his own part , he is byassed upon the dean of christ-church's account . after this frank confession of his partiality , i can easily forgive his calling what is said upon his college satyrical stuff . i am not concerned neither at any other unkind expressions ; because i know they are extorted from his good nature . i do not much care too , if i resign him my title page , since he will needs insist again upon it , viz. it is called , ( i should say miscalled ) . there is no withstanding such an unaffected flower and turn of speech : ●ully himself could not have said so much in so short a parenthesis : and therefore ( as i said before ) my title-page is at his service . thus far matters are well enough reconciled : he has either meant me no harm , or done me none : and if i can acquit my self as well from what follows , we shall part very good friends . the seri●s part of this piece is nothing but a farrago of common notions , put indeed into tolerable good language : but the author talks so very abruptly , and has so cramped himself upon every head , that what he says of his performance in jest , may very well be applyed to it in good earnest ; viz. that by endeavouring to say a grea● deal in so narro● a compass and short a time , he has scarce said any thing . but why did not our essayer take a wider compass , and a longer time for this mighty undertaking of his ? what provocation had he to speak to any subject , unless he would have done it to purpose ? was it a task imposed upon him , which he was willing to get off his hands as soon as he could , and was he at the same time obliged to print it ? when he delivers his own opinion , and gives the finishing turn to any argument , he does it in as positive decisive a manner , as if dr. bentley himself had done it . he bears all down before him , and when he is going to prove some ordinary known thing , puts himself into as great a sweat and tumult , as if he was about some of the knottyest points in all mathematicks , and was doing no less than squaring the circle . to make a shew of much learning ( a qualification not very common amongst such wits ) he runs through all the sciences , but after a very odd manner : for when the reader expects some handsome account of them , he baulks him with lame and imperfect definitions . he pretends to have pressed his matter very close , but it is still so sp●ngy , that it may be squeezed much closer , and fairly reduced into nothing . i have often heard honest will. pate , talk as roundly over a glass of wine , of all kinds of learning and languages , as our author , without ever suspecting him to have any clear or full notions of what he was about . there is a sort of common-place , which any man that keeps good company may easily be furnished with ; and yet at the same time , be no more a scholar , than the pope's parrot , that could repeat the creed , by keeping much company with his holiness , was a christian. the first sentence here , is a flat contradiction to what went before . before he affirmed in cool blood , that my matter was polite , and my style smooth , and flowing : now his passion gets the better of him , and it is nothing but a farrago of common notions ; which is as much as to say , that the same thing is white , and is not white at the same time : for a farrago of common notion , and polite matter , are no more akin than light ●nd darkness . however , since he still owns , that these common notions are put into good language , i have no reason to contend with him about a small contradiction . for by this concession , he gives me no less a character , than that which the criticks have made the propriety of the divine horace , viz. the ●xpressing common things in excellent words ; ( which by the way is the reason that poet can never be well translated ; for no other language is sufficiently expressive of the delicacy and fulness of the latine phrase . ) but in the following part of this paragraph he seems at first sight to offer several weighty objections , but they are put in such loose and general terms , that i can make nothing of them . instead of giving a reason for what he says , he asks two or three impertinent questions , of no more consequence than if he should have said , what is your name , sir ? what does t. r. stand for ? nay , they are hardly so much to his point . for if he could but once have learned who i was , he mig●t possibly have made an odd use of it , and troubled the wo●ld with a history of my life . but that which looks most like a real objection is this ; he runs through all the sciences , but after a very odd manner . for when the reader expects some h●ndsome account of them , he baulks him w●h lame and imperfect definitions . if ●e means , that what i have said upo● the sciences , is not suffi●ient to gve the reader a distinct view , and ●ll idea of them , i shall readily a●quiesce in his criticism , and only u●ge in my vindication , that it was i●possible sor me to do it in the co●pass i had allotted my self . but if h● meaning is , that what i have said is in it self lame and imperfect , he would have done well to have giv●n me some particular instance of ●t ; for ' ●ill he is pleased to do so , i can make no defence without ac●using my self . i writ the essay w●th the same awe ( if i may be allo●ed the comparison on my part ) t●at tully did his epistles to atticus . 〈◊〉 knew i was talking to one that understood every topick better than my self ; and was therefore much more sparing of my words than i should have been , had i pretended instruction . but , if i had designed that , i know not what like lier method i could have taken ▪ than first to give the general defintion of every science in as pleas●g unscholastick terms as i could , ●nd then to deliver my own partic●lar notions of it . but i never preended to answer the full end of your proposals ; or to give my opnion , how far a man might pro●eed in every science , without carr●ing ●is search further , than was usefu● . this , sir , i told you was an a●gument infinitely too bulky and e●tensive , for the form and length of 〈◊〉 essay ; and as i conceived , was t● be managed in the same metho● , ●he famous verulam had done hi● excellent book of the advancement ●f learning , and would require a v●lume little less than his . i was so farfrom thinking my self equal to so ●ast an undertaking , that i was slocked at it ; and i then said what i still think , that it was a work hardly to be performed in the compass of one man's life ; and was therefore a more fit employment for a body of learned men , than a single person . they must be men too , hardly unacquainted with any thing . for how else could they determine critically of all kinds of knowledge ? how could they assign suitable methods ●nd proportionable degrees , for the ●rocess of humane understanding , i● all her enquiries ? how could t●ey pretend to fix the boundaries of l●arning ? how could they be capable of forming a regular scheme and plan of the whole circle of ar●s and sciences for the benefit of others , if they were not perfect masters of 'em themselves ? i question whether there is , or ever was , any one man in the world thus qualified . our late lord bacon has in the book i just now mentioned , given large proofs of the universality of his genius ; but he himself was of my opinion . aristotle was certainly the most generally knowing of all antiquity ; yet he is suspected to have copied some of the books ascribed to him , and to have burnt the originals from whence he had them . to be thoroughly vers'd in any art , is the effect of much time and industry ; and we are apt to think our selves accomplished persons too , when once distinguished by the single name of good astronomets , or poets , or orators , &c. without ever hoping to be thought all of them . those who now adays set up for universal scholars ▪ are commonly men but of rambling pedantical learning . they are nicely skill'd in the mechanical part and jargon of the sciences ; have pr●bably read and got by heart all the general systems : they are such p●rfect masters of the terms in logick , that they can immediately form an argument in any ▪ mode and figure , detect a sophism at the first glance , and , which is still more , compile a compendium of the whole art , if occasion be , for the use of their friends and pupils . they understand so much of mathematicks , as to solve most of the problems in euclid ; nay , perhaps as to draw up a small unintelligible scheme of the grounds and principles of geometry . they may be so well vers'd in astronomy too , as to know the common revolutions of the stars , to calculate the eclipses of the sun and moon , and to furnish out an almanack every year , ( set off and adorned with curious italian sculptures , whereby it becomes not only useful , to find out the day of the month , but at the same time serves instead of a picture in a clos●t , and by consequence is never out of date . ) but whether such men have any notion of the profound researches in these and other sciences , whether they have made any useful and sound reflections upon them or not , remains a doubt , 'till they shall give the world greater proofs and evidences than these i have named . but i had almost forgot his extraordinary waggery , in comparing will. pate and me to pope somebody's parrot . it is plain from hence , that he is deeply read in church history . he could no doubt have told what the pope's name was , what language he and the parrot used to converse in , &c. and i wonder he did not ; since these and such like circumstances would have been as new and entertaining to the reader , as that of the birds repeating the creed , and as applicable withal to me . but why poor ●ill . pate is here abused , is a mistery of impertinence . he has not i hope tak●n dr. bentley's side , and spoken trea●on against phalaris . if he has , let him lye at a tyrant's mercy . if he has not , i will in his name and my own , present our athenian with one bird for another , and tell him plainly , that he is as like an owl , as either will. pate or ia parrot ; for as the proverb expresly has it , there are owls at athens , as well as parrots at rome . in short , he is sometimes a proud , supercilious critick , sometimes a dry and starch'd common-placer , and always impertinent to his reader , and inconsistent with himself . if it was worth while , i would undertake to refute every thing out of the essay it self . one sentence contradicts another . he is not of the same opinion two leaves together . here you have him crying up experimental philo●ophy , but with abundance of limitations , as the most pleasant study in the world , and which a man ought to spend all his time in . presently he forgets this , and talks as loudly for all the other sciences one after another ; only mathematicks and metaphysicks have the hard hap not to be of the number of his favourites . when he comes to talk of his beloved argument , of critical learning in the modern acception , as it is taken for a thorough understanding of classick authors , and an exact knowledge of all those rules , by which men judge and determine nicely of all the finer parts and branches of humane literature ; he displays all his force , and is most wonderfully instructive . he informs his reader , that aristotle was the first that drew up these rules into a compass , and made criticism an art ; that horace , longinus , and all the criticks both ancient and modern , drained most of their knowledge from him . this is just as much and no more , than has been said an hundred times in dedications and prefaces to plays . not only mr. congreve , dennis , &c. but even settle and durfey have often said it before him ; and most of them in their present controversie with mr. collier , make nothing of talking of aristotle as familiarly as this gentleman , without ever having read one word of him . but he goes on victoriously , and says , criticism is without all douht a very good thing , notwithstanding what some people say of it ; and hath a pretty similitude about alexander and caesar , nothing to the purpose ; from whence however he infers as fast as hops , the great advantage of critical knowledge . such deductions are of the same stamp with his friend● dr. bentley's : but i am sure i argue more logically , when i say , that because dr. bentley writes false latin and false english , that therefore by way of contrary he is in the right of it ; for a good argument may be , and often is ill defended . after having muster'd up all this , he leaves his argument for a while , and makes a digression upon the use of frequent compositions . here he crowds his fine notions very thick upon us , and to single out one from amongst many , he tells us , that all the faculties of the mind , whether active or passive , are mightily heightened and improved by exercise . this proposition is certainly true ; and so it will hold , if i should affirm it of the faculties of the body , and illustrate my position with the famous story of milo , who first tryed his strength in carrying a calf , and by constant application , was at last able to do as much for an oxe . but who could i hope to inform by it ? is ●ny body that had common sense or learning before , made ev●r a whit the wiser for this ? if i say , critically speaking , that virgil is a better poet than martial , and heroick poetry nobler than anagram , i talk upon safe grounds , and no body can contradict me , without palpably contradicting the truth : but what then ? when a man will needs be an a●thor , especially of essays ; it is expected he should produce ardens aliquid , something new and entertaining : montaign and sir evremont are remarkable for it . there is yet another notable piece of criticism , and it is that tully was a better poet than an oratour . this is true too , and i have nothing to say in answer to it . but to return with him from this digression . the next thing he presents us with , is a terrible description of the modern criticks , that they are byassed by partiality , and in spight of all their specious pretences , a strong tincture of ill nature unhappily appears in every line . they tell us indeed in their prefaces , that they have dealt very handsomly and candidly with the authors they comment upon : but when we come to the remarks themselves , we are entertained with nothing but continual snarling and insolence . this will prove as true as the rest of his axioms and wise sayings , if rightly applyed , that is to himself . one would imagine by the concise in short at the head of this article , that he had before put himself quite out of breath with reasoning , and was now come to make his use and application from the whole . but it is at last only to say over again , what he has said several times already , that he could if he would , prove my essay to be inconsistent and contradictory . if i thought this forbearance of his was pure good nature , i should be mightily obliged to him . but i am of their ill contrived temper , who suspect every kindness from an enemy to be the effect of necessity more than choice ; and think he does not do me harm , only because he cannot . but , when a man is at a non plus , 't is a pretty superficial turn , to pretend he will not trouble himself and the reader , with heaping up all that might be said upon the occasion . the true reason of silence in such cases is , that what is left behind is not worth speaking . the argument in it self may not be exhausted indeed ; but it is not the talent of every pamphletee● to say just as much as a subject will handsomely bear , and no more : there is required a solid judgment to do this , even on the most trifling questions . as to the crying up experimental phylosophy , and then talking as loudly for all the other sciences , it is unfairly alledged against me , and i may say without any breach of modesty , that i have not confounded my opinions : i have been at least consistent with my self . for if i affirm , that experimental philosophy is the most noble , beneficial , and satisfactory , of all those sciences , that an inquirer into nature can apply himself to , and in the same discourse call history ( in relation to civil life ) one of the most useful and pleasant studies in the worl● , i shall be thought to contradict my self by no body , that is possest of a tolerable understanding , tho' the superlative degree is used in both cases . and yet this is all i can find ( upon an 〈◊〉 examination ) that makes him assert so positively , that one sentence contradicts another ; that i am not of the same opinion two leaves together . but the mischief of it is , he suspects at the bottom i know nothing of the topicks i am upon , and therefore takes it for granted , that i betray my ignorance every now and then , especially of mathematicks and metaphysicks . if i may be permitted to use the same freedom , and guess at his skill in these matters by his manner of refuting an essay , i fancy they are a little too crabbed for his head too , as well as mine . he ●eems to be no friend to the mathematicks neither , and i doubt is so far from being likely to square the circle , that it would perplex him grievously to demonstrate , that the three angles in a triangle are neither bigger nor less than two right angles ; or any such known proposition . but all this is gratis dictum . he may overflow with learning , and yet scorn to bestow any of it upon me and my idle treatise . it is enough to say i write non-sense , without being at the pains to prove it ; for some mens bare authority is more convincing than other mens best arguments . in the next place he examines my knowledge in classick learning , and here to my eternal shame he finds me no better a proficient than in the severer studies . he finds nothing but common and trivial things , but what has been said in dedications and prefaces an hundred times . i own i say aristotle was the father of criticism , which for any thing i know may have been said not only an hundred , but a thousand times before me . but what then ? i do not advance it as a new discovery . i only make use of it as a necessary introduction to a discourse upon that subject . if i had talked of criticism , and not named aristotle , i suppose i should have been as much to blame on the other hand . and there would have been a great deal more reason for suspecting me not to have read any part of his works than at present there can be . 't is true , i have quoted no greek out of him , which i ought by all means to have done , had i foreseen my acquaintance with that language had been likely to come in question ▪ but whether i understand it or not , the four poets ( who are here as awkardly brought in and traduced as will. pate was ) may , for any thing this academick or i know to the contrary . none of them , i dare say , have ever made honourable mention of aristotle in their prefaces , without a greek citation or two at the same time . and in their present controversie with mr. collier , some of them have plentifully quoted latine and greek authors in their own tongue ; the fathers themselves have hardly escaped . but i have enough to do to defend my self . it seems i have not only dealt too familiarly with aristotle , but with his great pupil alexander , and caesar likewise ; and i must give an account of it . as to this ; i will beg leave to tell my friend , he has ignorantly , or ( which is as bad ) wilfully mistaken the plain sense of a whole pa●agraph , as you will immediately see , if you please to cast your eye upon the th . page of the essay ▪ he says i infer from alexander and caesar the great advantage of critical knowledge . whereas on the contrary i ●ay , some people have argued the inconvenience of adhereing to critical rules , from a comparison of those two great examples in heroick virtue . but for all this mistake is so gross and apparent , he runs away with it , and in a most academical sophism ( put indeed as a parallel to my reasoning , but truly a specimen of his own ) he ridicules me and dr. bentley at once for two poor silly fellows , that know nothing of logick . if this was not below an answer , it would be very easie to prove from it , that he had never read one word of aristotle , nor any other logician neither , any more than my worship . one would think it impossible for a man of common sense , to write such incoherent irrational trash . but sometimes peoples malice perverts their understanding , and transports them to a strange degree of folly and impertinence . but i may think , and say , and prove what i will ; he is so well satisfied with the justness of his reflections , that he pursues me with equal vigour through the digression upon the use of frequent compositions ; and to my great comfort he does it just with equal success too . here he is again disgusted at my trumping common notions upon him for fine things ; which ( says he ) are by no means proper for an essay , where all should be new and entertaining , ( which he makes two synonimous terms ) . but with his good leave , ( since he will ●orce me to justifie my common notions ) the commonest notions are always the most proper mediums , the best and surest basis to reason upon , and are in themselves the strongest arguments , for that they arise most naturally and easily out of any subject . and therefore , whoever writes ( essay or pamphlet ) with a design to convince , must not neglect the use of them . the sentence here produced as an instance of my ordinary common stuff , [ all the faculties of the mind , whether active or passive , are mightily heightened and improved by exercise ] i am not at all ashamed of i still think it a good arg●ment , to evince the advantage of frequent application to composition . if a man would always resolve to write something that was never said or thought of before , his productions might be ▪ new indeed , but not therefore entertaining ; nay they must of necessity be whimsical and ridiculous . we find very few books upon the same topicks , ( tho' ●enned by authors of never such different genius's ) that do not for the most part use the 〈◊〉 ge neral arguments , and often interfere with one another : but that which commonly distinguishes them , is the particular manner , the style and method of each author . not that i would affirm , that men do not sometimes differ very materially in their sentiments of the same things . what else has occasioned so many opposite hypotheses , so many disputes and controversies , which have always employed the pens of the learned , and to which indeed are owing the greatest progresses and advances that have been made in knowledge , both in past and present ages ? but i forget my text. another piece of criticism is , that tully was a better poet than an oratour , &c. i will take no advantage of the words poet and oratour being here transposed , because i believe it was through the printer's negligence ; but i am not sure he would not have made himself merry with any such slip in my book . he is guilty of as idle things . in this very place he quotes half a sentence , puts his own construction up ▪ on it , and then makes me talk as like a squire as he pleases . 't is true , ( in the th . page of the essay , which i suppose he refers to ) i name cicero ; but it is only as an instance to prove , that invention i● any kind , will turn to some advantage or other , and that his application to poetry was of great use to him in his rhetorical composures . but whether he was a better poet or an oratour , was a controversie that did not lye much in my way , and i only hinted at it . to pronounce fully and clearly upon so doubtful a question , to unriddle a secret that had ●ain hid so many centuries , was reserved for some extraordinary genius ; such an aedipus could arise only in thebes or athens . what follows , is transcribed from the essay , and tartly applied to m● . but i think the cap is put on at a venture , without knowing or considering , whether it would fit or not . for he cannot make any body else ( if he can himself ) believe , that i have betrayed the least partiality , because dr. bentley is as freely handled as christ-church . whatever either side may think of the matter , i have honestly given them the real sense of the impartial part of the town , about their quarrel and way of managing it . but if plain dealing can have no effect upon them , let them e'en go on , and make sport for others by exposing themselves . the next paragraph is to inform all those whom it may concern , that i play boo●y ▪ with dr. b●ntley , and that upon second thoughts i am more like almanzor , than a squire : which ( however important ) i shall pass over in silence , as things that sufficiently answer themselves . but i canno● , i fear , make su● quick work of that paragraph which follows it . i have there a 〈◊〉 scroll of offences to answer to ▪ and 〈◊〉 you may the better judge how ●ar i am guilty , you must have the patience to hear both sides . in his first attack upon the college , he takes dr. bentley's method , and says peremptorily , mr. boyle's name is falsly set to the late answer to the dissertation against phalaris's epistles , &c. and that he is sure he had no hand at all in it . this he does out of pure complaisance to mr. boyl as a gentleman , that there may be no quarrel between them two ; fo● he is resolv'd to cut and slash the book to pieces , and without any more to do , says it is full of nothing but little witti●isms and school-boys jests . he begs leave of his reader ( being a very civil person ) to suggest his own opinion . and truly his opinion is , that it was made ( as most compositions in that college are ) by a select club : every man seems to have thrown in a repartee , or so , in his turn ; and the most ingenious dr. aldrich , no doubt , was at the head of them , and smoaked , and p●nned plentifully on this occasion . a pretty conceipt this ! what a dutch image of wit and composition is here ! i here is just as much wit and sence , as probability and good manners in it . for when a gentleman has affixed his name to a book , and owned it , shall any one that dares do neither , give him the lye , and pretend civility at the same time ? it was a clownish bold piece of freedom at first in dr. bentley , and now the same in this ambuscado writer . such rude treatment would have been abominable to any of mr. boyle's quality , had he been a man of no note , had he never given any proofs of his extraordinary genius and great learning to the world ; and as the case is quite otherwise , you and the author must pardon , if i say it is downright impudent . but this is only a sample of some more behaviour of the same kind . he has plenty of such civilities in store for the dean and students of christ church , who he takes to be the true authors of the book . but he does not trouble himself to answer them in any thing material ; but without the least provocation , takes their manners most severely to task , puts a mark upon them , and assures his friend , that they distinguish themselves from the rest of the university , not by their extraordinary learning , but their abominable arrogance . he wonders how they can have the confidence to condemn pride in another , when they have so great a share of it themselves . he woul● very fain know , why it is not as excusable in dr. bentley , who is a scholar , as in some young men , who cannot reasonably be supposed to be so . he is very angry with the dean , and admonishes him for encouraging this haughty proud temper of theirs by his own example ; and as a strong conviction that he does so , he calls a small compendium of logick to witness , in which the dean was so unfortunate as to censure the author of the art of thinking . i kno● not what civilities t. r. esq thinks are due to forreigners ; he is not very courtly , i am sure , to his own country men ▪ but ●arther ; he ventures to affi●m , that the compendium of logick is one of the worst he ever read . the reason is , because it is writen in good latin. a most unpardonable fault ind●ed ! well , but this is not all : he has something more to quarrel with them about , and that is for calling dr. bentley pedant , when he can prove th●m to be as rank pedants themselves . for ( says he ) i take it to be as errant a sign of pedantry , to publish bad edi●ions of old authors , and to be highly solicitous about the various readings of them , which former editions have only neglected , because they were insignificant , as to lard english writings with greek and latin . he is very much in the right of it ; but what is this to christ-chu●ch ? yes ; it is directly levelled at it . for ( he continues ) dr. aldrich is pretty notorious at present for imploying his young unexperienced students this way . i know not what he means by employing his young unexperienced students : but i know , and under his favour , it may be said without any partiality at all , that those books which have been put forth b● this college , both in the late learned dr. fell's time , and the present dean's too , have a very good reputation , not only 〈◊〉 at home , but are likewise much approved by forreigners abroad ; which , i hope , will recommend them to dr. ben●ley's esteem , whatever it may do to this gentleman's . as for the late edition of aesop's fables , it will be time enough to defend it when it is accused . here the preface is only concerned , for calling dr. bentley plain quidam . he would , i suppose , have had his name ushered in with half a dozen epithets of respect ; not considering how scurvily he is using dr. bentley's betters all this whil● . but the next charge bears hard upon them : for it is about no less than two epigrams and one verse , in a poem , intituled , articuli pacis , ●hich he has found in a book late●y published , called , examen poericum duplex , &c. he is 〈◊〉 ●olicitous ( it being a matter of va●t ●onsequence ) to discover the author of them ; and at last ventures to affirm , that either the dean himself , or somebody els● made them . the conjecture is not much unlike that of the d●ch c●mmentators about horace's mother , who , after all their enquiry , could not b●●sitive who she was , but they una●imously agreed that he certainly had one . this being sag●ly premised ; he proceeds to give d● . bentley some comfort , and to infuse a b●lm into the wound , the sting and venom in the tale of these wi●ked epigrams might p●ssibly have made in his mind , assuring him e● critique . that these are by no means the best copies in that collection . as to this ; if th●re was any need of an apology ( which i do not apprehend there is ) it might be alledged as a good one , that that collection was made privately by some gentlemen , that did not think fit to own themselves , and the poems spoke● of were inserted without the author's leave or knowledge ; and therefore they are not strictly obliged to account for them . but this is not very much to the point in hand , and i shall wave it . i am here at the same ▪ loss i have been at all along , to find out any thing that will bear the least examination ; or indeed that looks like an honest defence . for to recite an abuse ( i give him his own word ) with a pretence to answer it , and leave it unanswered , is certainly more injurious than the abuse it self ; which is the case before you . but because i believe he designed well , and meant his friends and himself a real service at the bottom , i will put his objections in the clearest light i can , and make the most of them . i am then chiefly accused of three things : . of impudence , in robbing the honourable mr. boyl of his title to a book , which he has put his name to . . of insolence , in dealing scurvily with the reverend and worthy dr. aldrich . . of ●gnorance , in undervaluing not only the ingenious a●swer to dr. bentley , but the christ-church accurate editions of old authors . to all these charges i plead not guilty . and first , i deny that i have either impudently or modestly robb'd mr. boyl of any honour du● to him . for to argue ●ith this a●ademick in his own way ( i. e. ) by way of syllogism ; because i wo●ld not be too serious in asserting an ill-natur'd truth . if any man puts his name to a book , which he is not the author of , there is no impudence or injury in denying him a title to it . but mr. boyle has put his name to a book , which he is not the autho● of . ergo. if you are not yet convinced , i prove my minor thus . if mr. boyle has put his name to a book , which contains things he does not understand ▪ then he has put his name to a book which he is not the author of . but mr. boyle has put his name to a book , which contains things h● does not understand . ergo again . another hypothetick or two would clear the point . but i trifle . ther● is no need of shewing my skill in logick , or of endeavouring to make out that , which ( like a first principle ) every body takes for granted ▪ besides , to tell you the truth , i am a little unwilling to push this matter too far . i would be tender of a hopeful young gentleman's reputation , if he and his friends would be content with that character , and not talk of his being a man of note , of his having given proofs of his extraordinary genius and great learning to the world , &c. all this indeed might be justly enough said of the late mr. boyle , who has written many learned treatises in experimental philosophy , and was the ornament of the royal society ; but not therefore of that mr. boyle , who has only published a faulty edition of phalaris'● epistles ; ( for i do not pretend , but he might have a hand in that book , tho' not much in this last . ) there seems to be a great stress laid upon his quality ; too as if it w●s a sort of treason to appear against him . for my part , i am ready to pay all respect ▪ that is due to an irish e●rl's young● son , but then ( waving the cer●mony of giving him place ) i think a doctor of divinity or an ind●pendent english gentlem●n not much his inferiour . and i alledge it ( in kindness to him ) as another reason , that he did not write the peice against dr. bentley , because it puts the dr. more frequently in mind of his distance , than became any man of never such high birth to have done in the contentions of wit and argument , where all must be allowed to be equal . secondly . i deny that i have insolently abused the reverend and worthy dr. aldrich . 't is true , i have taken notice of his smoaking and p●nning ; but they are two very ●ociable qualites , and he has no reason to be angry at me for it . he is not the only clergy-man that takes tobacco , nor the only academick that puns . i must confess , he is a punner of the first rate ; for the town has been often obliged to him for good catches , whi●h are the highest flights of that kind of wit. but this is not all , i have called him a proud man , and abused his logick . as to his pride , i will say no more than what i hav already done ; for my design is not to brand his reputation in so tender a part . and as to his compendium of logick , i am sorry i men tioned it ; for to decide whether there be any thing new in it , but the language ; and whether that language is better for being labour'd and full of elegant phrases or not , is a question , that concerns only the fresh men in the universities ; and i will now assign it over to them , and heartily ask their pardon for invading their province before . thirdly and lastly . i deny , that i have ignorantly undervalued the ingenious answer to dr. bentley , and the christ-church accurate editions of old authors . but i will not here so much as recite any of those particular witticisms and passages , which displeased me when i perused this ingenious celebrated book ; because i hear dr. bentley's vindication is in the press , and i am resolved not to interfere with him . it is sufficient for my present purpose , that it appears at first view to any reader , to be done by several hands . the style and matter is almost in every other page of a different complexion . one while you have something that looks a little modest and grave , and the quotations managed to the best advantage . pre●ently the humour changes , and there is nothing to be met with , but buffoonery and unmannerly jests with nothing in them . but it is dr. bentley's business ( not mine ) to detect and apply all their errors . i have already exceeded the limits of a letter , and must hasten to the next thing ; i must account for my speaking ill of their editions of old authors , which ( says my friend ) are famous not only here at home , but are much approved by forreigners abroad . if ●his was true , what is the meaning of the present dispute with dr. bentley ? but they are so far from being books of any standing value amongst other people , that they themselves are not long pleased with them . for many authors , that were published in dr. fell's time , have been again revised , collated , printed , index'd , &c. in dr. aldrich's , and for any thing i know may undergoe the same fate in the next dean's too . as for the late edition of aesop's f●bles , i am told dr. bentley has examined it very particularly , and proved it to be of the number of those , that neither deserve a good reputation at home nor abroad . so that the same reason , which made me conceal my observations on their english book , will oblige me to be silent here too ; unless i would make my self a party in the quarrel ; which i do not design to do , for all i am dr. bentley's dear friend and acquaintance . here , sir , i thought to have released you ; for i was in hopes all had been pretty well over . but his wit is inexhaustible : there is nothing so barren , which he cannot be fruitful and copious upon . who else could have applied the tale of the dutch commentators and horace's mother to two epigrams ? any other man would have told me bluntly , that if i had not been certain of what i said , i should have forborn my idle conjectures . but to return him one ill jest for another , i assure him , the father of the two epigrams is not altogether so much unknown to me , as it seems horace's mother was to the dutch-commentators ; and i did not only guess , when i laid them at a doctor 's door . the pretence of the author 's not being accountable for the abuses in them , because they were printed without his knowledge , is ridiculous , and of a piece with the rest of his arguments . they were not i hope composed , transcribed , and dispersed without his knowledge , which ( had they not been harmless , inoffensive things ) would have made them as much libels as the printing of them . indeed it is an unfair practice to betray a man into print . the collectors ▪ of the examen , &c. should not have inserted them without leave , had they been never so excellent , much l●ss when they hardly deserved a place in their book . but one may guess by it ( with submission to the conjecturing dutch commentators ) that they were no great friends to dr. bentley neither , any more than the author ; and i some times 〈◊〉 , that we are secretly obliged to christ-church it self for that miscellany , notwithstanding this gentleman for some private reasons publickly disclaims it . but , whencesoever it came , if it has given you any divertisement in your solitude , i have had my desire , and there is an end of it . there is yet another paragraph behind , and so it is like to remain . for , besides that it has nothing in it but your humble servant sir , i begin to blush almost as much for examining , as the author ought to do for writing this pragmatical rhapsody . give me leave , sir , to call it what i think i have fairly proved it to be ; tho' ( if i am not wrong informed ) it was the production of one that never doubted his own sufficience and abilities in all kinds of poli●e learning . sir , i am yours , &c. t. r. london , aug. . . finis . books printed for richard cumberland at the angel in st. paul's church-yard . horological disquisitions concerning the nature of time , and the reasons why all days , from noon to noon , are not alike twenty four hours long . in which appears the impossibility of a clock's being always kept exactly true to the sun ; with tables of equation , and newer and better rules than any yet extant , how thereby precisely to adjust royal pendulums , and keep them afterwards , as near as possible to the apparent time. with a table of pendulums , shewing the beats that any length makes in an hour . a work very necessary for all that would understand the true way of rightly managing clocks and watches . by john smith , c. m. the mystery of the christian faith and of the blesse●l trinity vindicated , and the divinity of christ proved . in three sermons . preach'd at westminster-abbey upon trinity-suaday , june the th . and september . . with a letter in vindication of them . by the late reverend william payne , d. d. a scriptural catechism : or , the whole duty of man , laid down in express words of scripture , chiefly intended for the benefit of the younger sort. divided into two parts : the first containing the chief principles of our christian belief . the second instructing us in our duty to god and man , according to the method observed in the excellent book , entituled , the whole duty of man. to which is added , some private devotions in express words of scripture : with devout collects for several occasions . recommended by the right reverend father in god , edward lord bishop of gloucester . reflections upon the devotions of the roman church : with the prayers , hymns and lessons themselves , taken out of their authentick books . the third edition . with an appendix concerning the miracles and reliques of the church of rome . by ●ohn patrick , d. d. late preacher of the charter-house , london . two books of elegies : in imitation of the two first books of ovid de tristibus ; with part of the third . to which is added , verses upon several occasions , with some translations out of the latin and greek poets . by thomas ball , m. a. of st. ●ohn's colledge in cambrdge . monitio logica : or , an abstract and translation of burgersdicius his logick . by a gentleman . a treatise of prayer and thanksgiving : with devotions for the morning and evening , the sacrament , sickness , and ooccasions . by ● . c. to which is added a sermon on psalm . . by the late reverend b. whitchcott , d. d. and also his character of the best christians . a practical essay concerning friendly reproof . by daniel sturmy , late student of catharine-hall , cambridge . an essay , concerning critical a●d curious learning : in which ●e contained some short reflections on the controversie betwixt sir william temple and mr. wotton ; and that betwixt dr. bentley and mr. boyl . by t. r. esq the petty-schoole shewing a way to teach little children to read english with delight and profit, (especially) according to the new primar. by c. h. hoole, charles, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing h a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing h a estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the petty-schoole shewing a way to teach little children to read english with delight and profit, (especially) according to the new primar. by c. h. hoole, charles, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed by j.t. for andrew crook, at the green dragon in pauls church yard, london : . c.h. = charles hoole; attribution from wing. last leaf blank. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. eng reading (primary) -- england -- early works to . english language -- orthography and spelling -- early works to . education, primary -- england -- early works to . education -- early works to . a r (wing h a). civilwar no the petty-schoole. shewing a way to teach little children to read english with delight and profit, (especially) according to the new primar. hoole, charles b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the petty schoole . shewing a way to teach little children to read english with delight and profit , ( especially ) according to the new primar . by c. h. london , printed by j. t. for andrew crook , at the green dragon in pauls church yard , . the petty schoole . chap. i. how a childe may be helped in the first pronounciation of his letters . my aim being to discover the old art of teaching schoole , and how it may be improved in every part suteable to the years and capacities of such children as are now commonly taught ; i shall first begin my discourse concerning a petty-schoole , & here or else where i shall not busie my self or reader about what a childe of an extraordinary towardliness , and having a teacher at home , may attain unto , and in how short a space , but onely shew how a multitude of various wits may be taught all together with abundance of profit and delight to every one , wch is the proper and main work of our ordinary schooles . whereas then , it is usual in cities and greater towns to put children to schoole about four or five years of age , and in country villages , because of further distance , not till about six or seven ; i conceive , the sooner a child is put to school , the better it is , both to prevent ill habits , which are got by play and idleness , and to enure him betimes to affect learning and well doing . not to say , how the great uncertainty of parents lives , should make them careful of their childrens early education , which is like to be the best part of their patrimony , what ever good thing else they may leave them in this world . i observe that betwixt three and four years of age a childe hath great propensity to peep into a book , and then is the most seasonable time ( if conveniences may be had otherwise ) for him to begin to learn ; and though perhaps then he cannot speak so very distinctly , yet the often pronounciation of his letters , will be a means to help his speech , especially if one take notice in what organ or instrument he is most defective , and exercise him chiefly in those letters which belong unto it . now there are five organs or instruments of speech , in the right hitting of which , as the breath moveth from within , through the mouth , a true pronunciation of every letter is made , viz. the lips , the teeth , the tongue , the roof of the mouth , and the throat ; according to which if one rank the twenty four letters of our english alphabet , he shall find that a , e , i , o , v , proceed by degrees from the throat , along betwixt the tongue and the roof of the mouth to the lips contracted , and that y is somewhat like i , being pronounced with other letters , but if it be named by it self , it requireth some motion of the lips . b , f , m , p , w , and v consonant , belong to the lips . c , s , x , z , to the teeth . d , l , n , t , r , to the tongue . b , h , k , q , to the roof of the mouth . but the sweet and natural pronunciation of them is gotten rather by imitation then precept , and therefore the teacher must be careful to give every letter its distinct and clear sound , that the childe may get it from his voice , and be sure to make the child open his mouth well as he uttereth a letter , lest otherwise he drown or hinder the sound of it . for i have heard some foreiners to blame us english-men for neglecting this mean to a plain and audible speaking , saying , that the cause , why we generally do not speak so fully as they , proceeded from an ill habit of mumbling , which children got at their first learning to read ; which it was their care ; therfore to prevent or remedy betimes , and so it should be ours , seeing pronounciation is that that sets out a man , and is sufficient of it self to make one an oratour . chap. ii. how a childe may be taught with delight to know all his letters in a very little time . the usual way to begin with a child , when he is first brought to schoole , is to teach him to know his letters in the horn-book , where he is made to run over all the letters in the alphabet or christ-cross-row both forwards & backwards , until he can tel any one of them , which is pointed at , and that in the english character . this course we see hath been very effectual in a short time , with some more ripe witted children , but othres of a slower apprehension ( as the most and best commonly are ) have been thus learning a whole year together , ( and though they have been much chid and beaten too for want of heed ) could scarce tell six of their letters at twelve moneths end , who , if they had been taught in a way more agreeable to their meane apprehensions ( wch might have wrought more readily upon the senses , and affected their mindes with what they did ) would doubtlesse have learned as cheerfully , if not as fast as the quickest . i shall therefore mention sundry ways that have been taken to make a childe know his letters readily , out of which the discreet teacher may chuse what is most likely to suit with his learner . i have known some that ( according to mr. brinsl●y's direction ) have taught little ones to pronounce all the letters , and to spell pretty well , before they knew one letter in a book ; and this they did , by making the childe to sound the five vowels a , e , i , o , u , like so many bells upon his fingers ends , and to say which finger was such or such a vowel , by changes . then putting single consonants before the vowels , [ leaving the hardest of them till the last ] and teaching him how to utter them both at once , as va , ve , vi , vo , vu , da , de , di , do , du . . and again , by putting the vowels before a consonant to make him say , as , es , is , os , us , ad , ed , id , od , ud . thus ; they have proceeded from syllables of two or three , or more letters , till a child hath been pretty nimble in the most . but this is rather to be done in a private house , then a publick schoole ; how ever this manner of exercise now and then amongst little scholars will make their lessons more familiar to them . the greatest trouble at the first entrance of children is to teach them how to know their letters one from another , when they see them in the book altogether ; for the greatnesse of their number and variety of shape do puzle young wits to difference them , and the sence can but be intent upon one single object at once , so as to take its impression , and commit it to the imagination and memory . some have therefore begun but with one single letter , and after they have shewed it to the childe in the alphabet , have made him to finde the same anywhere else in the book , till he knew that perfectly ; and then they have proceeded to another in like manner , and so gone through the rest . some have contrived a piece of ivory with twenty four flats or squares , in every one of which was engraven a several letter , and by playing with a childe in throwing this upon a table , and shewing him the letter onely which lay uppermost , have in few dayes taught him the whole alphabet . some have got twenty four pieces of ivory cut in the shape of dice , with a letter engraven upon each of them , and with these they have played at vacant hours with a childe , till he hath known them all distinctly . they begin first with one , then with two , afterwards with more letters at once , as the childe got knowledge of them . to teach him likewise to spell , they would place consonants before or after a vowel , and then joyn more letters together so as to make a word , and sometimes divide it into syllables , to be parted or put together ; now this kind of letter sport may be profitably permitted among you beginers in a school & in stead of ivory , they may have white bits of wood , or small shreads of paper or past-board , or parchment with a letter writ upon each to play withall amongst themselves . some have made pictures in a little book or upon a scroll of paper wrapt upon two sticks within a box of iceing-glass , and by each picture have made three sorts of that letter , with which its name beginneth ; but those being too many at once for a childe to take notice on , have proved not so useful as was intended . some likewise have had pictures and letters printed in this manner on the back side of a pack of cards , to entice children , that naturally love that sport , to the love of learning their books . some have writ a letter in a great character upon a card , or chalked it out upon a trencher , and by telling a child what it was , and letting him strive to make the like , have imprinted it quickly in his memory , and so the rest one after another . one having a son of two years and a half old , that could but even go about the house , and utter some few gibberish words in a broken manner ; observing him one day above the rest to be busied about shells , and sticks , and such like toys , which himself had laid together in a chair , and to misse any one that was taken from him , he saw not how , and to seek for it about the house ; became very desireous to make experiment what that childe might presently attain to in point of learning ; thereupon he devised a little wheel , with all the capital romane letters made upon a paper to wrap round about it , and fitted it to turn in little a round box , which had a hole so made in the side of it , that onely one letter might be seen to peep out at once ; this he brought to the childe , & showed him onely the letter o , and told him what it was ; the childe being overjoyed with his new gamball , catcheth the box out of his fathers hand , and run's with it to his playfellow a year younger then himself , and in his broken language tell's him there was an o , an o ; and when the other asked him where , he said , in a hole , in a hole , and shewed it him ; which the lesser childe then took such notice of , as to know it againe ever after from all the other letters . and thus by playing with the box , and enquiring concerning any letter that appeared strange to him , what it was , the childe learnt all the letters of the alphabet in eleven dayes , being in this character a b ▪ c , and would take pleasure to shew them in any book to any of his acquaintance that came next . by this instance you may see what a propensity there is in nature betimes to learning , could but the teachers apply themselves to their young scholars tenuity ; and how by proceeding in a cleare & facil method , that all may apprehend , every one may benefit more or less by degrees . according to these contrivances to forward children , i have published a new prim●r ; in the first leafe , whereof i have set the roman capitalls ( because that character is now most in use , & those letters the most easie to be learn't ) and have joyned therewith the pictures or images of some things whose names begins with that letter , by which a childs memory may be helped to remember how to call his letters ; as a , for an ape , b. for a bear , &c. this hieroglyphicall devise doth so affect children ( who are generally forward to communicate what they know ) that i have observed them to teach others , that could not so readily learn , to know all the letters in a few houres space , by asking them , what stands a. for ? and so concerning other letters backwards and forwards , or as they best liked . thus when a childe hath got the names of his letters , & their several shapes withall in a playing manner , he may be easily taught to distinguish them in the following leaf , which containeth first the greater , and then the smaller roman characters , to be learned by five at once or more , as the childe is able to remember them ; other characters i would have forborn , till one be well acquainted with these , because so much variety at the first doth but amaze young wits , and our english characters , ( for the most part ) are very obscure , & more hard to be imprinted in the memory . and thus much for the learning to know letters ; we shall next ( and according to order in teaching ) proceed to an easie way of distinct spelling . chap iii. how to teach a childe to spell distinctly . the common way of teaching a childe to spell , is , after he know's the letters in his alphabet , to initiate him in those few syllables , which consist of one vowell before a consonant , as , ab , eb , ib , ob ub , &c. or of one vowel after a consonant , as , ba , be , bi , bo , bu , &c. in the horn-book , & thence to proceed with him by little and little to the bottom of the book , hereing him twice or thrice over till he can say his lesson , and then putting him to a new one . in which course i have known some more apt children to have profited prety well , but scarce one often , when they have gone thorow the book , to be able to spell a word that is not in it ; and some have been certaine years daily exercised in saying lessons therein , who after much endeavour spent , have been accounted meer block-heads , and rejected alltogether as uncapable to learn any thing ; whereas some teachers that have assayed a more familiar way , have professed , that they have not met with any such thing as a dunse amid a great multitude of little schollars . indeed it is tullies observation of old , and erasmus his assertion of latter years , that it is as natural for a childe to learn , as it is for a beast to go , a bird to fly , or a fish to swim , and i verily beleeve it , for the nature of man is restlessely desirous to know things , and were discouragements taken out of the way , and meet helps afforded young learners , they would doubtless go on with a great deal more cherefulness , and make more proficiency at their books then usually they do ; and could the master have the discretion to make their lessions familiar to them , children would as much delight in being busied about them , as in any other sport , if too long continuance at them might not make them tedious . amongst those that have gone a readier way to reading , i shall onely mention mr. roe , and mr. robinson , the latter of whom i have known to have taught little children not much above four years old to read distinctly in the bible , in six weekes time , or under ; their books are to be had in print , but every one hath not the art to use them . and mr. cootes english-school-master seem's rather to be fitted for one that is a master indeed , then for a scholar . besides the way then which is usuall , you may ( if you think good ) make use of that which i have set down in the new primar to help little ones to spell readily , and it is this . . let a childe be well acquainted with his vowells , and made to pronounce them fully by themselves , because they are able to make a perfect sound alone . . teach him to give the true valour or force of the consonants , and to take notice how imperfectly they sound , except a vowel be joyned with them . both these are set apart by themselves . ( p. . ) . proceed to syllables made of one consonant set before a vowel ( sect , . ) and let him joyne the true force of the consonant with the perfect sound of the vowel , as to say , ba , be , bi , bo , bu , &c. yet it were good to leave ca , ce , ci , co , cu , and ga , ge , gi , go , gu , to the last , because the valor of the consonant in the second and third sylables doth differ from that in the rest . . then exercise him in syllables made of one vowel set before one consonant , ( sect. . ) as to say , ab , eb , ib , ob , ub , &c. till he can spell any syllable of two letters , backwards or forwards , as , ba , be ; bi , bo , bu ; ab , eb , ib , ob , ub ; ba , ab ; be , eb ; bi , ib ; bo , ob ; bu , ub ; and so in all the rest comparing one with another . . and if to any one of these syllables you adde a letter , and teach him how to joyne it in sound with the rest , you will make him more ready in spelling ; as , if before a b you put b , and teach him to say bab ; if after ba , you put d , and let him pronounce it bad , he will quickly be able to joyne a letter with any of the rest , as , nip , pin , but , tub , &c. to enure your young-scholar to any , even the hardest syllable , in an easie way . . practise him in the joyning of consonants that begin syllables , ( sect. . ) so as that he may give their joynt forces at once ; thus , having shewed him to sound bl or br together , make him to pronounce them , and a vowel with them , bla , bra , ble , bre , and so in any of the rest . . then practise him likewise in consonants that end syllables , ( sect. . ) make him first to give the force of the joyned consonants , and then to put the vowels before them ; as , ble with the vowels before them sound able , eble , ible , oble , uble , to all which you may prefix other consonants and change them into words of one syllable , as , fable , peble , bible , noble , bubble : ( with a b inserted or the like . where observe that e in the end of many words , being silent , doth qualifie the sound of the foregoing vowel , so as to make words different from those that have not e ; as , you may see made , differeth quite from mad , bete from bet , pipe from pip , sope from sop , and cube from cub . whereby i think them in an error , that leave out e in the end of words , and them that in pronouncing it make two syllables of one , in stable , bible , people , &c. which judicious mr. mulcaster will not allow . in this exercise of spelling you may do well sometimes to make all the young beginners stand together , and pose them one by one in all sorts of syllables , till they be perfect in any ; and , to make them delight herein , . let them spell many syllables together which differ onely in one letter ; as , and , band , hand , land , sand . . teach them to frame any word of one syllable , by joyning any of the consonants which go before vowels , with those that use to follow vowels , and putting in vowels betwixt them ; as , black , block ; clack , clock . and this they may do afterwards amongst themselves , having severall loose letters made and given them , to compose or divide in a sporting manner , which i may rightly terme the letter-sport . when a childe is become expert in joyning consonants with the vowels , then take him to the diphthongs ( sect. . ) and there , . teach him the naturall force of a diphthong ( which consists of two vowels joyned together ) and make him to sound it distinctly by it self ; as , ai , ei , &c. . let him see how it is joyned with other letters , and learne to give its pronountiation together with them , minding him how the same diphthong differs from its self sometimes in its sound , and which of the two vowels in it hath the greatest power in pronouncation , as , in people e seemeth to drown the o. and besides those words in the book , you may adde others of your own , till by many examples the childe do well apprehend your meaning , and so , as that he can boldly adventure to imitate you , and practise of himself . thus after a childe is throughly exercised in the true sounding of the vowels and consonants together , let him proceed to the spelling of words , first of one syllable ( sect. . ) then of two ( sect. . ) then of three ( sect. . ) then of four ( sect. . ) in all which let him be taught how to utter every syllable by it self truly and fully , and be sure to speak out the last . but in words of more syllables , let him learn to joyne and part them according to these profitable rules . . an english syllable may sometimes consist of eight letters , but never of more , as , strength . in words that have many syllables , the consonant between two vowels belongeth to the latter of them ; as , hu-mi-li-tie . . consonants which are joyned in the beginning of words , are not to be parted in the middle of them ; as , my-ste-ry . . consonants which are not joyned in the beginning of words , are to be parted in the middle of them ; as , for-get-ful-ness . . if a consonant be doubled in the middle of a word , the first belong's to the syllable foregoing , and the latter to the following ; as , pos-ses-si-on . . in compound words , every part which belongeth to the single words , must be set by it self ; as , in-a-bi-li-ty . and these rules have i here set down rather to informe the less skilful teacher , how he is to guide his learner , then to puzle a childe about them , who is not yet so well able to comprehend them . i have also divided those words in the book , to let children see how they ought to divide other polysyllable words , in which they must alwayes be very carefull ( as i said ) to sound out the last syllable very fully . to enable a child the better to pronounce any word he meets withall in reading , i have set down some more hard for pronuntiation ; ( sect. ▪ ) in often reading over which he may be exercised to help his utterance ; and the master may adde more at his own discretion , till he see that his willing scholar doth not stick in spelling any , be it never so hard . and that the child may not be amused with any thing in his book , when he cometh to read , i would have him made acquainted with the pauses , ( sect. . ) with the figures , ( sect. . ) numerall letters , ( sect. . ) quotations ( sect. . ) and abbreviations sect. ) which being but a work of few houres space , may easily be performed after he can readily spell , which when he can do , he may profitably be put to reading , but not before ; for i observed it a great defect in some of mr. r. scholars , ( whose way was to teach to read presently without any spelling at all ) that when they were at a losse about a word , they made an imperfect confused sound , in giving the force of the consonants , which if they once missed they knew not which way to help themselves , to find what the word was , whereas if after a childe know his letters , he be taught to gather them into just syllables , and by the joyning of syllables together to frame a word , ( which as it is the most antient , so certainely it is the most naturall method of teaching ) he will soon be able , if he stick at any word in reading , by the naming of its letters , and pronouncing of its syllables to say what it is , and then he may boldly venture to read without spelling at all , touching the gaining of a habit whereof , i shall proceed to say somewhat in the next chapter . chap. iiii. how a child may be taught to read any english book perfectly . the ordinary way to teach children to read is , after they have got some knowledge of their letters , & a smattering of some syllables and words in the horn-book , to turn them into the abc . or primar , and therein to make them name the letters , and spell the words , till by often use they can pronounce ( at least ) the shortest words at the first sight . this method take's with those of prompter wits , but many of more slow capacities , not finding any thing to affect them , and so make them heed what they learne , go on remissely from lesson to lesson , and are not much more able to read , when they have ended their book , then when they begun it . besides , the abc . being now ( i may say ) generally thrown aside , and the ordinary primar not printed , and the very fundamentalls of christian religion ( which were wont to be contained in those books , and were commonly taught children at home by heart before they went to schoole ) with sundry people ( almost in all places ) slighted , the matter which is taught in most books now in use , is not so familiar to them , and therefore not so easie for children to learn . but to hold still to the sure foundation , i have caused the lords prayer ( sect. . ) the creed ( sect. . ) and the ten commandements ( sect. . ) to be printed in the roman character , that a childe having learned already to know his letters and how to spell , may also be initiated to read by them , which he will do the more cheerfully , if he be also instructed at home to say them by heart . as he read's these , i would have a childe name what words he can at the first sight , and what he cannot , to spell them , and to take notice what pauses and numbers are in his lesson . and to go them often over , till he can tell any tittle in them , either in or without the book . when he is thus well entered in the roman character , i would have him made acquainted with the rest of the characters now in use ( sect. . ) which will be easily done , by comparing one with another , and reading over those sentences , psalms , thankesgivings , and prayers ( which are printed in greater and lesse characters of sundry sorts ) till he have them pretty well by heart . thus having all things which concerne reading english made familar to him , he may attaine to a perfect habit of it . . by reading the single psalter . . the psalmes in meeter . . the schoole of good manners , or such like easie books , which may both profit and delight him . all which i would wish he may read over at lest thrice , to make the matter , as well as the words , leave an impression upon his mind . if anywhere he stick at any word ( as seeming too hard ) let him marke it with a pin , or the dint of his nayle , and by looking upon it againe , he will remember it . when he can read any whit readily , let him begin the bible , and read over the book of genesis , ( and other remarkable histories in other places of scripture , which are most likely to delight him ) by a chapter at a time ; but acquaint him a little with the matter beforehand , for that will intice him to read it , and make him more observant of what he read's . after he hath read , aske him such generall questions out of the story , as are most easie for him to answer , and he will the better remember it . i have known some , that by hiring a child to read two or three chapters a day , and to get so many verses of it by heart , have made them admirable proficients , and that betimes , in the scriptures ; which was timothies excellency , and his grand-mothers great commendation . let him now take liberty to exercise himself in any english book ( so the matter of it be but honest ) till he can perfectly read in any place of a book that is offered him ; and when he can do this , i adjudge him fit to enter into a grammar schoole , but not before . for thus learning to read english perfectly , i allow two or three years time , so that at seven or eight years of age , a child may begin latine . chap. v. wherein children , for whom the latine tongue is thought to be unnecessary , are to be employed after they can read english well . it is a fond conceit of many , that have either not attained , or by their own negligence have utterly lost the use of the latine tongue , to think it altogether unnecessary for such children to learn it , as are intended for trades , or to be kept as drudges at home , or employed about husbandry . for first there are few children , but ( in their playing-years , and before they can be capable of any serious employment in the meanest calling that is ) may be so far grounded in the latine , as to finde that little smattering they have of it , to be of singular use to them , both for the understanding of the english authors ( which abound now a dayes with borrowed words ) and the holding discourse with a sort of men that delight to flant it in latine . secondly , besides i have heard it spoken to the great commendation of some countries , where care is had for the well education of children , that every peasant ( almost ) is able to discourse with a stranger in the latine tongue ; and why may not we here in england obtain the like praise , if we did but as they , continue our children at the latine schoole , till they be well acquainted with that language , and thereby better fitted for any calling . thirdly , and i am sorry to adde , that the non-improvement of childrens time after they can read english any whit well , throweth open a gap to all loose kinde of behaviour ; for being then ( as it is too commonly to be seen , especially with the poorer sort ) taken from the schoole , and permitted to run wildeing up and down without any control , they adventure to commit all manner of lewdnesse , and so become a shame and dishonour to their friends and countrey . if these or the like reasons therefore might prevail to perswade them that have a prejudice against latine , i would advise that all children might be put to the grammar-schoole , so soon as they can read english well ; and suffered to continue at it , till some honest calling invite them thence ; but if not , i would wish them rather to forbear it , then to become there an hinderance to others , whose work it is to learn that profitable language . and that they may not squander away their time in idleness , it were good if they were put to a writing-schoole , where they might be , first helped to keep their english , by reading of a chapter ( at least ) once a day ; and second . taught to write a fair hand ; and thirdly afterwards exercised in arithmatique , and such preparative arts , as may make them compleatly fit to undergoe any ordinary calling . and being thus trained up in a way of discipline , they will afterwards prove more easily plyable to their masters commands . now , forasmuch as few grammar-schooles of note will admit children into them , till they have learn't their accidents ; the teaching of that book , also becometh for the most part a work for a petty-schoole , where many that undertake to teach it , being altogether ignorant of the latine tongue , do sorrily performe that taske , and spend a great deal of time about it to little or no purpose . i would have that book , therefore by such let alone , and left to the grammar-school , as most fitting to be taught there onely , because it is intended as an introduction of grammar , to guide children in a way of reading , writing , and speaking latine , and the teachers of the grammar-art are most deeply concerned to make use of it for that end . and in stead of the accidents , which they do neither understand nor profit by , they may be benefitted in reading orthodoxal catechismes and other books , that may instruct them in the duties of a christian , such as are the practise of piety , the practise of quietnesse , the whole duty of man ; and afterwards in other delightful books of english history ; as , the history of queen elizabeth ; or poetry , as herberts poems , quarl's emblems ; and by this means they will gain such a habit and delight in reading , as to make it their chief recreation , when liberty is afforded them . and their acquaintance with good books will ( by gods blessing ) be a means so to sweeten their ( otherwise sowr ) natures , that they may live comfortably towards themselves , and amiably converse with other persons . yet if the teacher of a petty-schoole have a pretty understanding of the latine tongue , he may the better adventure to teach the accidents , and proceed in so doing with far more ease and profit to himself and learner , if he observe a sure method of grounding his children in the rudiments of grammar , and preparing them to speak and write familiar latine , which i shall hereafter discover , having first set down somewhat how to remedy that defect in reading english , with which the grammar-schooles are very much troubled , especially , where there is not a good petty-schoole to discharge that work afore-hand . and before i proceed further , i will expresse my minde in the two next chapters touching the erecting of a petty-schoole , and how it may probably flourish by good order and discipline . chap. vi . of the founding of a petty-schoole . the petty-schoole is the place where indeed the first principles of all religion and learning ought to be taught , and therefore rather deserveth that more encouragement should be given to the teachers of it , then that it should be left as a work for poor women , or others , whose necessities compel them to undertake it , as a meer shelter from beggery . out of this consideration it is ( perhaps ) that some nobler spirits , whom god hath enriched with an over-plus of outward means , have in some places whereunto they have been by birth ( or otherwise ) related , erected petty-schoole-houses , and endowed them with yearly salaries ; but those are so inconsiderate towards the maintenance of a master and his familie , or so over-cloyed with a number of free-scholars , to be taught for nothing , that few men of parts will daigne to accept of them , or continue at them for any while ; and for this cause i have observed such weak foundations to fall to nothing . yet if any one be desireous to contribute towards such an eminent work of charity , my advice is , that he erect a schoole and dwelling house together , about the middle of a market-town , or some populous country-village , and acomodate it with a safe yard adjoyning to it , if not with an orchard or garden , and that he endow it with a salery of ( at least ) twenty pounds per annum , in consideration whereof all such poor boyes as can conveniently frequent it , may be taught gratis , but the more able sort of neighbours may pay for childrens teaching , as if the schoole was not free ; for they will find it no small advantage to have such a schoole amongst them . such a yearly stipend and convenient dwelling , with a liberty to take young children to board , and to make what advantage he can best by other scholars , will invite a man of good parts to undertake the charge , and excite him to the diligent and constant performance of his duty ; especially , if he be chosen into the place by three or four honest and discreet trustees , that may have power also to remove him thence , if by his uncivil behaviour , or grose neglect he render himself uncapable to perform so necessary a service to the church and common-wealth . as for the qualifications of one that is to be the teacher of a petty-schoole , i would have him to be a person of a pious , sober , comely and discreet behaviour , and tenderly affectionate towards children , haveing some knowledge of the latine tongue , and abilitie to write a fair hand , and good skil in arithmetick , and then let him move within the compasse of his own orb , so as to teach all his scholars ( as they become capable ) to read english very well , and afterwards to write and cast accounts . and let him not meddle at all with teaching the accidents , except onely to some more pregnant wits , which are intended to be set forwards to learn latine , and for such be sure that he ground them well , or else dismisse them as soon as they can read distinctly , and write legibly , to the grammar school . i should here have closed my discourse ; and shut up this petty-schoole , were it not that i received a model for the maintaining of students from a worthy friends hands ( & one that is most zealously and charitably addicted to advance learning , and to help it in its very beginnings to come forwards to its full rise ) by which i am encouraged to addresse my remaining words to the godly-minded trustees and subscribers for so good a work , ( especially to those amongst them that know me , and my school-endeavours ) and this i humbly request of them , that as they have happily contrived a model for the education of students , and brought it on a suddain to a great degree of perfection , so they would also put to their hands for the improvement of schoole-learning , without which such choise abilities as they aim at in order to the ministry cannot possibly be obtained . and for the first foundation of such a work , i presume to offer my advise , that in some convenient places , within and about the city , there may be petty-schooles erected , according to the number of wards , unto which certain poor children out of every parish may be sent , and taught gratis , and all others that please to send their children thither may have them taught at a reasonable rate , and be sure to have them improved to the utmost of what they are capable . and i am the rather induced to propound such a thing , because that late eminent , dr. bathurst lately deceased , mr. gouge and some others yet living did out of their own good affection to learning , endeavour at their own charge to promote the like . chap. vii . of the discipline of a petty-schoole . the sweet and orderly behaviour of children addeth more credit to a schoole then due and constant teaching , because this speaketh to every one that the childe is well taught , though ( perhaps ) he learn but little ; and good manners indeed are a main part of good education . i shall here therefore take occasion to speak somewhat concerning the discipline of a petty-schoole , leaving the further discourse of childrens manners to books that treat purposely of that subject : as , erasmus de moribus , youths behaviour , &c. . let every scholar repair to schoole before eight a clock in a morning , or in case of weaknesse before nine ; and let him come fairly washed , neatly combed , and hansomly clad , and by commending his cleannesse , and shewing it to his fellowes , make him to take pleasure betimes of himself to go neat and comely in his clothes . . let such as come before schoole-time take liberty to recreate themselves about the schoole , yet so as not to be suffered to do any thing , whereby to harm themselves , or schoole-fellowes , or to give offence , or make disturbance to any neighbour . . when schoole-time calleth , let them all go orderly to their own places , and there apply themselves diligently to their books , without noyse , or running about . . when the master cometh into the schoole , let them all stand up , and make obeysance so likewise when any stranger cometh in ) and after notice taken who are absent ; let one that is most able read a chapter , and the rest attend , and give some littlt account of what they heard read ; then let him that read , say a short prayer fitted for the schoole , and afterwards let every one settle to his present taske . . the whole schoole may not unfitly be divided into four formes ; whereof the first and lowest should be of those that learn to know their letters , whose lessons may be in the primar . the second of those that learn to spell , whose lessons may be in the single-psalter . the third of these that learn to read , whose lessons may be in the bible . the fourth of those that are exercised in reading , writeing , and casting accounts , whose lessons may be in such profitable engglish-books as the parents can best provide , and the master think fittest to be taught . . let their lessons be the same to each boy in every form , and let the master proportion them to the meanest capacities , thus those that are abler may profit themselves by helping their weaker fellowes , and those that are weaker be encouraged to see that they can keep company with the stronger . and let the two highest in every forme give notice to the master when they come to say , of those that were most negligent in geting the lesson . . when they come to say , let them all stand orderly in one or rowes , & whilst one sayeth his lesson , be sure that all the rest look upon their books , and give liberty to him that 's next to correct him that is saying if he mistake , and in case he can say better , let him take his place , and keep it till the same boy or another win it from him . the striveing for places ( especially ) amongst little ones , will whet them all on to more diligence , then any encouragement that can be given them ; and the master should be very sparing to whip any one for his book , except he be sullenly negligent , and then also i would chuse rather to shame him out of his untowardnesse by commending some of his fellowes , and asking him why he cannot do as well as they , then by falling upon him with rating words , or injurious blowes . a great care also must be had that those children that are slow witted and of a tender spirit , be not any way discouraged , though they cannot make so good performance of their task as the rest of their fellowes . on mundayes , wednesdayes and fridayes they may say two lessons in a forenoon and two in an afternoon ; and on tuesdayes and thursdayes in the forenoons they may also say two lessons ; but on tuesdayes and thursdayes in the afternoons , and on saturday mornings i would have the time spent in examineing , and directing how to spell and read a right , and hearing them say the graces , prayers , and psalms , and especially the lords prayer , the creed , and the ten commandements ( which are for that purpose set down in the new-primar ) very perfectly by heart . and those that can these well may proceed to get other catechisms , but be sure they be such as agree with the principles of christian religion . . their lessons being all said , they should be dismissed about eleven a clock , and then care must be taken that they go every one orderly out of the schoole , and passe quietly home without any stay by the way . and to prevent that too too common clamour , and crouding out of the schoole door , let them rise out of their places one by one with their hat , and book in their hand , and make their honours to their master as they passe before his face , one following another at a distance out of the schoole . it were fittest and safest that the least went out the foremost , that the bigger boyes following may give notice of any misdemeanour upon the way . their return to schoole in the after-noon should be by one of the clock , and those that come before that hour , should be permitted to play within their bounds till the clock strike one , and then let them all take their places in due order , and say their lessons as they did in the fore-noon . after lessons ended , let one read a chapter , and say a prayer , and so let them again go orderly and quietly home , about five a clock in the summer , and four in the winter season . . if necessity require any one to go out in the school time , let him not interrupt the master by asking him leave , but let him leave his book with his next fellow above him , for fear he should else spoile it , or loose it , and in case he tarry too long forth , let notice be given to the monitor . . those children in the upper form may be monitors , every one a day in his turn , and let them every evening after all lessons said , give a bill to the master of their names that are absent and theirs that have committed any disorder ; and let him be very moderate in correcting , and be sure to make a difference betwixt those faults that are vitiously enormous , and those that are but childish transgressons ; where admonitions readily take place , it is a needlesse trouble to use a rod , and as for a ferula i wish it were utterly banished out of all schooles . if one , before i conclude , should ask me , how many children i think may be well and profitably taught ( according to the method already proposed ) in a petty-school ; i return him answer , that i conceive fourty boyes will be enough throughly to employ one man , to hear every one so often as is required , and so many he may hear and benefit of himself , without making use of any of his scholars to teach the rest , which however it may be permitted , and is practised in some schooles , yet it occasioneth too much noyse and disorder , and is no whit so acceptable to parents , or pleasing to the children , be the work never so well done . and therefore i advise , that in a place where a great concours of children may be had , there be more masters then one employed according to the spatiousnesse of the room , and the number of boyes to be taught ; so that every fourty scholars may have one to teach them ; and in case there be boyes enough to be taught , i would appoint one single master , to attend one single forme , and have as many masters as there are forms , and then the work of teaching little ones to the height of their best improvement may be throwly done , esecially if there were a writeing-master employed at certain houres in the schoole , and an experienced teacher encouraged as a supervisor , or inspector , to see that the whole schoole be well and orderly taught , and disciplined . what i have here writ concerning the teaching and ordering of a petty-schoole , was in many particulars experienced by my self with a few little boyes , that i taught amongst my grammar-scholars in london , and i know those of eminent worth , and great learning that upon tryal made upon their own children at home , and others at schoole are ready to attest the ease and benefit of this method . insomuch as i was resolved to have adjoyned a petty-schoole to my grammar-schoole at the token-house in lothbury london , and there to have proceeded in this familiar and pleasing way of teaching , had i not been unhansomly dealt with by those whom it concerned , for their own profit sake to have given me lesse discouragement . neverthelesse , i think it my duty to promote learning what i can , and to lay a sure foundation for such a goodly structure as learning is ; and though ( perhaps ) i may never be able to effect what i desire for its advancement , yet it will be my comfort , to have imparted somwhat to others that may help thereunto . i have here begun at the very ground work , intending ( by gods blessing ) forthwith to publish the new discovery of the old art of teaching , which doth properly belong to a grammar-schoole . in the mean time i intreat those into whose hands this little work may come , to look upon it with a single eye , and whether they like or dislike it , to think that it is not unnecessary for men of greatest parts to bestow a sheet or two at leasure time upon so mean a subject as this seem's to bee . and that god which causeth immense rivers to flow from small spring-heads , vouchsafe to blesse these weak beginings in tender age , that good learning may proceed hence to its full perfection in riper years . finis . the history, choice, and method of studies by monsieur fleury ... traité du choix et de la méthode des études. english fleury, claude, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the history, choice, and method of studies by monsieur fleury ... traité du choix et de la méthode des études. english fleury, claude, - . [ ], p. printed for s. keble [and others], london : . translation of: traité du choix et de la méthode des études. reproduction of original in university of michigan libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng study skills. education -- curricula. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - pip willcox sampled and proofread - pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the history , choice , and method of studies . by monsieur fleury , sometime preceptor to the princes of conty , monsieur d' vermandois , and to the dukes of burgoyne and anjou . lycensed , d. poplar . london , printed for s. keble , at the turks-head in fleet street ; iohn hindmarsh against the exchange in cornhil ; d. brown without temple-barr ; and r. sare at grays-inn gate in holborn . . the preface to the reader . reading not long since in the lipsick translations , i therein met with so fair a character of this author , and this piece of his , that i presently procured the book ; and , having read it over , i was so well pleased with the argument , and the way of handling it , that ( having some spare-time upon my hands ) i thought it might not be altogether an vseless diversion , to try how that would appear in english , which gave me such satisfaction in french ; and which the editors of the lipsick transactions wish'd to see in the german tongue . a work of this nature is so necessary , and yet so very difficult , that several , who ( convin't of the usefulness of it ) have attempted it ; yet being discouraged in the prosecution , or else unfit for the vndertaking , have either left us only some models-vnfinish'd , or some gothick platforms more agreeable to the barbarous ages of learning , than to the state of that wherein we live. some have been too subtle and scholastical in their instructions ; others too gross and material : the one seem to suppose their scholars to be meer intelligences ; the other treat them , as if they were altogether material : and both have too much restrain'd their rules , to some particular sorts of studies and professions . as if all men besides had either no thoughts , or were under no obligation to order them after the best manner , and apply them to the most proper subjects . our author therefore thought himself oblig'd to extend his instructions to all mankind ; and consider all reasonable creatures ( who have minds to improve ) as students in some sort or other . and indeed , since all men have thoughts , and study is nothing but the attentive application of their thoughts to those objects which they are the most concern'd to know ; 't would be great injury to the rest of mankind , to exclude all , except two or three orders of men , from the benefit of studies . our author , that he might not be thus partial in a matter , where all persons have an interest , suits his instructions to all ages , sexes , conditions , and ways of life . he first prescribes rules for such studies as are absolutely necessary to all sorts of men whatever . then he passes on to those which are proper for them , whose birth and parts enable them to make some further progress in learning . in the next place he applys himself unto those whose condition requires greater improvements , than may be requisite for the common student . afterwards he gives directions about studies that are curious , as he calls them ; not because they are , in no sense , necessary ; but because they are not of so much use , as the others before-mention'd , tho' they be laudable and good in themselves : whereas those which he calls useless , are such vain and unprofitable curiosities , as are just good for nothing at all , but to fill the head with superstitious conceits , and fanciful chymera's . lastly , he tells us how children are to be instructed according to their several ages ; what studies are fit for women ; what for clergy-men , sword-men , and lawyers . this is a short view of the design of his second part ; after he has , in the first , given us an historical account of studies : which may well pass for a very ingenious , and learned essay upon that which my lord bacon calls , the historia literata ; and puts amongst the desiderata , under the title of oculus polyphemi . i would by no means derogate from the learned and vseful labours either of the ancients or moderns , who have written upon this subject . yet i must needs say , that to my apprehension , none ever managed it with such a judicious cboice , and vnaffected gravity , as he seems to have done . his great care is not to make a vain shew and barade of his learning . he writes not like a man who is full of himself , and possest with the troublesom spirit of polymathy , his business is to give the most useful and solid advice in the plainest and most simple words . he is not too tedious and operose upon some heads ; too scantly and defective in others : but with an equal and steddy hand , has drawn all the parts so , as to agree with one another , and strengthen the whole . in short , if i did not think that i do present the réader with a book of more value , than any thing i have yet seen in this kind , i should not have given him a needless trouble . several both of former times , and of late , have laid down many wise and and excellent rules for the skilful management of youth ; but i know no treatise , which , ( in so short a compass , and such a natural method ) comprehends the whole circle of instruction , as it relates both to the scholars studies , and his manners . so that i hope the reader will have reason to esteem this little book above many others which have been written upon this subject , either with too little judgment , or too much criticism . 't is to be observed , that the author takes upon him to prescribe to the universities , and publick schools . he undertakes , not to be a doctor of the chair ; or to indicate unto those celebrated places of education , whose rules and methods have been approved and established , both by law and custom . but , because private and domestick education , has of late been so much in fashion , and withal , usually so wretchedly managed ; he thought himself concerned to visit the family , take an account of the miscarriages in this matter , and do what in him lay , to redress them . and he did not intrude himself into this office , before he was called . for , in the preface , he tells us , that he composed this book at the desire of a certain gentleman , for the use of his child . now since there is the same reason for such kind of treatises in english , as in french , he hopes , that he shall be accounted no more in our own county , than in his own , a busie body in other mens matters . but though the book is not calculated for the universities , and publick schools , yet if the tutors of the one , and the masters of the other , will examin his rules and method with judgment and candour ; i presume they will see reason to acknowledge their obligations to the author , and will not , i hope , have much reason to be offended with the translatour . however , we do , with some assurance , promise our selves a favourable , reception from all those gentlemen , who educate their children in private ; as well as from the instructers , who shall take the care of them . for i question not , but upon experiment , it will be found , that a child of tolerable parts , educated after this manner , will in a far less time than ordinary , to the joy of the father , and credit of the teacher , be better grounded in real learning , and more capable to use it , than we commonly see young scholars are , after they have been several years at school , and not a few at the university . in truth , the scheme which he proposes , is founded upon the certain principles of reason and experience , and not upon the sole authority of any great name , how famous soever . he freely inquires after the best rules , and method of instructing youth , not obliging himself to maintain the systems and practices of others , farther than he finds them agreeable to the dictates of eternal reason , our common master , and confirmed by his own particular experience . the princes of conte , whose studies he had the honour to direct , as their quality required a more ingenuous and liberal way of education ; so , i doubt not , but when they came out of their tutors hands , they found themselve furnished with a morality , and a sort of learning , answerable to their birth ; that is , wise , generous , and active ; built upon the solid foundations of reason , and experience . as to the translation , i have observed , as faithfully as i could , the author 's own rules , p. . not scrupulously , rendering one word for another , but the french idiom into the english way of speaking ; yet , always as near as possibly , preserving his sense : excepting p. . where , what he calls the heresie , i only term the doctrin of luther : such complements as these , must be expected from one , who professes himself to be of the roman catholick communion . we have some more of them , p. where he refers to the vulgar latin , as the version , which the church hath made authentick ; recommends the knowledge of the hebrew tongue , if for no other reason , yet to silence the hereticks , and advises his priest to read the trent catechism , and council , and romish ritual . these and such like characteristicks of his communion , i thought once to have accommodated to the english church ; as likewise the honours he bestows on the french nation , to our own . but upon second thoughts , i judged it more suitable with a translation , to let these passages go unaltered : since the weakest are in no danger of being harmed by them ; and the wiser will only conclude from them , that custom and education , in some things are apt to prevail over the judgments of the most reasonable men. to conclude , since translations out of the french , have of late , been so much encouraged ; and to so good purpose , 't is hoped this will find some place amongst the excellent books we have already received , and do still expect out of that language . du pin , and malbranch have been worthily looked upon , as originals , in their respective labours : and when the learned shall have impartially considered mr. fleury's writings , they 'll find him to be one of those french writers , who ( abating their peculiar roman shibboleth ) have written , as if they design'd to serve the interest of the church of england , that is , of primitive christianity , rather than that of rome . the contents . the design of the treatise pag. the first part. the history of studies . the studies of the greeks pag. the studies of the romans pag. the studies of the christians pag. the studies of the franks pag. the studies of the arabians pag. the studies of the school-men pag. vniversities , and their four faculties pag. the faculty of the arts pag. medicks , or physick pag. civil and canon-law pag. divinity pag. the restoration of humanity pag. the second part. the choice of studies pag. the way and method to give attention pag. the division of studies pag. religion and morality pag. civility and good breeding pag. logick and metaphysicks pag. that men ought to have a care of their bodies pag. men ought not to study purely for interest pag. grammar pag. arithmetick pag. oeconomick p. pag. civil law , or jurisprudence pag. policy pag. of languages , latin , c& . pag. history pag. natural history pag. geometry pag. rhetorick pag. poetry pag. curious studies pag. vseless studies pag. the order of studies according to the several ages pag. the studies of women pag. the studies of clergy-men pag. the studies of sword men pag. the studies of the men of the robe pag. the history choice , and method of studies . although , at present , i only intend to treat of private studies , and to give advice to those alone , who instruct children in houses , and are at liberty to use what method they shall think the best : i have nevertheless judg'd it necessary , first , to consider the course of studies , which we find settled in the publick schools ; to the end that we may conform our selves unto them , as much as possible . but to understand well the order of our publick studies , it seems to me adviseable to go to the fountain-head ; that so we may see whence every part is deriv'd down to us ; and how the whole body of these studies has been form'd in the succession of many ages . containing the history of studies . grammar , rhetorick , and philosophy , came from the greeks ; even the names themselves of these studies import as much . from the greeks they pass'd to the romans , and from the romans to us . now the greeks had great reason to apply themselves to these three sorts of studies , as they understood them . by grammar they ( in the first place ) meant the knowledge of letters ; that is , the art to read , and write , and consequently speak well . it was of great moment to them , to know how to read , write , and speak correctly in their own language , with which they contented themselves ; for they learnt none of strangers . under the name of grammar they also comprehended the knowledge of the poets , historians , and other good authors ; whom their grammarians profess'd to explain : and 't is easie to see how useful this study was to them . at the first , they had no other books but their poets ; and there they found all kind of instructions . all their religion , and all their history were contain'd in them . for hitherto they had no more certain traditions than these fables , which now seem so ridiculous unto us . and as for their religion , their poets were their prophets , whom they looked upon as friends of the gods , and men inspir'd ; and for their works they had a respect not much inferiour ( if i may make the comparison ) to that which we have for the holy scriptures . moreover they found in them rules for the government of themselves ; and lively representations of humane life . and they had this advantage , that these books , so full of instructions , were perfectly well written : insomuch that they were a divertisement to the reader ; and besides the substance of things , they learnt from them to speak well , and to express their thoughts nobly . in short , all their verses were made to be sung , and their most ancient study was musick , that they might have something wherewithal to divert , and imploy themselves innocently , at their leisure times , by singing , and playing upon instruments . rhetorick and philosophy came later , and began both of them much about the same time , as men of parts did differently apply themselves ; some ingaging in the management of affairs ; and others , retiring from the world , to give themselves wholly to the search of truth . that popular way , whereby the greek common-wealths were govern'd in their publick assemblies , where all matters were carri'd by the votes of the people , obliged them , who design'd to render themselves powerful , either by ambition , or interest , carefully to seek after the art of perswading the people to what they wou'd : to this end , besides publick speeches , they apply'd themselves to the pleading particular causes before the judges , that they might gain friends , and exercise themselves in speaking . thus eloquence became a surer means of advancement , than valour , and knowledge of war : because , a great captain , if he did not use his tongue well , had little power in their deliberations ; whereas an oratour , without being brave , cou'd either form or break the neck of the greatest enterprizes . so that the rhetoricians were that active sort of men , whom the greeks called politicians . the speculative men , whom they termed sophists , and afterwards philosophers , did at first apply themselves to the knowledge of the nature of things coelestial , and terrestrial ; that is to say , they were astronomers , and natural philosophers . but socrates resolving to leave off all pursuit after that which is without us , and to apply himself wholly to that which might make a man better in himself , was chiefly concern'd for the improving his mind , that he might reason as exactly as possible , and govern his life according to the best rules this reasoning shou'd discover to him . and thus he added to philosophy , two other parts , logick , and morality . in his time and in the times of his first disciples , philosophy , as well as rhetorick , were the serious , and continual imployments of men grown up , and form'd ; and not the transient studies of young persons . the most noble , and most considerable men thought themselves honour'd thereby . pythagoras was of the royal race . plato was descended from king codrus by his father , and from solon by his mother . xenophon was one of the greatest captains of his age. and from this time learning was in so great esteem , and became so much the mark of men of quality , that the name ideot , which in greek , only signifies a private person , was taken for an ignorant , and ill educated man , as generally the common sort of people are . among the kings of aegypt , syria , and macedonia , ( the successors of alexander ) there were many grammarians , poets , and philosophers . and indeed it is very reasonable , that in every country , they should apply themselves unto the sciences , who have most candor and civility , who being born to good estates , needing not to be sollicitous for the necessities of life , and have most leisure , or , who being call'd to great employments , have most opportunity of becoming useful to others , and most need to inlarge their capacity , and knowledge . the romans were instructed by the greeks , and did imitate them as much as they cou'd , even to the learning their language , which hitherto had not been practised in the world. neither the hebrews , nor the egyptians , nor the greeks , did learn any strange language as an help to their studies . 't is true , that the greek was a living language , and the trading tongue of the mediterranean sea , and all the east , which made it necessary for travel , traffick , and all sorts of business . it was also easie for the romans to learn it , as well by reason of the great number of greeks , both free-men , and slaves , who were every where dispers'd through italy ; as by the neighbour-hood of the greek colonies to the roman territories . the romans then had this study , over and besides what the greeks had ; and they first joined grammar thereunto , which they learnt as the greeks had done ; that is , with respect to the greek tongue . afterwards they apply'd themselves to the latin , which then was purify'd , fixt , and came to its perfection . but when the romans began to study , the studies of the greeks were very much changed . the authority of the poets was much sunk , because the natural philosophers had taught the world not to be deceived with fables , and ( with all men of sense ) had discredited their false religion , which had no other foundation but uncertain traditions , and gross impostures . the greeks had begun to write true histories , from the time of their wars with the persians ; and they had acquired a great knowledge of geography from the conquests of alexander . besides , the socratick philosophers taught a morality much purer than that of the poets : yet they did not cease to be very much esteemed , and to be looked upon , if not as heavenly and god-like , yet , at least , as great men , and the chief philosophers . we find in them every where very useful sentiments , and fair images of nature . they were always pleasant to read , to repeat , and sing : the ceremonies of religion preserved the use of them : their antiquity , and the custom of commending them , did not a little contribute to the keeping up of their credit . rhetorick it self , and philosophy , which then were the most solid studies , had degenerated under the empire of the macedonians . the greek cities , even those which had continued free , had now no affairs of great consequence to deliberate upon , as before . the orators often imploy'd their eloquence to flatter princes , or else to make themselves admired . besides , having seen the great usefulness of this art , they thought it expedient to have it taught to the youth ; and for this purpose , they instituted a sort of masters , whom they properly call'd rhetoricians ; who having not a genius sufficient for true eloquence , practised this trade , only to get a livelihood by it . these are they , who have form'd this art , which is still call'd rhetorick ; or at least , who have incumber'd it with that infinite number of little precepts which we see in their books . these are they , who have introduced declamations upon subjects invented at pleasure , and oft-times very unlikely , exercising youth to speak without knowledge , only to shew their wit. in short , these are they , who have introduc'd the false eloquence of the following ages ; and those general discourses , so full of words , and void of things . this evil was chiefly spread in asia , where the greeks were less free , and further from their original ; and it was at athens , where the true relish of eloquence and the liberal arts were the longest time preserved . philosophy was become a pretence for idleness , and a continual war of unprofitable disputes . aristotle was not satisfy'd with what was useful in logick , but carry'd the speculation on to the most minute exactness . he also apply'd himself very much to metaphysicks , and the most general reasonings . so many made discourses upon morality , and so few govern'd their practice according to its rules , that they render'd it ridiculous . for many made the profession of philosophy , only to lacquey after their little interests ; as to make their court to princes , or get money . and they who sought after wisdom more seriously gave great offence by the multitude of their sects ; for they treated one another as fools , and mad-men . the romans seeing the greeks in this condition , for a long time despised studies , as childish vanities , and idle amusements , not worthy of their pains , who altogether apply'd themselves unto business : each particular man endeavoured to increase his patrimony , by husbandry , traffick , and frugality ; and all of 'em together jointly concurr'd in making the state to flourish , by applying themselves to war , and politicks . but though they wou'd have it believed , that this frugality , this military discipline , this firmness in their conduct , which made them so powerful , were owing to none but themselves , and their own vertuous resolutions ; yet their own history makes it appear , that they had borrow'd much from the greeks , even at that time , before there were in greece , either oratours , or philosophers by profession . the first tarquin was a corinthian by birth , and he had instructed servius tullius . pythagoras lived in the time of the latter ; and it is very probable that some of his disciples had correspondence with the romans , their severe and frugal way of living so much resembling this italick philosophy . however , it is certain that they brought the laws of the twelve tables out of greece ; which cicero valued more than all the books of the philosophers . applying themselves with great diligence to these laws , and their domestick affairs , they form'd a study which was particular to themselves , and lasted as long as their empire . this study is civil law , which we do not find that any nation had cultivated before . not but that the greeks had diligently studied the laws , but they did it rather as oratours , than lawyers . i am not ignorant that they very well knew the order and disposition of them ; that they dived also into the reasons of them ; and , with good effect , apply'd themselves unto business , both publick and private . but i do not find that they had any , who made it their profession , to explain them unto others , and to give counsel ; nor that they wrote commentaries upon their laws . for as for the formularies , it is certain that the greek oratours left the care of them , to an inferiour sort of men , whom they called pragmaticks , or practitioners . 't is true , there were in greece legislatours and philosophers who had studied the laws after a more noble and extensive manner , since it must needs argue a greater genius to compile a whole body of laws , than to apply them in particular to the least affairs : and they confess'd that this knowledge , so useful to the world , came to them from aegypt , and the east , as did all the rest of their learning . to return to rome : to the end of the sixteenth age , after its foundation , children were then taught only to read , and write , and cast account . men studied the laws , and the formularies ; either indifferently , for their own particular use ; or more curiously , to give counsel unto others , and gain credit , and reputation . they did not begin to enter upon the curiosities of the greeks ordinarily , to learn their tongue , and to read their works , till after the second punick war. hitherto there were to be seen some ordinances of the senate against rhetoricians , and philosophers by profession ; as men , who introduced dangerous novelties into the commonwealth . the romans , when they apply'd themselves to the studies of the greeks , did it , according to their own genius ; that is , they sought therein what was best , most solid , and most useful for the conduct of life . the old cato , scipio , and laelius , were not men , who wou'd burden themselves with trifles . they studied the historians , and oratours , to profit by their excellent examples , and good maxims of the ancient greeks ; and to learn how to speak as perswasively upon the affairs of rome , as pericles and demosthenes had done , upon those of athens ; at the same time studiously avoiding to imitate the greeks of their times , or to take up with the trifles of the grammarians , and rhetoricians . nay , they were even afraid of this . cicero says of the greatest oratours of his time , they were fearful it shou'd be perceived , that they had studied the books of the greeks , least it shou'd be thought , that they overmuch valued them , and so their reputation of being learned , might make their discourses to be suspected of too much artifice . the wise romans came afterwards to philosophy , and there fix'd upon the principles and reasons of morality , and politicks ; of which they already had much experience , and many domestick examples . lastly , they knew how to take what was best in the poets . hence proceeded so many great oratours in the last age of the republick , from the gracchi , to cicero ; and they also , who may be called the roman philosophers , as atticus , cato of vtica , and brutus . but the establishment of the monarchy at rome , having rendred great eloquence , and the motives to it useless ; ( since the people did no longer give their votes in publick affairs , nor bestow great places ) poetry got the upper hand , and flourished under the reign of augustus . 't is true , it fell soon afterwards , having nothing that was solid to sustain it , and being look'd upon only as a sport , and diversion of the mind . thus , within the space of about two hundred years , the studies of the romans , came to be in the same condition , wherein they had found those of the greeks . every place was full of little grammarians , rhetoricians , and idle declamers ; of prating philosophers , historians , and poets , who tired the world in reciting their works . only the civil law was always preserv'd , because it was always necessary , and depended less upon the form of government , or the particular manners of men. there were also some true philosophers , though we should reckon only the emperour marcus aurelius , and several others , of whom , mention is made in pliny's epistles . but these philosophers went rather for greeks , than romans : the greatest part of 'em also wore the greek habit , in what country soever they dwelt , and of what nation soever they were . in the mean time , a much more sublime philosophy began to be established ; i mean , the christian religion , which soon made this purely humane philosophy to vanish ; and did yet more severely condemn all those other studies , which were less serious . the principal study of christians , was the meditation of the law of god , and all the holy scriptures , according to the tradition of the pastours , who had faithfully preserv'd the doctrine of the apostles . they call'd all the rest , strange , and foreign studies ; and rejected them , as inticing the reader to the manners of the heathens . in truth , the greatest part of their books were either useless , or dangerous . the poets were the devil's prophets , who breathed nothing but idolatry , and debauchery ; and made agreeable representations of all sorts of passions , and villanies . many philosophers despised all religion in general , and denied that there cou'd be any miracles , or prophecies . others made great endeavours to establish idolatry , by allegorizing natural things , and by the secrets of magick . moreover their morality was stuft with errours , and all turn'd upon this principle of pride , that it was in man's power to make himself good and vertuous . the oratours were full of artifice , lyes , reproaches , or flatteris ; and the most solid subjects of their discourses , were matters of business ; from which the christians studiously desired to sequester themselves . they believed , that they shou'd have lost the time given them to gain eternity , if they had imploy'd it in the reading foreign histories , in mathematical speculations , and other curiosities : and they always saw in them , great danger of vanity , a thing inseparable from the most innocent studies . so that the greatest part of christians apply'd themselves to the labour of the hands , and to works of charity towards their brethren . their schools were the churches , where the bishops daily explain'd the holy scriptures . there were also priests , and deacons , whose particular business it was to instruct the catechumens , and manage the disputes against the heathens . and every bishop took particular care to instruct his clergy , chiefly the younger sort , who attended continually about his person , to serve him as readers , and secretaries ; to follow him , and carry about his letters , and orders . and thus they learnt the doctrine , and discipline of the church , rather by domestick instruction , and long use , than by formal , and set lectures . nevetheless , it cannot be deny'd , but that there were many christians , who were very learned in the heathen books , and the prophane sciences . but if we do well examine the matter , we shall find , that the greater number of those persons had studied them before they became christians . and being well vers'd therein , they knew how to employ them to the purposes of religion . all the good they found in them , they vended again as their own , because all truth comes from god. they made use of the solid maxims of morality , which they found dispers'd in the poets , and the philosophers ; and also of the remarkable examples of history , to prepare the way to christian morality . on the contrary , they took advantage from the absurdity of the fables , and impiety of heathen theology , to encounter paganism with its own weapons ; and thus employed their knowledge of history in disputes against the heathens . it was with this intention , that africanus composed that famous chronology from which eusebius has taken his . it was with this design , that the same eusebius wrote his evangelical preparation ; and st. clement of alexandria , his advice to the gentiles , and his stromata . afterwards the arians , and other hereticks , ( who made use of philosophy , to destroy the faith ) did also oblige the holy fathers to imploy humane learning to overthrow their sophisms . thus they made use of prophane books with great discretion ; yet with an holy liberty . and therefore , when julian the apostate forbad christians to teach and study the books of the greeks , that is , the heathens , they lookt upon this as a new sort of persecution . whence it is plain , that at that time they profess'd to teach humane learning ; which yet was not permitted in the first ages ; if we may believe tertullian . but the reasons which he alledges are ceas'd since the conversion of the emperours , and the full liberty of christianity . this happy change made the philosophers to be neglected . st. augustine witnesseth , that in his time they cou'd no more be heard to discourse in the gymnasia , which were their proper schools ; though , in those of the rhetoricians , some of their opinions were still recited , but not taught ; neither their books explain'd , of which even the copies were very rarely to be met with : that no person dared to dispute against the truth , under the name of stoick , or epicurean ; but that to be heard , he was forc'd to mask himself under the name , of christian , and to be enter'd into some sect of the hereticks . st. augustine did not write this because he was not well vers'd in the writings of the philosophers ; for in his youth he had acquainted himself with them all : insomuch , that it may be said of him , that he was a perfect philosopher ; since there never was any man of a more penetrating spirit , profound meditation , and a more consistent reason . the greatest part also of the greek fathers , were famous philosophers . but 't is very remarkable , that amongst all the philosophers , renowned in antiquity , aristotle was he of whom they made least use . they found that he did not speak worthily of the divine providence , nor of the nature of the soul ; that his logick was too subtle , and his morality too low and humane ; for this is the judgment , which st. gregory nazianzen , gives of him . and although plato also has his faults , yet the fathers thought they cou'd make better use of him ; because in his writings they found more footsteps of truth , and more effectual means of perswasion . in short , 't is evident , that if they undervalued aristotle , it was not because they cou'd not understand him , which certainly they did , better than they who have since advanc'd him so high . prophane philosophy was decry'd , because true philosophers that is good christians , ( and especially the monks ) were every where to be seen . that contempt of honours , the opinion of men , riches , and pleasures ; that patience in poverty , and hardships , which socrates , and zeno had so much sought after , and of which they had discours'd so much , the solitaries of these days practised , after a much more excellent manner , without disputing , and without arguing . they liv'd in perfect tranquility , vanquishers of their passions , and continually united unto god. they were troublesome to no man ; and without writing , without speaking , without shewing themselves , except very rarely , they instructed the whole world by their example , and delighted it with the fragrancy of their vertues . there is therefore no reason to wonder , why they were had in such great veneration ; or to judge of these ancient monks , by those that appeared before the late reformations , whose looseness had caused this name , so much honour'd by the ancients , to be despised . it must be remembred , that these were the true disciples of st. anthony , st. basil , st. martin , and other saints , whose rules they practised , and whose vertues they imitated . for the monasteries were then the true schools , where was taught not only humane learning and the curious sciences , but the christian morality and perfection ; which was taught not so much by reading , as by prayer and real practice ; by the living examples of the brethren and the corrections of superiours . this perfection of monasteries drew to them the most wise and intelligent men ; and 't was often here only that such persons could be found , as were fit for the service and government of the churches : and they who were thus drawn out of the monasteries , did usually continue the exercises of the monastick life , in the state of the priesthood , and taught them to their disciples ; from whence came the near relation betwixt the monastick life and the clerical ; which was so ordinary after the fifth age. many bishops lived in common with their priests ; which made it more easie for them to instruct them in ecclesiastical knowledge ; and as for the younger clerks , they who were not near the person of the bishops lived with some holy priest , who particularly took care of their education . there were still some prophane schools , where was taught grammar so far as 't was necessary to write and speak correctly , rhetorick , which daily became more affected and childish ; history , which they began altogether to reduce into abridgments ; civil law , which always continued , because it depended no more upon religion than the other ; and the mathematicks , which are the foundations of many arts necessary unto life . learning suffer'd very much by the ruine of the western empire , and the establishment of the northern people ; so that there was scarce any thing of it left but amongst the clergy and the monks . in truth , excepting the clergy there were scarce any remainders of the romans , except peasants and artificers , who were generally slaves . the franks and other barbarians , did not study at all , and if they made any use of letters for the usual correspondencies of life , it was only of latin : for they knew not so much as how to write in their own language . profane studies , as philology and history were most of all neglected : it did not become clergy-men to busie themselves with them . it is well known how sharply st. gregory reproved didier bishop of vienna , because he taught grammar . besides having fewer books , and less convenience of studying , than in the foregoing ages , they betook themselves to that which was more necessary , that is to what immeadiately concern'd religion . charlemaign who was truly great in all his actions , did all that was in his power towards the re-establishment of learning . he drew together from all quarters the most knowing men , by honour and rewards . he himself studied too . he setled schools in the chief cities of his empire , and even in his own palace ; which was like a walking city . it appears by many articles of the capitularies what was taught therein . for it is recommended to the bishops , ( who by the duty of their place are concern'd to provide for the instruction of youth , ) that they shou'd take care that children were taught grammar , singing , casting account , or arithmetick . ( it may be seen in bede's works who lived sixty years before ) wherein their studies and all the liberal arts did consist . grammar was then necessary , because latin was altogether corrupted , and the roman language rustick ; as the vulgar language whence the french is derived was termed . this language , i say , was nothing but an uncertain and monstrous jargon , which men were ashamed to write or use in any serious business . as for the german language which was that of the prince and of all the franks , it began to be written and to be used in some translations of the holy scriptures ; and charlemaign himself made a grammar for it : the singing which was taught , was that of the ecclesiastical office , reformed at this time according to the roman custom ; and thereunto were joined some rules of musick . calculation or computation served for the finding out on what day easter was to be kept , and for the regulating the year ; it comprehended also the most necessary rules of arithmetick , by all which it appears , that these studies were only for those who design'd for the clergy : thus all lay persons were either the noblemen who concern'd themselves in nothing but war , or the commonalty busied in husbandry and trades . charlemaign was careful to disperse all over his territories that code of the canons which he received from pope adrian , the roman law , and other laws of all the people under his obedience , whereof he made new editions . he had a great many ancient histories ; and he was so curious , as to cause the verses which preserved the memory of the brave actions of the germans to be written , and put together . thus , together with the holy scriptures , and fathers of the church , then very well known , he furnished his subjects with all things necessary for their instruction . and if men had gone on to have studied according to this platform , and lay-men had been more ingaged in the pursuits of learning , the french might easily have attain'd and perfected that knowledge which is most useful for religion , for policy , and for the particular conduct of life ; which things ought , in my opinion , to be the end of studies . but curiosity which has always been injurious to learning , insinuated it self into study from this time : many studied astronomy , many believed astrological predictions . there were some , who , in order to write good latin , did scrupulously criticize upon the words and phrases of ancient authors . the greatest mischief was , that the monks enter'd upon these curiosities , and began to value themselves upon their knowledge , to the prejudice of their hand-labour , and silence , which hitherto had been so advantageous to them . the court of lewis the debonnair was full of them , and no business pass'd in his court , wherein they had not a share . afterwards the state falling into the greatest confusion by the sudden fall of the house of charlemaign ; studies also fell with it , all at once . in the time of charles the bald , publick acts are to be seen even of the capitularies , written in a sort of latin , altogether barbarous , without rule , and without construction ; and books were so scarce , that lupus abbot of ferrier , sent as far as rome to receive from the pope , the works of cicero to copy over , which at present are so very common ; insomuch , that when the little particular wars and ravages of the normans , had taken away the liberty of travel , and broken off commerce , studies became very difficult ; i mean , to the monks themselves , and the clergy ; as for others , they never dream'd of them , besides , they had more pressing business to dispatch : they were often forc'd to remove in disorder , and carry the reliques with them , to save them from the fury of the barbarians , abandoning their houses and churches to them , or else the monks and clergy were necessitated to take up arms in defence of their lives , and to hinder the prophanation of the holy places . in such great extremities , it was as easie for them to lose their books , as 't was difficult to study them , and write new copies of them . nevertheless , there were some preserved , there being always some bishop or monk remarkable for his learning . but wanting books and masters , they studied without choice , and without any other direction , than the example of their predecessors . thus it is recorded of st. abbo , the abbot of the benedictins upon the loire , in the time of hugh capet , that he had studied logick , arithmetick and astronomy ; and that afterwards he betook himself to the study of the holy scripture , and the canons , and to collect passages out of the fathers . from this time , as the royal authority became re-established , and hostilities began to cease , studies also revived ; so that , in the time of philip i. about the year . men famous for their learning , were to be seen in several churches of france . there were likewise some schools in the cathedrals , as there were in the monasteries ; where there were schools within for the monks , and without for the seculars . they studied as before , divinity , the fathers of the church , the canons , logick , the mathematicks . thus they continued during the following age , always advancing and perfecting themselves , as we see by the writings of ivo of chartres , the master of the sentences , gratian , st. bernard , and other authors of the same time , whose stile and method is so different from later schoolmen . in the mean time , the first of these schoolmen followed them so near , that the change must needs have happened in the time of these great men ; that is to say , about the end of the twelfth age : and i can find out no other causes of it , but the knowledge of the arabians , and the imitation of their studies . the jews were they , who imitated them first : they translated their books into hebrew , and there being then jews in france , and all over christendom , the books which they had translated into hebrew , were render'd in latin. some of them might be received even from the arabians themselves , with whom the communication was easie , by the neighbourhood of spain , ( of which , they as yet held more than half ) and by the travels of those , who went upon the croisado . the vulgar opinion , that all mahometans , without distinction , did always profess ignorance , is a great mistake . they had an incredible number of men , famous for their learning , particularly many of the arabians and persians ; and they have written enough to fill large libraries . four hundred years before the twelfth age ( of which i speak ) they had diligently given themselves to study , and learning was never at so great an height with them , as when it was at the lowest with us ; that is , in the tenth and eleventh ages . these arabians , i mean , all those who call themselves musulmen , of what nation , or country soever , had two kinds of study , the one proper to themselves , the other taken from the greeks , who were subject to the emperours of constantinople . their particular studies , were in the first place , their religion , that is , the alcoran ; the traditions which they attributed to mahomet , and his first disciples ; the lives of their pretended saints , and the stories which they relate of them ; the cases of conscience upon the practical part of their religion , as prayer , purifications , fasting , pilgrimage ; and their scholastical theology , which contains so many questions about the attributes of god upon predestination , the judgment , the succession of prophesie , whence proceed so many sects amongst them , who treat one another as hereticks . others studied the alcoran and its commentaries rather as lawyers than divines , to find therein rules for the management of affairs , and the decision of differences : for this book is their only law , even in temporals . others apply'd themselves unto history , which had been very carefully written from the beginning of their religion , and their empire , and has been continued down ever since . but they were very ignorant of ancient histories , despising all mankind who lived before mahomet , and calling all that time the time of ignorance , because their religion was not known . they contented themselves with the arabian antiquities , contained in the works of their ancient poets , which to them served instead of the history for those times ; wherein ( it can't be denied ) they have followed the same principle which the old greeks did , of improving their own traditions , how fabulous soever . but it must be acknowledged also that their poetry never had any beauty , but what was very superficial , as flashy thoughts , and bold expressions . they never apply'd themselves to that sort of poetry which consists in imitation , and is most proper to move the passions ; and that , perhaps , which made them avoid it , was the despicable opinion they had of those arts , which any wise related thereunto ; as painting and sculpture , which their hatred of idolatry made them abhor . moreover , their poets were useful for the study of the arabick tongue , which then was the language of the masters , and most of the people of all this great empire ; and still at this day , is the common language of the greatest part , and every where the language of the religion . they studied it chiefly in the alcoran , and to learn it by conversation with the living : the most curious went from all parts to the province of irac , and particularly to the city bassora , which was to them what athens was to the ancient greeks : and there being then powerful princes in persia , many things were written in their language , which have been much improved since . these are the studies proper to the musulmen , and were as ancient as their religion . those which they had received from the greeks , were later by two hundred years ; for it was about the year . when the calif almamon desired of the emperour of constantinople the best greek books , and caused them to be translated into arabick . nevertheless , it doth not appear that they ever studied the greek tongue ; it was sufficient to make them despise it , because it was the language of their enemies : besides , there were so many christians in syria and egypt , who understood both arabick and greek , that they could not want interpreters ; and these christians translated the greek books into syriack and arabick for themselves , and for the musulmen . amongst the greek books , there were a great many which were of no use to the arabians ; they could not see the beauty of the poets in a strange language , and with a genius so quite different from them : add this further , that their religion would not permit them to read them ; they had such an horrour of idolatry , that they did not think it lawful to pronounce so much as the names of the false deities : and amongst so many millions of volumes which they have written , you shall scarce find one which mentions them . they were very far from studying all those fables , about which our modern poets have been so curious , and the same superstition might restrain them from reading histories ; besides , that they despised , as i have already said , all that was older than mahomet . as for eloquence and policy which were brought forth , and nourish'd in the most free commonwealths ; the form of the musulmen's government gave them no occasion to make use of them . they lived under an empire absolutely despotick , where they were not to open their mouths but to flatter their prince , and extol every thought of his , and where they were not concern'd , for that which might conduce to the advantage of the state , or to the art of perswading , but how to obey the will of their master . so that there were no books of the ancients which were useful to them , but those of mathematicks , of physicians and philosophers . but seeing they neither sought after policy nor eloquence , plato was not for them ; besides , to understand him , the knowledge of the poets , the religion and history of the greeks was necessary . aristotle with his logick and metaphysicks was more proper for them , and accordingly they study'd him with incredible earnestness and diligence . they also apply'd themselves to his physicks , chiefly to eight books , which contain nothing but generals : for natural philosophy , in particular , which requires observations and experiments , was not so suitable to them . they did not omit to study medicks very closely ; but they founded it chiefly upon the general notions of the four qualities , and the four humours , and upon the tradition of medicines , which they had not at all examin'd , and which they mixed with an infinite number of superstitions . as to other parts of it , they did not in the least improve anatomy which they had received from the greeks very imperfect : 't is true , that we owe chymistry to them , which they have carry'd very far , if not invented , but they have mingled therewith all those corruptions which we can yet hardly separate therefrom ; vain promises , extravagant reasonings , superstitious operations , and all those fond things which have produced nothing but montebanks and impostors . from chymistry they passed easily to magick , and and all sorts of divinations with which men easily take up , when they are ignorant of natural philosophy , history , and true religion , as we have seen by the example of the ancient greeks . that which wonderfully assisted them in these illusions , was astrology , which was the chief aim of their mathematical studies . in truth , this pretended science has been so much cultivated under the empire of the musulmen , that princes took delight therein ; and upon this foundation , ordered their greatest enterprizes . the calif almamon did himself calculate astronomical tables , which were very famous ; and it must be confess'd that they were very serviceable for his observations , and other useful parts of mathematicks , as geometry and arithmetick . we owe to them algebra , and the way of cyphering by multiplying by ten , which has render'd the arithmetical operations so easie . as for astronomy , they had the same advantages , which excited the ancient egygtians and chaldeans to apply themselves thereto , seeing they inhabited the same country : and moreover , they had all the observations of the ancients , and all those which the greeks had added unto them . the arabians , who made it their business to study their religion , were not only no philosophers , but their declared enemies , and decry'd them as an impious sort of men , and enemies to their religion . indeed it was no difficult matter for any , who could but reason in any degree , to destroy the foundation of a religion which was built , neither upon reason nor any evidence of a divine mission . the philosophers there fore being excluded from the functions of religion , and other profitable imployments , sought the more after reputation ; and they endeavour'd to get it , either from the names of the masters , under whom they had studied , or from their great travels , or from the singularity of their opinions . a learned man in spain , was always much more learned in persia , or corasan ; and there was a wondrous emulation betwixt them , each of them zealously affecting to distinguish himself by some new logical or metaphysical subtilty . and this same humour run through all their studies , and all their works . they apply'd themselves only to that which seemed most wonderful , most rare , and most difficult ; for this end , disreguarding pleasure , convenience , and even profit its self . the franks , and other latin christians , received from the arabians , only what the arabians had taken from the greeks , that is , the philosophy of aristotle , medicks and mathematicks , disregarding their language , their poetry , their histories , and their religion , as the arabians had neglected those of the greeks . but what is most surprising , is , that our learned men did little less than the arabians , neglect the greek tongue , so useful for the study of religion . for it was not before the beginning of the fourteenth age , that it was , that the languages might very much contribute to this end , chiefly in order to the conversion of infidels and schismaticks . it was with this design , that the council of vienna held in the year . ordered that professours , for the greek , arabick and hebrew should be established , which yet was not put into execution till a long time afterwards . men did not begin to study greek before the end of the fifteenth age ; hebrew in the beginning of the sixteenth ; and arabick in our age. hitherto there were but some few curious persons , who apply'd themselves thereto , and they seldom bestow'd their pains upon books of history which would have been most useful . to return to the twelfth age. they who studied then , were not at all concerned to be curious in languages , not so much as in latin , which they used for their studies , and in all affairs of moment ? but i cannot accuse them for this , but the unhappiness of the times . the incursions of the normans , and the particular wars which yet continued , had made books so scarce , and studies so difficult , that they were forc'd first to labour in that which was of most importance . there was , as yet , no printing , and there were scarce any but monks who could write ; and they were fully imploy'd in writing bibles , psalters , and such-like books for the use of churches . they write also some works of the fathers , as they fell into their hands , some collections of canons , and some formularies of acts , which were most ordinary in transacting business : for 't was to them application was made to cause them to be written , and 't was from amongst them or the clergy that princes had their notaries and their chancellours ; they had scarce any time to transcribe the prophane histories , and the poets . 't is true , that the knowledge of languages and histories , is necessary to understand the fathers well , and even scripture it self ; but either they did not apprehend it to be so , or else the extraordinary difficulty of attaining this knowledge through the want of dictionaries , glossaries , commentaries ; and the scarceness of the text it self , made them lose all hopes of it . hence it was , that they who would superadd any thing to the meer reading of the scripture , and the fathers , did it only by reasoning and logick ; as st. john the sophist , the first author of the nominals , who lived in the time of hen. i. and his followers , arnold of laon , roscelin of compeign , master abalard . this way of philosophizing upon words and thoughts , without examining things in themselves , was most certainly a good expedient to ease themselves of the knowledge of matter of fact , which is not to be attained but by reading ; and it was an easie way to confound the ignorant lay-men , by a singular way of speaking , and by vain subtilties . but these subtilties were dangerous , as it appeared by berengarius , abalard , and gilbert of poirée . this is the reason why the wisest persons , as st. anselm , peter of blois , and st. bernard , firmly resolved to follow the example of the fathers , rejecting these new curiosities : and the master of the sentences , giving himself more liberty , made fome false steps . in the mean time the books of aristotle came to be known , as i have said , and whether for the disputes against the jews and arabians , or for some other reason , i know not ; the divines thought they had need of them , and therefore did accommodate them to our religion ; whose doctrines and morality they explain'd according to the principles of this philosopher . this was done by albertus magnus , alexander hales , st. thomas , and many others after them : and their method of divinity may be reckoned the third , for there are two more ancient . the first was that of the fathers of the church , who studied the holy scripture immediately , chiefly drawing from thence the knowledge which was necessary for the instruction of the faithful , and the refutation of the hereticks ; this theology continued till towards the eighth age. the second was that of bede , of raban , and others of the same time , who not being able to add any thing to the instructions of the fathers , contented themselves with copying them , making collections and extracts out of them , and taking glosses and commentaries upon the scripture out of them also . the third was that of the schoolmen , who handled the doctrin of the scripture , and the fathers , by the form and instruments of logick and metaphysicks , drawn from the writings of aristotle : and thus cardinal perron defines it . at the same time the studies of civil law and medicks were revived , but it was impossible then to study civil law well since they wanted laws . the roman laws , and those barbarous laws which had been observed under the two first races of our kings , were abolished by contrary customs , or by forgetfulness and ignorance . they were not in a condition to make new laws , because as yet , they had not re-establish'd the foundations of civil society ; the liberty of travel , the security of trade and industry , the union of the citizens , the common people were either slaves , or look'd upon as such : the nobles lived dispers'd , and cantonized every one in his castle , with his arms always in his hand . there were no other laws in france , but unwritten customs , very uncertain , and very different , by reason of the prodigious number of lords , in whose power it was to give law. it is true , that in italy , the books of the justinian law were recovered , and it began publickly to be taught at montpelier and tholouse . but these laws were not laws for us , because the gauls had been freed from the roman-yoke , before justinian was in the world. furthermore , they were not able to understand them , by reason of ignorance of languages and history ; there not being any tradition of them preserved amongst us by the practice of our courts , for six hundred years after they were written . they did not however omit to study , and apply them as they could to their present occasions ; and they gain'd a great deal of authority by the great name of roman law , and by the extream necessity there was of some rules in judicial proceedings . the ecclesiastical law was not in such an ill condition . the practice of the canons was preserved , though discipline began to be remiss . there were many collections of ancient canons ; amongst others , that of gratian , who lived in the middle of the twelfth age. 't is true , they were not very correct , and they were intermixt with many passages of the fathers , which ought not to have the force of laws , together with the decretals fathered upon the first popes , which at last have been own'd to be suppositious . this example makes it appear , of how great importance it is , for the preserving tradition in its purity , that there be always in the church , persons who are skill'd in languages and history , and who are well vers'd in critical learning . medicks was still worse treated than civil law : hitherto it had been in the hands of the jews ; excepting some secrets of old women , and some traditions of receipts , which were preserved in families . the first books which they studied , were those of the arabians ; and amongst others , the writings of mesua and avicenna . they received their fooleries and superstitions ; and in the mean time neglected as these had done anatomy , and they consulted them also for the knowledge of plants . as there were none but the clergy and the monks who studied , so there were none but they who were physicians . fulbert bishop of chartres , and the master of the sentences , bishop of paris , were physicians . obizo , one of the religious of st. victor , was physician to lewis the gross : rigord , monk of st. denys , who has writ the life of philip the august was one also . one of the councils of lateran , held under innocent the ii. in the year . takes notice of it , as an abuse long practised ; that monks and regular canons , to get money , profess'd themselves advocates and physicians . this council speaks only of those religious , who were profess'd ; and medicks ceased not to continue in the hands of clergymen three hundred years after . but it being never permitted to the clergy to shed blood , nor to keep a shop of ware : this might probably be the cause of the distinguishing physicians from chyrurgeons , and apothecaries . this distinction has for a long time kept physicians in the speculation only , without applying themselves to experiments . thus all studies were reduc'd to four sorts or faculties . the three principal , divinity , law , and physick . the fourth comprehended all preliminary studies , which were accounted necessary to arrive unto these higher studies , which were called by the general name of the arts. doubtless reason requires that men should study what is most useful : first for the soul , and then for the body , and the advantages of life . upon this project , vniversities were founded , especially that of paris , which could hardly have its beginning later than the year . for a long time there had been about the bishops houses two sorts of schools : the one for the young clergy , to whom grammar , singing , and arithmetick , were taught ; and their master was either the chanter of the cathedral , or the ecolatrés , otherwise called the capiscol , that is , the head of the school . the other school was for priests , and clerks of an higher form ; to whom the bishop himself , or some priest commissioned by him , explain'd the holy scriptures , and the canons ; afterwards the theologal was expresly erected for this office. peter lombard bishop of paris , better known by the name of master of the sentences , had made his school very famous for divinity : and there were some religious of st. victor , in great repute for the liberal arts. thus the studies of paris became famous . the decretal also was taught there ; that is , gratian's compilation , which was look'd upon as an intire body of the canon law : there also medicks were studied . and thus joyning these four principal studies , ( which were called faculties ) together ; they named the compound of them all , vniversity of studies . and at last , simply vniversity : to denote that in one city alone , all things were taught which were useful to know . this establishment seemed so considerable , that the popes and kings favoured it with great privileges . persons came to study at paris from all parts of france , italy , germany , and england ; in a word , from all parts of latin europe , and thus the private schools of cathedrals and monasteries came to be neglected : let us see more particularly what was taught in each faculty . under the name of arts , were comprehended grammar and humanity ; the mathematicks and philosophy : but to speak properly , this name ought only to comprehend the seven liberal arts , of which we find treatises in cassiodore and bede , viz. grammar , rhetorick , logick , arithmetick , musick , geometry and astronomy . a master of arts should be one , capable to teach all these . for grammar , they read priscian , donatus ; or some other of the ancients , who had writ upon th● latin tongue , rather to acquaint the roman of their times , ( to whom it was natural ) with its utmost niceties , than to teach its elements to strangers . in the thirteenth age , latin was no longer in common use , amongst the people , in any place of the world ; and in france the ordinary tongue was that which we see in ville-hardoüin , in joinville , and other romancers of the same time . it seems to me , that they ought to have apply'd the art of grammar to this language , chusing the most proper words , and the most natural phrases , fixing the inflexions , and giving rules for construction and orthography . the italians did so ; and about the end of the same age , there were some florentines who studied to write well in their vulgar tongue ; as brunetto latini , john villani , and the poet dante . as for our language , it was not purified , but by time ; and they did not set upon it , by publick order in the french academy , till four hundred years after the institution of vniversities . 't is true , that latin was still necessary for the reading of good books , and the exercise of religion ; and they who studied at that time , were all church-men . latin also was necessary for business , and for publick acts ; and so it was for travel , so that interpreters were called latinizers . it was therefore impossible to be without latin ; but it was also impossible to establish the ancient purity of it , by reason of scarcity of books , and upon other accounts , which i have observed . they were forc'd to be contented with speaking , and writing it meanly . they made no scruple of mixing therewith many barbarous words , and to follow the phrase of the vulgar tongues ; they were satisfied with barely observing the cases , numbers , genders , conjugations , and principal rules of syntax . to this they wholly reduc'd the study of grammar , looking upon all the rest as an unprofitable curiosity , seeing men speak only to be understood ; and a more elegant sort of latin would have been more hardly understood . and thus that barbarous latin came to be formed , which has so long been used in the palace ; which is with difficulty corrected in the schools ; and which is spoken yet in germany and poland , for the convenience of travel . thence comes the necessity of glosses and commentaries , for the explication of the ancient books , written in a pure style . poetry consisted only in knowing the measure of latin verse , and the quantity of syllables ; for they went not so far as to distinguish the characters of composures , and the difference of styles . this appears by the poems of gunther , and william of breton , which are only meer histories of a flat style , and as bad latin as that wherein they wrote in prose . to the restraint of quantity and cuttings off , they added that of rhimes which made their leonine verses ; and often neglecting even quantity ; they only made simple rhimes in latin as in french , and this was that which they called the church hymns ; this was all the poetry of men which were serious . as for the vulgar poetry , which began to be in request about the twelfth age ( as may appear by so many romances and ballads , ) it soon became the peculiar talent of debauchees and libertines . such generally were the country trombadours , and other poets of this time , who followed the courts of princes . in the mean time it must be confess'd , that several of them were men of wit , and ( considering the time ) of politeness also ; yet their works were full of fulsom love , and extravagant fictions . from this time they continued more and more to separate the pleasure of discourse , from reasoning and solid studies ; and this is that which made rhetorick neglected in the schools ; for there they were not solicitous , either to please , or to move the passions . they chiefly apply'd themselves to philosophy , and they believed , that it needed no ornament of language , or any figure of discourse . thus endeavouring to render it solid and methodical , they made it very dry and ungrateful ; not considering , that a natural and figured discourse , spares a great many words , and helps the memory , by the lively images it imprints upon the mind . in the mean time , there being no study without curiosity and emulation : our learned men , did as the arabians had done , either through imitation , or by the same principle , and stuff'd their philosophy with an infinite number of questions , more subtle than solid , falling short extreamly of the idea of the ancient graecians . the logick of socrates , which we see in plato and xenophon , was an art of seriously seeking after truth , and he call'd it the dialectick art , because this search cannot be well made , but by conversation betwixt two persons , both careful to reason well . this art then consisted in answering rightly to every question in making exact divisions , in well defining words and things , and attentively weighing every consequence before 't was granted , without being in an heat , without fearing to be overcome , and to confess their errours ; and without desiring ( through prejudice , or any by-respects ) that one proposition should be true , rather than another . so that in this logick , morality enter'd , and eloquence found a place . for since men are usually passionate , or prevented with some errour , their passions must first be calm'd , and their prejudices removed , before truth be proposed , which without this preparation , would only offend them . now , this method requires marvellous discretion and address , for men to accommodate themselves to the infinite variety of minds , and their distempers : and this is that which we admire in plato . 't is upon this foundation , that aristotle parallels logick with rhetorick ; and says , that both the one and the other has the same design , which is to perswade by discourse . logick uses more solid and convincing reasons ; because , in particular conversation , we better know the disposition of him to whom we speak ; and we have liberty to try all necessary ways to conduct him to the knowledge of truth . instead of which , rhetorick , which is the art of discoursing in publick , is often obliged to follow the prejudices of its auditours , and to bottom its reasonings upon that which they acknowledge ; because it is impossible to perswade them to change , by speaking to them a little while , and in a great assembly . and upon this account , aristotle says , that rhetorick only uses enthymems ; that is to say , such reasonings as are partly in the auditours mind , and which it is not needful to explain . such was logick amongst the greeks : the art of finding out truth , as far as possible , by natural means . our philosophers seem to have considered truths , only in themselves , and the order which they have to one another , independently upon us . and 't is true , that this was always done in the mathematicks ; because their objects raise no passions in us . it is no man's interest to maintain , that a right line is a crooked one ; nor that an acute angle should be an obtuse one . but , since logick is the instrument of all sciences , and especially of morality , it ought to comprehend every thing that is necessary to make all sorts of truth to enter into men's minds ; and rather those which the passions do obstruct than others . nevertheless , it doth not appear , that our philosophers had sufficient regard to the dispositions of their disciples . they have apply'd to all sorts of subjects the dry method of geometricians ; and being the first of them had to do with very dull disciples ( for it was not known in france what was politeness years ago , ) they took great care to separate all their propositions , to put all their arguments in form , and evermore to distinguish the conclusion , the proofs , and the objections : so that it was impossible for the dullest pupil to mis-apprehend them . they thought that they mightily shortned the work , by cutting off all ornaments of discourse , and all the figures of rhetorick ; but probably , they did not consider , that those figures which render the discourse lively , and animated , are nothing but the natural consequences of that effort , which we make to perswade others : besides , these figures do much shorten the discourse ; often they discharge an objection by one word , often an handsom turn is a better proof , than an argument in form ; and always thereby , the tedious repetitions of terms of art are avoided . let the experiment be made , and one page of scholastick discourse will be reduc'd to the fourth part , by changing it into an ordinary , and natural discourse : and yet they who are accustomed to this way of reasoning , believe that figurative expressions , contain nothing but words , and cannot own any thing to have reason in it , that is not distinguished by articles , and titles . i 'm very sensible , that 't is sometimes necessary to argue in form , or to use terms of art , and name the major and the minor , to give light to some important reason , and unravel a sophism : but it doth not therefore follow , that this must be always done . men do not ordinarily express themselves by set forms of speech , because these are necessary in contracts and oaths . something should be left to be done by the scholar , who ought not to be so injuriously treated , as to be supposed uncapable of observing the strength of a reason , if he be not pointed to it by the finger . the study of philosophy consisted chiefly in studying aristotle , whom the professors read , and explain'd in publick . but as the greatest part of commentatours are very copious upon the beginnings of their authors ; so here , in time , they made very tedious treatises upon all the praeliminaries of logick . of aristotles categories , which are only a short explication of all the simple terms which can enter into propositions , they have made a very large discourse , and have therewith mix'd a great deale of metaphysicks , and even theology for speaking of relation , some have enter'd very far into the mystery of the trinity . they have also made very long comments upon porphyry's introduction ; whence proceeded the famous treatise of universals . they have also joyned thereunto questions upon the name and essence of logick it self ; as whether it be an art , or a science , &c. and in these prefaces they dilated so much , that they were forc'd to be very short upon the rules of syllogisms , and all things else which make up the main body of aristotle's logick . the same almost has likewise been done in morality . there they have dilated upon the general questions concerning the end , of the soveraign good , of liberty , &c. so that they wanted time to treat of vertues in particular , and to give special rules for the conduct of life ; which nevertheless , seems to be the end of morality . and herein , aristotle might be of great use ; for he knew perfectly well the manners of men , and if his thoughts did not always soar so high as plato's , yet he reasoned more according to the actions of ordinary life , and the practices of men. but after all , this is but a low degree for christians to aim at , who ought to have learn'd from their infancy , a doctrin infinitely above , even that of plato himself . of all sciences , physick was the most imperfect , at the time when vniversities began to be form'd . this science was wholly taken from the arabians ; and instead of founding it upon experience , and beginning by well assuring themselves , what things were real and in truth , they founded it altogether upon aristotle , and his commentatours , and upon general reasonings . and truly it was not easie for the learned men of this time to make experiments : they were all either monks or clergymen , shut up in monasteries and colleges ; for most part poor , either by profession or by their fortune . the arts were at a very low ebb ; a great many inventions were lost , and few , as yet , of them were found again . the artisans were generally slaves , and very despicable ; men would not easily believe , that any thing could be learn'd of them . however , whether this had been so or no ; men's minds were not disposed to examin matters of fact , and consult experience : they rely'd upon the authority of books , and took all for granted which they said of the effects of nature , and their causes . they were so far from despising what was extraordinary , that the most marvellous things always seemed most worthy of their notice . hence came the belief of an infinite number of fables , with which the world is still infected , though pains are daily taken to undeceive men ; so many occult qualities , so many sympathies and antipathies , so many imaginary properties of plants , and animals : this also was that which raised the credit of magick and astrology , which then was but too high . the doctrin of the influences of the stars , was supposed , as an undeniable truth ; and these good men thought themselves happy enough , by proving , that they could not act upon the free wills of men ; giving all the rest of nature , even the organs of human bodies , to their direction . they believed , that there was a sort of natural magick ; and every thing , of which they knew not the cause , they ascribed to that which was supernatural , that is , the power of wicked spirits . for , being assured by religion , that there are such spirits , and that god permits them sometimes to deceive men , nothing did more handsomly conceal their ignorance , than to attribute to them all that , of which they could give no account . thus the fictions of the poets of this time , were not , by much , so absurd , as they appear to us . it was probable , even in the opinion of their learned men , that there had been , and that there were still in divers parts of the world , diviners and enchanters ; and that nature produced flying dragons , and divers kinds of monsters . this belief of fables in natural history , introduced a great many superstitious practices , especially in medicks ; where people always love to do something that is useless , rather than omit any thing that may be of advantage . to study natural philosophy ( under which was comprehended medicks ) was onely to read books , and dispute ; as if there had been no animals to dissect ; no plants , or minerals , whose effects were to be try'd ; as if men had not had the use of their senses , to have satisfy'd themselves of the truth of that which others had said . in a word , as if no such thing , as nature , had been in the world , to have been consulted in her self . much after this manner were arts , and especially medicks , treated in the universities . the same method was pursued in law. since the ignorance of latin and history hinder'd them from understanding the texts , they betook themselves to the summaries , and glosses of those who were presumed best to understand them : and who themselves , having not the help of other books , did onely explain one place of the digest , or the decretal , by another ; comparing them , as exactly as they could . the faults of these masters easily deceived their disciples ; and some so far abused their credulity , as to mix with their glosses ridiculous etymologies , and absurd fables . whether it was , that they did not apprehend that they could not practise the laws , if they did not understand them , or that they despaired to understand them better : however it was , their greatest endeavour was to reduce them to practise , to handle questions upon the consequences which they had drawn from the texts , to give counsel , and decide cases . but when they undertook to apply this roman law to our affairs ( which was so ill understood by us , and so different from our manners ) and yet , at the same time , preserve our customs , which it was impossible to change ; the rules of justice became much more uncertain . all civil law was reduc'd to school-disputes , and the opinions of doctors , who , having not sufficiently penetrated into the principles of morality , and natural equity , sought sometimes their particular interests . they also , who sought after justice , knew no other means of procuring it , but particular remedies against injustice ; which made them invent so many new clauses for contracts , and so many formalities for judgments . they , as the physicians did , labour'd onely to heal present evils , without taking care to stop the fountains of them , and prevent 'em for the future ; or rather they could not do it . for , to take away the general causes of vexatious process and injustice , it is requisite , that the soveraign power be concern'd ; that there be some certain and stable laws known to all the world , and publick officers fully authorized . a great many means of inriching , as well as ruining themselves , must be taken away from particular persons ; and , as far as possible , they must be reduc'd to the most simple and natural way of living ; as we see in that law , which god himself gave to his people , and which , whilst they observ'd it , made them so happy . but then europe was so divided , and princes so weak , both in power and intellectuals , that it never came into their heads to make such laws . divinity was more purely studied . and indeed we find in all times , a sensible protection of god over his church , always to preserve therein the sound doctrin . but though the doctrin was the same , as in the foregoing ages , the manner of teaching was different . the fathers of the church being , for the most part , bishops , very much imploy'd , scarce writ any thing , but when they were necessitated , for the defence of religion , against hereticks and pagans , and they treated onely of such questions as were really proposed . a good part of their works are sermons , which they made to the people , in explaining the holy scripture . but the doctors of the vniversities , being wholly taken up in studying and teaching , did separate even all the parts of ecclesiastical studies one from another . some confin'd themselves to the explication of scripture , which they called positive theology : others to the mysteries and speculative truths , which is called by the general name of scholastick : others to morality , and the decision of cases of conscience . thus their end in the schools , being to teach , they made it their business to treat of as many questions as they could , and to place them methodically . they thought , that to exercise their disciples , and prepare them for serious disputes against the enemies of the faith ; they ought to examine all the subtilties , which human reason could furnish them with upon these subjects ; and obviate all the objections of curious and restless spirits . they had leisure for it ; and they were provided with means of doing it , out of aristotle's logick , and metaphysicks , together with the commentaries of the arabians . thus they did much the same thing , which is done in fencing-schools , and the academies ; where , to give activity and spirit unto young men , they teach them many things , which are very rarely made use of , in real encounters . in explaining the master of the sentences , whose book was lookt upon as the body of scholastick divinity , they form'd every day new questions upon those which he had propounded : and afterwards they did the same upon st. thomas's sums . but now , it must be confess'd , that this forming , and resolving of questions , and , in general , this meer reasoning , did , for a long time , lessen mens application to positive studies , which consist in reading and criticism ; as the knowing the literal sense of scripture , the sentiments of the fathers , and matters of fact in ecclesiastical history . 't is true , these studies were very difficult , through the great scarcity of books , and the little knowledge of ancient languages . a bible , with the ordinary gloss compleat , was not to be found but in great libraries . a private person was rich when he had gratian's decretal ; and the greatest part knew not the fathers but by this collection . this was very much the state of studies in france , and in europe , when men began to apply themselves to humanity , i mean , chiefly to grammar and history . this restoration may be reckoned from the year , and the taking of constantinople , which made so many learned greeks retire into italy with their books . for though petrarch and bocace had revived these studies in the foregoing age , yet hitherto they had made but little progress . but in greece studies were yet well enough preserved . the commentary of eustathius upon homer is enough to shew , that , to these latter ages , there were remaining an infinite number of learned books , and men. thus , after the middle of the fifteenth age , a whole shoal of learned men appeared , all at once ; ( first in italy , then in france , and proportionably in the rest of europe ) who , with incredible diligence ayply'd themselves to the reading all the books of the ancients they could find , to the writing latin as purely as 't was possible ; and translating greek authors . the art of printing ( found out at the same time ) made it much easier for them to procure books , and to have them correct . so that several afterwards labour'd in putting out excellent editions of all the good authors , according to the best manuscripts ; enquiring after the most ancient , and comparing several together . others made very exact dictionaries , and grammars ; others commentaries upon difficult authors ; others treatises upon all those requisites which might help to the understanding of them ; as their fables , their religion , their government , their art of war ; and even to the least particulars of their manners , their habits , their eating , their diversions . insomuch , that they have taken all the pains necessary to make us understand as much as 't is possible , after such a long interval , all the rest of the ancient greek and latin books . but some have too much dwelt upon these studies , which are onely instruments for other studies more serious . for there have been some curious persons , who have spent their lives in studying latin and greek , and in reading all authors , for the laaguage sake ; or only to understand the authors , and explain some difficult passages of them , without going any farther , or making any use of them . there have been some who have gone no farther than mythology , and some other antiquities which i have mentioned ; who have sought after inscriptions , medals , and all that might give any light to authors , seeking onely the pleasure , which they found in these curiosities . some proceeding farther , have studied the liberal arts , according to the ancient rules , as eloquence , and poetry , nevertheless without practising them ; whence it came , that we have so many modern treatises of poetry , and rhetorick , and yet so few true poets and orators : and so many political tracts , made by those , who never were concern'd in business . lastly , the diligent reading the books of the ancients , produc'd in many such a blind respect for them , that they chose rather to follow their errors , than to give themselves the liberty to judge of them . thus it was believed , that nature was , in all respects , such as pliny has describ'd her to be ; and that she could do nothing but according to the principles of aristotle . the worst of it is , that many have admired their morality ; and did not consider , how much it was below that religion which they had learn'd from their cradle . others , though but a few , have exceeded on the other hand , having affected to contradict the ancients , and run as far as they could from their principles . but of those who have admired them , the most ordinary fault has been , an aukward imitation of them . it has been believed , that to write as they did , it was necessary to write in their language ; without considering , that the romans writ in latin , and not in greek ; and that the greeks writ in greek , and not in the egyptian , or syriack language . they thought themselves happy , if they could attain to the making good verses in latin ; they have also composed some in greek , at the peril of not being understood by any body : and they , who , as ronsard and his followers , began to make french verses , after their reading of the ancients , have fill'd them with their words , their poetical phrases , their fables , their religion , without concerning themselves , whether such poems might please those who had not studied as they had done : it was sufficient , that they made them admired for their profound learning . they imitated also the oratours ; they made harangues in latin , and stuff'd their discourses in french , with latin sayings . in a word , they thought to make use of the ancients , was to get them by heart , to speak of the things of which they spake , and to repeat their own proper words : in stead of which , well to have imitated them , they ought to have pitcht upon subjects which had more relation to us , as they had chosen those which appertain'd unto them to have treated them , as they did , after a solid and diverting way ; and to have explained them , as well in our language , as they had explained them in theirs . this new kind of study rais'd a sort of war amongst the learned . the humanists , charm'd with the beauty of their ancient authors , and valuing themselves upon their new discoveries , despised the common sort of doctors , who , following the tradition of the schools , neglected style , to follow things ; and preferr'd what was profitable , to what was pleasant and agreeable . the doctors on their side , i mean the divines and canonists , lookt upon these new philologers as grammarians , and poets , who amus'd themselves with childish toys , and vain curiosities . but the humanists made themselves heard , because they writ politely , and by the reading of the ancients , had learnt to railly with a good grace . the doctrine of luther , who arose a little while after , fomented these quarrels , and made them more serious . he was for reforming studies as well as religion . he was for having no philosophy , and no prophane sciences . he was for burning plato , aristotle , cicero , and all the ancient books , that nothing might be studied but the scripture , and all the remaining part of time spent in hard-labour . thus carrying the thing too high , he exposed the most holy maxims of antiquity to censure . the resistance which he found among the doctors of divinity , and the censures of the faculty of paris , and other vniversities , made him their irreconcileable enemy . he treated them with the last degree of contempt ; and melancthon , his faithful disciple , imploy'd all his wit , and all his fine learning , to render them ridiculous . but the reformers did not long continue in this their first severity against prophane studies . they soon became more zealous in studying humanity , seeing that eloquence , and an opinion of their singular learning had drawn a great many followers to them . they now lookt upon these studies as a necessary means towards the reformation of the church ; and would have this restoration of learning pass for a principal sign of the will of god in this matter . it seemed , if you wou'd have believed them , as if this knowledge of languages , and histories , which they had by constant pains acquired , was a certain mark of an extraordinary mission ; and making them to be admired by the ignorant , they easily perswaded them , that the catholick doctors were no better skill'd in religion , than they were in good learning . but they had not this weak advantage very long . the catholicks soon ingag'd them with their own weapons ; and used successfully against them the original languages , and the ancient authors , according to their own editions . then men began again to study the greek and latin fathers , very little known in the foregoing ages . they studied ecclesiastical history , the councils , the ancient canons : they ascended to the original of tradition , and took the doctrin from the fountain-head . the literal sense of scripture was sought after by the help of languages and criticism . i well know , that many , even of the catholicks , have driven these inquiries to vain curiosities , and that several also continued too much wedded to the old style of the schools . so difficult a thing it is , for men to keep themselves in a true mediocrity . the language of the scholastick philosophy , which came to us from the arabians , is not in it self , worthy of any particular respect ; it is like the architecture of our ancient churches . this architecture which we call gothick , and which truly is arabick , is neither more venerable , nor more holy , for having been apply'd unto holy uses in times , when men knew no better . it would be a ridiculous delicacy , to resolve never to enter into any churches built after this manner ; as it would be also a vain scrupulosity not to dare to build any of a better model . it is by chance , that these idea's come to be joyned to those of religion ; and that which comes from the customs and institutions of men , ought to be distinguished from what things are in themselves . if on the one hand , this restoration of humanity has render'd studies more solid and agreeable than before ; on the other , they have made them more difficult ; for they have been rather augmented than changed , and men were desirous to retain all . thus by little and little , and by a long tradition , that course of studies which is at present observed in the publick schools , has been formed . first of all , grammar with the latin tongue , poetry , that is , the making of latin verses , rhetorick , and upon occasion , history and geography , then philosophy , and afterwards divinity , law and medicks , according to men's different professions . i leave it to those who have pass'd through them , to judge , whether nothing is taught in the schools , but what is useful , and whether all that is necessary be taught therein . my design , as i said at first , is only to speak of private studies . and this is the reason why i have thought , that i may be permitted to set aside the authority of custom , and to reason freely concerning the matter of studies , as philosophers , ( who are the most obedient to the laws of their country ) nevertheless , take the liberty to reason upon politicks . i shall speak of studies in general , though my principal purpose is to restrain my self to those , which are most useful to youth , instructed in private ; and i shall only propose my reflections , which are founded upon experience . the second part of the choice , and method of studies . we ought , in my opinion , first to inquire what study is , and what end men should propound to themselves in studying . to heap together an abundance of knowledge ; though it be with great labour , and to distinguish ones self from the common sort , by knowing that which others are ignorant of ; is not sufficient to denominate a man a student . for if so , then to count all the letters of a book , or all the leaves of a tree , would be to study ; since this would be a very difficult task , and would end in a very singular sort of knowledge . but , why would this pains taking be ridiculous , but because it would be neither a profitable , nor a grateful work ? that therefore ought not to be called studying , which hath not for its end , at least , the pleasure of knowledge ; but yet , pleasure cannot justifie those studies which prejudice others that are better , or such imployments as are more useful . we should pity that sick person , who should be sollicitous about nothing , but to dress himself according to the mode , and eat every thing that is grateful to his palate , instead of seriously seeking after the means of a cure. a young artisan would deserve to be laugh'd at , who in the time of his apprenticeship , should entertain himself with drawing of pictures , and playing upon instruments , instead of learning his trade . he might think it a fine apology , to say , that he takes pleasure therein , and that painting and musick are more noble employments than those of the carpenter or the smith . but nevertheless , his father or his master would read him another lesson . leave these things , would they say , to musicians and painters , the time which you shall spend in their trades , will hinder you from learning your own . you are wholly to apply your self to that , and are permitted , only to spend the holy-days in your innocent diversions , instead of debauchery . much after the same manner young scholars may be accosted . your education must be the apprenticeship of your life ; you are to learn how to become an honest man , and skilful in the profession , which you shall undertake ; apply therefore your self altogether to that , which may make you so . but grammar , poetry , and logick ( he 'll say ) divert me : i find great pleasure in the knowledge of the tongues , in drawing etymologies , and making different reflections upon the language of men : i love to judge of styles , and to examine the rules of poetry : i love these learned speculations upon the nature of reasoning , and these exact enumerations of all those things which may form a conclusion . you have reason to do so ; all these pieces of knowledge are pleasant : they also are praise-worthy , and you may use them to such a degree : but beware least pleasure carry you too far , and that you do not bestow too much time upon them : natural philosophy also has great charms ; if you give your self up too much to mathematicks , you have work enough in them for your life . some have thought it too short for the study of history ; and others have spent it in mere curiosities of travel , of understanding the pleasant arts , as painting and musick , of inquiring after things that are rare . in the mean time , when will you begin to learn to provide for your subsistance ? when will you instruct your self in the things which are proper to your profession ? you ought wholly to renounce these pleasures , if you cannot tell how to moderate them ; but if you would pursue them in a reasonable degree , and seasonably , bestow upon them that time , which others squander away in eating and drinking , in play and unprofitable visits . but nevertheless , observe your times of exercising your body and unbending your mind ; for health and liberty of mind , is to be preferr'd to all curiosity . besides pleasure , there is still another great temptation to be avoided ; which is vanity . how many studies are there which men have sought after , only to make a show , to distinguish themselves , and astonish the ignorant . the way to know which they are , is to think what we should study , if we were to live in solitude , and never to speak to any body . nothing therefore should be called study , but the application to such kinds of knowledge as are useful in life . and there are two sorts of them ; one whereof are profitable for action , teaching men how to acquit themselves worthily in respect of those duties which are common to all mankind , or of those which are proper to each profession . the others are useful in retirement , furnishing us with means how to imploy our selves honestly in our times of repose , and to make advantage of our leisure hours , avoiding idleness and debauchery . the first ought to be the end of a man , as a man , whose perfection is moral vertue ; who is in the next place to be considered , as a member of civil society . it is also of great importance , that he should improve the intervals of action : all men's actions tend only to rest , and leisure ; and this estate is most dangerous unto those , who know not how to use it well . but they who know how to profit thereby , gain such knowledge , as may be serviceable to them in the conduct of their own lives , and those of others ; and moreover , in acquiring it , taste the purest pleasures of this life . for , as by bodily labour , men gain their bread , which the body receives with pleasure , and gives new strength unto it for new labour : in like manner , by business and the actions of life , we obtain rest ; wherein we learn how to manage the following actions of our lives , and that with pleasure . and providence hath so disposed the bodies of children , that whilst they are not yet capable of labour , they require a great deal of nourishment , to make them grow , and become strong . the same also is true of the soul , there being no age , wherein we learn so easily , and desire so much to learn , as during our childhood , when we are unfit for action ; instead of which , old age , wherein men become uncapable of learning , is very fit to instruct , and hath a great inclination thereunto ; insomuch , that there is no state of life , of which we may not make a good use , if we know how to co-operate with the intentions of the creatour . youth therefore is a very precious time ; curiosity and docibility are never so great as then . children would know all things , all objects are new to them , and they look upon them with attention and admiration ; they continually are asking questions , they are for attempting all things , and imitating all that they see done . besides , they are credulous and simple ; they take words for that which they signifie , till they be taught to be cautious , by finding that those about them do lye to them , and deceive them . they take what impression you will , having neither experience nor reason to resist them . the memory is never more pliable , nor more sure ; and what things they have in this age been accustomed to think on more than others ; to the same they apply themselves with more facility and pleasure all the days of their lives . 't is evident , that god hath given all these qualifications to children , to the end that they may learn that which may serve them all the rest of their lives . and it is also from the same providence , that they have not these dispositions bestow'd upon them in vain ; but that , at the same time , is given to them a capacity of retaining all that is necessary to them , and the external means of learning it . it is the fault of those who have instructed us , and ours afterwards ; if we want any of that knowledge which is necessary : whence it is , that the ignorance of our duties , renders us truly culpable . now the capacity which we have to know , and to retain , is not little ; and there is no man so meanly instructed , and of so gross an understanding , provided he be not altogether stupid , who knows not a vast many things . take a peasant , who knows not how to read , and never learn'd a trade , he knows how the most necessary things of life are done ; what is the price of them , what are the means to come by them ; he knows the trees and plants of his own farm , the nature of the soil , and the different ways of tillage it requires ; together with the seasons proper for each : he knows the way of hunting and fishing , according to the custom of his country ; and an infinite number of such like things which are useful and solid , and yet not ordinarily known by those who are called learned . the ignorant therefore are not such as think of nothing , and who have nothing in their memory . they have fewer things therein , and think oftner of them , without order and connexion ; or else they think of a great many things , but yet such as are little , mean , vulgar , and useless . the first are more dull and heavy , these more light and unstable . on the contrary , learned and skilful men , have not always their heads better made than others , but they use them more , they think more upon great , noble , and useful objects . but yet , how large soever this capacity of learning and retaining is , in those , whose natural dispositions are most happy , it is clear nevertheless , that it is limited , since it depends ( at least in part , ) upon the disposition of the brain , and the soul it self is a creature , whose vertue is finite . besides , life is short , the greatest part of it is imployed about the necessities of the body , and the rest is given us , rather for acting , than for learning . in short , without speaking of that which is above our reach , we may say , that no particular person can know all that , which yet the mind of man is capable of knowing . whoever should have the vanity to pretend to it , would leave a great many things unknown , to burthen himself with many which are superfluous ; and yet even in these , would daily discover countries , which were before unknown to him . we therefore ought to husband our time ; and with great care chuse that which we are concern'd to know , and so much the more , because we cannot forget , when we would . for knowledge is not like pictures or medals , which we put into a cabinet , that we may look upon them when we have a mind , and set them out of sight when we would not see them . we have no other place , wherein to put our knowledge , but our memory , and our soul it self ; there it remains , often as long as we live , and those things we desire the most to be rid of , are they which most frequently offer themselves . moreover , 't is our good or evil thoughts , which form our manners ; insomuch , that an errour which we have embraced , is like a poison we have suck'd in ; the effect of which is no more in our power to prevent . and if we be obliged to be careful in our choice of what we study our selves , we ought to be more careful for the instruction of others , especially children . it is more injustice to lavish away the goods of another man , than our own ; and it is a sort of cruelty to cause them to go astray , who are committed to our conduct . it is ordinarily thought , that this choice is of no importance to little children . as soon as the first sparklings of light begin to appear in them , they are generally suffered to receive a great many ill impressions , which must afterwards be blotted out : instead of helping them forward , they are usually encouraged in their defects . they are credulous , the story of the ass's skin , and an hundred other impertinent fables are related to them , which take possession of their memory , in its first rawness . they are fearful , they are told of hob-goblings , and horned beasts ; they are continually threatned . all their little passions are indulged ; their greediness , anger , vanity : and when they are catch'd in the net , when they say some foolish thing , by drawing a right consequence from an impertinent principle , which has been instill'd into them ; how are they laugh'd at , and triumph'd over , for having been deceiv'd ! and presently , how are they kiss'd , how are they caress'd , as if they had done well ! poor children are used as if they were made for the diversion of great persons ; as little dogs , or apes . in the mean time it should be considered , that they are reasonable creatures , whom the gospel forbids us to despise : upon this high consideration , that they have the blessed angels for their guardians . how much therefore are men , especially parents , obliged to take care of them , to cultivate their minds , and form their manners ? but what ! ( may it be said ) must children be educated in a dull and melancholy way , by speaking to them of nothing but serious and high matters ? not at all ; men ought only to take the trouble of accommodating themselves to their capacity , that so they may be assisted gently , and led along with sweetness . there are wanting in children only two things towards their reasoning well , attention and experience . the moveableness of their brain , which causes them continually to be in motion , and not continue long in one place , is the reason , why they cannot consider any one object for any considerable time , much less observe the order and connexion of things . the little knowledge they have of particular things , is the cause why they want principles of reasoning ; which are drawn from matters of fact , from laws of nature , and the institution of men. as for principles , which proceed purely from the light of nature , they have the same then , they will have as long as they shall live . they may therefore err , when they lay down a positive principle , or when they do not sufficiently attend to natural principles ; but they draw their conclusions aright , and if they had not then the notions of the great principles , and of good consequences , they would never have them : for men do not give these notions to one another , they proceed only from the creatour , since they are the foundation of reason it self . the defect of experience is that which may be first supply'd , by answering all their questions with the same simplicity , with which they proposed them ; telling them the truth in every thing as far as 't is useful for them to know it , and explaining it to them very clearly . nor is it enough to satisfie their curiosity concerning all the sensible objects , which make them speak ; but they should also be informed in useful histories , as that of religion , and of their country . but great care must be taken , to explain to them every thing , of which , as yet , they have had no experience , that so , if possible , they may say nothing , of which they have not a distinct idea in their minds . they may also be taught some fables , as those of the famous gods of antiquity , and the fables of aesop , which may be useful to them for morality . these toys do divert them , and do them no harm , when they are not given to them , as things of greater value than they really are . but they ought never to be deceived . as for attention , they must be brought to it with sweetness , and a great deal of patience . it will come with time . and when they shall begin to be more capable thereof , at first it may be excited , by the pleasure of some kind of knowledge which invites them : afterwards , by fear , threatnings , and even chastisements themselves . but let these last means be never used , but after all others have been attempted . as for their first instructions , i would have them given so , as that they should not perceive there is any design of instructing them . their intervals from play may be made profitable to them . when they are weary with running ▪ and exercising themselves , relate to them the history of the terrestrial paradise , sometimes the sacrifice of abraham , or the adventures of the patriarch joseph : at another , some fable ( as i have advised ) without obliging them to repeat that they have learnt , but leaving it to them , of their own accord , to do it , when they shall be in good humour . there are besides , divers artificial ways of exercising the curiosity of infants in this first age ; as by pictures , and images set before them , that they may desire the explication of them : by discourses held before them , as not thinking of them ; and continuing them , if they shall hearken to them , directing the discourse even to them also . when several are together , emulation may be of great use : that may be said to one before another , which we would have the other to learn : to him who shall be most obedient in other things , it may be propounded as a reward , to tell him some fine story . knowledge and study should frequently be commended before them , without letting them see , that it is upon their account . in short , the natural temper , and particular inclination of each child should be studied , that he may be brought to be attentive , either by pleasure , or some other motive which affects him . for this end , nets must be set for them on all sides , that they be deceived , for their own good as much as possible ; not so , as to render them quarrelsom and malicious ; and this is cheating them to their own advantage . above all , care should be taken , in these first years , when impressions are very strong , never so to joyn the idea of a rod , with that of a book , that they shall never think of study , but with dread : this makes study a pain to them ; and there are some , who never will be wrought upon after this manner . on the contrary , they ought to be drawn on with joy , which is natural to this age. we should laugh , and jest with them sometimes , provided , that authority doth not suffer thereby ; and rather expect some years before we enter them upon serious instructions , and regulated study . as the brain of children is very tender , and all things to them are new , they are much affected with the sensible objects which surround them , and are continually attentive to them . hence it is , that they do easily joyn together what affects them at the same time ; such a certain sound , with such a figure , or smell , which yet have no natural connexion with one another . hence it is , that they learn so easily to speak ; hence also it is , that chastisements have their effect upon them . but this also is that which is the cause of their errors : for they take all that for good which is agreeable to their senses , or which is joyned to any agreeable object ; and the contrary for evil . these first impressions are so strong , that often they form the manners of the child , for all the remaining part of his life ; and seems to be one of the causes of the different customs of whole nations . so that , he who could be so happy as to joyn agreeable sensations to the first instructions , which are given of things useful , for manners , or for the conduct of life : in a word , to joyn that which is truly good with pleasure : this man would have found the secret of education ; [ a secret much more valuable than that of the philosopher's stone . ] i know , that , upon this principle , sweet-meats , images and money , and fine cloaths are given to children , to recompence their diligence , and excite them to do well : but , by this , we do them more harm than good . hereby we cherish in them the seeds of gluttony , covetousness and vanity . they should be invited by more innocent pleasures than those of eating , of possessing any thing , and making themselves gazed upon and admired : and i know none so suitable to this end , as those of sight ; such are the beauties of nature , pieces of painting and architecture , symmetry , figures and colours . as the sight makes us attribute all its impressions to external objects , so its pleasures carry us onely to admire and love these objects , and not our selves , which is the great danger . agreeable sounds , and good smells have proportionably the same effect ; and this perhaps is the reason , why , in the solemn office of the church , it has been thought expedient , to yield something to these three senses . for this reason i should advise , that the first church to which the child is carried , should be the fairest , clearest , and most magnificent ; that he be rather instructed in a fine garden , and in the sight of a pleasant prospect , when the weather is serene , and when he is in the best humour . i would have the first books he is to use , well printed and bound ; that the master himself , if possible , be well-made , proper , speaking well , with a good tone , an open countenance , and agreeable in all his deportments : and seeing it is difficult to meet with these qualities joyn'd with others more essential , i would , at least , that he have nothing , that is unbecoming , rude and distastful . the little care that is taken to accommodate our selves to the weakness of children , in all these things , is the reason , that , for the most part , they have an aversion , and contempt as long as they live , for that which they have been taught by old , ill-humour'd , and melancholy persons ; and that the disgust they take against publick schools , built after an old fashion , which have neither light nor good air , often influences even their latin , and other studies . but whatsoever is done to make children attentive , it is not to be hoped they will continue so any long time ; nor that they can always be led on by pleasure . there is often need of fear ; joy distracts them , and joyning it self , to their natural levity makes them , in a moment , pass from one object to another . it is also to be feared , that they will be too familiar with their master , if he be always in a pleasant humour ; and that seeking always to divert them , he be too airy , and discover some weakness . he must therefore often take upon himself the character which doth more properly belong to him , which is the serious . he must sometimes shew anger both in his looks , and by the tone of his voice , to stop the carreer of these young minds , and make them enter into themselves . and sometimes if it be necessary , to pass from threats to chastisements , they may be managed several ways before they come to corporal punishments : and they ought to be made sensible , that they are only punished for want of attention , or some fault relating to their manners ; and not meerly for their ignorance , and want of wit ; to the end , that they may not look upon punishment as an evil , but a piece of justice . above all , all possible care should be taken , never to be really angry at them , what mein soever may be put on . i know very well that this is not easie ; the office of instructing is not always pleasant ; if the disciple begins to be tired , ( though he often is diverted by seeing something new : ) the master has reason much more to be so . and , in this case , resentment is soon taken , and it is ever and anon excited by the continual fooleries of children , so opposite to the humour of an old man , or one arrived to the years of maturity . besides , threatnings and chastisements are much a shorter way to give attention , than that insinuation , and those pleasant artifices of which i have spoken . but what is more commodious for the master ought not to be regarded ; and it is certain , that it is always more profitable for the scholar to be conducted by sweetness and reason . at least , great care should be taken that they be not corrected without cause , tho' it be but by a word , or a look ▪ for , how just soever the reprimand may be , it is always harsh ; especially in an age wherein the passions are so strong , and the reason so weak . it is a sort of wound , which imploys all the attention of the soul , and ingages her in thinking on the grief which she feels , or the injustice which she imagines she has received . insomuch , that if the injustice be real , and the child perceives it , either by something which goes before , or something which follows , ( as the judgment of others , or that of his master himself , when he shall , but never so little , come to himself ; ) if , i say , he perceives that his master is passionate , or that he is not exactly reasonable ; he will not fail either to hate , or despise him ; and , from that time , his master becomes useless to him . and it ought not to be imagined , that children are easie to be deceived herein : they are very sensible whether they have right , or wrong done to them ; and they have a very quick sense whereby they can discern the passions by the visage , and all external motions ; though , as yet , they know not how to express them , and do not so much as reflect that they do observe them . they have this good quality , that their ill-humour and their anger do not last long , and that they soon return to that joy which is more natural to them . let us be cautious not to oppose it : not to make them sad , by putting fear into them for a long time ; not altogether to discourage them , by driving it to excess . it is better that they should be a little wanton , then to be drooping and sad against their nature . on the contrary , they ought not , at any time , to be afflicted , but to the end that they may make good use of that composed state they shall be in afterwards . for it must not be expected , that reprimands , or instructions , will have any great effect upon them , as long as fear , or grief do possess them . they see nothing then but the evil with which they are threatned , or which they feel ; and , if the punishment be violent , their sighs oppress them , and they are besides themselves . but as soon as the tempest is over , and they are return'd to a reasonable temper , they fall to study afresh , and 't is then we should give them instructions , when they are in a condition to understand them . not that we should always expect so much reason from them , as to condemn themselves . but , at the same time , when they make their frivolous excuses , they see that they are in the wrong , and often do correct themselves afterwards . though i have ingaged my self to speak of this method of giving attention , with respect to the first instructions which are given to children ; yet it is easie to see , that it extends to all other studies proportionably . in the beginning , they should , as much as possible , be ingaged by pleasure , and afterwards retain'd by fear . as their reason shall become stronger , there will be less need of these artifices . let us return to the choice of studies , from which i have a little digress'd , to speak of the first instructions , and the general method of teaching ▪ study is the apprenticeship of life , it should furnish us with the means of acting well , and using our leisure well . life is short ; the capacity of the brain is stinted ; youth is the most proper time for learning . i think i have established these principles , and have reason thence to conclude , that we ought to chuse with great caution , what is to be taught to young persons . but , to make this choice well , we must not confine our selves to one certain sort of persons , or one certain kind of studies . we should , as much as possible , consider all at once ; all differences of men , and knowledge which are proper for them . let us consider all reasonable creatures of both sexes , of all conditions , as well those which are ascribed unto fortune , as riches , poverty , greatness , and the private life ; as those which proceed from choice ; as the sword , the gown , traffick and trades . and though we do not consider them but in one age onely , yet we shall not fail to examin all the degrees of them , from the first infancy to the ripe age , and perfect state of each person concerned in them . as for knowledge , the profitable ought well to be distinguished from the pleasant ; and the first should be divided according to the three sorts of goods for which they may be useful : the goods of the soul ; as understanding , and vertue : those of the body ; as health , and strength : and those which are called the goods of fortune , and which are the subject of business . amongst those pieces of knowledge which are profitable , those may be distinguished which are most so ; and they , without which none can be without , may be reckon'd as necessary . these distinctions being supposed , it will be easie to regulate the choice of studies of which we now treat . for 't is evident to any one , how little soever he will follow the dictates of reason , that , what immediately concerns our selves , as we are composed of body and soul , is to be preffer'd to all that which is without us ; and that amongst external things , those which are necessary for our subsistence , ought to be chosen before those , which onely give pleasure . it is sufficiently clear also , that they who have less leisure for study , or less capacity , as artisans , soldiers , poor people , and all women , ought to be instructed in that knowledge which is more generally useful : for , it is not just , that they , who have reason as well as others , should live without any instruction at all . to conclude , as for the distinction of ages , it is evident enough , that children must be so managed , that they be not over-charged at first ; and yet , that the time , when they are most capable to learn , should not be suffer'd to be spent unprofitably . i shall follow these distinctions through all the rest of this treatise ; and first , shall examin the studies which are most necessary to all the world ; afterwards those which are of no use , but to them who have most leisure ( as the rich , the honourable , &c. ) whether they be those which are very profitable , or those which are the most curious . afterwards , i shall observe in what order studies may be taught to youth . and lastly , i shall shew which are those , every man ought to apply himself unto , all the rest of his life , according to the profession which he embraces . amongst the instructions necessary to all the world , the care of the soul is most urgent : and it concerns us more to govern our wills well , than to enlarge our knowledge . the first study therefore is that of vertue . all men are not bound to have wit , to be learned , and expert in business , to excel in some sort of profession ; but there is none , of what sex and condition soever he be , who is not obliged to live well . all other goods , without this , are unprofitable , since this shews the use of the other . we can never have enough of this , and yet the greatest part of men have so little of it , that thereby it appears how difficult it is to attain it . we cannot therefore labour after this too soon , and ought not to think , that morality may be deferr'd to the end of our studies , and then that we should onely bestow but a little part of our time upon it , and thence presently pass to another study . for it should he begun from the cradle , at least as soon as the child is put into the nurses arms , and continued as long as he is under tuition . the master has hitherto done nothing , if his scholar goes not from him with resolutions to apply himself unto it all his life . i know very well , that it is the church , from whom the faithful ought to learn morality and religion ; and that the true professors of this science , are the bishops and the priests . but it is but too well known how little effect publick instructions have , at least , if domestick instructions do not assist , and prepare the way for them . divers methods , according to the condition of the child , ought here to be observed , by speaking of it to him , much less at the beginning , than when reason begins to exert it self in him , and always to augment your instructions , as it only grows stronger . at first , maxims ought to be laid down , without rendring a reason of them ; there will be a time to do that afterwards . and because i suppose a morality , which is christian , whose precepts are founded upon the doctrins of faith. i would begin with these doctrins , first of all to instruct the child . i have already touch'd upon this , when i said , we ought to begin with them , by teaching them matters of fact , and mentioned those , which should be first planted in their memories . for the first instructions of religion should then be instill'd into them , when it is not yet advisable to imploy them in any formal lessons ; being careful to recount to them a great many matters of fact , and maxims , to the end , that they may be furnished with principles of reasoning , when they shall afterwards come to have the strength of attention , and the habit of thinking . these discourses will be as it were , seeds sown at all adventures , which spring up , and bring forth more or less , as the soil is fruitful , and heaven is favourable . i shall not here dilate upon the particular method of teaching religion . what i have said upon this subject , may be seen in the preface to the historical catechism . when children have learn'd this catechism , or any other that is better , and are capable to read the holy scripture , care should be taken to make them know the outward beauties thereof ; i mean , the excellency of the different styles that they observe in the histories , how choice and orderly plac'd the matters of fact are ; how short , lively , and ( at the same time ) how clear the narration is : that they take notice , in the poetry of the nobleness of the elocution , the variety of figures , the sublimity of the thoughts : in the moral books , of the elegance , and brevity of the sentences ; in the prophets , the vehemence of the reproaches and threatnings , and the richness of the expressions : that all this be shewed to them , by comparison with prophane authors , whom the learned esteem so much ; and that it be by no means forgotten to signifie unto them , that the translations do not come up to the beauty of the original language . the same prophane authors will further help them to understand the manners of this first antiquity , and cause them not to be surprized by a great many modes of acting and speaking , which offend the ignorant , when they read the scripture ; which is that which i have endeavoured to do , in the manners of the israelites . i believe it will be useful to give them some slight knowledge of the fathers , and other ecclesiastical authors ; for i am concerned to see , that the most part of christians , who study , know virgil and cicero , better than st. augustin , or st. chrysostom . you 'll say , perhaps , that in them we do not meet with that wit and knowledge which we find in the pagan authors ; and that christian authors are proper for none but priests and devout persons : their title holy , is a prejudice to them ; and doubtless , makes many persons believe , that their works are full only of ungrateful exhortations , or meditations . men seek philosophy in aristotle , and put him to the torture , much against his will , to accommodate him to christianity ; and yet , they have in st. augustin a philosophy altogether christian ; at least , morality , metaphysicks , and the most solid part of logick : for , as for natural philosophy , he did not apply himself thereto . why should we not seek for eloquence in st. chrysostom , in st. gregory nazianzen , and in st. cyprian , as well as in demosthenes and cicero ? and why in them should we not also look for morality , rather then in plutarch and seneca ? prudentius , indeed , is not so good a poet as horace was ; but he is not to be despised , for he has writ with a great deal of wit and elegance , without borrowing the ornaments of the ancients , which did not agree with his subject . in a word , i would have the young man early advertised , that several saints , even those who were most zealous for religion , and most severe in their manners , as st. basil , st. gregory nazianzen , st. athanasius , were great wits , and very polite men ; and if they have undervalued human learning and the sciences , it was not because they wanted knowledge , but because they knew better . moreover , to balance the human vertues which are to be seen amongst the ancient greeks and romans , i would make my scholar observe , not only the same kind of vertues , but much greater , and others altogether unknown to the pagans , such as are to be found , either in the holy scriptures , or the most approved ecclesiastical histories . i would let him see the wisdom and the constancy of the martyrs , by the most authentick acts yet remaining , as those of st. pionius , priest of smyrna , of st. euplius deacon of catanea in sicily , of pope stephen , and of so many others : the reading of which is most delightful . i should make him admire the patience , and angelick purity of the solitary , by the relations of st. athanasius , st. jerom , palladius , cassian , and many other grave authors . lastly , i would let him know those , who lived as good christians , in the midst of worldly business , and great imploys ; as the emperour theodosius , st. pulcheria , charlemaign , st. lewis . though it be necessary to know that there never was any age wherein the church had not her great saints ; and to observe their different characters : nevertheless , to have a great and holy idea of christianity , it is adviseable chiefly to dwell upon the first ages , wherein the vertues were more frequent , and the discipline more vigorous . thus the manners of the christians , whether in the times of persecution , or the beginning of the churches liberty , should be plainly represented : their domestick way of living , the form of their assemblies , the prayers , fastings and administration of the sacraments , particularly of penitence : all this might be related very agreeably . a young man that had these ideas of religion , would have the great principles of morality , or rather , he would have the thing it self . for i would advise , that during this time , he should be taught the rules thereof , by the reading of holy scripture , particularly the epistles and gospels for sundays , the principal holy-days , and lent , and some little works of the fathers , as the confessions of st. augustin , the offices of st. ambrose , the considerations of st. bernard . and because this study should be carryed on by little and little , together with other studies of humanity and philosophy , care should be taken in his reading of prophane authors , to advertise him of all the errours which are to be met with in them , and the imperfection of their purest morality , in comparison with the christian ; to the end , that he may value these authors no more than they deserve . it is very useful to accustom children to judge of that which they read , and often to ask them what they think of such a maxim , or such an action , and what they would have done upon such an occasion . hereby their sentiments are discovered , which if bad , may be rectified ; if right , encouraged . it is good also to exercise them without books , upon the subjects of which they can talk ; as upon the occurrences of life , chiefly upon their little differences ; if several of them be brought up together , the matter will more affect them , and they will better understand the maxims . for here we ought not to deceive our selves , as if study consisted only in reading of books . all that is useful to know , has not yet been written ; and 't is impossible to read all that has been written . we should account reflexion and conversation to be a great part of our study . there are a great many things not to be learn'd , but by tradition and viva voce ; and also there are some which every one apprehends , by observing what others do , and reflecting upon himself . but 't is chiefly morality which is thus learn'd : every one forms his maxims , much less from that which he reads , than from that which he hears spoken ; especially in familiar conversation , which he thinks more sincere than publick discourses ; and from that which he sees those do , whom he accounts most rational . hence it is , that example and authority have so great an effect upon manners . for , seeing there are but few persons who have strength and patience enough for reasoning ( especially amongst youth ) and yet none would willingly be deceived : it follows , that they will believe the wisest , yet , not so much what they say , as what they do ; because actions are surer proofs of their sentiments than words . and here ; behold the great difficulty we meet with in teaching morality , i mean ill example , and the corruption of manners , not only in publick , but often also in private : for , you do well to tell a young person what you know to be the best , and to convince him by strong reasons . but he has always in the bottom of his soul , a violent prejudice , which renders all your reasonings suspicious ; and this is the common opinion . it seems to him , that common sense requires , he should prefer it to yours , and that 't is more reasonable to suppose that you are deceived , than that all the rest of mankind are so : and if , by chance , the master shall discover any weakness ( as where is the man , who doth not betray something of it sometimes ? ) if he be peevish , if his manners be ungrateful , or singular ; in a word , if he comes ( through his own fault , or otherwise ) to be hated , or despised ; presumption presently becomes a conviction , and his remonstrances have no further effect ; unless it be to prejudice the truth , and to render good maxims odious , or ridiculous to the scholar , all the rest of his life . men much rather follow the maxims of those , whom they esteem , and love ; and ( seeing men act by imagination , especially in their younger years ) they esteem , or love those , who are grateful to them , or seem to be happy , as persons of quality , the rich , those who have a good mien , who speak well , who are straight and handsom men. now these shining qualities are much more ordinarily to be met with in those who have less vertue , and more rarely in those who teach , than in others . besides , there are some men by general prescription , are supposed to be wise and vertuous , and yet are not so in effect ; as some fathers , old men , magistrates , and perhaps also clergymen and religious . insomuch , that young persons , though never so well inclin'd , are very hard put to it , how to chuse those whom they ought to follow . in the mean time , their passions grow , become stronger , and hold intelligence with those many enemies which attack them from without . yet all these difficulties should not discourage us ; and though we ought to hope for nothing , but by the power of the divine grace ; yet it is not sufficient only to implore this assistance by continual prayer , all human means should also be imploy'd . the success which doth not depend upon us , shall not be reckoned to us , neither shall we be reproached for it ; and whatsoever shall become of the scholar , the master shall be punished for his negligence , or rewarded for his pains . admonish therefore your charge , that to do well , he must draw himself out of the crowd , and not follow the greatest number : prove it to him , both by the authority of the gospel , and by reason , since whatsoever principle of morality you ground him in , all that you can account good in the world , will be very little , in comparison of the contrary evil. there are few rich men , a great many poor ; few that enjoy pleasure , and honours ; few learned , few wise men , abundance of sots and ignorant persons ; very little vertue , in what sense soever you understand it . make him observe that there is scarce any one whose actions are all of a piece , and who follows the same principle , whether it be good or bad . make him sensible , how ridiculous these contradictions , so ordinary in common life , appear . the same father , who preaches to his son in general , wisdom , and a regular life , at other times unwarily uses before him , licentious discourses , with pleasure relates the follies of his youth , and thus teaches him to be a good companion , and a spark amongst the ladies . the mother , who carries her daughter often to prayers , carries her also to a ball , and to a play ; and holding the catechism in one hand ( which she makes her repeat , ) with the other she puts on her ribbons and patches to make her fine . it cannot be avoided , but that men will fall into these absurdities , unless they stick to one only principle with an immovable firmness . in truth , it is not morality , if it be not perfectly one , and built upon one only principle . you ought not therefore to speak to your scholar of human morality , of worldly wisdom , of politicks , or the prudence of this world. nothing of this should enter into his mind , but it ought presently to be balanced with the maxims of the gospel , by making him comprehend well , that we must be christians altogether , or not at all ; that it avails nothing to be so by halves , least being abandoned of god , we should renounce our baptism : it is to belye our selves , not to follow the law without reserve , which we have owned as divine . but to establish a young man in this doctrine , it will not be unuseful to remove certain gross calumnies , which are often form'd against christian piety . there are some so little acquainted with it , that they think it allows , or at least , excuses sottishness , and meanness of spirit ; and that bravery and greatness of mind , are vertues only to be found in the men of the world. nevertheless , prudence and magnanimity are vertues recommended in the scripture , as well as temperance and justice ; and the contrary vices render us no less culpable before god , than before men. the difference is , that men often are not reasonable enough to excuse defects , which are purely involuntary . besides , devotion is accused for making men sad ; and if they durst say , it unhappy ; because , a great many of those who pass for devout persons , are ill humour'd , critical , and complaining , whereas , nothing is farther from christianity ; for that is a spirit of sweetness , tranquility and joy : and melancholy , is reckoned by the most ancient spiritualists , amongst the seven or eight sources of all sins , as well as gluttony and impurity . besides these considerations , and many other such-like , which may be useful to weaken the objections against morality , or altogether to remove them according to the masters ability , and the scholars docibility : method is of great consequence , for there is no part of studies which requires so much art and care. if children at first be over-charged with many precepts , they are tired , and discouraged , or if they take pleasure in them , they are apt to grow conceited , and to read lectures of morality before their time . they are admired and commended for the fine discourses they rehearse , which infuses a great deal of vanity into them . nevertheless , they cease not , at the same time , to act as children , that is to say , to follow their passions ; insomuch , that they so soon accustom themselves to speak well , and do badly , that they become more incorrigible than others ; because the excellent maxims which they know by heart , when yet they do not practise them , do not affect them at all ; and because they think they know more of them , than they who would correct them . 't is also very dangerous to make them reflect upon their faults , without seriously endeavouring to bring them to amend them : otherwise , these reflections will be like those idle discourses of such as tire the world , by telling of their faults , as well as of their distempers ; meerly out of vanity , to make themselves admired and distinguished from the rest of mankind , by the delicacy and unaccountableness of their sentiments . i am , say they , strangely afraid of thunder : i have a wonderful aversion to sots : i am impatient with my servants . i am very apt , every moment , to be transported with passion : and an hundred such like fooleries which they complain of , as of their megrims , and their vapours . nothing is more pernicious to a child , than to accustom him to this sort of language : the surest way is , to make him put your directions into practice , and as much as lies in you , make him sensible of all that you say , by his own experience . some men have heard much discourses about morality , and have spoke of it much themselves , who yet are ignorant ; that what we call the passions , are those lively motions which a man feels in his heart , and in his bowels ; when he fears , desires , and is in anger . he is accustomed to speak of them , as of the heavens , the stars , and of all things without him . young men therefore should be shown by the finger , and by the eye ( as i may so say ) what is every vertue , every vice , every passion , both in those with whom they converse , and principally in themselves . but above all things ( as i have said ) they must be taught to practise that which they know ; and in this , there is need of great patience and discretion . they are weak and light every moment ; they fall , and fall again into the same faults . they easily forget all their morality , when a new object of pleasure presents it self : and though they should recal themselves , they have not strength enough to resist it . to expect that they should attain , in a few days , unto this firmness of mind , is to expect , that a young plant , set to day , should to morrow have a solid trunk , and deep roots . we ought to wait a long time , and not to think it too much to labour often , and water the soil daily . this levity of children is indeed hard to be born with : but doth it not excite our resentment , rather because it is irksome to us , than because it harms them ? let us enter into our selves , are we proportionably wiser than they , in respect of the more perfect age to which we are advanc'd ? have we not , as well as they , our passions ? are we not addicted to our pleasures ? and if our divertisements seem to us to be more solid than theirs , perhaps to men more wise than we are , they would appear more ridiculous . let us make the comparison with justice . let us suppose our selves at the age of our scholars , and ingenuously confess , that at that age , their thoughts were ours . thus we shall find all children to be very near a-like . i say this , not as if we should neglect in others , the faults of which we our selves are , or have been guilty ; nor as if our scholars ought to take advantage thereof , if they should happen to come to the knowledge of them : but i say that this consideration should make us very gentle and patient ; least by pressing a young man too much , to ascend all at once to the highest pinnacle of vertue , by the most difficult ways , we cast him into despair . the instructions therefore of morality should be managed with great caution , and proportioned to the scholar's capacity , and much more to the strength of his soul. we should be always watchful to spy out the properest occasions , when they may be given most usefully , without scrupulously observing the order which we have proposed to observe in studies . often , from some fault which your scholar has committed , or some reflection made by himself , or which you occasion him to make , by reading some history , or book of humanity to him ; you 'll have a fit opportunity to instruct him in some important maxim , or to rescue him from some error . do not lose these happy opportunities . quit all things for morality . the occasions of teaching him history , or humanity , will occur oft enough ; but your scholar perhaps may come no more to be in so favourable a disposition : and that which is thus said , besides the business , as it were , and without design , doth ordinarily more good , than that which is discours'd to him in a formal lecture ; where he is upon his guard , because he knows that you will speak of morality before-hand . we ought not to be afraid of making digressions , which treat of something more useful , than the subject at first proposed . civility is a part of morality . it is not sufficient to observe the essential duties of probity , which makes a good man ; but also , we should practice those of society , which make a well-bred-man . rudeness and incivility are not to be found in a vertuous man , because they proceed either from pride , or a contempt of others ; or a neglect to instruct ones self in what he owes to them , and how he ought to behave himself towards all men ; or from a proneness to fall into anger . insomuch that it is impossible but a man must be civil and well-behaved , if he be humble , patient , charitable , modest and cautious . but , to the end , that vertue alone may doe this , it must be arrived to a very high perfection ; as it was amongst the ancient monks of egypt and the east , who were courteous and civil in the most affrightful solitudes . conversation with the world is indeed a shorter way to good breeding : and the necessity of being continually one with another , obliges men , at least , to have all the appearances of vertue , which may render society easie . and usually they go no further than these appearances , making civility onely to consist in an habit of hiding ones passions , and disguizing his sentiments , that so he may testifie that respect , or friendship for others , which most commonly he has not . so that civility prejudices the substantial part of vertue ; whereas it should be a consequence of it , and like that flower of beauty which naturally accompanies an healthful body . nevertheless these flattering compliments , and appearances of civility , are generally the first instructions given unto children ; and those which are the most inculcated , as if all education consisted in this . and doubtless these expressions of submission , esteem and affection would be excellent , if they were true ; for then we should be all humble and charitable . but since it is not so , it would be better to talk more truly ; or rather to talk less , and doe more . there is a great difference betwixt shewing contempt , and testifying esteem , or respect to all without distinction . and that which shews the ridiculousness of our compliments are the serious transactions of business ; where the language is wholly changed ; and where the least interest is disputed with them , unto whom the moment before , we seemed willing to have granted every thing . children , not having , as yet , judgment enough to distinguish the different subjects and occasions , accustom themselves from these first instructions , to lye , and dissemble upon all occasions . besides , an abundance of unprofitable lyes are told in this matter . civility consists more in abstaining from what may be troublesome to others , in being gentle , modest and patient , than in speaking much , and using much cringing . one obliging word , well placed , gains more upon us , then all the great complements with which some country gentlemen do oppress us . they who equally caress and honour all men , oblige none ; and have nothing whereby to signifie their true friendship . but the worst sort of civility , is that , which consists in constrain'd and forc'd kinds of gestures ; that methodical civility , which appears onely in the forms of some starch'd compliments , and impertinent ceremonies , and which are more ungrateful than natural clownishness : this affectation to do all things in mode and figure , is one of the principal characters of a pedant . and for this reason scholars ought , above all things , to avoid it . for , since their condition restrains them , for the most part , from conversing with great men , which requires an extreme politeness ; i think that their civility consists chiefly in knowing how to hold their peace , without affecting silence ; and , in speaking nothing but what they know , and as much as charity requires for the instruction , and satisfaction of their neighbours ; and , as for other things , to speak and act just like other men : and because faults are more sensible in feigned representations , than in the natural , it will not be amiss to consider the character which the italians give to their doctor in the comedy , who would always speak , and always instruct , and be every moment angry at those who should be so bold as to contradict him . though morality should be the principal design of all education , yet , at the same time , care must be taken of other studies . but since all our knowledge depends upon reasoning , or experience , and experience availeth little , if it be not inlightned by right reason ; we should begin , by forming the mind , before we come , in particular , to matters of fact , and things that are positive . this application , to the cultivating of reason , is , in the natural order , the first of all studies , seeing it is the instrument of all ; for , in truth , this is nothing else but logick . and the first objects to which we should apply our selves , are the great principles of natural light , which are the foundations of all reasoning , and consequently of all study . now this study of first principles is truly metaphysicks . thus logick and metaphysick should be the first studies . and they are so truly the first , that morality it self , as far as it depends upon reason , and not upon supernatural faith , can have no other solid foundation . but yet i have spoken of morality before them , because it is more necessary to be a good man , than a good reasoner . besides , that i could not say that at the same time , which yet i would doe at the same time , if i should instruct a you●g person . upon this account , i shall reserve it to the close of all the young persons studies , to observe , to what age i should assign them each in particular . here i understand that solid and real logick which socrates profest to teach , when he said , that it was the midwise to mens minds : that it helped them to bring forth that which was already formed in them : that it taught them nothing new , but made them onely call to mind what they knew before . in truth , as i have already observed , 't is not in our power to imprint in children the most simple notions , which are the foundations or instruments of all others . i call the foundations of knowledge , simple ideas ; as the idea of being , of substance , of thought , of will , of the vnderstanding , number , motion , duration : the sentiments ; as the idea of white , heat , grief , fear , anger , hunger , thirst : the judgments also which make the first principles do belong to these foundations ; as , the relation betwixt the whole , and its part ; nothing produces nothing ; beings ought not to be multiply'd without necessity ; the will always seeks after happiness . we bring into the world with us these kind of thoughts , and judgments , which are the foundations of all other judgments and reasonings , which we make as long as we live : and it is the attentive consideration of these principles , by abstracting them from other notions less clear , and less certain , and which are onely the consequences of them : 't is this consideration , i say , which , is properly , that which is called metaphysick ▪ logick is the consideration of other ideas , and other judgments , which are no less clear , and certain , and are also born with us ; but such as respect rather our knowledge , than the objects of it . and hence it is , that i call them instruments . such are the ideas of true and false ; affirmation and negation ; error and doubting : and , above all , the idea of a consequence , whereby we understand that such a certain proposition follows from another certain one ; that such a reason is concluding , and that such an one is not . none of these notions can be given to those who have them not , and there is no man that hath them not , if he hath the use of reason ; for herein precisely it doth consist . logick and metaphysicks , are not , as 't is ordinarily supposed , difficult studies of abstracted and high flown things , and which do not concern us ; nor of fine speculations , which appertain onely to the learned . they are of use to all the world , because they have for their object , that onely , which passes within our selves , and which we know the best ; and have no other design but to accustom our selves never to be deceived , nor to rest satisfy'd but with clear ideas ; and not to be over-hasty in passing judgment , and drawing of consequences therefrom . it is to be wisht that all , which doth not truly serve this end , might be taken away from them . without entering here , in particular , upon this instruction ( since i do not write a logick ) i should desire , that a child be early accustomed , to say nothing but what he understands , and not have any ideas , but the clearest that possibly can be . to this end , in all that he should learn , he ought continually to be exercised in dividing and defining , that hereby he might learn exactly to distinguish each thing from others , and to give to every thing that which appertains unto it . not that i would , as yet , charge his memory with definitions , and the rules of division and definition ; but make him practise them , upon those subjects , which should be most familiar unto him . when he shall have strength enough to retain several ideas , or several judgments likewise , at once , i would make him apprehend the difference of true , of false , of uncertain ; and i would convince him , that he ought not to deny every thing , nor to doubt of every thing ; but that 't is necessary to follow some certain rules in passing our judgments . in the next place , i would have him to observe those truths , which are the first , in the order of knowledge , and , upon the certainty of which , depends that of all the rest : whence would follow the knowledge of the soul , and its distinction from the body , the knowledge of god , and the rules of true , and false : from which all the rest of logick might be easily deduced . i would have it to consist in a very few precepts , that is , as many , neither more , nor less than such , as should really assist reason . for , if upon strict examination , it did appear , that men might reason as surely , and as justly , without all these observations , i should condemn them only upon this one account , that they would be unprofitable ; and should place them in the number of curiosities , how true and pretty soever they may be . but doubtless it will be found , that some rules of logick ( to how little a number soever they be reduc'd ) will be very useful to help reason : and also some axioms of metaphysicks , to which every man , that reasoneth , will be obliged to have recourse ; and which , consequently , will be the foundation of all his reasonings . all the world sees the usefulness of reasoning justly , and upon solid principles ( i do not say onely in sciences , but in business , and in all the affairs of life . ) but perhaps many may not see the necessity of ascending so high , as the first principles , because , in effect , there are few that doe so . the greatest part of men reason onely within a certain compass , from a certain maxim which the authority of others , or their own passions has imprinted upon their mind , to the means , necessary to acquire that which they desire . as for instance , i ought to be rich : therefore i will take upon me such an imployment ; i will take such a journey ; i will suffer this , and that ; and so of the rest . but what shall i do with my wealth , when i have gotten it ? but is it really advantageous to be rich ? this is that which they do not at all inquire after . they , who reason thus , never had other than vulgar spirits , of what profession soever they were : though they were the learned , and the doctors ; though they were ministers of state ; though they were princes . i call that a vulgar spirit , which is limited to certain pieces of knowledge , which is not imploy'd but upon particulars , and reasoneth onely upon experience . and i find , that one of this spirit is always the same , what object soever he proposes to himself . he doth not become greater for applying himself to publick affairs ; and is not more knowing for concerning himself in matters of science . he will never do more than reason probably upon the experience of that which he has read , and guess at one fact from another ; but he will never go so far , as to judge of what he reads , and refer every thing to its proper use . he who is truly learned , and truly a philosopher , goes further , and begins higher . he takes not up with the authority of others , nor with his own prejudices ; but rises always , till he has found a principle of natural light , and a truth so clear , that he cannot call it into question . and , when he hath once found it , he , with assurance , draws from it all its consequences , and never departs from it . whence it comes to pass that he is firm in his doctrin , and in his conduct ; that he is inflexible in his resolutions , patient in the execution , equal in his humour , and constant in his vertue . now this learned , this wise person may be found in all conditions . amongst the patriarchs we have examples of wise shepherds and husbandmen ; amongst the ancient monks , of wise artisans ; and of what profession soever a man is , he will never be as happy as he can be in this life , if he acts not upon certain principles ; or if a most immoveable faith doth not supply the defect of reasoning . but to speak in our own way , and with relation to those who have used to study amongst us , these solid reasonings , and these certain principles are chiefly necessary unto those who are to conduct others ; as clergymen , magistrates , and those who govern , or are concern'd in the management of publick affairs . to speak better , we ought not to reckon , that there are any true studies without this foundation : for , to know matters of fact , and gain experience , use is sufficient ; or if reading be joyned thereunto , there is no need of much instruction . but to form the mind , for a man to see clearly what he doth , to conduct himself by sure evidence , and not by uncertain opinion ; this is what ought to be sought after , and it is this inquiry which ought to be called study . the greatest part of men are more capable of this philosophy than is believed . it requires no extraordinary talent of memory , imagination , and briskness of spirit ; but onely a good common sense , attention and patience : so that there are none , but very light spirits , who cannot attain unto it . even peasants themselves , if they be not altogether stupid , may be often further instructed in this philosophy , than they who are more sprightly . to conclude , every one must be managed according to his genious ; and the master ought not to spend so much time in the instruction of those whom he teaches with pleasure , because their minds are open to receive what he says ; as thereby to neglect others , because they put him to more trouble . on the contrary , these last require more care , more affection , and more dexterity in the instructor : and 't is a sad thing , yet not to be remedied , that the most ignorant , and dullest learners , have ordinarily the worst masters . here , since i have enter'd upon the subject , i will go on to explain my self concerning philosophy . i think that a master should endeavour to make all those under his charge philosophers ; principally such , whom he sees to have good natural parts : but he must not wait till he has a considerable number of such who shall succeed therein . it is a great undertaking to form one true philosopher , that is to say , one man who reasons aright , who is always upon his guard against all the causes of error ; who , in the conduct of his life , follows onely reason and vertue ; who seeks , in all things , to know the truth , and to ascend unto the first causes . the greatest part of men , 't is true , would be capable of this , if they did use their reason well , and if they were not precipitant in their judgments . but 't is rare to find any of them , whose will is so regular , and strength so much , as to be able to resist their passions . it must also be confest , that the greatest part of the professions of life , may be perform'd reasonably well , without coming to this perfection . one may be a good physician , provided he knows the history of nature , and the most assured remedies approved by experience . for though a man should know all that has been yet discovered in natural philosophy , to this present time , he would scarce know the first causes of distempers any better thereby . skill in the law obliges a man to go no higher , and to seek for no other principles of reasoning , than the laws already established among men : the rest belongs to the legislatour . the roman lawyers , whose decisions we do with reason admire , were no philosophers at all ; and this science was form'd at rome , before they knew either philosophy , or grammar . as for war , 't is evident likewise , by the romans themselves , and most nations , that there is no need of philosophy , to be a good soldier . the romans were never greater warriours , than whilst they continued in their ignorance . mummius and marius were not less skilful therein , than pompey and caesar ; and these last , though they were more learned , were not more philosophers than the other . as for other professions less considerable , as husbandry and trades ; philosophy is not at all required of them , who apply themselves unto them ; though the most useful arts were not at first invented without philosophy . i know , that 't is believed , that it is useful to divinity ; and it is indeed to be desired , that all clergy-men were true philosophers . but yet i have shown , that , in the first ages of the church , the christians made little account of human philosophy : nevertheless , it cannot be doubted , but that the bishops and priests of that time , did perfectly well discharge all their duties . i leave it to those who labour usefully in the church , to judge , whether that which they have learn'd of philosophy , be of any great use to them , for the conduct of souls . but as to the rest , since a man should neither be deceived himself , nor deceive others ; i would not give the name of philosopher , but to him , who should really deserve it . i would not make my scholar so vain , as to believe himself to be a philosopher , because he can say some distinctions and divisions by heart , though he be never the wiser or better for them : i would not contribute any thing to the making this great name despicable to the unlearned . for women , and men of the world , judge of the ancient philosophers , by the moderns , and equally despise them all . hence it is , that plato , of all prophane authors , the most excellent , and most delightful , is little read , even by the learned , and not yet translated into our language . hence it is , that they who read the translations , of xenophon , epictetus , and others , do admire that these philosophers reasoned so well . 't is the same abuse , that has brought into dis-esteem the name of rhetorick , poetry , and the greatest part of the liberal arts ; and which has given false ideas of them , which makes us practise them so ill . for 't is natural to believe , that a thing is really that , which its name imports . therefore , although it is to be wish'd , that all men ( at least they who study ) were truly philosophers , yet , there is so little reason to expect it ; that it seems to me , that the greatest part of men , ought not to pretend to it . at least , all the philosophy they ought to learn , should be reduc'd to a good logick : the rest is not necessary for the attaining other sciences . on the contrary , all the sciences joyned to the practice of all vertues , make up the true philosopher ; to which , therefore we cannot arrive before the age of maturity ( if any one be so happy , as ever to attain unto it . ) but , it is more certain , that grammar , rhetorick , and whatsoever goes under the name of humanity , are not at all necessary to philosophy and logick . to learn how to reason well , there is no necessity of knowing latin , or any other language ; it might be taught to a mute , provided there were signs distinct enough , to explain to him the reflections upon thoughts . eloquence supposes reasoning already formed , seeing it adds thereunto motion , and expression ; for it doth not ( as the ignorant believe ) consist in speaking fine words , but in giving weight to good reason . since our logick consists not in certain words and rules , wherewith the memory is charged , that we may talk of them , or understand those who do speak of them ; but in a real exercise of good reasoning : it is not to be thought , that it is to be learn'd only once , as an history , and never after to be minded . it must be constantly practised , during the whole course of studies ; and i speak of it in this place , only to observe its order , and to shew that it is of more worth , and more necessary than all the studies i have mentioned ; at least , then those which consist only in the knowledge of matters of fact , or things positive and conjectural . but though reasoning be necessary , experience and the knowledge of particular things , is so likewise . a man cannot be truly learned , nor eminently skilful , without this depth of reasoning which i have spoken of , but he may be skilful enough to perform the duties of common life , without this reasoning ; provided that he has a particular knowledge of the things which are practised : whereas , without this particular knowledge , the best general reasonings , as long as they continue general , will never come to any thing . 't is these general reasonings , which have at all times discredited the philosophers and learned men , when to them they did not joyn the knowledge of particular things , especially , the institutions of men : and this is the essential fault of raimund lullius his method , which imploys its scholars only in such general notions , as are of no use ; and do not render them , at all , more learned in speculation ; since they add nothing to what all men know naturally , but only names , and arbitrary distinctions . i more value a peasant , who knows of what corn the best bread is made , and how this corn is made to increase ; than a philosopher , who reasons only upon goodness , perfection and infinity , without ever descending lower . let , therefore , your scholar have a true and distinct understanding ; let him reason upon general principles , and put what he knows into a good order . but let him be satisfied with a few principles ; and let him be furnished with something to set in order ; i mean , with distinct and particular observations . hitherto , i have spoken only of those studies which tend to the perfection of the soul , by forming the mind and the manners . something also must be said , of those which may be useful to the body ; since , next to our soul , there is nothing which ought to be so precious to us , as this other part of our selves : and since also , the strict union of the one with the other , is the reason , why the soul is not in a condition to act well , if the body be not well disposed . i know that this sort of study is not in use amongst us ; we are sensible enough , that health , strength , good behaviour and beauty , are goods of the body ; but we are apt to suppose , that they must all be given by nature . the art of procuring them , is so much forgotten ; that , was it not certain , that the ancients had it , and also had carry'd it to as great perfection , it might not probably be believed , that it was possible . this is the art which the greeks called gymnastick ; which chiefly consisted in the exercise of the body ; and upon this account , it is foreign to my subject ; for i have not undertaken to treat of all that relates to the education of youth , but only of their studies . i shall therefore leave this treatise of exercises to some person , who shall be better vers'd in it than i am ; and i shall , in the mean time , only speak of that knowledge , which may be useful for the preservation of health . i will not call it by the name of medicks , because we do not now undertake this long and difficult art , which imploys men all their life ; and which is conversant about the healing of diseases , rather than the preventing of them : whereas , that which i here understand by this study , necessary to all men , is only some certain , plain and easie precepts , for the preserving , and increasing health . i would therefore , from the first infancy , have sobriety instill'd , as far as this age is capable thereof ; not by making children fast , for it is not yet time : but by not permitting them to eat as much as they would , nor all that they have a mind to , nor offering any thing to them which might tempt them , or giving them such rewards or punishment which depend upon eating . in their presence , gluttons and luxurious person , should be exposed to contempt , sometimes by way of raillery , sometimes by serious discourse ; diseases and other mischiefs observed , which proceed from the excesses of the mouth ; sobriety commended , and the good effects of it demonstrated : and all these discourses , as much as may be , should be made , without seeming to have any design of instructing them , and without directing your speech to them , that so they may be less upon their guard : but , above all , great care must be taken , not to bely these discourses , by any contrary speeches , or by any action . in a word , to enforce them , by your example . we see , by the manners of whole nations , how powerful the opinion , custom , and impressions of infancy are in this matter . drunkenness so frequent in the northern countries , is a monster in spain . the indians live all their life upon rice , pulse , and fruits , without eating flesh or fish ; and some of them are so exercised in fasting , that they can abstain for fifteen or twenty days together , without taking any nourishment . perhaps it may be thought , that these things belong rather to moral instructions ; but they are also proper means for preserving health : and it is not my purpose to enter , in particular , upon a large description of the vertues . in the mean time , since these instructions are useful to several ends , they are doubtless upon that account , the more excellent . to be in good health , it is convenient to be neat and clean , to breath a pure air , to drink good waters , to eat simple and plain meats ; and though nature sufficiently teaches all this ; yet , 't is not amiss to put children in mind of it , and cause them often to reflect thereupon ; for custom easily gets the upper-hand . whatever gives strength , doth also very much conduce to health ; which strength doth necessarily suppose . now that which strengthens , is not ( as the vulgar commonly believe ) to eat much , and to drink much wine , but proportionably to our nourishment and rest , to joyn labour and exercise . the exercises most in use with all men , are walking for a long time together , standing upright for a considerable while , carrying burthens , drawing at pullies , running , leaping , swiming , riding , exercising arms , playing at tennis , and other such-like , according to the ages , conditions and professions to which any one is designed . i shall leave the particulars to those , who perhaps , may sometime give us a treatise of exercises . i will only observe , that it is of great importance , for children early to have a good esteem for them ; together with a great contempt of the soft and effeminate life . he should be taught , that a man is capable of very little , if he cannot ( without altering his health ) sometimes take excessive pains ; breaking , if need be , all the rules of sleep and diet ▪ in short , that there are many vertues , which cannot be practised , but with a good body . st. paul says , indeed , that bodily exercise profiteth little : but he says this , in comparison with exercises of godliness ; and in a time , when the emulation of the greek athleticks , had carried them to an excessive curiosity . for many lived under a very severe discipline , and in very great hardship , without any other end , but to make themselves admired in the games . st. paul himself , elsewhere , makes use of this example , to shew christians how earnestly they ought to strive for the incorruptible crown . the christians , 't is true , did not ingage in these gymnastick exercises , which would have spent too much of their time ; much less in the combats and their publick shews , founded upon idolatry ; yet they did not omit to exercise the body by useful and hard labours . st. clement of alexandria , in his paedagogue , doth expresly advise it ; and the greatest part of the ancient monks have practised it . so that st. paul doth not say that the exercise of the body is good for nothing ; and though he thought it good for very little , in comparisan of christian vertues , he would doubtless have accounted it great in respect of that which we do now commonly preferr before it . for that which now a-days , makes exercises so little valued , is , because they do not conduce to the attaining unto honour , or gaining money ; and because they do not agree with feasting , sleep , and idleness , wherein the greatest part of men make their happiness to consist . in truth , there are none among us , but they who are designed for the war , to whom any exercises are taught methodically : and yet , even herein , there are , in my opinion , two considerable faults . the one , that no care is taken to form the soldiers , who compose the whole body of the troops : they are not taught to manage their arms , and perform their exercises , till they be listed . the other fault is , that , in the academies , where gentlemen are exercised , no reckoning is made of that which is most essential ; that is , to make them healthy , and render their bodies robust . for they do not accustom young men to live upon simple and common meats ; to suffer sometimes hunger , heat , cold , and the injuries of the weather ; to pass whole nights without sleeping , to lie usually hard , to be upon horse-back whole days together : in a word , to inure themselves to all sorts of fatigues . in the mean time , these fatigues are ordinarily of much more use in war , than dancing , and the extream fineries of fencing , and the art of riding . nevertheless , this care that is taken to form the bodies of gentlemen , as indifferent as it is , is a very sensible proof of the usefulness of exercises . hence , doubtless , it comes to pass , that persons of quality , and the officers of the army , have ordinarily bodies better made , walk and move , in all respects , with a better grace , not only than artisans and citizens , but than the men of the robe , who have not pass'd through these exercises . nay , even the meer difference of labours has a very great effect , without any care taken in education . gardiners and labouring-men , have bodies generally otherwise formed and proportioned , than shooe-makers and taylors , and other sedentary artists . but to speak only of those , who are educated with most care ( though they are not designed for the war , ) amongst so many other things which they are taught , why should not the exercise of the body be one ? is it because they have a soul and no body at all ? is it because latin and the college-philosophy are more necessary to them than health ? let us confess the truth . it is because we never considered this matter , we believe , that health comes of it self ; that we always have enough of it , and that the most important business , is to get a great deal of money , and be preferr'd to high imployments ; as if we could enjoy these goods , and these honours without living , and having our health . when i speak of having a care of health , i do not mean those cautions of women , sedentary and lazy men , who are feeling their pulses every moment ; and ▪ who by fearing diseases , are almost always sick , or , at least , imagin themselves to be so : who take broaths every morning , who cannot fast , nor suffer hunger , nor eat later , than at such a certain hour ; who cannot sleep , if they do not lie very soft , and very far from noise ; who never have window shuts , skreens and counter-doors enough : in a word , who are extreamly afraid of the least inconveniencies . these persons abuse those comfortable things , which were invented for the truly sick ; and for them whose health is impared by long labours , or by extream old age. and that which shews their softness , is , that they never use the means which i have mentioned of labour and abstinence ; but had rather take a medicine , than deprive themselves of a meals meat . it is therefore of great consequence , that children should betimes apprehend the error of these pretended valetudinarians ; for they do educate children the worst of any people . they wrap and cover them to the end of the fingers , they suffer them not to do any exercise , least they should hurt , or over-heat themselves . they regularly purge them at certain seasons , and perswade them so much , that they are of a weak and delicate complexion , that the poor children believe it all their lives ; and pretend thereby to distinguish themselves from the common people , as well as by their riches , and quality . for , since none but the rich , and such who have leisure , can observe all these niceties ; they perswade themselves , that it appertains to none but peasants and porters to have good bodies ; and pride themselves in their weakness , as a mark of their wit. nevertheless , if we would take the matter aright , a man ought more to be ashamed for being weak , and unhealthy , than for being poor : since there are more innocent means of acquiring health than riches ; and these means are more in our power . young persons also should be delivered from a great many superstitions ( which the ignorance of former ages has introduc'd into medicks ) concerning the quality of several meats , which are accounted cold or hot , without reason , and against experience ; concerning many effects which are attributed , without foundation to the moon and other stars . in this rank may be reckoned a great part of the precepts of schola salernitana . on the contrary , i would have them taught that which has been most constantly agreed upon , by the most skilful physicians , for the ordinary regimen ; the means of preserving health , the remedies for the most common diseases ; and especially , all that relates to wounds : for it is more difficult to avoid them , than great diseases ; and of greater importance , to be able to cure ones self of them . for all this , 't would be useful to know anatomy reasonably well , besides other great use which may be made of it in morality , to understand the passions , admire the wisdom of god , and make us sensible how much we depend upon his power . it would be well also to know the quality of the most ordinary meats ; the most common plants , those remedies which are most easie to be found ; and all this , according to the most approved experiences . more or less of these things may be studied according to the capacity of the master , and the leisure and inclination of the scholar . it would not be amiss to make the effects of some of the most terrible diseases , to be observed , thereby to imprint upon young men , a great horrour of intemperance and debauchery ; and , on the other hand , to carry them sometimes into a kitchin , or some office , there to see all the while , how much artifice , labour , time and money , are spent in preparing the ragou's and sauces , which are only the ornaments of eating . the foregoing instructions , are those , wherein all persons are concern'd , seeing there is no man but has a body and a soul to take care of . the following instructions relate to the preservation of estates , and consequently , are not of use to those who are extreamly poor . so that , the advice which i shall give , is scarce practicable , but by such children as are born of parents , who are at least , indifferently accommodated . the poorest sort of all , have neither money nor leisure , to lay out in the instruction of their children in private ; and if they will have them to study , it is by sending them to the publick schools . but perhaps , before i go any farther , it will not be out of the way , to say a word of that , which should invite those who are very poor , to study , or diswade them therefrom . regularly study , is not the means to acquire wealth , and belongs only to those who have an honest leisure . good sense requires , that a man should first begin by purveying for his subsistance , before he satisfies his curiosity . for they who apply themselves to study , when they have not whereupon to live , are like those travellers , who being landed in a desert island , should amuse themselves in contemplating the stars , and discoursing upon the ebbing and flowing of the sea ; in stead of making themselves cottages , and seeking out provisions . it may be said to them , if you desire to have the goods of fortune , as the most part of men do , why do you thus amuse your selves ? why do you not take the ordinary and natural means to procure them ? you are born for the country ; continue there : till the lands of your fathers ; or , if he has left you none , serve a master , do journey-work , learn a trade ; traffick , if you have wherewithal ; chuse some profession , whereby you may live honestly , and leave studies unto those who have leisure , who are rich ; or else do not concern themselves to be so . but , may some say , studies themselves are one of those professions whereby men gain a livelihood ; at least they lead to several profitable professions , the church , the court , physick : and in any of these ways a man may live more comfortably than by tilling the earth , and labouring at a trade . behold ! the vain hope which makes so many poor priests , and so many poor advocates . i do not say , that all who are poor ought to be debarr'd from studies , for then few , who could live at their own ease , would give themselves the trouble of teaching and bringing up children ; much less would they take upon themselves the charge of parishes , especially in the country . i should desire therefore no more , but that the number of these poor students were not so great ; that those of them might be chosen who have better abilities , and more vertue ; and the others who study for base and sordid ends , rejected . for it cannot be enough lamented to see , into what extremities young persons often are cast , who rashly embark themselves in studies , and then find it too late to learn a trade , yet think any other way of living unworthy of them . several , not knowing what to do , betake themselves , without any calling , unto religious societies : or if they be afraid of being shut up , and becoming subject to a rule , they seek after some practical imployment , belonging either to the treasury , or ( as their genius is ) they turn musicians , poets , comedians , mountebanks , or any thing you can imagine . also studies themselves suffer , by being handled by ill-bred and selfish persons , who are either wholly sollicitous how to get a livelihood , or how to grow rich. their end is not the knowledge of truth , and the perfection of reason , but interest : so that they force their thoughts , to make them comply therewith ▪ they study not that which is best in it self , but what makes the best return ; they endeavour not really to become more skilful , but to be thought so , and to please others . in a word , with them those are profitable studies , not which tend to the publick advantage , as the advancement of arts , and the perfection of manners , but those which make the students rich. but let us return to our subject . hitherto i have endeavour'd to speak of those studies , which are of use to all sorts of persons , to women as well as men , rich and poor . these studies are such as respect religion , manners , and the conduct of the mind , for reasoning justly , and health . i treated of them in all the latitude wherein he may teach them , who instructs a child that is honourably born , design'd to great imploys , and on whom the master bestows all his care , having all the encouragements he desires . proportionably , it may be judged , how much of them ought to be taught to an ordinary person , a woman , or an artisan . thus , to the poor , the instructions of a curate , careful of his duty , of a master of the private schools , or of an intelligent father , will suffice . they may also , for the most part , omit learning either to write or read : for i account it much more necessary , that they should be instructed in all that i have mentioned , as far as they shall be capable . i now come to studies , which are useful for business , and consequently are likewise common to all who have estates , of what sex and condition soever they be : and these studies are , grammar , arithmetick , oeconomicks , skill in law. but i must explain in what sense i understand all these words . by grammar i onely understand reading and writing , speaking french well , and writing correctly ; so that a man is not at a loss , either for choice of words , or construction of discourse ; and also can write well , even the most common things ; as a letter of business . i do not think a child should he taught to read before he be six years old , unless he be naturally one of very happy intellectuals . for this is a troublesome study ; there is nothing of that in it , which children seek after , which is pleasure : and there is need of a great deal of patience , of which they have none . let us judge of them by our selves . how difficult is it , at the age , when reason is perfect , to begin to read hebrew , or arabick ? we are push'd on by curiosity , we desire , with all our hearts , to learn these languages , and we are accustomed to study and industry . nevertheless 't is very ungrateful to fix our eyes a long time upon the same figures , so often to gather together the same letters , to supply , by memory , what is wanting in the writing ; ( as there wants something in all sorts of languages ) and , at last , for all the fruit of our labour , onely to pronounce words which we do not understand . and yet we take it ill , that poor children , who seek after nothing but their play , do not take all this trouble in good part ; and severely chastise them because they do not pore long enough upon their book . but , after all , why should we press them on so much ; especially , if their manner of living will oblige them to write and read all their lives ? are we afraid that they shall not know how to do so when they are grown up ? but do we see any of them , who , when they are ten or twelve years old , are without this learning ? it may be said , we do not see any such , because there are none who are not obliged to learn these things in their childhood . but do we think , that emulation , the shame of not being like others , and the necessity of writing and reading in all our other studies , will not also do very much in these ? in the mean time , the harshness of these first lessons , makes them , for a long time , disgust all study . we should have a great deal of patience with them , make them read but a little at a time , and insensibly increase , as it becomes more easie to them ; and , at the same time , teach them histories , or other things which may divert them . at first we make them read in latin , because 't is pronounced more as it is written , than the french. but , i believe , that the pleasure a child would have to understand what he should read , and to see the fruit of his labour , would make him go on faster . for this reason i should presently give him some french book , which he might understand . it easily appears , that the same difficulties which there are in learning to read , are also to be found in latin , and other languages ; and that they continue longer . there is also , by the custom of the schools , added to them another difficulty , which is that of the rules , and all the art of grammar . for tho' we are not accustomed to learn latin , but with the grammar ; nor the grammar but in latin , or upon the foundation of the latin grammar ; it is clear nevertheless , that these are two different studies ; since there is no language which may not be learnt by use ; as likewise there is none which has not its grammar . i have shewed , that this method began at the time when latin was the vulgar language ; and that the greek grammar , which is the first which we know , was made also by the greeks . thus , to imitate these ancients , whom we do , with so much reason esteem , the grammar should be studied in our own language , before it be studied in another . since this study would consist onely in causing the child to make reflexions upon a language which he already knows ; he would often take pleasure therein : and the difficulties which he should meet with would be less than they would be , when added to those of learning a language . there would be always this advantage , that he might be made perfectly to understand all the precepts by familiar examples . but i would not load him with over many rules , since the great curiosity in grammar consumes much time , and is of no use . you have perhaps labour'd a whole day , to get by heart one exception , whereof probably you 'll have no use three times in all your life . i should content my self with the principal definitions , and the most general rules ; and should propose no more to my self , than to speak and read well , to observe a very exact orthography in writing ; to understand all that i say , and all that i read , as far as the knowledge of the tongue may conduce thereunto . for this , it would suffice , to know the divisions of the letters , the parts of speech , and their subdivisions , and other things which i cannot mention in particular , at least , unless i should make a grammar . now , that these precepts should not be dry , and jejune , as they are in books , i would render them sensible and pleasant by the way of teaching them . when a child should have read in his own language , for some time , the things which he understood , and wherein , if possible , he should take pleasure ; one would begin to make him observe , that all that writing consisted onely in two and twenty letters , and that all the large discourses are composed onely of nine sorts of words ; that there are two kinds of articles ; that there are genders in nouns ; tenses and persons in verbs ; numbers both in the one and the other ; and thus of the rest . as soon as he shall know how to write a little , you might cause him to digest those histories which have been recited unto him ; and here the mean and improper words , the bad constructions , and the faults of orthography should be corrected . he might be told the rules of etymologies , and taught many of them occasionally . they serve very much for the understanding the meaning of words , and orthography , and are diverting . thus by a few precepts , and a great deal of exercise , he might learn in two or three years as much grammar as a gentleman need to have for the use of life ; and more than ordinarily they know , who have been eight or ten years in the college . the greatest part might stop here , and learn no other language at all . sword-men , practicioners , accountants , merchants , and all below these ; as also the greatest part of women may let latin alone : experience shews this . but , if they knew as much grammar , as i have said , it would be very easie for them to use good french books , and the translations of the ancients ; and perhaps , at last , they might be disabused , and not imagin , that that person must be a fool who does not understand latin. 't is true , latin is necessary for clergy-men , and men of the robe , and that it is very useful for souldiers , tho' it was onely for their travels ; and , amongst women , to the religious , for understanding the office which they read. but i believe , it would be much more easie to learn , if it was not embarassed with so many rules of grammar . not that i believe , it should be taught by use alone ; though there have been some examples of it , even in our time ; but the method of doing this is not sufficiently established , to propose it to the world. add to this , that whatever habit of speaking children might have , i should scarce believe that it would continue constant , in a language , which is not continually used , without the help of rules . 't is true , we have an example in the jews , who teach their children hebrew , without any rule , and make them very knowing therein ; but this is with a very long time . let us therefore rather make use of rules , provided that they do assist , and not over-burthen children . now , if they know them in their own language , the rest will be very easie . it will be onely making them observe what is different in the latin language . the want of articles , the declension of nouns , the passive in verbs , the liberty of placing the words differently , and the like . this , for the most part , onely would be exceptions from the general rules which they had learnt . to conclude , they should be continually exercised in reading some author , which they understood with pleasure ( if it might be ; ) and they should be taught the rules , much rather by use , than the strength of memory ; though it should not be forgotten also to cause them to get things by heart . that which will best imprint them upon their minds , will be composing ; but yet it must not be begun so soon , nor continued so long as reading , which ought to be their chief exercise , and continue , during the whole course of their studies . for there is this advantage in grammar , and the study of languages ; that , being as instruments , he who has once learnt them will confirm himself therein , proportionably as he shall use them : because the books wherein he learns things , are compounded of the words of a certain language put together , and placed according to grammar . arithmetick comes afterwards ; and i think it should be begun later ; that is , when reason is already formed ; as at ten , or twelve years . at first the scholar should be taught the practice of the four great rules ; he must be exercised in casting account , either with counters , or with the pen ; to make use of all sorts of cyphers ; to reduce the most usual weights and measures . afterwards he may go on to the rules which are more difficult , and be shown the reasons of all ; and the knowledge of proportions may be taught him , as his leisure and genius shall serve . it will be thought strange , doubtless , that i reckon oeconomicks amongst studies , and amongst the most necessary too : but hear what i would say for my self . the design of young persons studies should be , to acquire , in the first age that knowledge , which must be serviceable to them all the rest of their lives ; or at least , the principles of this knowledge , as i think i have already shewn . therefore , that which is necessary to the most common and ordinary affairs , that which respects the maintenance of life , and the foundation of civil society ; this knowledge surely ought to have the first place next after that which refers to man in himself , and directly conduces to the perfecting the soul or the body . so that it is principally the scholars ignorance of these kinds of things , which makes several despise both them and their studies . what are the thoughts of the eldest son of a family , who comes from the college ? to divert himself , to boast of his knowledge , and if he be pleas'd with study , to follow his curiosity : he never concerns himself how he subsists ; whence comes that which nourishes and cloaths him , and the like . he only considers how other young persons of the same quality live , and would , by no means , be less accounted of , nor want money to game , or satisfie his passions . in the mean time he fills his head with comedies , romances , musick ; or , if he wants wit , he confines himself to more gross pleasures . some great change in his fortune must happen , the death of a father , some great estate fall which he must take possession of , some great law-suit , a marriage , or an office to make him open his eyes , and see that there is any such thing as business in the world ; and that he has something to take care of as well as other men. i know that in all this , there is a great deal that is natural to youth , which is hurry'd on to pleasure by violent passions ; and has not experience enough to have any esteem for things that are useful . but this is the reason also why youth ought to be assisted and restrain'd , in stead of which it seems , as if men had a design to encourage their faults . young persons , 't is true , will never love labour and business . yet it ought , at least , to be endeavour'd , by preparing them early for them , that they may not appear so harsh and burthensome when they shall come to the age , when they must apply themselves unto them for good and all . upon this account , amongst studies necessary to all , who have any thing to manage and preserve , i reckon oeconomicks , and skill in the law : and observe wherein i make oeconomicks to consist . seeing the first objects which make impressions upon children , are those within the house , as its divers parts , the servants , and their different offices , the moveables , and working instruments . there is nothing to be done but to follow the humour of their natural curiosity , to teach them with pleasure the use of all these things , and make them understand , as far as they are capable , the solid reasons , which put men upon inventing them , by letting them see the inconveniencies which they remove . thus also they would be accustomed to admire the goodness of god in all things which he furnishes us with for our wants ; the industry which he has given unto men to make use of them ; the happiness of being born in a country that is cultivated , and in a well-instructed and polite nation : to take noble ideas of all things , which an ill education , and the vanity of our manners make us despise ; and not so much to disdain a kitchin , the back-yard , the market-place , as the most part of persons gentilely bred do . to conclude , thus they would be accustomed to make reflexions upon all that presents its self to them , which is the principle of all studies . for men mightily deceive themselves , when they imagin , that they must seek a great way off for that wherewith children are to be instructed . they are not to live , either in the air , or amongst the stars , much less in the imaginary spaces , in the country of the entia rationis , or second intentions ; but they must live on the earth , in this low world , such as it now is , and in this corrupted age of it . they ought therefore to know the earth which they inhabit , the bread which they eat , the animals which are useful to them ; and , above all , the men with whom they are to live and to act. and let them not , in the least , imagin that , to consider all the things which are about them , is to debase themselves . in a great family there will be more occasion for these instructions than in a less ; and there will be yet more , if children be sometimes in the city , and sometimes in the countrey . thus the children of persons of quality , who may have all these advantages , ought to know more things than others . as they grow in age , more may be told them concerning these things ; and , in some sort they might be indifferently well instructed in those arts , which respect the convenience of life , by letting them see men work at them ; and by explaining to them every thing carefully . they should then be shewn , either in the house , or elsewhere , how bread , and cloth , and stuffs are made . they should see taylors , tapistry-makers , joyners , carpenters , masons , and all who are concern'd in the building-trade , work in their particular callings . they should also be , some-ways , so far instructed in these arts , as to understand the language of the workmen , and that they may not be easily impos'd upon . now this study will , all this while , be a great divertisement for them : and seeing children desire to imitate every thing , they will be sure to play over all these arts. and herein they should not be roughly opposed , or laughed at , but gently assisted , by shewing them what will be chymerical in their designs , and what feasible . this might be an occasion of teaching them a great deal of mechanicks ; and they would have the pleasure of succeeding in some things , which in this age , is very great . it would also be well to acquaint them with the common price of the works which they may have occasion for , and the things which they may buy themselves , and even those which they may order others to buy . for , though these prices often change , yet , they who have known them once , will not be so much to seek ; especially , if they be once well told , why some commodities are so dear in respect of others ; and the most ordinary causes of the change of price . i should also desire that a young man be soon instructed , either by experience , or an exact relation , in all that is necessary for travel . this is the study which i call aeconomicks . it easily appears , that i do not pretend to make it a study in form , or that it should be learn'd by books . it might be learn'd by conversation and practice ; and would be , not so much the office of a master , as the care of a good father , or an affectionate tutor . other studies would assist it , and it would help them . to exercise the rules of arithmetick , the young person might make up the accounts , and keep a register of receipts and expences , which is so necessary a practice to every man , who has any thing to take care of , that it is recommended in scripture it self . in human authors , as cicero and virgil , it may be observed to them , how much the romans did then esteem husbandry , and a diligent application to their domestick affairs . this might be seen more in those authors which treat of country businesses ; as cato and columella , and in some books of the law. the young romans must needs have been very soon fit to act , and manage their affairs , since at fourteen years they were out of tuition ; were accounted grown men at eighteen , and took their place , and argued freely before the magistrates . as for the greeks , the aeconomicks of xenophon , aristophanes , theocritus , hesiod and homer , do shew , that they busied themselves very much within their houses , in management , and all kind of husbandry ; and that the richest and most civilized persons , did then make that their business and delight , which at this day is looked upon as the lot of the miserable . the authority of these great names , and the consent of such excellent writings , might give noble ideas of all , even the most common things of life . this also might make the scholar much more capable of profiting , even by the holy scripture ; seeing that all which is accounted so mean and dull , came from the simple and solid manners of that wise antiquity , when no person disdain'd to labour , more than he did to eat : and this , i think , i have shewn in the manners of the israelites . but whether the scholar shall read these authors , or the master relate to him what they say ; i would have him careful to make all things very sensible , and refer all to our own country usage and custom . let us leave it to the grammarians by profession , curiously to inquire after all the plants which virgil names , and the description of all the instruments of agriculture which hesiod mentions . let us only take occasion from what they say , to make our scholar understand that which at present is done in our country , and let us not be discouraged , if they use some word which we may not understand , provided that we know our way of management , as well as they did theirs . as for the law , since it depends less upon the imagination , and has more reasoning in it , we should wait till the mind be more accustomed to attend , and the judgment be form'd ; that is , till thirteen or fourteen years , and till our scholar be towards the end of his studies . nevertheless , it is much more easie to make this sensible and agreeable , than it is philosophy , which is the ordinary study at this age ; especially , after this foundation of aeconomicks , of which i have spoken , it would be a great deal more easie . you may suppose , that , by skill in the law , i do not here understand that long and difficult study , which makes lawyers by profession , and which contains the knowledge , not only of all the laws that are used in a country , upon any subject whatsoever , but of all that also , which serves to explain and apply them to particular matters . i only speak here of those studies which are necessary to all men of ingenuous birth . thus , as to law , i only understand that which every private person is obliged to know of it , in order to keep what he has , and to do nothing against the laws . every one is thus far obliged by the laws themselves , which presume that all citizens are instructed therein , since they impute the ignorance of them as a fault , and punish it , either by the loss of goods , if they have failed to observe the laws , in getting or preserving them , or by more severe punishments ; if this ignorance has betray'd them to some crime . nevertheless , no care is taken to instruct young persons in them , except those , who are designed for the gown ; and questionless , it will be thought strange , that i desire this should be done . but to examine things without prejudice , this study is as useful , at least , as philosophy , which they are taught ; and is not more difficult . but philosophy , it may be said , exercises the minds of young persons , and makes them subtle . so will also the subtleties of law , by which the principal points will be better understood : but 't is feared , that they would be tired , should they be told of the vsus fructus , and propriety ; of the difference betwixt the right of heir-ship , and bodies hereditary , betwixt the parts individible , and the parts divised , although solid effects of all these distinctions may be shown to them . is it not to be feared likewise , least the universals , the categories , the infinite in act , and in power , and the entia rationis , should put them out of humour ? in short , the knowledge of right , whether pleasant or not , is necessary to all , who live under the same laws . this study would be very easie , if we had certain and fix'd laws , as the romans had those of the twelve tables ; the athenians those of solon ; the hebrews those of moses , or rather of god. a man should need only to read these laws to know his duty . but it is not thus , a great deal of experience is required to distinguish , in the large volumes of the edicts of our kings , those which are observed , from those which are not . customs speak not but of certain matters . we follow a great many rules of the roman law ; the greatest part of which , nevertheless , is not received ; at least , not into the number of our customs . our law therefore , being so mixed , and so uncertain , there is great need of study , to understand it : i mean , to have such an indifferent knowledge of it , as is to be supposed in private persons . for to know it exactly , it is the study of a man's whole life . now this indifferent knowledge thereof , necessary to all , i make to consist in these things . first , in understanding the terms , ordinarily used in speaking of business , and which we meet with , in the ordinances , customs , and other law books ; as fief , censive , propres , acquest , déguerpir , garantir , and all the rest , which are not commonly used in the ordinary way of speaking . children may learn all these words betimes , especially , if care be taken to make them understand the sense , by sensible examples ; and the sooner they shall have learn'd them , the less barbarous they will appear afterwards . it will be much more worth their while , to charge their memory with them , than with names , figures of rhetorick , and the terms of philosophy . after this knowledge of their way of speaking , which implies a great many definitions ; i would have the scholar learn the most general maxims of the law , which relate to particular subjects ; as of tutelage , successions , marriages , the most usual contracts , without entring into the subtleties of the law , or much affecting the method ; but only observing therein a little order , for clearing up the understanding , and assisting the memory . in the next place , the manner of prosecuting ones right in the courts of judicature , should be treated of ; and , without descending to all the particulars of the process , the order of it in general , should be observed , and the necessity there is , of exactly observing in judicial proceedings , the forms established . the difficulty will be for the master to chuse out of books , that knowledge which is necessary ; and is so dispersed , and blended in them . for it must be confess'd , that , as yet , we have no book , where all that which i have spoken of is put together , and separated from the rest . till some person shall undertake this . justinian's institutes , the customary institution of loisel , that of coquil , and the index of ragueau , and other such-like books may be made use of . moreover , it would be well to read to the scholar , the whole custom of his country , and shew him some of the most common contracts , that he may understand the principal clauses of them . but some will say , have we not wrangling pettifoggers enough in france , without desiring that all men should be so ? behold ! the ordinary language of ignorant persons , to call those wranglers who understand business , and speak of it in proper terms . on the contrary , one of the greatest causes of litigious pleadings , is this ignorance of law. hence it is , that men make disadvantageous agreements ; which afterwards they will not perform ; that so many revocations , and restitutions are required against surprizes ; that they rashly undertake a process , the consequences whereof they do not foresee ; that having equity at the bottom , they commit it to the management of a sollicitor , who spoils a good cause , by his ill proceeding . so that if any knowledge of business produces wrangling , 't is that confused and uncertain knowledge of some little part of practice , without order , and without the knowledge of principles . whence it is , that the greatest pettifoggers are always the meanest sort of practitioners . now men must needs have these obscure and imperfect notions , when they are only instructed by use . besides that , this is a very slow master , and scarce ever informs , but by the faults which are committed . further , after a long time , you will hereby know only some certain particular matters , and which indeed you may know , even too particularly , and , at the same time , be intirely ignorant of all the rest . to me therefore it seems , that it would be better , not altogether to depend upon experience , but to be first prepared for it , by some general knowledge . for though it be true , that many are sufficiently vers'd in business , by use alone ; it ought to be confess'd , nevertheless , that they would be still better , and more easily instructed , if they joyned some study thereunto . and seeing there is a certain age , wherein we desire that young persons should study , though it were only to imploy them ; why should we not rather busie them , in that which may be serviceable to them afterwards ; than in that which is only for the school , that is , for nothing ? for the school is not of use , but so far as it fits us for the remaining part of life . now in this matter , there is no need to fear , least they should learn a little more law , than may be absolutely necessary for them . it is difficult , exactly to measure this necessary ; and they will retain ( we may be sure ) no more than the sum of that which they learn. this study , which of it self , is a little dull , may be made more delightsome , by the knowledge of many matters of fact ; which giving to the scholar a little experience before his time , would render both the maxims and the reasonings of law , more sensible . i would then , that the young man be often told , what are the different conditions of men of the same country , what their imployments , and what it is by which they subsist : that he knew how a peasant , an artificer , a citizen lives , what a judge is , or any other man of the robe ; i say , that which they are , and not that which they ought to be ; what was their birth , how they came to offices , how they live : that he be acquainted how the soldiers and the officers of the army subsist ; and also that he be inform'd concerning clergy-men , and the religious : in a word , concerning all men , with whom he must live . the different nature also of men's possessions should be describ'd unto him from the least farm , to the greatest lordship ; and how the rents of them are made . what is trade and the bank , and how men grow rich thereby . the different natures of rents ; to conclude , the different ways of living and subsisting , according to the difference of countries . and seeing they cannot learn all this , but by conversation , young persons ought to be taught to profit , by discoursing with all sorts of persons , even with peasants and servants . the way is , to make each of them speak of his own trade , and of things which he knows . both of them would gain by this mutual conversation . he that speaks , has the pleasure to instruct , and to make himself heard ; he who hears , has the pleasure to understand something new , and the profit will thereby abide with him . the reading also of the ancients , will help him to understand these same matters of fact ; as i have observed for oeconomicks . the orations and epistles of cicero , are full of wonderful variety of affairs ; which the scholar may be brought to observe , as he shall have occasion . if he is to live a private life , particular business should be chiefly explained unto him ; if he is design'd by his birth , to great imploys , he should be more kept to publick matters . titus livius , and other historians , will also teach him a great deal concerning them . thus , the same lesson might serve for several uses ; for grammar , for rhetorick , for history , for morality , for oeconomicks , for law. sometimes one kind of reflections should be made , sometimes another , as occasion shall serve ; and it would be hard , if none of them should take effect . but , in all these observations , curiosity which continually tempts , should be avoided , unless it be used as a ragoust to excite the appetite of knowing . for otherwise , it will be no great harm , not to understand some word in plautus , or varro , which denotes some office of a slave ; to be ignorant of some formality of their publick assemblies ; provided , that it be remembred , that the romans well understood their business , both private and publick , and that they were very diligent in it ; and that all those great men , whom we admire in their history , did not make themselves great ( each of them according to his genius ) but by this application . thus this study of law , would not only make young men capable of business , but contribute more than any other , to the rendring their minds solid , and forming their judgments : since it would consist only in making them know the truth of those things , which are the most fit for men to know . now , in my opinion , this solidity , and this rectitude of judgment , is that which should chiefly be sought in studies . there is but too much of the sparkish humour in the world ; but there never will be enough of good sense . why should this glittering fiery spirit be so much recommended to scholars , which cannot be given to those , who have it not naturally ; and which usually , doth more harm than good , to those who have it ? let us improve in good sense and judgment . all who are not born stupid , may arrive to this rectitude of mind , provided , that they be accustomed to apply themselves to it , and not to precipitate their judgments . and 't is only by this , that men succeed in business , and in the whole conduct of their lives . the knowledge of business , also , would contribute to the reclaiming young men from vain fooleries ; and to the making them serious : for we become such , as our thoughts are , with which we are taken up . this will accustom them to be diligent , to be careful , to love rule and justice , which a man must needs love , if he knows it , before it comes to be his interest to oppose it . now young persons are not as yet sensible of interest ; avarice is the least of their vices . and to make them diligent and careful , it would be very desireable , that the practick might be joyn'd to the instructions ; that the father should enter his son into the counsels appertaining to his houshold affairs ; that he would make him discourse of whatever occurs ; that he would commit to his care some of the less difficult of them ; that he would put some part of his estate into his management , whereof he should give an account . nothing would be more advantageous , than for a person of a great estate , to be thus educated ; to be so capable of business , that he should have no intendants , agents and sollicitors , but only to ease him , and might not altogether rely upon them ; that he should himself manage all affairs in chief , leaving to his servants , only the execution of them in particular : in a word , that he should govern those under him , and not , as it too often happens , be governed by them . for , is it not evident , that the absolute dependance wherein stewards and bayliffs hold their masters , and that carelessness which ruins so many families , proceeds from the ignorance of persons of quality , and their ill education ? i know very well that they cannot be excused from a great deal of idleness , and love of pleasure : but it happens sometimes , that they take a distaste against pleasure , and do shake off idleness : whereas when they are past a certain age , there is no more time for instruction . at first they entertain an aversion for business , because they do not understand the terms , and have no knowledge of the maxims . they flatter themselves , that good sense is sufficient for the ordering their concerns ; and every one thinks he is well enough provided therewith . but they do not consider , that law is mixed with an abundance of matters of fact and rules , established by men , which it is impossible to divine : and when they come to see the necessity of being instructed , they are ashamed to confess their ignorance . lastly , the long habit of applying themselves to nothing , and not being confined , makes them often over-look their most important interests . this is what i understand by the names of grammar , arithmetick , oeconomicks and skill in law ; and these are the studies which i account most necessary . they , who by their birth , are designed for great imployments , have need of some instructions , more extensive than meer private persons require . their skill in law should comprehend the publick right . their morality should extend to policy . for , as for common people , these studies can only be reckoned amongst the number of curiosities . it is hard to hinder men from talking ; but it is also difficult for princes and ministers of state to keep from laughing , when they see citizens and artisans dispute about the interests of potentates , and prescribe to them rules for their government . but as for children , who it may be reasonably foreseen , will one day come to be preferr'd to high places , it is of consequence , early to instill into them right maxims , least they should imbibe false , or act only at a venture . i would then have them know , in the first place , the state of the present government of their country ; the different parts of which this body is compounded , the names and functions of the officers which govern it : the manner of rendering justice , of administring the revenues , of exercising the policy thereof , and the like ; as also the way of consulting about publick affairs . i would have every one begin with the state of his own country , as being most necessary , and most easie to know ; and that , in the next place , he should consider the condition of those foreign countries which are nearest , and to which he has most relation . by shewing him how things are really and in truth : i would shew him how they ought to be ; not , as yet , according to the opinions of the philosophers , and pure reasoning ; but , according to the laws of the state it self , and its ancient customs . this is that which i call publick right . the rules according to which each state is governed : the rights of the soveraign , and the officers he makes use of : the rights of states , and soveraigns , in respect of one another . this study is more positive than reasoning , and it contains much more history which may make it pleasant . policy consists more in reasoning , and should ascend as high as to search after principles . it considers not only how france and germany ought to be governed , according to the particular form of their constitution , and the laws which are there established : but it inquires in general , what is civil society , what form of constitution is the best , what are the best laws , and the best means to preserve quiet and concord amongst men. these general considerations , are very useful to give unto the mind , elevation and extention , provided , that application of them be made to particular examples , not those of athens or lacedaemon , but of the moderns , which affect us more , and instruct us better . the advice which to me seems of greatest importance in this matter , is , that a young prince , or other child of more inferiour rank , be early shewn the difference betwixt true and false policy ; that he be taught to abhor that , which only proposes to make the prince , or the body of men which governs , powerful , at the expence of all the rest of the people ; which makes the vertue of the soveraign to consist , in maintaining , and increasing his grandeur , leaving justice , faith , and humanity to private persons . that he be instructed , not much to relie upon the artifices , by which his neighbours may be weakened , in stirring up enemies against them , or exciting divisions amongst them ; nor the skill how to deceive his subjects in making them believe the state to be stronger than it is . for the avoiding all these evils , the greatest part of modern politicians should be laid aside ; especially , machiavel , and the english hobs. let us return to plato and aristotle , whose politicks are founded upon the solid principles of morality and vertue . their end is , not to exalt one man , or any number of men , above others , but to make men live as happily , as 't is possible , in society ; to procure to all private persons safety , the peaceable possession of their goods , health of body , liberty of mind , rectitude of heart , and justice . to confer all these benefits upon a whole society , these philosophers believed it was just , that some should be at the pains of watching continually over it ; that they might make provision for all its necessities , defend it from outward attacks , and preserve peace within . these , if i mistake not , are the principles of true policy . but to see it in its purity , we must go higher than plato and aristotle : it must be learn'd from moses , david , solomon , the prophets , and the apostles ; or rather god himself , whose interpreters they were . they will tell us , that all men are brethren ; that the first states were only great families ; that every one ought to love the country where he was born , and the society in which god had plac'd him : that it is just , that one man should give his life for the publick safety ; and that it is god alone , who hath appointed some men to govern others : that the person of the prince is sacred : that he is plac'd over the people to defend them , and to render justice unto them : that he cannot perform his duty , if god do not give him wisdom : and a great many such like maxims ; whereof a whole body of policy , taken from the holy scripture , might be composed . perhaps i have said but too much upon a subject , which few scholars have need of , and few masters are capable to teach . besides , the studies necessary to men ingenuously bred , there are others which are profitable for them ; but yet , such as may be altogether omitted . first of all , latin ; for i have not at all supposed , that the studies i have hitherto spoken of , should depend thereon ; and what i have said of the helps which may be drawn from ancient authors , for oeconomicks , and skill in law , ought to be understood , in respect of those only , who , over and besides , shall have learn'd latin , or greek , or else shall read the translations . but though latin be not necessary , yet it is very useful for religion , for business , and for studies . since the roman church has not thought it convenient to change the language of her prayers and her offices , no more than the greek , and other oriental churches , it is to be wish'd that all christians understood this language ; and that all , who have the convenience of learning it , should not neglect it . add to this , the satisfaction there must needs be , in being able to read the writing of so many latin fathers , and of understanding that version of scripture , the use of which is authorized by the church . for business , the greatest part of the terms , which are used in speaking about it , are latin , and drawn from the roman law ; of which it is impossible to talk well , in another language , as may appear by the law books of the modern greeks . lastly , for all studies , men are so accustomed to use this language , that it is become the common language of learned men , over all europe ; that the greatest part of modern authors have used it ; and that it is beneficial for the understanding all the ancients . i have spoken of the way of learning it ; and have advised , that more regard be had to use , than precepts . i shall here add , that the genius of every language ought carefully to be observ'd to the scholar ; and that he should be accustomed never to render latin but by good french ; nor french but by good latin. it ought to be demonstrated to him , that one word cannot always be render'd by another of the same species ; as a verb for a verb ; a noun for a noun ; nor always one word by one word ; because one latin word often expresses a whole phrase of the other . men have many more thoughts then they have invented different sounds , wherewithal to express them : so that there is no language , where we shall not fall short in some places . it is not therefore to translate exactly , only to turn the words , if the construction of the language , whence we translate them be barbarous . 't is true , this way of translating is more sure , as to the fidelity of it , and it gives the reader the pleasure of seeing , in the translation , the genius of the original language . such is the famous version of the interpreters . it represents the original , word for word , and always renders the same hebrew words , by the same greek words . there can be no translation done with more exactness , and religious care . the respect for the holy text made them fearful to alter the sense thereof by the least change . but ordinarily to translate well , the same thought , and ( as much as may be ) the same figure , and the same strength of expression , should be render'd according to the natural mode of another language : and when the scholar misses this , he should be brought to see the fault of his translation . for example , complaining of an ungrateful person , would you say , i have received little thanks for my favour to him ? you should rather say , he hath ill requited the obligation which he had to me . the latin has this particular , in respect of us , that , seeing our language is derived from it , we believe that the words signifie the same that they do from whence they proceed , though often it is not so . table comes from tabula , which signifies a planck : chamber from camera , which signifies a roof : fortis signifies valiant : and valens , strong . he should also be shewn , that 't is an error to think , that the latin , or any dead language can be perfectly learnt . we can know no more of it , than is written , and we cannot understand all of it that is written . how many words are there in cato , and in other authors , who treat of rustick affairs , which no man now understands ? how many sorts of vulgar , and trivial things are there , which never were writ in latin ? even in the discourses , which we think we understand best , there are certain elegancies which we cannot relish ; as those which aulus gellius observes , in some places of cicero and virgil. and if it be almost impossible to learn , even the living languages ( which are not natural to us ) in the utmost perfection ; what can be hoped , as to those which subsist onely in books ? but our comfort is , that it would be useless to know them better . we have no need of latin , but for understanding books , or for making our selves understood by strangers . as to books , we can understand no more than is written : and to make our selves understood by strangers , we should speak latin much after the same rate that they do . nevertheless , i would not imitate the germans and polanders , who make no scruple of using the baldest latin , provided that they speak it easily . but yet i would more carefully avoid the affectation of some learned men , who , striving to speak latin very finely , are hard to be understood . i should rather chuse to speak worse , and be better understood . i would then accommodate my style to the capacity of the generality of the learned ; without neglecting it so , that it should be barbarous , or taking such pains about it , that it should be obscure . above all , i would have the character of books observed ; and not have the jests , or proverbs , which plautus makes his slaves speak , put into a treatise of divinity , or any other serious matter ; nor into a familiar letter , poetical phrases , and lofty figures , taken out of cicero's philippicks . these advices are necessary , since the vanity of some of our modern learned men has given occasion for them , in respect of all these indecencies . they often also mix greek words in their latin writings ; wherein , in my opinion , they do themselves no great honour ; since this is silently to confess , that they know not how to express in latin that which they say in greek : for he cannot be said to know a language well , who knows not therein how to express what he will ; at least by a circumlocution ; besides , thus to interrupt the discourse by words , which make the readers lose what follows , is to insult over them , if they know not greek . but if i should be necessitated to insert a greek , or an hebrew , or any word of another language into a latin discourse , i should always write it in latin letters , that i might not puzle my reader . the second of these useful studies , is history . but seeing it is difficult for one man to read all those we have , of all times , and all countries ; and it is not convenient that many persons should wholly imploy themselves in this sort of reading , there is need of choice and order in this , as much , or more , than in any other study . he who , as is usual , shall think it enough to read , at a venture , the first book of history which shall come to his hands , will be in danger of charging his memory with a great many fables , or of retaining nothing for want of understanding that which he reads , some principles therefore should be given to young men , for discerning what histories will be useful to them , and how they may read them profitably . but to doe this well , the foundations of this study should be laid from their infancy . for though novelty be a great charm in history , yet nothing is more ungrateful , than to find nothing therein but what is new ; to see therein nothing that you know , not so much as one place , or one person . the history of china is full of great occurrencies , and rare examples of vertue ; yet because we never have heard any thing of jao , nor of chimtamyou ; and even the latest geography of this great country , is not at all familiar to us ; this history ( at the first especially ) is very tedious to us . the memory is continually in labour . when we find a proper name , we know not whether we have already seen it or no ; or , we remember that we have seen it , but we have forgotten what it is ; or take a country for a man , or a man for a woman ; we see not the interest which one had to love or hate another . in short , the mind is opprest with so many novelties , all at once ▪ that it is in continual pain . on the contrary , when a man who has studied but a little , reads herodotus , or titus livius , he meets every where with what he knows ; the greatest objects are familiar to him . he has , all his life long , heard men talk of cyrus , of croesus , of rome and carthage . but he sees a great many particulars which he had no knowledge of ; and 't is this knowledge which makes his reading pleasant to him , because he knows whither to refer what he learns , and because he labours not to understand or retain the principal matters . the trouble is much more to them who have no learning at all ; accordingly they complain , for the most part , of their ill memory . but they ought rather to complain of their ill education ; which makes the greek or roman history almost as troublesom to them , as that of the chinese , or musul-men is to those , who have gon through the more ordinary studies . yet there is here a great difference ; for there are few among us who have not heard of alexander , caesar and charlemaign ; but who , except some few who are curious , knows any thing of almamon , or ginguiscan ? we cannot begin too soon to teach children the principles of history . at the same time , when we acquaint them with the matters of fact , which serve as a foundation to the instructions concerning religion ; we should also relate unto them , those which are the most considerable , surprising , pleasant , and easie to be remembred in prophane history . those rather than others should be chosen , which strike the imagination . romulus's wolf ; the death of lucretia ; the sacking of rome by the gauls ; the triumph of pompey , or that of paulus aemylius ; the death of caesar . and if they could have a sight of medals , statues , or pictures , the images of them would be more lively , and be imprinted deeper in the memory . this doubtless , is the greatest use of painting and engraving ; and it was a great advantage to the ancient greeks , that they might learn history even without reading , only by walking about in their cities . for wheresoever they turn'd their eyes , they found either imbossed works , or excellent pictures in their temples , in their publick halls , which represented battels , and other famous events ; or the statues of illustrious men , whose countenances resembled the originals , and whose habit and posture denoted what was the occasion of their advancement . even in the countrey it self there were to be seen , trophies , tombs and pyramids , which were as so many monuments of history . great care also there should be to acquaint children with a great many proper names of men and places ; that they might soon be familiar to them , and excite their curiosity . especially i would mention those to them which make the greatest figure in the history of the world , sesostris , ninus , nabucodonosor , cyrus , hercules , achilles , homer , lycurgus ; and the romans proportionably . but i would joyn thereto the names of modern history ; which yet are usually much less spoken of to children : william the conquerour , godfrey of boüillon , sancho the great king of navarre ; and all the other who have been most famous these six hundred years . neither would i altogether omit even the orientals ; i would have a child to have heard some talk of the cailiffs of bagdad and cairo ; of the great power of the turks , and that of the moguls : their names would not appear to them so barbarous afterwards , if they were accustomed to them betimes . they should also make use of geographical maps , for the names of places , which also they might learn according to the difference of all times , and all languages , as far as may be . in the beginning of these instructions , i would not confine my self to any order of dates , or chronology , but follow the curiosity of children , as occasion should be given , to recount to them all these names and actions . the matter of history being thus prepared , i would begin to put it into order , as soon as my scholar should be ten or twelve years old . i would then make him observe the epochs , which are used in the reckoning of time . the olympiades , the foundation of rome , alexander , the incarnation , the mahometan hegira . but i would not embarass him with an exact chronology , nor oblige him to retain the meer simple dates : for this requires a great effort of memory . i would also carefully abstain from speaking to him of the julian period ; and i would not use even the years of the creation of the world : for 't is very difficult , not to say impossible , to fix them ; and besides , they are not of great use , since to the times of the foundation of rome , and the olympiades ( which are the same almost ) there scarce is any history but the sacred : the succession of which , i should be satisfied if he knew well , according to the ordinary epochs , of the flood , of abraham , moses and solomon , without concerning himself much about the total sum of years , which cannot , without much difficulty , be drawn into a sum and unto those persons , and occurrencies which are most known to us , i would have him to refer that little of prophane history , which there is in these times : danaus and cecrops to moses , cadmus to joshua , homer to the prophet elias ; leaving the care of computing the years of the world to those , who have leisure and curiosity to study chronology more profoundly . moreover , i would often repeat unto him certain general observations , which render the study of history more short , more easie , and more useful . you must know ( would i say to him ) that we have not the histories of all times , nor of all countries . there have always been a great many ignorant nations ; and of those who have written , there are very few whose books we know . all the histories of the ancient orientals , of the egyptians , syrians , chaldeans and persians , are perished ; and the most ancient which we have , except that of god's people , is the history of herodotus : which was not written till about two thousand years after the flood , and twelve hundred after moses . to the time of jesvs christ we have scarce any books but those of the greeks and romans , wherein are recorded any histories ( which are certain , and worthy of belief ) more ancient than the foundation of rome . for five hundred years after jesvs christ , you have onely one history to follow , which is the roman . but after the ruin of the western empire , spain , france , italy and england composed each of them their particular history : to which must be added those of germany , hungary , poland , sweedland and denmark , proportionably according to the time when they began . nevertheless all these histories may be referr'd to that of france , because the empire of charlemaign comprehended the greatest part of these countries ; and in others , he was so respected , that the people accounted it their honour to imitate the manners of his subjects : whence it is , that the levantines comprise all the nations i have mentioned under the name of franks . this is the succession of the history which is most known to us ; except you will add thereunto the byzantine history , which we have for two hundred years . as for that of the musulmen , which contains all that hath passed for a thousand years in egypt , syria , persia , africa , and all the other countries , where the mahometan religion is spread , we are ignorant of it to this day . the reason of this is not , as is commonly believed , because the mahometans have written nothing , or because their books are lost : for there is as much of their history alone as would make a whole library ; but their books are neither printed , nor translated , excepting two or three , which go about in the hands of the curious . we know also , that the chinese have a long succession of history , whereof we have had in latin an abridgment about thirty years since . we know that the indians have very ancient traditions , written in a particular language . we know something of the history of mexico , and the incaes , which yet doth not rise very high ; and within these two hundred years we have had an infinite number of relations of several voyages . this is all that we know of histories . we see how little it is , in comparison with the whole compass of the earth , and all successions of ages ; yet nevertheless , as little as it is , 't is too much for one single man : so that it is in this study especially , we should chuse carefully , and limit our selves . first we ought to know what to hold to , as to the beginnings of each history , that we may not give credit to fables , which affect to advance too high . the surest rule is , to look upon all that as suspicious which precedes the time , when each nation received the use of letters . besides , the quality , and the times of the historians should be diligently observ'd . it may be said in general , that no histories deserve credit , but of those who have written of their own times ; or of those who have collected out of such historians ; whose books , by a successive tradition , may have been delivered down to us . but when there are interruptions in an history , and large obscure vacuities , all that went before ought to be suspected . i should content my self with this order , and these general rules for universal history , and oblige my scholar , to have a more special insight into the particular history of his own country . furthermore , this study should be very differently extended , or contracted , according to the quality of persons . a man of indifferent condition needs but a very little history : he , who is likely to have some share in publick affairs , should know a great deal more thereof ; and a prince cannot know too much . the history of his own country makes him see his own affairs , and , as it were , the titles of his house ; and that of foreign countries nearest to him ; teaches him the concerns of his neighbours , which are always mixed with his own . nevertheless , since there are a great many other things to be known , and the capacity of a man's mind is limited ; he ought chiefly to study the history of his own country , and house ; and to have a more particular knowledge of that , which is nearest to his own time. i would have every lord proportionably to know well the history of his own family ; and every private person that of his own shire and town , better than those of others . the book of genesis is a perfect model of the choice which every one should make in the study of history . moses has therein comprised all the things which it was useful for the israelites to know ; chiefly dilating upon those which are of greatest importance : as the creation , the sin of the first man , the deluge , the history of the patriarchs , unto whom god had made the promises , which he was about to fulfil . he doth not omit to observe the origin of all nations ; and to speak more or less of their history , as they had more or less relation to the people for whom he wrote . but if you would have an abridgment only for the refreshing of your memory , you have an example thereof in the first chapter of the chronicles ; where the names alone plac'd successively , recalls all the history of genesis . it is nevertheless to be wisht , though it is not absolutely necessary , that all who have leisure , do read the principal histories of the greeks and romans . they are profitable both for morality and eloquence . for , bringing to the reading of them that corrective which i have prescrib'd , the examples of the great actions , and good conduct of the ancients , may be very useful ; and the manner after which the historians writ , may be of great advantage to us , both as to the method , and to the style , if we know how to imitate them . so that a man should as well exercise himself in the latin tongue , by reading the historians as other authors ; since without reading much he cannot learn it . after the history of the manners and actions of men , the most useful study , in my opinion , is natural history . i comprehend under this name , all that knowledge which is positive , and founded upon that experience , which respects the construction of the universe , and of all its parts : as far as is needful for one , who is not to be an astronomer , physician , or naturalist by profession . for no man , surely , should be altogether ignorant of this world which we inhabit , of these plants , and these animals which nourish us ; of that which we are our selves . i know very well , that the knowledge of our selves is the most necessary of all . but this is the knowledge of the soul , which i referr to logick , and morality . as for the body , since we govern it much less by knowledge , than by a blind instinct , attended with motions , which depend upon us , yet without our knowledge of the springs and machines , which are the immediate causes of them , the particular knowledge of its structure is scarce of any use to us , but for the admiring its author ; who is not less admirable in other animals , and other parts of nature . it 's true , we should be affected more with that which we find in our selves . moreover , the knowledge of the body is very useful for understanding the passions , their causes , and their cures , which is a great part of morality ; and for discerning what is proper for the preservation of health , from that which is destructive thereof ; which is one of the studies which i have plac'd amongst the most necessary . this natural history therefore should comprise cosmography , and anatomy . by cosmography , i understand the system of the world , the disposition of the stars , their distances , their magnitudes , their motions ; according to the late observations of the most exact astronomers ; depending upon them as skilful persons , who deserve to be credited , without examining their proofs . herein also i comprehend the meteors , not labouring to search out the causes of them , but only to know the matters of fact : the description of the earth , not so much of its surface , which relates to geography ( and is referr'd to the moral history ) as its depth , and the different bodies , which it contains . at first sight , it seems , as if this knowledge was no more than pure curiosity ; but , in truth , it is very useful for raising the mind , and inlarging it ; for furnishing us with true ideas of the infinite wisdom , and almighty power of god , of our own weakness , and the littleness of all humane things . under the name of anatomy i comprise that of plants , as well as that of animals , without lanching into curiosities , which has no bounds . i would have my scholar to know well the animals of his own country , the most famous of other countries , and the plants which are most used : that he should know how to distinguish the principal parts of a plant , and an animal ; that he should see how these living bodies are nourished , and preserved ; but particularly , that he should be acquainted with the admirable structure of those springs , which make animals to move : i mean that of them which is felt with the finger , the bones and the muscles . this study , if he have leisure and a genius , may be extended to the knowledge of those arts , wherein are employ'd the most ingenuous machines ; or which produce the most considerable changes in natural bodies ; as chymistry , the melting of metals , making glass , tanning and dying . into the number of those studies which are useful to all students , i also put geometry : in truth , it doth not onely contain the principles of several very useful arts , as mechanicks , surveying , trigonometry , gnomonicks , architecture wholly , ( especially fortification , of such great use at this day ) but also it forms the mind in general , and strengthens the reason extreamly . it accustoms men , not to content themselves with appearances ; to seek after solid proofs ; and not to stop , as long as there is the least ground for doubting : and by this means to discern convincing and demonstrative reasons from meer probabilities . it would nevertheless be dangerous , if not directed by such a logick as i have reckoned amongst the number of necessary studies . for 't is this logick , which lays down the great rules of evidence , of certainty and demonstration : and bids us not believe , that none but sensible and imaginable things , as the objects of geometry are , can be clearly known : that there are no certain reasonings , but those concerning the relations of angles , and lines , or the proportions of numbers : that we ought , in all matters , to expect the same kind of certainty . but when these distinctions and general rules are laid down by a good logick , geometry opens a great field of exercise for defining , dividing , and reasoning . towards the end of the young man's studies , when he is about the age of fourteen or fifteen , or later ( as his understanding and leisure will permit ) the more solid rules of true eloquence may be made known unto him . i do not propose this study as necessary , because one may be a good man , and also expert to such a degree , without being eloquent ; as also because eloquence depends , at least as much upon nature as study . it must , nevertheless , be confest , that it is of great use ; and that ordinarily it makes the most important and difficult affairs to succeed well . for here by eloquence or rhetorick i do not understand , what is generally understood thereby , by abusing a word , which pedants and declamers have brought into disrepute . i do not , i say , understand that , which enables men to make ceremonious harangues , and other such-like studied discourses , which tickle the ear for the present , but usually do nothing but raise disturbances . i understand hereby the art of perswading effectually , whether a man speaks in private , or in publick . i mean that , which makes one advocate to carry more causes than another ; one preacher , humanly speaking , to convert more souls ; one magistrate to have a greater sway in the debates of his company ; one agent to make a more advantageous treaty for his prince ; one minister of state to govern more in his counsels than another . in a word , that which makes a man become master of other men's minds , by speech . i know well , that they who succeed in the greatest affairs , have more of natural parts , and experience , than study ; but i doubt not , but that study would be very useful to them . they would have never the less of those fine natural accomplishments , and that great experience : and yet , over and besides , they would have some more certain rules , and the examples of the greatest men of antiquity . a prince , or minister of state , who should be so well educated , as to be , from his youth , well acquainted with cicero , demosthenes , and thucydides , would find great pleasure in reading them over again when he comes to the age of maturity , and receive great benefit from them . but these authors usually become useless , and are despised for want of fit readers . they are read to children , who would not understand , even in french , such-like discourses , for want of experience in the world , and attention unto matters of moment . or if they be read by men , they are the learned by profession , as regents , priests , and religious , who are sequestered from the world , and are fill'd with ideas , quite different from those , which imploy'd the thoughts of these authours . cicero and demosthenes were men brought up in the world , and in business : they rose by their merit much above their birth ( which yet was honest , according to the custom of their nation ) and they arrived to the greatest power they could have in their commonwealths . cicero was consul , that is , for the space of a year , he was at the head of an empire , as large as twelve such as any we now see in europe . he governed a province , he commanded troops , he was equal in dignity , to caesar and pompey , kings courted him . yet because we have read these authors at school , we often retain a very unbecoming idea of them ; because we know that they pleaded causes , we take them for such advocates as ours are ; and do not consider that caesar pleaded also , and might have disputed eloquence with cicero himself . besides , we see many who study them all their lives , without becoming thereby more fit for the world and business ; and we do not reflect , that these persons seek for nothing in them but language , and figures of rhetorick , which they often imitate very wretchedly ; they seek nothing less in them , than the way of managing great affairs . the more things the scholar shall know , and the more his reason shall be form'd , the more capable he will be of this study of eloquence . for it only gives the form to discourses ; good sense , and experience must furnish the matter . i should therefore wait till the young man should have thoughts , and be able to say something of himself , before i would teach him the way and manner of speaking . first , i would secure morality , and give him to understand as soon as he should be capable ; that eloquence is a good accomplishment , being only the perfection of speech : that , as speech is given us , only that we may speak the truth , eloquence is given to make this truth esteemed , and to hinder it from being stifled by the ill artifices of those who oppose it , or the bad disposition of them who hear it : that it is to abuse eloquence , to make it serve interests and passions ; though cicero and the greatest part of orators have made this use of it : that its regular use is to perswade men to that which is truly good , and especially , that which may make them better ; painting out to them , the horrour of vice , and beauty of vertue in lively colours ; as the prophets and the fathers of the church have done . this is what i call the morality of eloquence . the art consists in knowing how to speak and write well , upon all occasions of life ; not only in publick actions , as those harangues , which are made only to comply with some certain formalities ; but in the more ordinary debates about business , and in simple conversations , in knowing how to give a relation of any matter , to write a letter : all this is matter of eloquence , proportionably as the subject requires it . to shew him the secret of it , i would principally use examples and exercise . the examples might be taken out of cicero , or demosthenes , according as the scholar should be acquainted with these languages . if he knew no latin , the translations of cicero might be recommended to him , or some good modern book , as the cardinal d' ossat's letters , which are full of solid eloquence , by which he had success in business . these examples would give substance and pleasure to the precepts : for naked precepts , given in general , would always be dry and barren ; and as st. augustin says , one of good natural parts would acquire eloquence , rather by hearing eloquent discourses , than by studying precepts of eloquence . he will thus gain by all sorts of reading : he will every where find examples of that which he ought to follow , and avoid ; and this exercise would settle his judgment : for he must be accustomed to judge of what he reads , to give a reason , why he thinks it good or bad . these reasons make up the whole art of rhetorick , which has been form'd upon examples , by observing what did effectually perswade , and what was prejudicial to perswasion , and making rules thereupon ; to the end , that they might not talk meerly at a venture , but by rule and discretion : not only reading , but conversations , and the most common discourses of life , are good lessons of eloquence . these living and familiar examples , might render it more solid and real , than books , and all that which smells of the school can . it is therefore , adviseable , to learn a young man , how to make advantage of it , and to study all the art of discourse , after this natural way . make him observe the addresses , which the grossest sort of people use to make their interests take effect ; with what force the passions make them speak , and what variety of figures they furnish : how the voice , the gesture and all the outward demeanour , is fitted to the motion of him who speaks . these examples are stronger in them , who are exercised in business , than in others ; in the city , than in the country ; at the court , than in the city ; and figures are more lively in women , than in men. the other means of teaching this art , which is exercise , should consist , not only in writing , but in speaking . i would have this exercise always to be perform'd in french , how well soever the scholar might know latin. 't is sufficient that he be busied in learning to speak well , without applying himself also to a language which is not natural unto him . 't is to be fear'd , that he would force his thoughts , for want of knowing how to express them true enough , or least he should lose some fine period in cicero : if he should treat of any ancient subject , he probably , will transcribe ( without understanding them ) the phrases of those authors he has read : and if the subject be modern , he will be puzled to speak of it in latin. for being accustomed to speak only to greeks or romans , he 'll be altogether at a loss , when he must speak to men , wearing hats and periwigs ; and is to treat of the interests of france and germany , where there is neither tribune to plead before , nor solemn popular assemblies , nor consuls . let him write therefore , in his own language ; first of all , narrations , letters , and other easie compositions . afterwards , let him make some elogy of a great man , some common place of morality ; but such as is solid , without jargon , galamafries , and false thoughts : let him express his real thoughts seriously . lastly , when he shall have made some progress , let him write whole discourses ; as dissertations upon the histories he shall have read , and upon the subjects he shall know the best ; that he may , as far as he shall be able , bring together all the circumstantial proofs of the matter , avoiding wandering , and general discourses . these written compositions do accustom youth to attend , to fix their thoughts , to chuse the best , and put them into order ; to make periods , and in them , to observe the turn , and measure , which please the ear : in a word , to speak exactly . the exercise of speaking , will accustom them to hold on a continued discourse , without being at a loss , without hesitating , or correcting themselves , to be bold and attentive . now by this exercise of speaking , i do not understand so much that which is called declaiming ( which , at most , is useful , only to those who , in time , are to speak in publick ) as those discourses which are familiar , coherent and maintained by those , who speak well of business , or relate an history well in conversation . this is that which i call rhetorick . but if your scholar be one of an extraordinary genius , you may carry him on to poetry , which is , in truth , but a more sublime sort of eloquence . i do not think , that this art should be taught to many ; seeing it is better there should be no wretched poets , than 't is necessary there should be any poets at all . for versification ought not to be accounted poetry , nor should we look upon poetry only as a diversion , judging of it according to modern examples . to see the true character of it , we should go as high as sophocles and homer : in them we shall see poetry very grave and pleasant both together , fit to form the judgment for the conduct of life , and full of instructions , very necessary to those for whom they were made ; that is to say , of their religion , and history of their country . we may see the same thing in pindar , and the other greek poets . the latins have only imitated them : it is true , that homer and pindar , who so well understood this art , have used it in fomenting idolatry , and making themselves pass ( by a wicked sort of imposture ) for inspired men and prophets ; not to speak of the imperfection of their morality : so that to find true poetry established upon a solid foundation , wherein we may securely taste all the pleasure the tongues of men can give it , we must go to the songs of moses and david , and other true prophets . 't is there we should take the true idea of poetry . it consists in my opinion , in giving to the most necessary truths , a pleasant and affecting relish , for the forming of men's lives , and rendering them happy ; and in imploying for this noble end , all that is most forceable , lofty , and sparkling in the mind of man ; all that is most expressive and elegant in speech , all that is most harmonious , and passionate in the sound of the voice . this therefore cannot be the sport of children ; it is miserably to abuse those excellent talents which god hath given us , to imploy them in wicked or useless subjects . we should rather labour to reconcile the lively imagination with good sense , and with vertue . there will be no great need of giving many rules of poetry , to one , who already knows those of eloquence : to such an one , scarce any thing more need to be given , but some exceptions ; thereby observing how high poetry may rise , and what it cuts off from ordinary discourses . the most necessary thing , would be to shew the different characters of the several pieces of poetry : as what is an ode , what an hymn , an elegy , an eclogue , and so of others ; describing them according to the model of the ancients , principally the greeks ; and shewing how we may imitate them . as for the rules of versifying , this is a business but of a few lessons ; exercise alone will make it easie . i do not here speak of latin verses ; if any of them be made , it should be , rather as an exercise of grammar , for knowing the quantity , and having choice of words for composing : and yet , i know not , whether this profit would balance the trouble , which the scholar would find in learning to make these latin verses . but they , who would pretend to poetry should exercise themselves in their own language , and write for their own nation . to conclude , i will not say , that poetry is an useless knowledge to all those who are not born poets , or do not intend to exercise this talent . 't is fit , that the greatest part of well-bred men should be able to judge of poetry , by true principles ; and to this purpose , that they should know the characters of the several compositions , and the examples of the ancients . but i cannot perswade my self to put this study into the number of those which are the most useful , of which i have already spoken . i only place it in the rank of laudable curiosities , which i am now about to enumerate . as the first therefore of these curiosities i reckon poetry in theory , and the reading of the ancient poets . not but that a man , if he knows them well , may profit thereby , especially by the greeks : but to read them with pleasure , a man should so well know their language , their mythology and their manners ; 〈◊〉 that the profit or the pleasure which would come thereby , seems to me not worth all this toil : considering , that there are so many things besides , that are necessary to be known . to poetry , i joyn musick : i do not mean only the exercise of singing , and the rules for managing the voice , but the art and principles of these rules . with these also i joyn painting , designing , and all the arts which depend thereon . i put also , amongst the number of curious studies , all those parts of mathematicks , which go beyond the elements of arithmetick and geometry . herein i count perspective , opticks , astronomy , the theory of the planets : exactness in chronology : the inquiry after antiquities , as medals and inscriptions : the reading of travels : the study of languages : for , excepting latin , the rest may be rank'd amongst the curiosities . not but that the greek may be very useful to all , who desire to be well skill'd in philology , principally to clergy-men . the italian , and the spanish are so nearly ally'd to the french ; that , as little as our genius lies towards languages , we ought not to neglect them . as for other strange languages , as the english and german ; there is nothing but particular profit which can countervail the difficulty of learning them . but the most dangerous curiosity of this kind , is that of the oriental languages . it flatters our vanity , as being singular , and having something prodigious in it . besides it denotes a profound learning , because these languages are not ordinarily learn'd , but after those which are more common . but in truth , its usefulness is not so great as to pay for the time and trouble which it costs . as whole nations reap advantage from the courage and curiosity of some few travellers , who have discovered the most remote countries ; and from the industry of the merchants who daily trafick therein : so 't is sufficient , that some few of the curious , by their translations and extracts , should let us know the books of the arabians , persians , and other orientals . curiosity goes much beyond the extent of the memory , or even of life it self ; and amongst the curious themselves , it is to be wish'd , that each of them would limit himself to one language , that he might know it well ; or , at most to two or three , which have a great connexion betwixt one another ; rather than to have an imperfect knowledge of a great number of them . i except the hebrew language , in respect to the holy scripture , which 't is hard well to understand , without having some tincture thereof : and i account it very advantageous to the church , that there are always several clergy-men , who understand it ; if it was for no other reason but to silence the hereticks , who think to fortifie themselves thereby , and to labour in the conversion of the jews , in those countries where they are . but , excepting the necessity of this controversie , i would not oblige my self to read many rabbins . there is more to be lost than gotten by this study . let us not suffer our selves to be deceived by the vanity , of knowing that , which all others are ignorant of ; let us consider what use it is really of . if there should be any thing useful in the rabbins , it would be the matters of fact , and traditions of their ancient customs of their nation : but they are , for the most part so modern , that 't is very difficult to believe , that they have preserved these traditions . there are scarce any of them older than five hundred years ; so that though the talmud should have been written but a thousand years ago , there would still be five hundred years , wherein these traditions must have been preserved without writing : a thing which is scarce probable . the time and the style of their books , seem to shew that they writ only in emulation of the mahometans . nevertheless , if any one have so much inclination for this kind of study , as to give himself wholly up to it ; i would have him to confine himself chiefly to the talmud , where he will doubtless find their most ancient and profitable traditions , for the knowledge of the manners of the jews ; principally after their return out of captivity , to their intire dispersion under the romans . but this labour is too painful , and unpleasant to invite many men to undertake it . another curious study , which yet may be very useful , is the theory of the different trades and manufactures . in this rank also , i place the knowledge of plants , not only such as are useful , but of all that has been said of them , and likewise of animals , and all natural history , proportionably : the experiments of chymistry , or of other arts , whereby new secrets have been discovered : the different systems which the philosophers have invented , for the explaining the effects of nature : that is to say , in a word , all physicks , or natural philosophy . i call all this curiosity : it is better to be busied therein , than to be idle , or devote ones self to play : but a man ought to be very cautious on the other hand , that he doth not so deliver himself up to curiosities , as to quit the essential duties of life ; as to neglect business and more useful studies , though less pleasant ; as to deprive himself of bodily exercise , which preserves his health , or of necessary diversion for unbending the mind , and putting it into a condition of applying it self to more useful things . it is this passion of curiosity , which doth most harm to learned men ; though otherwise it often conduces to the carrying on certain pieces of knowledge , very far . but for this end , 't is sufficient , that some private men suffer themselves to be transported with this passion . i put a great deal of difference betwixt those curiosities which are laudable and good in themselves , and those studies which are bad , or altogether useless . i had rather a man should do nothing , than seek after the philosopher's stone : i had rather he should be ignorant , than know the great , or the little art of raymund lully ; which makes a man to know nothing truly , and yet to believe that he knows every thing , because he knows the alphabets , and tables , wherein , under certain words , and figures , are placed notions , so general , which none can be ignorant of , even without study ; and which also lead to nothing . in this rank likewise , i place every thing that deceives , under the name of philosophy : the physicks which give a man no knowledge of nature : the metaphysicks , which doth not at all conduce to the inlightening the mind , and do not lay down the great and fundamental principles of the sciences . judiciary astrology is still more despicable than bad philosophy , seeing it has less appearance of reason : and it is much more dangerous , because its design is to know what is to come ; and engages men , who give credit to it , to guide their lives by deceitful lights ; notwithstanding the express prohibitions of the law of god , which condemns , in general , all sorts of divination , and particularly , the fear of the signs of heaven . nevertheless , there are but too many , who suffer themselves to be bewitch'd with it ; and perhaps the prohibition contributes thereunto : for they are not men of the best understanding , nor the honestest , who amuse themselves therewith . 't is true , it is not criminal , when 't is restrain'd to the prediction of the changes of weather , and all that depends upon the motion of matter : but even in this , 't is false , and impertinent ; since it reasons upon fanciful principles , and which have no foundation in reason , or experience ; nor any connexion with the consequences drawn from them . of this kind also , is chiromancy , which foretells , i know not what , by the lines within the hand ; and i do not understand , why as great mysteries may not be discovered by those of the foot ; unless it be only because they cannot be so conveniently look'd upon . these are the reliques of ancient superstitions ; for all the divination of the heathens was of this nature . they observed the divers motions of the flame ascending upon the altar ; which they called pyromantie : they considered the conformation and situation of the extrails of their sacrifices ; and this was the art of their aruspices : the augurs observed the flying of birds , their singing , their manner of eating : other deviners made their predictions from prodigies ; whether they were really so in nature ; or whether they made those appearances to be esteemed as such , which had nothing in them extraordinary ; for superstition made men fearful of every thing . if one had met a black dog , or found a serpent , or if his stockings were wrong put on , and a thousand other accidents , to which we should scarce believe they had any regard , if the books of the ancients did not shew the truth of these things ; and if we did not still see some reliques of them . there were some who explained dreams ; others , who distinguished lucky and unlucky days . and abundance of people lived upon this trade of divining ; there were an infinite number of books about it ; it was a very long and difficult study . for since it was founded only upon the opinion of men , and upon pretended experiences ; it could have nothing certain . and this art of divination was supported , as other parts of idolatry , by the respect men had for antiquity ; for it was very ancient in the world. the romans and the greeks had it from the egyptians , chaldeans , and other orientals ; and it was authorized by religion . christianity had brought it altogether into contempt ; but the mahometans , and the jews , have , with great diligence , collected all that remained of it , both in books , and in the memories of men. they are , at this day , still much addicted to it , and the indian idolaters much more . amongst christian nations , those give most credit to these impostures , who are the least improved in good learning , for nothing is so proper to disabuse them herein , as the study of natural philosophy , and true astronomy . amongst pernicious studies we may further reckon all that which is called magick , even that which is termed natural ; which is made to consist in sympathies , and relations , betwixt certain numbers , and figures , and natural bodies ; betwixt the stars and metals , or plants , or the parts of human bodies : in a word , in all the rêveries of the cabbala . i account it also unworthy of a well-bred man to learn the tricks of leger-de-main , or to perform all those feats of activity , which make mountebanks so much admired . to do them well , a man must be very much exercised in them ; and the pleasure which may be taken in them , can never countervail the time spent in learning them . i should say the same of all sedentary games , which require so much attention , that after having play'd a while , the head is discomposed therewith : for those , methinks , are strange kind of divertisements , which make those who use them , to stand in need of being diverted afterwards . the glory of playing well at chess , is not , in my opinion , worth the pains ; which being well imployed , might acquire some solid knowledge , and if they , who have parts and leisure , would bestow upon some kind of study , which they like , some of that great deal of time , which must be thrown away upon games , to know them perfectly , they would receive more benefit , and probably , no less pleasure also . the ancient greeks and romans , lived pleasantly , though they played much less , and allowed more time to conversation , and reading . but custom has prevailed , and men now game for interest , rather than pleasure . having run through all the studies , which we should apply our selves unto in the time of youth , before we be determined unto any profession ; i think it necessary to observe , in what age i would have them placed ; and how they may be carry'd on all the time , from the most tender infancy , till men enter into the world , and into business . first , there should always be several studies going on at the same time . i have signify'd this , in several passages of this discourse , as when i say , that morality , logick , history , oeconomicks , should begin as soon as a child is capable to understand what is said to him ; though according to the different ages , very different methods should be observed therein . the same proportionably i have spoken of grammar , arithmetick , law , and of rhetorick ; and it should be understood of other studies , and bodily exercises , which are to be performed at the same time . and if any one wonder hereat , i desire him to consider , that children act , at the same time , by body and soul , and by the divers faculties of the soul , which are to be cultivated by these different studies . they exercise all at once , the will , the reason , the memory , the imagination . if their studies be separated , 't is to be feared , that their manners may be corrupted , whilst their memory is improving ; and that , whilst they are wholly busied in learning a language , their reasoning may go astray . it will be too later to recover it again , when ill habits shall be formed . besides , variety , more especially in this age , doth please : children study more willingly four different things in two hours , than one only in one hour . one study is a diversion to another , and the more different they are , the less fear there is of confounding them . to come now to the distinction of ages , and to lay down more distinctly , what hitherto i intended to say , i should desire , that an infant should be taken care of , as soon as he begins to understand and speak , which i reckon is when he is about three years old . till six , i should permit him to divert himself , and freely to look about him , presenting , as much as possible , those objects to him , which may be for instruction ; relating to him histories , answering his questions , and speaking before him ( as seeming to have no design ) that which may be useful to him ; yet so , that he might be able to understand it . i would not , at this age , oblige him to say any lesson , or get any thing by heart , but the creed , the lord's prayer , and some other prayers . a father , or a mother , careful of their duty , assisted by discreet and affectionate servants , may give him these first instructions . at six years he may have a master , who may begin gently to require something of him more regularly . he may recount to him some history , especially such as relate to religion : teach him the catechism , to fix in him the doctrin ( of which he discourses to him more largely ) and also to write , and read. at the same time , what he at first began to instruct him in , must be continued with more diligence than before ; rehearsing to him a great many matters of fact ; naming many famous persons ; letting them see pictures , and geographical maps ; and , occasionally , explaining to them that which relates to house-keeping , husbandry , and arts. in these first years great care should be taken to draw on children by pleasure . at nine or ten years they may be kept in more awe , and more severely used , if there be need . this is also the time , wherein he should be instructed in the more troublesom studies ; as grammar , compositions in french , the languages ( according to that profession which it may be reasonably foreseen the child will take to ) the latin , greek , german . it is good to begin them in this age , from eight or nine to twelve . this also is the time to learn the most simple operations of arithmetick , and geometry , to regulate history by chronology and geography . at twelve years old , it will be time to form the judgment , and to guide reason by logick , accustoming the youth to define and divide well , and to make reflections upon his thoughts . this is also the time to teach him the demonstrations of geometry , and other parts of mathematicks which he ought to know . moreover , he should be brought to read much , and to exercise his judgment upon authours : then also , or sooner , if it may be , the terms , and principal maxims of the law should be begun to be explained to him . at fifteen years , if you be not hastened , it will be soon enough to teach him rhetorick ; though you may try the genius of your scholar before , by several little compositions , by exercising him in grammar , and causing him to epitomize the histories which he is most concern'd to know the best : they will certainly improve his style . in these last years of studies he should also learn that more exactly , which , as yet , he has only rudely cut out ; as law , and policy , if his condition require it : and morality , which , if possible , he should throughly understand , even to the first principles thereof . to this time also those studies may be reserved , which have more of curiosity in them , as poetry , physicks ( or natural philosophy ) astronomy : that so more or less of them may be imparted to him , according to his leisure and inclination . this seems to me to be the most convenient way of managing studies according to different ages . i am sensible , that 't is impossible to prescribe any one , which agrees to all children ; and that there may be very great differences herein , from the differences of minds , which advance more , or less ; of conditions , which afford more or less leisure , and require more , or less study ; lastly of health , and the occurrences of life . yet i thought it would not be altogether useless to mark out this rude draught , according to which , very nearly , measures may be taken in this matter . it is further necessary to explain my self concerning the studies of persons of the other sex , of which i have said something in several places . it will doubtless be accounted a great paradox , to say , that they ought to learn any thing but their catechism , sowing , and several little matters ; to sing , dance , and dress themselves according to the fashion ; to make a curt'sy well , and speak civilly : for this is all , wherein their education is , ordinarily , thought to consist . 't is true , they have no need of the most parts of knowledge , which , at present , go under the name of studies : neither latin , nor greek , nor rhetorick , nor the college-philosophy are proper for them : and , if some of the more curious of them have learnt them , they commonly drew nothing from them but vanity ; which render'd them odious to other women , and despised by men. whence , as from certain experience , it has been concluded , that women were not capable of studies : as if their souls were of another kind , than those of men ; as if they had not , as well as we , a reason to direct , a will to govern , passions to strive against , health to preserve , and goods to take care of ; or , as if it was more easie for them , than us , to discharge all these duties , without learning any thing . 't is true , that women have usually less attention , and less patience for reasoning consequentially , less courage ▪ and resolution than men : and that the constitution of their bodies contributes something to this disparity , though doubtless their ill education doth more . but , for a balance , they have more quickness of mind , and penetration ; more sweetness , and modesty : and , if they be not design'd for such considerable imployments as men are , they have , upon this , and other accounts also , much more leisure , which degenerates into a great corruption of manners , if it be not imploy'd in some study . and we have particular reason in france , to desire that women should be knowing , and reasonable ; and that is the credit and respect which they have amongst us . that which causes several very polite men , to reason little , and speak with little coherence , is , because they turn their studies into raillery , and make profession of ignorance : and this , because , being form'd in the conversation of women , they retain the impressions thereof : whereas , on the contrary , amongst the ancients , with whom learning and reasoning were in honour , the women were more learned , and yet nevertheless not so much regarded . to see what studies may be useful to women , i think the surest way is to run over all those i have already explained . first then , they ought not to be over-ignorant in religion , nor too knowing therein . since they are ordinarily inclin'd to devotion ; if they be not well-instructed , they may easily become superstitious . it is therefore of great importance for them early to understand religion , to be as solid , great , and serious as it really is in it self . but if they be learned therein , 't is to be feared , that they may become dogmatical , and embrace new opinions , when they shall find opportunity for it . it is enough therefore to teach them the common doctrines , without entring into theological disputes ; and to take the most pains in instructing them in morality ; inspiring into them those vertues which most belong to them , as sweetness , modesty , submission , love of retirement , and humility ; and those to which their temper is most opposite ; as courage , resolution , and patience . for the mind , they should soon be exercised in thinking coherently , and reasoning solidly , upon the most ordinary subjects which be of use to them ; teaching them what is most essential in logick , without choaking them with great words , which may only fill them with vanity . for the body , there is scarce any exercise proper for them , but walking : but all the precepts of health which i have given , appertain unto them ; and , indeed , they have the most need of them , since they are more subject to indulge themselves in this matter , and to draw respect from their distempers and weaknesses . the health and vigour of women concern all the world ; seeing they are mothers of boys as well as girls . it would be well also for them to know the most easie remedies of ordinary distempers : for they are very fit to prepare them in houses , and to take care of the sick. grammar , as to them , consists onely in reading , and writing , and composing correctly in french a letter , memoir , or any other piece suitable to them . practical arithmetick is sufficient for them ; and it is no less necessary for them than men ; and also they have need of oeconomicks , since they are design'd more to intend the affairs within doors , at least more particularly : accordingly they are careful enough to instruct themselves in domestick management . but , 't is to be wisht , that , together with this skill , was joyned a little more reason and reflection , for the curing of two evils ; littleness of spirit , and covetousness , so incident to the managing women ; and on the other side , affectation and disdain in those who pretend to the spirit of wit. to this end , it would be very useful , to make them comprehend betimes , that the most honourable imployment of a woman is , the care of all within doors ; provided that she do not value her self too much upon that , which onely tends to her interest , and that she know how to put every thing into its proper place . tho' matters without doors chiefly relate unto the men , yet 't is impossible but that often the women must have part therein ; and sometimes they find themselves altogether charged therewith ; as when they become widows . it is therefore further necessary to teach them some skill in law ; that is , so much as i have recommended to all persons of any condition . they should understand the common terms of business , and the great maxims ; in a word , they should be capable to go to council , and take advice . and this instruction is the more necessary in france , because women are not under guardianship ; and may have great possessions , of which they are absolute mistrisses . they may omit all the other studies : latin , and other languages , history , mathematicks , poetry , and all [ other ] curiosities . they are not design'd for those imployments which make these studies either necessary , or useful to them ; and several of them would only make them instruments of vanity . nevertheless , 't is better they should spend their vacant hours in them , than in reading romances , in gaming , or speaking of their petticoats , gowns , and their ribbons . i think i have sufficiently explain'd all the studies which are to be taught to youth ; and all which belong to all sorts of persons of both sexes : at present i speak of those , which are particular to men of divers professions , referring all to the three principal , the church , the sword , and the gown . a clergy-man is design'd to instruct others , concerning religion , and to perswade them to vertue . therefore he should know three things ; the mysteries of faith , morality , and the manner of teaching them . his principal study should be the holy scripture . let him begin to read it from his infancy ; and continue this reading so constantly all his life , that every sacred text may be extreamly familiar unto him ; and that there may be no place which he cannot quickly recollect . though he should learn it all by heart , he would do no more than what was very common , in the first ages of the church , even in lay-men . this constant reading of the scripture will serve as a good commentary , provided , that at first you shall onely seek after the litteral sense ( which will offer it self naturally to your mind ) without stopping at difficulties . you will always find therein clear truths enough for your edification , and that of others . after having read all the holy scripture with attention , one chapter after another , without skipping over any thing ; when you shall come to read it again , a great part of your difficulties will vanish . they will grow still less at a third reading ; and the more you shall read it , the more clear will it be to you ; provided , that you shall read it with respect , and submission , considering that it is god himself who speaks . the historical catechism may facilitate the reading of holy scripture in beginners ; helping them to discern which are the most considerable passages , and ought to be most meditated upon . the treatise concerning the manners of the israelites , is as a general commentary , which removes several literal difficulties . as for the spiritual sense of scripture it must be soberly sought after ; chiefly relying upon that which is observed in scripture it self : and afterwards that which we learn by tradition , i mean , by the most uniform , and ancient traditions of the fathers . a clergy-man ought to avoid the two extremes , of studying too much , and too little . there are several who think that they have nothing more to do after the office , and the mass , if they have no benefice with cure of souls ; and if they have , they believe they have done all that is required , by performing the most urgent duties . but we ought not to be at rest , as long as there shall be ignorant persons to be instructed , and sinners to be converted . they therefore who have no great natural parts , nor great conveniencies for studying , who want books , and masters ( as in the country , and far distant provinces ) should make it their business to know the essential and common things : to catechize ; which is not such an easie office , as several suppose , but the most important of all , seeing it is the foundation of religion : to make publications of holy-days , &c. and familiar exhortations , accommodated to the capacity of the auditours : to hear confessions , and give wholsom advice . a vertuous and zealous priest may do all this , without reading any thing but the holy scripture , the catechism , the council , the instructions of his ritual , some sermons of st. augustin , or other moral book of some of the fathers , which shall happen to fall into his hands . this is that which may be said to be necessary , in the matter of ecclesiastical studies . they who are at leisure , and have books , and other conveniencies of studying , ought to guard themselves against curiosity . the best preservative , in my opinion , is , early to consider the full extent of our profession , and all the knowledge it requires . an accomplish'd clergy-man should be able to prove religion to libertines and infidels ; and consequently ought to be very well skill'd in logick and metaphysick , ( such as i have represented them ) that he may be able to demonstrate , by solid reasons , that every man of good sense , ought to submit himself to the authority of the catholick church . he should also be capable to defend religion against the hereticks ; and for this end to know the positive proofs of our belief , drawn from the scripture , the councils , or the fathers . he should know ecclesiastical history , the canon-law , not onely the practical , beneficial , and that which is curious in the ancient canons , but also the true rules of ecclesiastical discipline ( upon which all that is practical is founded ) and how that which is not practised has been abolished . he should know christian morality in all its extent ; not contenting himself only with the decisions of modern casuists , concerning what is sin , and what is not : but he should proceed further , and see how the fathers have judged thereof , and also be acquainted with their method of teaching vertue , and guiding souls to perfection . this is what we will find in cassian , and the monastick rules . a great esteem ought to be had of these works , which are the product of so many holy experiences . lastly , he should know the ceremonies of the publick office , the administration of the sacraments ; the practice of all ecclesiastical functions : but this study consists , not so much in reading of books , as in the observation of living tradition . when once he has the great principles of scripture , and the fathers , he will be much instructed by seeing the labours of others , and by labouring himself together with them . seeing that a clergyman is designed to instruct others , it is not enough for him to know all that i have mentioned : he must also know how to speak , and perswade . he therefore stands in need of that sort of logick , and that solid eloquence i have spoken of . for let us not deceive our selves , a man without gifts is not proper for the ministry of the church . a good priest is not onely a man who prays unto god , and leads an innocent life ; such an one , at most , is no more than a good monk. he is a priest to assist others ; and , as he is not accounted a good physician who doth not heal a great many diseases , neither is he to be called a good priest , who doth not convert a great many sinners . i do not say , that none ought to be made priests , but such as have a florid imagination , an happy memory , a pleasant voice , and such like qualities , which usually make preachers famous : but i should desire , that there were not any , who have not a solid judgment , and a right way of reasoning ; who should not know how to instruct , both in publick and in private ; with all the sweetness and authority which the difference of subjects and persons do require : in a word , who should not have some ray of that apostolick eloquence , the perfect model of which we have in st. paul. a clergy-man , unto whom so many pieces of knowledge are necessary , should not lose his time in prophane studies , or useless curiosities . he should also use great choice in the studies appertaining to his profession : let him not bestow too much time upon those large commentaries on scripture , the sight of which alone , is enough to terrifie , by the bigness and multitude of the volumes ; and to make one despair of ever understanding the text : let him not amuse himself with useless speculations , and the vain wranglings of the school-men : let him not suffer himself to be transported too far with the humour of criticizing upon matters of fact , and inquiring too curiously into ecclesiastical antiquities : for there are all these rocks to be avoided , even in the studies which belong unto him . he ought always to remember , that the christian religion is not an humane art , or science , wherein every one is permitted to seek , and invent : that his business is onely to collect , and faithfully preserve the tradition of the church . he should meditate attentively upon those rules which st. paul gives to timothy and titus , against curious questions ; that he may avoid vain disputes and referr all to charity . thus he will fix his mind on those studies which are necessary , and which relate the most to practice . for a clergy-man should not be a professedly learned man ; who spends all his life in his closet , in studying and composing books . he is to be a man of action , and , above all , of prayer . these are the two parts of the apostolick life , prayer and ministry of the word . he should therefore , every day , spend a considerable time in conversing with god ; for the cleansing himself from those spots which he has contracted by action , and intercourse with men ; for representing unto him , his own needs , and those of the whole church . we ought to give unto our neighbour all that assistance which we owe unto him , according to the place we have in the church , and the particular occasions which charity shall present . study is to be the business of our youth , and , in the rest of our lives , only our rest and diversion , usefully to fill up the intervals of action . when you shall find your self tired by visiting the sick , or the poor ; by the administration of sacraments , or instruction ; when you shall perceive you voice weakened , your breast heated , you 'll find a great pleasure in reading some good passage of the fathers , or ecclesiastical history ; in meditating calmly upon some place of scripture , or in hearing the conversation of a learned and pious friend . these are the divertisements proper for clergy-men . we now come to the sword-men . these are the men who ordinarily study the least : and yet there are two reasons of studying , which are peculiar to them . a man , who is naturally brave , fierce , and inclin'd to courageous actions ; whose birth or imploy heightens his courage ; who has his arms in his hand , and men under him , ready to obey , without asking a reason : this man is in a capacity of exercising all sorts of violence ; and if he be wicked , or only passionate and humoursome , he is insufferable to all the rest of mankind . he is a lyon let loose ; he is an armed madman . it is therefore of great moment , that they , whose inclination , and profession , do put them into so dangerous a condition , should have a great deal of reason and power over themselves ; to the end that they may use their courage and strength only for the publick good , and against the enemies of the state. it would be better that the house should not be guarded at all , than that it should be kept by dogs , who , without distinction , should fall upon those who belong to the house , as well as upon the thieves . the other reason is , the great idleness which usually attends a soldiers life . he knows not what to do , when in garrison in winter quarters , in a place where he must stay any time , when his wounds are under cure , and oblige him to think of them for a while . happy then is he , if he have a book , and can take pleasure in reading . further , i doubt not but that many more soldiers would love study , if they knew , or did consider , that alexander and caesar were very learned ; and that ignorance joyned to valour , never produced any other than brutal conquerours , and destroyers of mankind ; as the turks and tartars . now the studies which seem to me most proper for sword-men , are these ; amongst the tongues , the latin ; yet rather , for the conveniency of travel , than for reading . and , upon this account , they should be able to speak it , if not elegantly , yet at least fluently . with this tongue a man may travel all over the north ; it supplying the place of several others . nevertheless 't is very fit they should know the german tongue ; and the sooner they learn it , 't will be the better . when they shall be once well acquainted with the latin , they 'll easily learn italian and spanish . thus in what country soever they may have been born , they will understand the neighbouring-languages , which are the most necessary . they should know a great many histories : the ancient , to see therein the examples of great captains , greek and roman ; to know as particularly as may be , that military discipline , and that art of war , which made them so strong above other men. the modern history will give them a knowledge of the present state of affairs , and their original ; the right of the prince whom they serve , and the interests of other soveraigns . geography also is very necessary for them ; and , as for the countries , especially where they make war , they cannot know them too particularly , nor have a too exact topography of them . as to the mathematicks , they chiefly need arithmetick , geometry and mechanicks : for knowing these well , they 'll easily apprehend the practice of fortifications ; and all that either books or masters use to teach concerning the art of war. but there is one study which sword-men seldom undertake , and which yet , to me , seems very necessary , at least to those who are in command ; and that is , the policy and law of war. i mean , that they should know the jus belli , or right of war , in all its extent : as , what are the lawful causes thereof ; what formalities ought to be observed for the beginning of it ; how far acts of hostility should proceed ; what places and persons are exempt therefrom ; in a word , all that which respects this part of publick right , the execution of which is committed to them . they should be well-inform'd of the edicts of their prince , and the particular regulations for the subsistence and discipline of the troops ; and , above all , they should know the rules of those severe judgments which must be executed against desertion , and other military crimes . the rest of the art of war , which is the most essential part of it , cannot be learn'd by books , or lectures ; for it depends upon the exercise of body , upon conversation with persons , experienced in the trade ; and upon the actual service of him , who would be instructed therein . but if he be well educated , if he be early accustomed to seek after what is real and solid in all things ; to make reflection upon every thing he sees ; and put useful questions to all sorts of people ; he 'll know more of it in two campaigns , than others in ten. war is a more serious mystery than young men , who ingage in it , do represent it to themselves ; who , very often seek nothing else thereby , but libertinism and pleasure . to conclude , the better born he is , who is instructed therein , the more extensive ought his knowledge to be . he who is likely to be no more than a simple officer , or to command only particular parties , should be much better acquainted with little particularities , and much less with general things ; than he , who probably , will one day , govern provinces , or command armies . and this rule is common to all professions . the higher a man is brought up , the more objects his sight takes in at a time , to see their order in general ; but he is less concern'd to know every object exactly , than another man who is near it , and sees but one such at a time . the men of the gown , have truly , more need of learning , than the sword-men ; but yet they ought not to burthen themselves with it over much . they are design'd for business , and are to study , only to make themselves capable thereof . they are therefore to avoid that studious spirit ( opposite to the spirit of business ) which only hunts after the pleasure of knowing , or the glory of being reputed learned . they are to inquire after the middle , betwixt the scholastical knowledge of the law-doctors , and the gross ignorance of the meer practitioners . for these are ( as i may say ) two nations altogether different . the doctors ordinarily are concern'd to know how to supply antinomies and solutions for the reception of an officer , or for any other dispute : to understand the laws of the code and the digest , which are most remarkable for their difficulty , or else to give a new explication of them : to restore some passage : to explain a difficult word : to discover in some author of humanity , some piece of antiquity , or law : to reduce the law into order , by new divisions : to find out some singular method . in the mean time , they do not apply themselves enough to the custom of france : it has been observed that cujacias himself was very ignorant in business . on the other side , the practitioners know nothing , but the retail of that which they practise ; without ascending higher than twenty or thirty years , they may have spent in business ; and without looking further than the jurisdiction under which they practise ; without knowing the original , or reason of any thing . they only say , this is done , and this is not done ; not knowing again that which has changed its name . they understand , neither how to put things together , to divide , nor place them in order . in a word , they work like artisans , who for their art , have nothing to alledge , but the example of their master . to this ignorance of practitioners , we owe the style of the law-proceedings in matters of bargain and sale , of royal letters , of the edicts themselves , and customs which are for the most part digested with so little method and perspicuity . but the greatest evil which comes from thence , is the wrangling and confusion in business . the study therefore of lawyers , has for its end , the furnishing them with the great principles of the most ordinary matters of business ; and inlightening their minds , that they may treat of these matters ( naturally so entangled and obscure ) with order and distinctness . so that the gentlemen of the robe have great need of logick , that they may know how to divide , and define well ; not according to mathematical exactness , but so far as may be useful to the better carrying on of business . they have need of arithmetick , oeconomicks , and a great knowledge of all the particulars of life , of the management of country affairs , of trade , of the bank , and all the ways of subsisting , and growing rich. for most business is decided , rather by way of fact than right . and upon this account , they should be early accustomed to be diligent , patient , and laborious but , above all , they should have the knowledge of civil law. and this knowledge contains both the general principles of natural equity , which are chiefly to be sought for , in the books of the roman law ; and the positive rules of our particular law , which they will find in the edicts , and in the customs . nevertheless , there are a great number of maxims , which they cannot learn but by use . let them , by all means , apply themselves to the reading of the texts , whether of the roman or our french law ; seeing the texts only are the solid proofs in matters contested . but let them not neglect the reading of commentaries , in questions which they have leisure to study to the bottom : there they will often find good hints , provided they shall know how to use them with judgment . since the knowledge of law is the most proper to their profession , they ought not to neglect any part of it , no , not so much as to be ignorant of ( if possible ) any particularity of law-proceedings . 't would be well also for them to know history , so far , as it relates to the law : that is , they should take notice of the different laws and maxims , which have obtained in our country in different times . they ought to go further , if they be judges , and preferr'd to great places . it would well become them to ascend to the very fountains of the law , and examine the reasons thereof by the principles of true morality , and policy . in a word , though they are only obliged to execute the laws ; yet 't is adviseable that they should be capable to be legislatours . lastly , eloquence is very useful , not only to advocates , but to judges , and all those who are to speak of business : i mean that solid eloquence , of which i have so often spoken . — these are the studies which i esteem most necessary and useful , to all men in general , and to those of each profession in particular . finis . books printed for , and sold by richard sare , and jo. hindmarsh . fables of aesop , and other eminent mythologists , with morals and reflections . by sir roger l' estrange , in folio . the genuine epistles of st. barnabas , st. ignatius , st. clement , st. polycarp , the shepherd of hermas , and the martyrdom of st. ignatius , and st. polycarp , translated from the greek : by w. wake , d. d. in octavo . seneca's morals , by way of abstract , in octavo . erasmus colloquies , in octavo . tullies offices , english , in twelves . bona 's guide to eternity . the four last . by sir roger l' estrange . compleat sets consisting of eight volomes of letters , writ by a turkish spye , who lived forty five years undiscovered at paris , giving an impartial account to the divan at constantinople , of the most remarkable transactions of europe , during the said time , in twelves . humane prudence , or the art , by which a man may raise himself and fortune to grandeur , the sixth edition , in twelves . moral maxims , and reflections in four parts ; written in french by the duke of rochefoucault , now made english , in twelves . epictetus his morals , with simplicius his comment , made english from the greek , by george stanhope , late fellow of kings college in cambridge . the parsons councellor , or the law of tythes , the fifth edition , very much enlarged : by sir simon degge , in octavo . of the art both of writing and judging of history , with reflections upon ancient as well as modern historians : by the learned and ingenious eather le moyue . the moral history of frugality : by sir george mackenzie , in octavo . reasons , and essay : by sir george mackenzie . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the doctrine of a god and providence , vindicated and asserted ; by thomas gregory m. a. late of wadham college in oxford , and now lecturer of fulham near london , in octavo . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e the design of this treatise . the studies of the greeks . arist . pol. l. . c. . plato leg. lib. . p. . plat. rep. l. m. aristoph . de nub . cic. acad. quaest . . c. . the studies of the romans . sueton. de illustr . gramm . sub initio . lucret. plato rep. ii.iii. cic. de orat. . c. . cic. de opt . gen . orat. cato . aeschin . in cteseph . cic. pro mur. horat. ep . l. . . gellius . xv . c. . suet. de illustr . gram . & clar . rhetor. initio . cic. de orator . l. . initio . vid. dial. de corrupt . eloq . juven . sat. . the studies of the christians . tert. de idol . c. . &c. august . ep . . ad memor . ep. . ad . diosc . tertul. de idol . c. . ep. ad diosc . greg. orat. . thomass . disc . . p. l. . c. , , , &c. maeurs des christiens n. . the studies of the franks . moeurs christiens . n. . the studies of the arabians . the studies of the schoolmen , or those which were scholastick . perr . euchar . c. m. c. . v. hist . de droit franc. vniversities and their four faculties . theologal . decretal . the faculty of the acts. arist . ret. . medicks . or physick . s. tho. . . q. . art . ad . & . civil and canon law. v. glos . in c. . extra de summar . in verb. diabolus . item in institut . de jure nat . &c. s. , , . divinity . the restoration of humanity . v. epist . obscur . vir . erasm . ep. ad nov . germ. an . . hist . eccles . de beze , initio . of the choice of studies . mat. xviii . . the way and method to give attention . the division of studies . civility and good breeding . logick and metaphysick . that men ought to have a care of their bodies . tim. iv . . cor. ix . . paedag. ●● iii. c. . men ought not to study meerly for interest . grammar . arithmetick . oeconomicks . eccl. xl . . . civil law or jurisprudence . fee , quit-rent , inheritance , purchase , to quit , to warrant . policy . languages , latin , &c. gell. lib. . c. . . c. . vid. gell. l. . c. . history . gen. . . natural history . geometry . rhetorick . sueton in jul. . vid. plat. gorg. august . doct. christian . l. iii. c. , , &c. doct. christian . l. c. . aristot . rhetor. l. . initio . poetry . curious studies . vseless studies . deut. xviii . . jer. x. . theophrast . charact . superst . terent. phorm . act. iv. sc . . the order of studies according to several ages . the studies of women . studies of clergy-men . tim. . . . — . tim. . . &c. tit. . , , &c. , , . act. . . the studies of sword-men . plato . rep. . the studies of the men of the robe . cujas . an humble motion to the parliament of england concerning the advancement of learning, and reformation of the universities by j.h. hall, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing h ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an humble motion to the parliament of england concerning the advancement of learning, and reformation of the universities by j.h. hall, john, - . [ ], p. printed for john walker ..., london : . attributed to john hall. cf. bm. reproduction of original in british library. eng education. a r (wing h ). civilwar no an humble motion to the parliament of england concerning the advancement of learning: and reformation of the universities. by j.h. hall, john f the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the f category of texts with or more defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an humble motion to the parliament of england concerning the advancement of learning : and reformation of the universities . by j. h. london , printed for john walker , at the starre in popes-head-alley . mdc il. to the parliament . it hath been the usuall method of that eternall wisdome in the pursuance of any of his high designes , to render his instruments , while they continued faithfully usefull , full of honour and successe : but when they once began either to stand still , or look back ; to decline that honour which he had formerly cast upon them , and to wrap it up in a cloud of forgetfulnesse and misery ; and then raise up such other means , which though to the eye of reason they might appeare contemptible , should carry on his great worke to a just period , and make a full assertion of his glory , in despite of all the wicked cunning and resolution of men and the deepest theorems of contrary policy . that this assertion is neither vain nor new , i need not call in the aids of any remoter histories , if i appeale from the walls where you now sit in counsell , to the eyes wherewith you now see , you will finde as strange and as noble an assertion of this thesis , as was ever beheld by any age or nation . for whereas at first you met together by the conduct of a strong providence ( which in spight of all opposition and backwardnesse of these times and powers assembled you together ) and begun more seriously and couragiously to weigh what a heavy trust lay upon your shoulders ; such of you who were early labourers , cannot but with joy remember through what pangs and throws you were delivered of the first attempt of freedome ; when that great bugbear of a continuall and shining power ( which though it endeavoured to seem a great light of it selfe , yet was onely an opake dense body , and had no other splendour but the reflection of yours ) hung back , nay was possessed against you , when some ill-behold on to their education had not shaken off those prejudices which commonly attend men that judge according to their first thoughts ; and others who could not but make a right judgement of things ▪ being either byassed by interest , or poysoned with hopes , grew cold toward you ; what a labour was it to make one head , ( which had it followed the law , might have as much obliged the nation as any whatsoever ) an oblation to a betrayed and oppressed people ? nay when that was done , and an army not of our owne nation , with excessive care and charge removed ; how were you encumbred by a violent and sturdy humour , which would not suffer you to make use of those little advantages of liberty which you had ●lready gained , but assayed to returne you under the ●ormer , if not a severer tyranny . but the counsels of men were abortive , and you were reserved for greater matters , that humour burst forth like an impostume , and went out from you , which had it continued within , and not professed open hostility , had been dangerous , if not fatall . but when you were ●●…ce left to your selves , you had power to act more vi●●rously , and by a happy antiperistasis to grow more intense ; so being closely united in the centre , you bravely brake through that stiffe circumference that beset you , and were made the masters of many happy and signall victories . yet those victories seemed notwithstanding to carry ●●ate with them ; for whereas your excessive lenity had permitted some of your conquered enemies to lodge amidst you , they scattered such a quicke and powerfull contagion among those whom you represent , and especially the chiefe city , that there were apparent symptomes of a relapse , which was shortly followed by such a dangerous sicknesse , that if you had not been miraculously aided with an almost immediate hand of providence , you had never overcome , and yet you suddenly , and ere your selves could imagine , wrastled out of it . but when your victories were redoubled with these successes , there wanted not some who sate in counsell ●mong you , who to say no worse , either durst not , or would not be couragious in following those opportunities wherewith providence courted you ; nay they to retarded you by cunning crosse debates , that your ●tter peace seemed far more dangerous to you , then ●ther of your former wars , you standing strugling with this oppressive humour , and not discovering any signs of motion , unlesse it were of retrogradation ; whilst you enabled your conquered enemy to give you what was already yours , and stroke you with such concessions , as you had far more reason to dread , then any of his former proclamations or menaces . but how soon were all these corrupt counsellours purged from among you , and dis-inabled for to disperse any of their infection ? whilst you being loosed from those charmes wherewith you before were maleficiat● ▪ began to act powerfully and smartly , and indeed performed more in a few months , then you had done before in twice as many yeares , or your ancestour● could doe in the double number of centuries . i mention this with no other designe , then for you● glory ( for you have cleared our liberties , and set them now on the right base , having by a transcendent comprehensive peece of justice , removed the common oppressour ) and also to tell you , that unlesse you doe no● also not rest here , but even run forward to the end o● that course to which the divine will shall by apparen● signes direct you , the worke will be taken out of you● hands and put into others , who finishing it with the li●● and constancy which you ought to have done , must expect that reward and honour which waited on you . i say not thus much that either i feare it in you , o● that i can gather any even remote causes of feare , b●● that i would from it say , that unlesse you doe absolutel● alter the complexion and temper of the commo● wealth , and endeavour to your utmost to provide the best means to preserve it in the best constitution fo● the future ; all that which you have hitherto done fo● us , will prove nothing , if not evill . now by what means this may be effected , i have nei●her vanity nor impudence enough to direct you , especially since you seem to the exactest judgement of man , ●o be as happy in re-erecting , as you were fortunate in ●●l●ing down , and to take such a course both in matters 〈…〉 e , civill , and military , as may , as much as possible 〈…〉 or render abortive all the machinations of future ●●●ch●efe , and avoid those errours and imperfections ●●ich cannot be exempted from humane lawes . but ●et ( as here you must bee acknowledged for res●●ing that liberty which warrants this freedome ) all ●●ese cares , which are so pious , so noble , so worthy of ●●ch lawgivers , will be found neither intense nor large ●●ough , if ye remit one grand consideration which must ●●●fuse it selfe through all , and knit them together ; ●ay bestow on them both form and vigour : the most effectualll advancement , i meane , not the bare permissive ●●opagation of learning . somewhat you have done in this kinde , but how ●uch to this purpose i cannot judge ; for besides that it ●●ached no further then politicall aimes , it removed ●any persons of a more thriving and consistent growth ● learning , then it either left there , or planted in their ●●eads ; it medled not at all with a view or reformation of ●●ose fundamental constitutions , on whose happy on ●●ak designations ▪ the interest and prosperity , the decay ●●d ruin of such litterary republicks principally depends , 〈…〉 we shall shortly finde opportunity to demonstrate . but the wishes of the most knowing and best men are 〈…〉 far above these ●●ender performances ; they professe ●nd i do but now make their sighings articulat ) that ●●e body of learning lyes scattered in as many peeces as ever medea cut her little brother into , and that they are as hard to finde and re-unite as his was . that there is no publick encouragement given to these gallant industries that endeavour to gather them up , and as much as may be , recompose them : that we seem insensible of that great genius which animates and conducts this present age , and therefore sleight the discovery of that in particular persons , who being many times big with heroick designes , perish for want of assistance in the delivery ; or in case they be delivered , are found to have wasted themselves in the production of a weak or abortive infant , which otherwise might have been strong and goodly : whereas men if they would but se● themselves to awaite and receive every glimpse and dawning of knowledge ( or at least cherish those that would doe so ) would finde it easie to bring it into a just and beautifull body , and make an happy inversion of that common saying , that our ancients were gyants and we are dwarfs . and whereas some of the heathe● wise men could say , that those were the best personage that liv'd nearer , and lesse remoter from the age of the gods : we might contrarily by experience finde , tha● we had made up the decayes of humanity , and inforce ba●ke time into its first happy and lusty circle . for if we looke into the life of man , take him in the bare naked condition , in which nature thrust him upon earth , what a miserable helplesse thing shall we find him ? miserabler in this then the bruits themselves , wh● having at the most ( though this also be denied with a good reason as granted them ) the use of a dim an● darke reason , or rather sense , and that in a direct line cannot be judges of their condition , and therefore consequently want the greatest ingredient of misery , the sense of it ; man is betrayed by his reason , ( which cannot be smothered in him , but that there wil be some sparks and embers still alive ) to a discerning of his sufferings and some rude and unpolished wishes of a better condition ; which if he can ever get into , it is meerly by the collision of his naturall faculties , which strike out some small sparkes to kindle that fuell : so that he being in a manner in the condition of a beast , hath no other way to exempt himselfe from that misery and slavery , but that little knowledge which chance , or the darke axiomes of his owne reason can helpe him with . and if againe we consider men gathering into the primitive societies , and assisting each other with their mutuall endeavours and observations , we shall finde that they come nearer civill societies , by how much they have made greater inroads into experience , and were better versed in the acts of life . nay , how willing have they been to congratulate , yea idolatr●ze some of them , and put them into the lists of their gods , ( as wee may see out of the ruines of some histories which time hath not yet eaten up ) for some little inventions , which are at this day so common with us , that they seem to be among the postulated principles of nature , and to be borne with us ; so that these men who were ignorant of knowledge , and possibly would have sleighted it , if it had been offered to ●hem in its owne lustre ; yet did live , subsist , and were ●ivilized by it . but if we make a step further , and looke upon commonwealths , how easie will it be to observe , that as they flourished under the verdure , so have they withered under the decay of learning . nor have they been so fortunate under any governours as those who comming from a noble education , and a right observation and deduction of things ( which may well make a man learned , though he never had seen a book ) were neither subject to these wilde e●●●ations , nor savage rudenesses which untutored natures , through the want of a better discipline , were apt to fall into . nay , if we looke somewhat more narrowly into them , we may see that many private men born amidst the dregs of the people , & not capable of any such high hopes , have by this means far overtopped men of antiquity and ancient discent , and outvyed them with unequall services ; whether by way of prevention , as old appius a man wholly unacquainted with any systematicall knowledge , in disswading the romans from an inconsiderate peace they were about to shuffle up with pyrrhus ; or conservation , as that excellent reigne of augustus , one , who though his cradle was not private , yet in his first accesse to businesse , was not onely left in a private capacity , but surrounded by an inimicall faction : or if we look on augmentation what an illustrious time had rome under trajan , though a spaniard , that shee seemed to renew her age , and spread the wings of her eagle , where they could never have hoped to reach in her first period of greatnesse , which eve● after his dayes fell into a sensible and graduall weaknesse : not to note epaminondas that god-like theban ▪ who owed all his orient vertues to the light of the schooles , with whom ( though he came from a vulgar wombe ) the greatnesse of his country ( as plutarch observes ) di● shoot up and fade . but if we would goe no further than the ornaments and outward splendour of a place , what was it distinguished all the pallaces in rome and neroes golden house from the sabin cottages , or the dwelling of publicola ? or the imagery of greece and statues of corinth , from the first rude shapes of unpollished oake , but curiosity and art ; which yet notwithstanding had been vainly hoped , if there had not been a concurrent humour of men to entertaine and foster it ; and this humour hath been so fortunate to them , that notwithstanding time hath defaced all the bounds of the roman conquests , and left them as invisible and inobservable , as the flight of any bird that flew yesterday , yet in a few stones and medalls ( not to mention the monuments of her intellectuall greatnesse ) she hath left us such prints and measures , that we may justly trace and compute her ( as he did the giants bulke by his thumbe ) in her vast and stupendous symmetry : whilst other countries more remote from this greatnesse & happinesse that have not so much as their ruines left them to vindicate them from ●ables , and to testifie that they once were , live notwithstanding in all learned mouths , & that from the interest perhaps of o●e citizen , whose merits hath made him a part of posterity , and enabled him to a noble gratitude to his country , in rescuing her from the dotage and tyranny of time . and indeed without letters , and consequently the preservation and encouragement of them , to what a darknesse and mist should we be confined , and in what a shadow should we live , a darknesse worse then that of plato his cave , when our children , or childrens children , should be to seek for what we know to day , & no observation be left to mankinde ( for traditions must needs be in a few hands and soone corrupt ) to shorten the long journey of knowledge , and to bring it nearer an end : as we may see by one example : the best man upon earth , and the onely more than man , spake and did so many things as all the volumnes in the world could scarce containe ( as one of his own penmen witnesses of him ) and yet there is no more memory of them preserved amongst us , then what is left in a very few sheets , not at all to mention that question , whether all the integrall parts of that divine book were preserved or no . certaine we are what a great losse we have in humane stories , and what a large measure of time , was either not described by them , or not now to be found , so that in a trichotomy of time made by the learnedst roman sixteen hundred years since , there was one part unknowne , and the other fabulous ; and yet sure we cannot but beleeve , but that before mankinde had gleaned up some litterature , and was softened and polished by it , there were abundance of examples of either fortitude , and many invincib●e heroes before achilles , whose trophees are buried with them , and triumphs forgot as if they had never been seen , whilst those others that remaine , must be accounted just such with us as the favour or envy of poets and historians are pleased to make and represent them , so vast is the prerogative of letters , that they can dispense not onely life , but estimation and glory unto whom they please , and command the reputation of past , and the beleefe of present and future ages . but to advance knowledge to its highest and truest end , how necessary and subservient will it be to that great designe of religion , which without an immediate concourse and favour of providence , can scarce either subsist without it , or preserve it selfe untainted with grosse errours , or distempered imaginations ; how serviceable may it be to many sublime mindes and refined understandings , that calling all things to an exact test of reason , wil not be brought to the acknowledgement of their maker , or the truth of what is left concerning him ; if they be not guided by forcible demonstrations and porismaticall inferences of nature , which may not precariously , but irresistibly infer a deity ; and strong and naturall inductions of reason : without which , such mindes are but in vaine attempted , and difficultly overcome : or to goe further ; how shall we ever be sensible of the excellency and power of that divine book , which gods owne finger hath wrote and left us ; if wee want ability and eyes to looke upon the fulnesse and order of those treasures ; man indeed who is a determinate narrow thing , must necessarily confine his thoughts to one subject , and when he thinkes of one thing , of necessity desists thinking of another . but god who is such a free infinity , can with one intuitive knowledge see all things , and is the centre in every part of his circle . and therefore what he writes must needs be as universall as his owne spirit , and at one time communicate many knowledges ; whereas man can onely write of this or that , and therefore it is unprofitable industry , not to ●● undertaken without due assistances to attempt the search of that book , which like himself , hath an infinity and immensity of knowledge in it . not to speake of the forme of it , which being writ in tongues much removed from this place and age , and that surely with all height of elegance and fulnesse of expression ; t is not to be hoped for that any translations can come up to it , but that there must be abundance of exquisite knowledge smothered up in the originall . which though it hath been studied and pursued , by numerous exalted wits , & unwearied undertakers ; yet we know that there are abundance of ripe notions left to be found out by future and latter endeavours , which shall never think to want a crown from this attempt , till this earth burn i● her funerall pile , and we shall see all knowledge not in ● mist , but in a myrrour , and view the centre , the spring ▪ the root , the life of it face to face . nor can i see what ca● more heighten or beautifie this best science , then the regaining those trophees from the heathens which they stole from us , who , though they knew not how to use , yet triumphed in them : for all their glimmering notions , were but lighted at our candle , although they obscured and disguised them with false lights ; yet b● that light did they shine to themselves and after ages ▪ who cannot but looke up with reverence at their advanced natures , and wish they had been heightened b● a more noble principle , which had crowned all the● various sciences with the principall science , and in the● brave strayings after truth , helpt them to better fo●tune than onely to meet with her handmaids , and kep● them from the fate of ulisses , who wandring throug● hel , met all the ghosts , yet could not see the queen . b● there is a strange magneticall attraction in knowledg● which plucks and draws the soule towards it , which ● just so much nearer its due repose , by how much it fal● nearer to this centre ; and indeed it were a pity , that the great princesse of it should be lesse adorned , then some of her subjects ; and that she who is all glorious within , should want her garments of wrought gold and needlework , and not as well make her selfe glorious in the spoyles of her enemies , as the israelites steal away jewells from the egyptians , or solomon fetch gold from ophir to adorn the temple . i wish it were in my power , and your patience ( most noble senators ) rather to view this intention , in its many large particularities , then to propose it thus dead coloured in a generall draught , which can like a mercury on the way , onely point but goe no further ; but truly t is enough for me a person , ( hid in obscurity and neglected into retirement ) to make good wishes and breath after these huge attempts , which i hope the sublime disposer of all humane affaires , will as well put into your hearts , as he hath put into your hands to accomplish . you have done great things for us , and equall to what hath been done in any nation , either stoutly or fortunately . and if you will but now make good our hopes in this one thing , you will put an end to all our wishes , and settle us in a condition which will somewhat resemble that eternall fruition which we all breath after , a time of prayses . and indeed , if you were men that onely looked upon your selves , and studied no further then the propagation of your owne fame and interest . what better means have you to confute all the scandalls and imputations of your deadly adversaries , who have not spared to speake you worse then goths and vandalls , and the utter destroyers of all civility and literature , then by seriously composing your selves to the designe of cherishing of either . what directer caus-way could you finde to the aggrandization of your owne glory , then entertaining the celebrated care of so many kings , the onely splendour of so many republicks , the life and lustre of so many ages ? that which is certaine to make all brave men for the future , your admirers and followers , and to distinguish your government from theirs , who being hurried by confusion and barbarisme , shall hereafter vanish into eternall forgetfulnesse . what better way to your profit , then to command abundance of fruitfull wits , which shall every day bud forth with some invention , serviceable either to the necessities of the poore , or graver magnificence of the rich ? when mechanicall knowledge shall be multiplied and abbreviated , and you be able not onely to requite forreigne parts for the curiosities they have lent you ; but also invite them hither to be your schollers , when there shall be a confluence of the finest industries among you , and he shall be accounted to want of due civill accomplishments , that hath not come to perfect them from this place . how serviceable will it be to you when you overflow with retired sagacities and raised industries , whom you may either for gowne or sword by land or sea employ upon all occasions ; when you shall not need to put people in the places of greatest trust by reason of their titular borrowed gayety , but make use of such persons , as shall discover the greatest luxury and efflorescency of vertue ; such persons who may succeed you in the seats where you now sit , ( and may it be a fortunate omen ) exceed and outstrip your glories , such persons , which shall preserve us in a blessed peace ; ●herein yet there shall be neither sloath nor luxury , ●●d either enlarge our territories with wide forraigne ●●quests , or else pull downe those powers which are ●ow the hate and burdens of the face of the earth . but you that are men of sublime mindes , that have ●●rried you beyond all the doubts and objections of flesh and blood , above the extent of your owne designs , ●● almost the latitude of your owne wishes , beyond the dictates of common law and reason , will not give over while there remains so great a worke . that god who is abstract wisdome , and delights that his rationall creatures should search after it , and that his ministers should study to propagate it , will expect that you should be foster-fathers of knowledge . he may punish your naturall children with stupidity or ignorance , if you doe not take the day while it is yours , to lead them into the paths and mazes of science . and will he , think you , forgive you ( you being fathers of the publickew●ale ) if you forget those that are your children in that relation ? he cannot surely ; he that is just will expect from you the discharge of your duties , which how it can be without a compleat taking care of your charge your best selves can best consider . but certainly it is none of the probablest wayes to bring a people into a little shape of liberty , and free their estates , from some small inconsiderable burdens , and leave the better part of them , their mindes , no more re enlightned , no more tutoured , no more bur 〈…〉 ed , than you at first found them . by this time some may object , to what end i presse all this . have not wee universities as famous as any under heaven ? is there not provision in this case enough ? have not our ancestours been liberall beyond any of europe ? will we violate their wills ? discompose the present frame , before we be ascertained what other to set up ? beside running the common-wealth into an unnecessary charge , and that for an unnecessary end , and in a time unfit , if not contrarian● to these designes , and that for an idaea ? beleeve me these are pretty objections , and till the● be confuted , very probable ; but i beleeve well look 〈…〉 into , they will according to the usuall ingenuity 〈…〉 truth , prove both to conduce to , and further this in ▪ tention , and also to demonstrate unto you , that the thi 〈…〉 it selfe is so easie and feasible , that your selves canno 〈…〉 without imputation of a grosse neglect , and ugly discare of the publick , avoid this consideration . t is true that our universities for outward magnisicence , and a large , if not luxurious liberality , are equal if not superiour to any of those that we yet know of 〈…〉 the lettered part of the world . they are venerable so their antiquity , and have a long time thriven under th 〈…〉 indulgency of the past ages , & been ennobled by the p 〈…〉 duction of many rare and divine personages , who ha 〈…〉 made more illustrious the whole nation . but wheth 〈…〉 in generall their statutes be so exact and refined , 〈…〉 may satisfie the need and curiosity of this exalted ag 〈…〉 or that our accademies at the present teach either al 〈…〉 or the gallantest theories of knowledge , will be see 〈…〉 anon . and that being once made evident , it will no 〈…〉 be hard to inferre , that other universities of a late standing and poorer subsistance , have both in extent o 〈…〉 knowledge , and multiplicity of excellent persons , be 〈…〉 able to equall , if not out-doe them . nay that tho 〈…〉 present revenues whereupon they now ●ur●eit , have 〈…〉 hoaked abundance of active industries ▪ nay beene a meanes to thrust into ecclesiasticall or litterary offices 〈…〉 many of persons , who had they been suffered to obey their owne inclinations , and followed some trade or handicraft , might have ranked themselves amongst the ablest of their profession ; whilst others who had ●oules more towardly and capable , were by such ●rones as these kept out of the hives , and either for 〈…〉 d to seek their food from afar , or else sit downe ( unlesse provided for by their parents ) with no other gaine by their philosophy and reason , then a few s●oicall sentences in the contempt of wealth , and the commendations of poverty . now that there is provision enough , we shall both grant , and by it take occasion to insinuate , that the state need not multiply any of her expences in pur 〈…〉 ance of this wish . all our suit is , that these endowments , and pious liberality , may be converted into uses 〈…〉 table to the ends of the donors , and tend rather to a publicke advantage , then to the private fostering of 〈…〉 many idle pedantick brotherhoods . it now lies like 〈…〉 cke , and possibly is noysome to the place where it 〈…〉 ▪ but spread it abroad , it will manure all the land , and returne the increase of an unvaluable and happy har 〈…〉 st . there is none requires it to another use , but one 〈…〉 to a better use , and in the end it can be no more rob 〈…〉 y , then t is sacriledge to rescue a temple from the superstition wherewith it was defiled , to the use of a 〈…〉 er and more illuminated religion . i must needs confesse , ( and i speake it with a deale of religion to the memory of them that are gone before us , ) that among the many good examples they have left to this nation , their liberality , if not profusenesse , in things of this nature hath not been the least . but then i beseech you , honourable worthies , consider in what times they lived ; they were darke , befe 〈…〉 with mists of ignorance and superstition , and they could onely direct their charity that way so far as they knew it best . their ordinances and cautions , were , no doubt in their times , full of excellent wisdome and deep reason . but since they ceased to be mortall , it hath pleased the son of righteousnesse to breake through the clouds which shadowed their ages , and to let u 〈…〉 have more of day . and as the sun here below doth not onely in his rescuing the light , discover himselfe ▪ but also guilds and discloses all about him ; so that eternall sun , when he opens himselfe , opens at the same time all humane and inferiour knowledge , which 〈…〉 still more or lesse visible , as his rayes shine on it , o 〈…〉 withdraw from it . now he having every day made greater appearances of himselfe ; humane learnin 〈…〉 hath also been more enlightned ; and he is not acquainted with the businesse of knowledge , that knows no 〈…〉 what sensible increases ( i had almost said perfections it hath of late arrived to . so that what means was used before to preserve it from perishing , and to propagate it , must now be used for augmentation , an 〈…〉 splendor . what means were used to keep it in a few hands in a corner ( like a great exile , thrust away by 〈…〉 contrary power ) till some better times , must now b 〈…〉 used to disperse it through the face of the earth , and t 〈…〉 make it tread as far as mankinde . what meanes we 〈…〉 used before , for a bare historicall knowledge , mu 〈…〉 〈…〉 ow be turned into a censorious justice upon ov'r old opinions , and into severe and eager disquisitions of new truths ; for knowledge hath no limits nor land-marks but being ubiquitary , and therefore desirous to diffuse it selfe , she endeavours by all means her promotion and dil●tation . nor doth she ever meet with any that would enlarge her empire , but shee ambitiously encourages them , and willingly crownes them . now for any one to thinke , that one and the same meanes are to be used to preserve a state , either new curdled and moulded into forme , or else by outward violence retired to its last seat and almost first principles , and the same state when it hath overcome either its infancy or misery , and like a wakened gyant begins to rowze it selfe up , and looke where it may conquer , is utterly unvers'd in the affaires of the world , and below instruction . and doubtlesse , upon these considerations , were it possible that these happy soules could either returne 〈…〉 ither , or were it suitable to their blessednesse to minde things that are done under the moone , they could not but joyne with any that would undertake to serve them in so pious an ingagement , as to make their contributions more excellently serviceable to the ends they purposed . and therefore we cannot thinke it any more violation to their will , at all to advance their provisions to their owne ends by better wayes , then 〈…〉 e thinke that you ( noble senators ) are parracides to your country in rescinding those lawes which your predecessors made , yet through length of time , and 〈…〉 pine of those in whose care they lay , began contrary 〈…〉 their first intention , rather to oppresse , then defend and releeve us . for so long as humane reason is weake and imperfect , it can never provide any lawes against all circumstances of chance , length of time , fraud and weaknesse of mankinde , but it will bring forth a necessity to repeale them , equall , if not superiour to that which first enacted them . for discomposition of the present frame , may not , i pray this be a topicke for any government , though never so ill grounded , never so irregular , or never so tyrannicall ? should we sit still , and expect that those in whose hands it is , should quietly resigne it , or new mould it themselves , or some fine chance should do i 〈…〉 to our hands ? or should we not out of this very reason , if our houses were all untiled and obvious to all injuries of the weather , forbeare to pull them down o 〈…〉 mend them , because we would make no alteration , and so continue in our miserable patience , because we feare a change and some trouble ; like aesops plowma 〈…〉 crying to jupiter , to helpe our cart out of the mire , an 〈…〉 we never put to a hand ? or should we expect tha 〈…〉 some deity , or unthought of influence would rescu 〈…〉 us from these inconveniences which we saw , but would not remove ? i am afraid whether any can be serious upon this question : for as happinesse is the reward o 〈…〉 courage and industry ; so what ever people ever yet obtained any reformation without sweat or wounds , an 〈…〉 a just violence to the over-ruling power ; just i say though it clashed with the letter of some positive la 〈…〉 for with the fundamentall and true ends of government it could not . but there is no need in this ca 〈…〉 to urge this so hard to you , who so nobly bra 〈…〉 through this objection , and redeemed the supreme power , which being now so indisputable in your hands this wish requires no more of you then the exercising 〈…〉 it , wherein you will onely finde opposition from those who have endeavoured to blast , and yet continue a will to defeat and maligne your best actions . nay , and 〈…〉 hope you will give me leave to mention it for your honours ) we are encouraged rather to presse this from your owne example of magnanimity , and zeale 〈…〉 whipping those high priests , and buyers and sellers 〈…〉 t of our temple , and that when your power was 〈…〉 umbrage , that now you will ( when it hath obtained its just light and fulnesse ) employ it on so easie a take , as this last peece of reformation ; which will 〈…〉 balme your memories , and leave almost nothing to your successours to doe piously or justly . that this 〈…〉 e of time may not be capable of such a noble alteration , i am not afraid from the best comparison and recollection of times and reasons , not onely to 〈…〉 ny , but even to evince the contrary . for what more seasonable opportunity can we have , then that we see the highest spirits , pregnant with great matters , and in despite of these tumults and troubles which inviron them of every side , labouring with somewhat , the greatnesse of which they themselves cannot tell , and with a wonderfull deale of courage , attempting the discovery of a new world of knowledge ? these bodings cannot be of nothing , but upon 〈…〉 arrower recognition will appeare full of miracle , which amounts with me to no lesse then the chasing away of shadows before the breake of the great day . 〈…〉 d surely , that begins a fuller manifestation of himselfe , suffers us to approach him by these degrees , and therefore hath diffused a great and a restlesse genius in this age , far greater then any hath been of a long time . and as astrologers say , that there are at some certaine times some powerfull influences showred by the conjunction or positure of some planets , which if they be not received and magically applied at that very time , do immediately passe away , and become ineffectuall , and are not to be expected againe , till after many ages ; so any tract of time , when it meets a sublime and elevated spirit to assist and guide it , cannot certainly witho●t disadvantage and losse , refuse to entertaine it ; nay they cannot be so stupid , as not to thinke both that the time is unregainable , and that a judgement awaits them for being so bold as to resis 〈…〉 the discoveries of it . but i cannot thinke so ill of these men among whom i was borne , that they will shut their eyes against this light that breaks so brightly and glistringly in upon them , and be lethargically content to please themselves with the reverend follies and dreams of their forefathers . t is no matter what some frozen sadduces , or some others of a worse name if there be any , can scoffe ▪ that it is folly to entertaine any such vaine imaginations , and madnesse to prosecute them : t is folly will prove the happiest wisdome , and no more a deviation of the understanding , then the entertaining a new naturall exact scheame of heaven , and nature , in lieu of the old broken interfering hypotheses , which rely on no other probability but a sent of sense , distorted by education , and brawned by custome . t is no matter , what some purblinde polititians , or sneaking worldlings talke of the difficulty of times , and say , that these soft aires of peace , cannot be heard 〈…〉 midst the loud musicke of warre , and that mens thoughts , are too much broken and harrassed to fall 〈…〉 pon these things , which must be the fruits of the 〈…〉 eepest and most silent leasure , you have the highest destiny favouring your designes , put an end to all 〈…〉 ch tumults ; and we have now no more of war then 〈…〉 necessary to the preservation of our peace , which 〈…〉 ems to smile on us againe , and promise us , that she 〈…〉 ill not flye away , for fear lest her snowy ▪ garments 〈…〉 ould be stayned in blood . but put the case that your enemy were as visible 〈…〉 d powerfull as ever , yet i dare be knowne to thinke , 〈…〉 at it were much more honourable for you to assume 〈…〉 ese thoughts : nay that they both were not consistent together . what can you imagine to doe 〈…〉 re worthy of memory , or imitation , then in the 〈…〉 dst of your most urgent dangers to lay a modell , and 〈…〉 w the lines of happinesse and security for all poste 〈…〉 y ? how can you better demonstrate your selves 〈…〉 rlesse and hearty , in what you goe about , then by 〈…〉 wing such a severity and composition of spirit ; nay 〈…〉 h a contrary neglect of what opposition is set be 〈…〉 e you , as to minde those vast designes of litterall ●gnificence , or further acquisition ? what more 〈…〉 ning in all the annalls of rome , then the porten 〈…〉 us bravery of sending forces into spaine , when 〈…〉 nniball was at the gates , and selling that field 〈…〉 ereon he en camped at so deare a rate , as it would 〈…〉 e passed at , had he been prisoner within the walls , 〈…〉 d his army dispersed ? yea ( and to shew that these 〈…〉 er times want not parallels of the ancient gran 〈…〉 rs ) what will be more illustrious in the history of holland , then their high and visible cares , and al 〈…〉 prodigall magnificence for learning , while as they y 〈…〉 strugled with a sad war , and had not yet released the 〈…〉 necks , from the sway of a per●idious and horrid tyrant ? for the people whom you are to care for , it can not be but that peace might have softened and ema 〈…〉 culated them , whereas their calamities have brought them into a better agility and constitution , to promo 〈…〉 their excellent desires to liberty in any thing which they may conceive really conducible ; and there is n 〈…〉 cause to doubt , but they will facilly be swayed 〈…〉 that power under whose valorous conduct they 〈…〉 asserted themselves from all impressions and marks 〈…〉 dishonour and slavery , which usurpation , iniquity 〈…〉 time , or forreigne force had put upon them . it cannot be denied , but by the invaluable losse 〈…〉 bloud and treasure , the body of this nation is become thin and leane , and therefore he were a vi 〈…〉 that would offer to gnaw or suck it any more ( for 〈…〉 farther pressure , be it never so little is now excessi 〈…〉 and therefore it would be but just to wave a pet i 〈…〉 for any publicke contribution ( though possibly the hath been some liberality exercised to worse e 〈…〉 which had it been directed this way , might have 〈…〉 qualled any of the ancient magnificencies and hono 〈…〉 able profusenesses upon learning ) although if y 〈…〉 were urged to some small liberality , or rather p 〈…〉 vented any suit for it , it would be a huge further a 〈…〉 to what is desired of you , yet we onely beg ; nay o 〈…〉 jure you by all that is deare to you , or desired you , that you will imploy this which you finde 〈…〉 〈…〉 ady left to your hands , and doe these things without any charge , and onely lend us your authority , to 〈…〉 oe this longed for worke ; and no doubt if you cannot , or will not lend any fewell to it , god will stir 〈…〉 the hearts of many private persons , and inflame 〈…〉 em with equall intentions , and make their hands 〈…〉 ing it in in a full measure . and now that which remaines of me to doe ( for i 〈…〉 nceive i have quitted my selfe of the objections , 〈…〉 d therefore may dismisse them ) will be a triple 〈…〉 ske . first , to shew how farre the state of our uni 〈…〉 rsities needs a reformation . secondly , how it may 〈…〉 brought about : and thirdly , i shall particularize 〈…〉 me ends which i have transiently before glanced at , 〈…〉 t as ends , but as fruits and enjoyments of your 〈…〉 ble piety . and herein i shall the rather be short , 〈…〉 cause these being at the most , but the best sort of wishes , i shall observe that course which the best 〈…〉 en do in their devotions , to pray for the best things 〈…〉 ey can , yet not limit the power they pray to , to 〈…〉 ch or such a way of granting their requests , as being 〈…〉 olved by what meanes soever it comes , to receive it 〈…〉 earfully , and knowing that power which they ad 〈…〉 esse themselves unto , cannot onely doe it in a bet 〈…〉 r manner then they can thinke of , but in a fuller . for the first : i could never yet make so bad an idaea 〈…〉 a true university , as that it should serve for no 〈…〉 bler end , then to nurture a few raw striplings , come 〈…〉 t of some miserable country-school , with a few 〈…〉 eds of latine , that is as immusicall to a polite ear as 〈…〉 e gruntling of a sow , or the noise of a saw can be 〈…〉 one that is acquainted with the laws of harmony . and then possibly before they have survayed th 〈…〉 greeke alphabet , to be racked and tortured with 〈…〉 sort of harsh abstracted logicall notions , which their wits are no more able to endure , then their bodies the strapado , and to be delivered over to a jejune barr 〈…〉 peripatetick philosophy , suited onely ( as mounsi 〈…〉 des-cartes ▪ sayes ) to wits that are seated below mediocrity , which will furnish them with those rare imaginations of materia prima , privation , universalia , and such trumpery , which they understand no more then their tutors ▪ and can no more make use of in the affaires of life , then if . yeares since they had r 〈…〉 through all the hierogliphicall learning of th 〈…〉 egyptians , and had since that time slept in their mu●my , and were now awaken . and then as soone 〈…〉 they have done licking of this file , to be turned t 〈…〉 graze in poor ethicks , which perhaps tell them 〈…〉 much in harder words , as they had heard their mothers talke by the fire-side at home . then are they turned loose , and with their paper-barks committed to the great ocean of learning ; where if they 〈…〉 not torne , they returne backe so full of desperation and contempt of their profession , and sad remembrance of their youth so trivially spent , that they h 〈…〉 all towardly engagements that way , and suffer themselves either to sinke in a quagmire of idlenesse , or to be snatched away in a whirlepool of vice . but in c 〈…〉 some with much adoe get a shore ( for a long or a 〈…〉 voyage upon these termes they cannot make ) and 〈…〉 the foresaid means stilt themselves into some profe 〈…〉 on ; what deplorable things ( unlesse it be those fe 〈…〉 which nature makes for o●tentation to be jewells i 〈…〉 this earth ) prove they , in filling the world with detestable quacking empericks , lewd , and contentious , gown-men , or ignorant mercenary divines ? againe , i have ever expected from an university , that though all men cannot learne all things , yet they should be able to teach all things to all men , and be able either to attract knowing men from abroad out of their owne wealth , or at least be able to make an exchange . but how far short come we of this , though i acknowledge some difference between our universities ? we have hardly professours for the three principall faculties , and these but lazily read , and carelesly followed . where have we any thing to do with chimistry , which hath snatcht the keyes of nature from the other sects of philosophy , by her multiplied experiences ? where have we constant reading upon either quick or dead anatomies , or ocular demonstration of herbes ? where any manuall demonstrations of mathematicall theorems or instruments ? where a promotion of their experiences , which if right carried on , would multiply even to astonishment ? where an examination of all the old tenets ? review of the old experiments & traditions which gull so many junior beliefs , and serve for nothing else but for idle priests , to make their sermons more gaudy ? where is there a solemn disquisition into history ? a nice and severe calculation and amendment of the epochs of time ? where a survey of antiquities , and learned descants upon them ? where a ready and generous teaching of the tongues ? free from pedantisme , and the impertinencies that that kind of learning hath been pestered with ? and all this done not by some stripling yongster , who perhaps understands that which he professes as little as any thing else ▪ and mounts up into the chaire twice or thrice a yeare , to mutter over some few stolne impertinencies , but by some stayed man , of tryed and known abilities in his profession , allured by a competent encouragement to stay in the university , who may at certaine times read , at certaine times attend the resolution of doubts , offering directions at other times , and ingaging them in sober and rationall disputes , in which being restrained from sophistry , they may chafe and polish their endowments , and whe● one the other by praise or emulation . if we finde very few , or perhaps none of them in our universities ▪ i suppose i offer no violation nor in ▪ jury to their hoarinesse and venerable fame , if i say , they are ●apable of farther promotion , and that they have not yet arrived to the exactnesse of the jesuits colledges , and many transmarine universities , the latter of which , if not the former , they far exceed in pecuniary endowments and outward statelinesse . and truly , but that i would not doe violence to the mother that bare me , and prophane that place which is in my account holy , i could lay open abundance of their customes , both superstitious , irrationall , uncivill , and ridiculous ; i could instance how some vices are growne generall in some degrees of them , how many slugs there are , how some courses they take will prove meerly the choaking of all literature . but since this would amount to a long ●abble , and degenerate into some satyre or pasquill , rather then an areopagitick , i will be content , having a publicke businesse in hand ; to lay aside all bitternesse , though it might be advantagious to my purpose , and with due mecknesse ▪ and 〈…〉 quanimity , draw to my last taske , and then sit downe with silent wishes and earnest expectation . two things then i have to beg ; some assistances 〈…〉 hat you would give the universities from themselves ▪ and some assistance that you would give them from without themselves . from themselves : that you would 〈…〉 educe those frier-like lists of fellowships into a fewer number , and those that you retaine , to be bestowed on men , excellent in their particular endowments , and peculiar for some use or other , that so the number ff the professours might encrease , and all of them be enabled to prosecute the hints and impetus of their owne inclinations ▪ and others of more patient heads 〈…〉 e tyed to instruct those severall persons which should make addresses to them ; a third possibly , worne out with ▪ contemplations and those greater labours of the minde , might sit warme , and know nothing lesse then necessity in their honoured old age . sixe fellowships thus ordered , with a sufficient allowance and encouragement would be more advantagious , and contribute more to the raising up of the despised head of learning , then sixscore at this present doe ; while the remaining portion of revenues might be sequestred by 〈…〉 select committee of able and knowing men ( wherein some representatives of the university should be mingled ) to be changeable and accountable every 〈…〉 eare : to be disposed of , for examining and pursuing experiments , encouragements of honour , compleating and actuating some new inventions , supplying the nee 〈…〉 y ones that really wanted these wings to take great 〈…〉 ights , relieving of strangers ; and lastly , provoking some sydereall and flaming soules to display themselves in their full and radiant meridian lustre . for then will it prosper with learning , when rewards fit themselves to men , and men are not forced to distort themselves to rewards ; when every mans genius moves in its owne orbe , and is not hurried aside in an eccentrick motion . from without the universities : that you would thinke of some better way of disposing those few colledges which are thinly scattered up and downe the land , and make them either collaterall or subservient to this designe ; whereas now they are of little or no other use then to nourish the supine idlenesse of a few lurdans , and foment their illitterate debates ; tossed to and fro among them without any delight to any but those who love bawling and canvasing such unlearned opinions which runne in this circle without end , and contribute not the least to the promotion or discovery of truth . secondly , that as you would ( with all due provision for the civill peace ) take off that hatefull gagg of licencing which silences so many truths , and frights so many ingenuities , and makes them abhorre the publick ; so you would put such a gentle imposition upon books , that upon every impression two might goe to the publicke library ; and that forreigne bookes , brought over hither in any number , might doe the like , or at least at some reasonable rate . thirdly , that all the medalls , statues , ancient rings , and other antiquities , pictures of learned delight , or famous men , that either were the late kings or any other persons whose estates stand confiscate to you ▪ might be appropriated this way . for by a cheaper 〈…〉 d more generous magnificence you cannot endeare 〈…〉 ur selves to all the lovers and sons of knowledge , and 〈…〉 refull patrons of mankinde ; nor secure the memory 〈…〉 your noble acquests by more illustrious trophees . and lastly , since that this island can no more possesse 〈…〉 the treasures of knowledge then it can the trea 〈…〉 es of the earth , that you would be ready to cast all 〈…〉 pect and honour upon learned forreigners , although 〈…〉 u use no largesse towards them . men that through 〈…〉 ●hirst of fame have beguiled themselves into large 〈…〉 d divine contemplations , cannot but thinke they reap a great fruit of their labours , and be surprized with it , when they see themselves smiled upon , and courted by 〈…〉 h a mighty state , and be ambitious to disperse their 〈…〉 eories there , where they see they are so much ho 〈…〉 red . now how by this policy your brethren of 〈…〉 lland , have in a manner monoplized all the spark 〈…〉 g wits of europe ; there are many that sit among 〈…〉 that can best informe you . nor is there yet any apparent reason to me why you should not also studde 〈…〉 embosse this nation with them . now to what 〈…〉 e particular designe all this should levell . there 〈…〉 e been so many modells , and those so various , 〈…〉 ugh to the same end , chalked out by the greatest 〈…〉 enuities , that it would be very hard ( lov'd i tran 〈…〉 ptions or largenesse never so well ) to represent 〈…〉 m all , each one abounding in his owne sense , and 〈…〉 possibly not so servient to the designations of ano 〈…〉 . it shall be enough for me ( waving my judge 〈…〉 nt or disquisition of them ) to set downe the resul 〈…〉 ce of a many diligent observations and iterated thoughts ; which as they have not strayed too much ●● to wilde idea's , so i know not why they may not ●● more particularly fitted for our elevation . first , i have considered that an endeavour to bring all persons under the sway of knowledge , could no● but approach very neare a pla●onicke commonwealth , and must in the triall enervate the people , and call them from those necessary professions of tillage an● war , and make them acquainted with the artifices o● delight . besides there were but a few inclinations so noble , as could overlooke the grosse entertainment of sense , and aime at a more pure and intellectu 〈…〉 happinesse . and among these men i found particul 〈…〉 temperatures as it were , and some secret sympat 〈…〉 and antipathies to some , or some particular studie whilst there were very few intellectuall complexi 〈…〉 that desired all ; and these enjoyed not the particula● so fully as those that bent that particular way . 〈…〉 found also that many men rudely educated , and 〈…〉 as would have proved no great clerkes , though th 〈…〉 had been bred up in the pedanticke way of t 〈…〉 schooles ▪ had notwithstanding through long a sore observation , so well tutored their reason , th 〈…〉 they proved many times persons fitter for busi 〈…〉 then those that had the assistance of much unpro 〈…〉 able literature . i had seen also some men after ma 〈…〉 yeares spent in the world , begin to retire into the●selves , and as seriously and effectually as they c●● apply themselves to books , which yet was commo●ly ineffectuall to them , if not quickned with so● live-voyce and knowing assistance . from this masse of observations i fell to consid 〈…〉 〈…〉 us , that if man were a creature both so excellent 〈…〉 d active , it were but justice to him that the naturall 〈…〉 rgency of his genius should be found out and assisted ; 〈…〉 d that surely could not be in any better time then 〈…〉 his infancy at the dawning of his reason , when he 〈…〉 ld not be employed any other way , and his inno 〈…〉 cy made him most susceptible of any impression or 〈…〉 ure . and if at such a time , then surely he was to 〈…〉 assayed by most easie trialls , and that by pleasant 〈…〉 stimes of sense , and not by any harsh abstractions 〈…〉 rough discipline . yet those recreations of his i 〈…〉 ought ought to be such as should be profitable , and 〈…〉 le to furnish his maturer thoughts with some solid 〈…〉 as and sound representations of things . and here made account i had found the right path , which our 〈…〉 hooles having so long left , was the reason they 〈…〉 re so seldome prosperous or fruitfull in great mat 〈…〉 rs . well , this being so , those that had spent their 〈…〉 ildhood thus , i supposed , might with much more 〈…〉 vantage and ease , retire into a more ignoble calling ; 〈…〉 d those whom some harder fortune alienated to o 〈…〉 er employments , might carry such grounds away 〈…〉 h them , as might conduct and dispose their obser 〈…〉 ions all their lives after ; whilst all those who had 〈…〉 greater vivacity of spirits , might be set apart to 〈…〉 orthy and suitable employments , and none be des●ired by ill methods , or tyrannicall tutors . thus far had i got , and there remained this with 〈…〉 ; that those men that were set apart for knowledge 〈…〉 st busie themselves about two things , either about 〈…〉 e dispersing , or augmentation of it : and about dis 〈…〉 sing of it , there could be no better meanes then to make it easie and amiable ; and this brought me to beleeve that that education would thrive the best in any place , that was the least cumbred with unnecessary notions , and did the most facilly and orderly insinuat 〈…〉 it selfe into the understanding ; and i tooke the duty of a master to endeavour these two . besides , i considered that that was the best which was the most reall and universall : and then i perceived that it was bette 〈…〉 to grave things in the mindes of children , then word 〈…〉 , for i had knowne some great speakers , though indiscreet , gazed on onely as strange sights and patra 〈…〉 ▪ where as i could not imagine , but that if a wise ma 〈…〉 came into any country , whose language he had neve 〈…〉 heard , he would by his deportment and insinuations make a shift to be entertained and respected . and this made me suppose , that many men that could count their languages by their fingers , might possibly be of no more use among mankinde , then so many apes or magpies . but such whose mindes were strengthened with realties , were onely men , and indeed so much men , as they were masters of the true use of reason , and knew how to guide it ; and that to them ▪ languages must of necessity adde beauty an 〈…〉 perfection , and acquaint them with a much of knowledge which was never writ in their mother tongue . and since that there were some men who would fortunately learn and teach the knowledge of others , though they could not augment it much themselves ; i judge that nature did principally intend these for dispensators and conveighers of it . and others of more vast and capacious intellectualls , that could never be bounded by the theories of one other , were onely fit 〈…〉 or augmentation ; and because there were some propensions and aversions , of which they themselves 〈…〉 ould not well render an account , which if disobeyed succeeded untowardly and unsuccessefully ; i presently 〈…〉 ferred , that the genius of each one was to be employed and cherished in its owne kinde ; and that there 〈…〉 as seldome any great matter to be expected from it , 〈…〉 preternaturally diverted , or dispersed into many va 〈…〉 ous thoughts and designes , which did onely distract 〈…〉 d weaken it . but when once i began to take a prospect of the whole landscap of knowledge , methought there was ●uch of it moorish and fennish , much of it overgrown with thornes and brambles , and some parts of it had 〈…〉 t been justly measured , nor indeed fully discovered , 〈…〉 that i thought it would be too stupid humility , to 〈…〉 st with the traditionall wisdome of our ancestours , 〈…〉 d not to looke after further enlargement and advancement . for there being much of it uncultivated 〈…〉 d unmanured ; i saw there was abundantly left , 〈…〉 r to provoke and satisfie each future industry , which 〈…〉 w they should be employed , i could not better tell 〈…〉 w to designe then thus ; first , considering the excellency of man , and the restlesse activity of his understanding , and the strange volutations of his affaires , i 〈…〉 ought the actions of so noble a creature deserved 〈…〉 r better , then to be covered in oblivion . and because experience was nothing but a sober deduction 〈…〉 d summing up of many observations , and man was 〈…〉 apish imitative thing ; i thought there was nothing better to abreviate the length of observation , and to 〈…〉 rnish him with good copies which he should follow , then being acquainted with past actions and time 〈…〉 ▪ and conversing with the images of the bravest persons that went before . and truly , all this , i for a while flatter'd my selfe , was supplyed us out of those histories which as yet survive . but after some acquaintance with them , i began to quit this beliefe ; for i found many of them clash , many of them rent , many ridiculous , most composed to pleasure , and therefore not descending to those particularities and circumstances , without which a history is but dead , and a bare skeleton without either flesh or sinewes . besides a many of them seemed to flourish up into ideas , and others were so larded and pestred with the private discourses and conceptions of their writers , that they seem to have been composed for no other end . besides most of them were but summaries and epitomes , so that those deductions which were drawne from them , were not so pertinent , but fallible , and such as seemed rather to follow the conceptions of the observatour , then to be naturally enforced from the things themselves . for this cause i began to wish that there were a place in some university appointed for a collection of all such papers , letters , transcripts , and relations , which should discover the inner side of negotiations , and events , and the true fa 〈…〉 of things , without the adulteration of common policy . and i thought it were profitable rather to ta 〈…〉 in many needlesse things , then to leave out one needfull , because a judging minde out of many particularities , could draw a better estimate of things , and deduce more certaine , and unquestioned axiomes . but because man is a creature of such infinite variety , and that in every one , there is somewhat shining and excellent ; i wished that some laudable diligence , had gathered a catalogue of characters , and that 〈…〉 f the lives of some of the more eminent ; which i 〈…〉 ould not care , how much they had been stuffed with particular actions , because man in businesse is but a theatricall person , and in a manner but personates himselfe , but in his retired and hid actions , he 〈…〉 ulls off his disguise , and acts openly . so that i judged by that meanes that characters were the best and 〈…〉 aithfullest to be gained , and we should come to a 〈…〉 ighter knowledge and judgement of vertue , and the ●assions . for i had seen abundance of things related as high acts of generosity , which possibly were but 〈…〉 e effects of weaknesse , cruelty and despaire . and withall seeing onely the greatnesses of some men mentioned , and neither their particular imperfections , nor the meanes by which they atchieved their 〈…〉 nds particularly set downe ; i thought it could not out stretch many weake mindes to disproportionate thoughts ; and like palme●ine or don quixote make them thinke of things beyond the moon . therefore 〈…〉 d ▪ i conceive it necessary to trace these grandees as much as may be , through all their windings and hidden paths . but because men must walke upon the earth , and 〈…〉 eeds receive those influeuces which are shed from 〈…〉 eaven , and therefore exceedingly differ according to their severall climes ; i thought not onely an exact 〈…〉 escription of the severall countries was to be obtained , and if it were possible , all their secret myste 〈…〉 ies , and retired criticismes of state ; that so , observative mindes , might have farre richer stuffe , and variety of formes whereupon to work . and also there might probably by this meanes in length of time , be found out severall satisfactory reasons , and wayes o● discovering and judging the many inclinations and natures of men : and so by that means a greater facilitation of businesse , and possibly greater successe in it , then have yet commonly happened . moreover , man that had solely the use of reason , and by it was separated from other creatures , 〈…〉 thought had all the interest in the world to endeavour the perfection of it , and the severall wayes of it● best advantages . and this i thought , was no bette● way attempted , then if ▪ the veynes of things were rightly and naturally cut up , and he had such principles placed within him , as would without any disturbance or confusion assist him in the pursuance of any truth , or in the examining of any thing doubtfull . this i thought had been done by logick ( as they call it ) but there the predicaments were so untowan●ly ranged , that a mans minde shall not without some hesitation know where to fasten ; and then when he hath pitched there , he is but engaged in a dispute . but i beleeve had the dissection beene naturall , the minde would instantly have pitched right , and the● have been inabled to have weilded that notion ▪ to her best use . here i expected reliefe from metaphysicks , but they were so abstrusely abstract , and so far remote from use , that they seemed to hurry the minde too far away , and make it too volatile and aery , and so difficultly attainable , that halfe a life need to beseverely spent in learning them . but the conduct of reason which i wished for , i wished natu 〈…〉 ll and easie , and such as might gently sinke into 〈…〉 unger mindes , and be there imbraced with no im 〈…〉 lsion ; but the delight which commonly tickles the 〈…〉 ule when she meets with any radiant and pregnant 〈…〉 uth . this made me imagine highly of the mathe 〈…〉 ticks for the clearnesse of their grounds and excel 〈…〉 t building upon them ; but these were withdrawne 〈…〉 m quantity , and besides had the liberty to make 〈…〉 eir owne suppositions , which to morall and politick 〈…〉 ason ( which was to judge of things as it found them 〈…〉 tracted into many casualties and circumstances ) was 〈…〉 ied ; and therefore that there was but little ad 〈…〉 tage to be had this way , so that i could not de 〈…〉 any better meanes then to make the minde pliant 〈…〉 passible to any truth , to free her from all these 〈…〉 uinated prejudices of education , tradition , or 〈…〉 ldish observation , and then withall to plant such a 〈…〉 btfulnesse in her , as should not easily ascent to any 〈…〉 e thing which was not fortified with strong reason 〈…〉 right experience . and to doe this , there cannot 〈…〉 be extream necessity of a person not meanly vers'd 〈…〉 he causes of errour , and stratagems of reason , who 〈…〉 uld dig out such axioms as should rectifie the mind , 〈…〉 lead her by the hand , in the most subtile contem 〈…〉 tions , and so refine her , that she might be able to 〈…〉 ract pure and large theories out of things most im 〈…〉 s'd and hid in matter . ●or the mathematicks themselves , i found them full 〈…〉 excellent variety and harmony , strongly fenced 〈…〉 h their owne truth , and branched out into many 〈…〉 irable inferences and productions . but yet methought that there was somewhat in them which was yet hid from us , and that the ancient founders of these sciences had been content to retaine somewhat not fully discovered . for i found most men imployed onely in learning those immense hea●s of demonstrations they had left us , but seldome enlarging them or going forward , which made me fear that the key of these sciences were hid , and that without such a key , or engine it had been unpossible to reare up such a huge super-structure of vast consequences . but this i found two or three great spirits had already light on , and had directed a way which if well followed , will make our mathematicall reason nimble and apt to finde the fountain head of every theoreme , and by degrees , as we may hope , inable us to the solution of any probleme without any more assistance then pen and inke ( so that a man may carry all these admirable sciences about him ) and direct us to more exact and easie instruments then any have been yet knowne , and recall mens minds by delicate ravishing contemplations , from the sordid jugling use of those instruments on which they now so perversly and unanimously doat . but when i once begun seriously to view that strange disposition of things which we call nature ; i could not even in my ruder estimation of it but be much astonished . for it was plaine to me there was more art and prodigious workmanship in a gnat or a fly then there was in the greatest engines or productions of man ; which if they were not casually found out , were but the meere promotions and pursuances of nature . by this i took my self deeply engaged for to looke upon that fabricke with more curiosity and diligence then they commonly use , who judge and suppute every thing according to the outward tickling and blandishments of sense . and as to this designe , i thought i was well provided for , by those many volumnes of naturall philosophy , which i found to flatter me with a many large and braving titles . and i thought that when i was once well acquainted with them , i should have had my minde fitted for excellent notions , and embellished with such rich principles , as could not but furnish me with a many excellent and sweet deductions . but when i had spent some time thus ; and began to shake off that implicite faith which must for a while binde up learners , and discovered what contradictions , loose conceptions , and endlesse controversies those volumnes were fraught with , i perceived i had gained nothing else but a multitude of vaine speculations , which in all reason of the world i ought to dis-beleeve . about this time i happened to bee acquainted with a sort of books that denounced a sharpe warre against the old philosophy , and very severely undertooke to put it all under the sponge , and withall to raise up such other new observations as should prove more handsomely , and truely make up the apparences and changes of nature . these men i hugged , and indeed expected from them , some performances equall to my expectations ; but then againe i found that man may be farre more happy in discovering of errours then in finding out of truths . for some of those treatises were meerly draughts and designations , others violently wrested the explaining of things to their owne principles , and rather forced nature to their conceptions , then enlarged their conceptions as wide as nature . othersome there were , who abusing a philosophicall liberty , strayed into some anticke theories , and made nature monstrous : others laid down very probable and neat hypotheses , but absolutely unsuited to the nature of the thing ; so that i collected , that though we had made some steps forwards , yet we were not at our journies end . and because i saw that a many curious notions were but like spiders webs , and that experiences have the greatest light , i thought we were principally to insist upon that way . but because most experiments were found out rather casually then by philosophicall reasoning , and some men out of one small observation could be bold to raise abundance of vaine consequences ▪ and for one and the same experiment , there were sundry reasons brought , and it was easily wrested , and salved by divers principles , i judged that as there was an extreame deale of diligence and nicity to the practicall pursuance of nature , so , that it was not safe to draw any one principle from any one observation , unlesse there could not possibly be any other reason given for it , or else alike discoveries had confirmed it , that if any other interpretation were put upon it , it was unproper and vaine : for as it is easie for men of acute wits to mis-judge and mis-expect nature ; so when an axiom is rightly gained , it is easie to work it up , and to draw from it many strange and magicall productions . and because there are abundance of extraordinary appearances both at home and abroad , i judged it necessary , that all these should be carefully gathered and registred ; so that those many varieties comming into a long catalogue , and digested by a sober minde , might afford many rare and beautifull discoveries of the glory of their creator . what other meanes might be used both in this and medicine , would be too large now to insist on , since i at first purposed but a synopsis , which , i cannot despair my selfe , if it were rightly or hotly pursued , could not but bring forth a more plentifull harvest then we at the present expect . there are , no doubt , many of nobler thoughts , who might furnish you with more exact and high designations ; and truly ; i shall thinke my selfe abundantly satisfied , if , from these poore reflections , you may be invited to take their advice , and follow their vast and judicious considerations in this nature . however for my part let this humble essay be as much neglected or revil'd as may be , i shall sit down quiet with a conscience of the discharge of my duty , though it can reap no farther , then the putting of these wishes upon the file , and transmitting them to posterity . these things , as i have but briefly touched , so to particularize them had been extreame folly , your wisdomes being so able to direct you , in case god stir your hearts for to take in hand this taske : which if you cheerfully goe through , no doubt but that gale of divine favour , which hath constantly gone along with you , will not now leave you , but bring you to the end . and as your eyes have been blest with many strange fights , and your mouths oftentimes filled , nay strucken dumbe with wonder ; so there is no doubt , but if you doe this one thing which now remaines , you shall see the taper of a learned piety burne among us , i hope , like an immortall lampe , fed w 〈…〉 refined ▪ and sublimest knowledge , whilst all those false ligh● of ignorance , humane forgery , and superstition shall vanish away , or be put out , and the stubborne pervicacy of humane reason turn'd into a gentle compliance to divine truth . you shall see nature traced through all her turnings , to a cleare demonstration of her first cause , and every day bring forth varieties of experiments , either to the reliefe , astonishment , or delight of men ; you shall then see us freed from all these fabulous illusions and impostures , which have hitherto beset either traditions or cures ; and nature which now disguises her selfe into so many shapes , forced into an open veracity and pure nakednesse . you shall see the number of arts daily increased ▪ and th 〈…〉 we knowne already , wonderfully promoted . you shall then see scheams of common-wealths brought forth , easie and naturall , and not varied into a multiplicity of crooked hypotheses . you shall then see policy reconciled to divinity , morality , and it self , and yet better able to lay designes and prevent dangers . you will then have it in its native simplicity , and your posterity may at once learne to be both wise and innocent . you shall have the use of the tongues daily increase , and that judgement of confusion , which hath so long and so heavily laine upon mankinde , by degrees removed . you shall have the wayes of education made smooth , and your children with a pleasant successe possessed of all the treasures of reall knowledge , ere they could have thought they had entred the gates . so that when you have added these fights to the former , and witnessed by a happy old age the blessednesse of this land ; you may see the reines also prosper in the hands of those that shall be your successours , and melting away in a soft dissolution , finde that crown above which is owing to fidelity , and that reward below , that the best law-givers have ever met with ; that is , your names shall increase in the silent motion of time , and all posterity shall looke backe upon you , with an eye of piety and adoration . the end . to his grace, his majesties high commissioner, and the right honourable estates of parliament. the petition of the principal and masters of the marishal colledge of aberdeen. marischal college and university. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). b wing a b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. b ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) to his grace, his majesties high commissioner, and the right honourable estates of parliament. the petition of the principal and masters of the marishal colledge of aberdeen. marischal college and university. sheet ([ ] p.) s.n., [edinburgh : ] place and date of publication suggested by wing. wing a b copy imperfect: creased with loss of text. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng marischal college and university -- finance -- early works to . educational fund raising -- scotland -- early works to . broadsides -- scotland -- th century - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to his grace , his majesties high commissioner , and the right honourable estates of parliament . the petition of the principal and masters of the marishal colledge of aberdeen that where it has been his majestie and royal predecessors constant care , to provide for and give all incouragement to universities and colledges , and by several acts of parliament , there has been vacant stipends allowed them , for the use and upholding of their fabricks ; and now by the late act of parliament , the vacant stipends being applyed for pious uses within the 〈…〉 and we finding some years agoe that our colledge was exceedingly decay'd , did adventure the founding of a new addition to the said colledge , and by the charitable assistance of several gentlement in the countrey and others the roof is finished ; without any former encouragement from the publict , but a gift of two vacancies , ( which we have not as yet received . ) and there being no fond left in our hands for compleating the said work ; and beside we being considerably in debt throw the great advances thereupon , and seing it will yet take a considerable expence to finish the same , we have humbly presum'd to make application to your grace and honourable estates of parliament , that we may be allowed the vacant stipends of such churches whereof the earl marshal is patron , to be applyed for the use foresaid ; as the same shall happen to be vacant by the deceass or removal of their respective incumbents . may it therefore please your grace , and lordships , to consider the premisses , and to pass an act authorizing us to uplift the vacant stipends of such churches whereof the earl marishal is patron , viz : foveran , new-dear , st. brides , alias dunnotar , fetterresso , old-dear , auchridie , longside , peter-head , st. fergus , king-edward , and any other whereof the earl is undoubted patron ; and to ordain letters of horning , and other execution needfull , to pass at our instance , and our successers , against all others lyable in payment ; and your petitioners shall ever pray , &c. the reformed librarie-keeper with a supplement to the reformed-school, as subordinate to colleges in universities / by john durie ; whereunto is added, i. an idea of mathematicks ii. the description of one of the chiefest libraries which is in germanie ... dury, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing d estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the reformed librarie-keeper with a supplement to the reformed-school, as subordinate to colleges in universities / by john durie ; whereunto is added, i. an idea of mathematicks ii. the description of one of the chiefest libraries which is in germanie ... dury, john, - . hartlib, samuel, d. . pell, john, - . idea of mathematicks. schwartzkopf, johann, - . bibliotheca augusta ... quae est wolferbyti. [ ], p. printed by william du-gard, and are to bee [sic] sold by rob. littleberrie ..., london : . english or latin. "to the reader" signed by the editor: samuel hartlib. reproduction of original in british library. "an idea of mathematicks" written by mr. joh. pell to samuel hartlib: p. - . "bibliotheca augusta ... quae est wolferbyti" by johann schwartzkopff: p. [ ]- . created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng library science -- early works to . librarians. education -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - andrew kuster sampled and proofread - andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the reformed librarie-keeper with a supplement to the reformed-school , as subordinate to colleges in universities . by john durie . whereunto is added i. an idea of mathematicks . ii. the description of one of the chiefest libraries which is in germanie , erected and ordered by one of the most learned princes in europe . london , printed by william du-gard , and are to bee sold by rob. littleberrie at the sign of the vnicorn in little britain . . to the reader . learned reader ! these tracts are the fruits of som of my sollicitations and negotiations for the advancement of learning . and i hope they may in time becom somwhat effectual to rais thy spirit to the exspectation of greater things , which may bee raised upon such grounds as these . all which are but preparatives towards that perfection which wee may exspect by the advancement of the kingdom of christ , wherein the communion of saints , by the graces of the spirit , will swallow up all these poor rudiments of knowledg , which wee now grope after by so manie helps ; and till then in those endeavors i rest in the truth ▪ thy faithfull and unwearied servant samuel hartlie . a supplement to the reformed school . loving freind ! you have offered to mee that which i confess i did not reflect upon , when i wrote the discours you have published under the name of a reformed school ; which is , that som may think by the waie of education , which i propose all universities and eminent places of learning might subtilly bee undermined and made useless , becaus therein a waie is shew'd how to initiate youths not onely to the principles of all religious and rational knowledg , and in the exercises of all moral virtues , but in the grounds of all civil emploiments , so far , as will make them fit for all profitable undertakings in humane societies , whence this will follow ( in their apprehensions ) that they shall have no advantage by beeing sent to anie universities , to attein anie further perfection : becaus the universities will not bee able to add anie thing unto them , which by their own industrie , they may not afterward attein anie where els , as well as there . truly it never came into my thoughts , either directly or indirectly to make universities useless ; nor can it bee rationally infer'd from anie thing in the matter form or end of that discours of mine : but i will grant that such as can see no further then what wee now ordinarily attein unto ; and withal think that there is no plus ultra in nature atteinable above that which they have conceived , such as i saie may frame to themselv's this jealousie against that discours : but if they would rais their thoughts with mee a little above the ordinarie pitch , and consider what the nature of man is capable off : and how far it may , by diligent instruction , by method and communication , bee improved : they might rather bee induced to make this inference , if the natural abilities of youths in a school ( when reformed ) may bee thus far improved : how far more may they bee improved , when they are past the age of youth , and com to manhood in colleges and universities , if namely colleges and universities , could in the sphere of their activities bee proportionally reformed , as the schools may bee in their sphere : for it is rational to conclude thus : if the first step of our reformation will lead us thus far , how far will the second and third lead us ? and if scholastical exercises in youths of eighteen or twentie years , will advance them to that perfection of learning and virtues , which few of double their age or none almost ever attein unto , what will collegial and academical exercises ( if reformed and set upon their proper objects ) bring them unto ? i shall therefore to eas you , or such as may have this scruple and jealousie over mee , declare that my purpose is so far from making colleges and universities useless , that if i might have my desire in them , they should becom a thousand times more useful then now they are , that is , as far above the ordinarie state wherein they are set , as this school is above the ordinarie waie of schooling : for if wee look upon the true and proper ends of school , college and universitie-studies and exercises ; wee shall see that as in nature they are in a gradual proportion , distant from , and subordinate unto each other , so they ought to rise one out of another , and bee built upon each other's foundations . the true and proper end of schooling is to teach and exercise children and youths in the grounds of all learning and virtues , so far as either their capacitie in that age will suffer them to com , or is requisite to apprehend the principles of useful matters , by which they may bee made able to exercise themselvs in everie good employment afterwards by themselvs , and as the proverb is , sine cortice natare . the true and proper end of colleges should bee to bring together into one societie such as are able thus to exercise themselvs in anie or all kind of studies , that by their mutual association , communication , and assistance in reading , meditating and conferring about profitable matters , they may not onely perfit their own abilities , but advance the superstructures of all learning to that perfection , which by such means is attainable . and the true and proper end of universities , should bee to publish unto the world the matters , which formerly have not been published ; to discover the errors and hurtfulness of things mistaken for truths ; and to supplie the defects and desiderata , which may bee servicable to all sorts of professions . now according to those aimes and ends , i suppose it may bee inferred , that none should bee dismissed out of the schools , till they are able to make use of all sorts of books , and direct themselvs profitably in everie cours of studie or action , whereunto their genius shall lead them ; and that none should bee admitted into anie colleges , but such as will join with others , to elaborate som profitable tasks , for the advancement and facilitating of superstructures in things already by som discovered , but not made common unto all ; and that none should bee made publick professors in universities , but such as have not onely a publick aim , but som approved abilities , to supply som defects and to elaborate som desiderata of usefull knowledg , or to direct such as are studious , how to order their thoughts in all matters of search and meditation , for the discoverie of things not hitherto found out by others ; but which in probabilitie may bee found out by rational searching . thus then i conceiv , that in a well-reformed common wealth , which is to bee subordinate unto the kingdom of jesus christ , wherein the glorie of god , the happiness of the nature of man : and the glorious libertie of the sons of god is to bee revealed ; all the subjects thereof should in their youth bee trained up in som schools fit for their capacities , and that over these schools , som overseers should bee appointed to look to the cours of their education , to see that none should bee left destitute of som benefit of virtuous breeding , according to the several kinds of emploiments , whereunto they may bee found most fit and inclinable , whether it bee to bear som civil office in the common-wealth , or to bee mechanically emploied , or to bee bred to teach others humane sciences , or to bee imploied in prophetical exercises . as for this school , which at this time i have delineated , it is proper to such of the nobilitie , gentrie and better sort of citizens , which are fit to bee made capable to bear offices in the common-wealth : the other schools may bee spoken off in due time , so far as they are distinct from this ; but that which now i have to suggest is chiefly this , that as out of the schools the chois , which ought to bee made for colleges , ought , caeteris paribus , onely to bee of such as are most fit to advance the ends of a collegial association ; so out of colleges a chois ought to bee made of professors for the universitie onely , of such as are fittest to advance the ends of publick teaching in universities , which are not to repeat and compendiate that which others have published twentie times already , over and over again , but to add unto the common stock of humane knowledg , that which others have not observed , to the end that all these degrees of studies and exercises of the minde of man , beeing subordinate unto the kingdom of jesus christ , the happiness of man by all rational and spiritual waies of improving humane abilities , may bee advanced unto it's perfection in this life so far as may bee . but how far short wee com now of all these designs , i need not to relate unto you : the colleges as they are now constituted , can scarce reach to the half of that which the schools might bring us unto : and the professors of the universities com not up to that , which the collegial associations might elaborate , if they were rightly directed to set their talents a work ; and if the publick spirit of christian love and ingenuitie did posses those , that are possessed of publick places in the colleges of the universities . for if this spirit did rule their aims and endevors , there would bee no self-seeking , no partialitie , no envie , nor anie cross actings for private ends , to the prejudice of the publick ; but the generous love of virtue and of profitable learning , would swaie all their inclinations to a free conjunction ; and make all their endeavors subordinate unto the publick good of the common-wealth of israël in the communion of saints . but how far this principle of acting is now wanting amongst us all , i shall not need to mention : you have considered it long ago , and wee have together lamented that defect , and the doleful effects thereof : our endevor must bee to seek out the best means of a reformation therein , and to make use of them as god shall give us opportunities . and truly somthing of this kinde might bee don , without anie great alteration or stir , even as matters now are formed in the colleges ; if god would bee so gracious to us , as to beget in the mindes of those that understand those things , a heartie aim and resolution to benefit the christian common-wealth of learning , by their collegial relations and associations one to another . for if men that are in genuous will call to minde the end first , for which god doth give them all their talents , and then also for which men of publick spirits have erected colleges and universities , and endowed the same with long and competent maintenances ; that such as are fit for studies , and called to bee instrumental in the propagation of truth and virtue , might not bee distracted with the care of the world , in reference to outward matters , but might have all the conveniences which are imaginable to improve those talents to the utmost , either singly or conveniently with others , if ( i saie ) ingenuous christians would minde these ends , for which the benefit of their talents from god and of their accommodations from men to improve those talents are bestowed upon them : it would not bee possible for them ; to bee so unthankful towards god , and avers from the rule of christianitie , and from the love of doing good to the generation wherein they live ; that they should intend to lead a collegial life onely for their own private eas and conveniencie in outward things ; that beeing accommodated with all necessarie helps of the bodie , they may pleas themselvs onely in the course of their studies , with that reservation and retiredness , which is proper to a monkish life in popish cloisters ; wherein the spirit of mutual envie , of detraction and division is more irreconcilably entertained , then in anie other societies of the world. for their cloister-constitutions , obliging them onely to the observation of som formal works as an opus operatum ; for which their maintenance is allowed them ; they not knowing anie further design of their life , or any greater happiness in this world , then to pleas themselvs ; bestow all the rest of their time and thoughts , as their natural inclinations lead them , which is commonly to nothing els but to self-love and pride , which became a provocation unto others , to discover mutually their corruptions , which by reaction make them all full of envie , of hatred , of evil surmises , and of malicious practices one against another : so that no where satan doth dwel and rule more effectually , then in those religious houses , as they are falsly so called . how much of this monkish disposition doth remain as yet in the formal constitutions of colleges , or in the spirits of those that partake of collegial accommodations , is not a thing which i shall take upon me to judg ; but i shall leav it to god , and to his daie to discover ; onely i would bee glad that all such as are true israelites , and know the end of their calling unto christ , and are not willing to burie their talents , or to make them useless unto others , for whose sakes they have received them would laie this matter to heart , that their aim in a collegial life , should not bee to enjoie an easie careless waie of subsistence by and for themselvs , to follow private fancies in their studies about matters of learning ; but that they should minde the stewardship of their gifts and places , and tbe advantages of their association , whereby they might bee , ( if they would make use of it ) able to elaborate som tasks , which otherwise cannot bee brought to anie perfection , for the building up of the citie of god in our generations . there is no want of parts and abilities in the spirits of our men , but the waie to order them for publick use , and to bring them together as stones fitly compacted to make up a perfect palace , is that which make's us all useless one to another ; wee finde that now and then , as it were by chance , som exquisite pieces of learning , which som have been hatching all their life time drop out ; wherein appear's , besides the usefulness of the subject , or the uselesness thereof , som inclination to bee found extraordinarie ; but these endevors , disjointed from publick aims , advance little or nothing , the happiness , which true learning rightly ordered in all the parts thereof ; and subordinate unto christianitie , is able to bring unto mankind . such pieces therefore serv onely as a witness , to shew what wast there is of profitable time and abilities , for want of loving combinations for publick designs . it is the observation of forreigners concerning our universities , that they finde in them men of as great learning as any where els ; but that they lie as it were dead and unknown to the whole world of other men of learning ; becaus they delight to live a retired and unsociable life : this humor therefore amongst other parts of our reformation , must by som gospel-principles and rational inducements bee reformed , not onely in colleges but in other associations . the lord teach us the waie of truth and righteousness , that wee may profit in all things to advance the glorie of his name in the kingdom of his son , in whom i rest your friend and servant . j. d. the reformed librarie-keeper . by john durie . in domino confido london , printed by william du-gard , anno dom. . the reformed librarie-keeper : or two copies of letters concerning the place and office of a librarie-keeper . the first letter . the librarie-keeper's place and office , in most countries ( as most other places and offices both in churches and universities ) are lookt upon , as places of profit and gain , and so accordingly sought after and valued in that regard ; and not in regard of the service , which is to bee don by them unto the common-wealth of israël , for the advancement of pietie and learning ; for the most part , men look after the maintenance , and livelihood setled upon their places , more then upon the end and usefulness of their emploiments ; they seek themselvs and not the publick therein , and so they subordinate all the advantages of their places , to purchase mainly two things thereby viz. an easie subsistence ; and som credit incomparison of others ; nor is the last much regarded , if the first may bee had ; except i● bee in cases of strife and debate , wherein men are over-heated : for then indeed som will stand upon the point of honor , to the hazard of their temporal profits : but to speak in particular of librarie-keepers , in most universities that i know ; nay indeed in all , their places are but mercenarie , and their emploiment of little or no use further , then to look to the books committed to their custodie , that they may not bee lost ; or embezeled by those that use them : and this is all . i have been informed , that in oxford ( where the most famous librarie now exstant amongst the protestant-christians is kept , ) the setled maintenance of the librarie-keeper is not above fiftie or sixtie pound per annum ; but that it is accidentally , viis & modis somtimes worth an hundred pound : what the accidents are , and the waies by which they com , i have not been curious to search after ; but i have thought , that if the proper emploiments of librarie-keepers were taken into consideration as they are , or may bee made useful to the advancement of learning ; and were ordered and mainteined proportionally to the ends , which ought to bee intended thereby ; they would bee of exceeding great use to all sorts of scholars , and have an universal influence upon all the parts of learning , to produce and propagate the same unto perfection . for if librarie-keepers did understand themselvs in the nature of their work , and would make themselvs , as they ought to bee , useful in their places in a publick waie ; they ought to becom agents for the advancement of universal learning : and to this effect i could wish , that their places might not bee made , as everie where they are , mercenarie , but rather honorarie ; and that with the competent allowance of two hundred pounds a year ; som emploiments should bee put upon them further then a bare keeping of the books . it is true that a fair librarie , is not onely an ornament and credit to the place vvhere it is ; but an useful commoditie by it self to the publick ; yet in effect it is no more then a dead bodie as novv it is constituted , in comparison of vvhat it might bee , if it vvere animated vvith a publick spirit to keep and use it , and ordered as it might bee for publick service . for if such an allovvance vvere setled upon the emploiment as might maintain a man of parts and generous thoughts , then a condition might bee annexed to the bestowing of the place ▪ that none should bee called thereunto but such as had approved themselvs zealous and profitable in som publick waies of learning to advance the same , or that should bee bound to certain tasks to bee prosecuted towards that end , whereof a list might bee made , and the waie to trie their abilities in prosecuting the same should bee described , least in after times , unprofitable men creep into the place , to frustrate the publick of the benefit intended by the doners towards posteritie . the proper charge then of the honorarie librarie-keeper in an universitie should bee thought upon , and the end of that imploiment , in my conception , is to keep the publick stock of learning , which is in books and manuscripts to increas it , and to propose it to others in the waie which may bee most useful unto all ; his work then is to bee a factor and trader for helps to learning , and a treasurer to keep them , and a dispenser to applie them to use , or to see them well used , or at least not abused ; and to do all this , first a catalogue , of the treasurie committed unto his charge is to bee made , that is all the books and manuscripts , according to the titles whereunto they belong , are to bee ranked in an order most easie and obvious to bee found , which i think is that of sciences and languages ; when first all the books are divided into their subjectam materiam whereof they treat , and then everie kinde of matter subdivided into their several languages : and as the catalogue should bee so made , that it may alwaies bee augmented as the stock doth increas ; so the place in the librarie must bee left open for the increas of the number of books in their proper seats , and in the printed catalogue , a reference is to bee made to the place where the books are to bee found in their shelvs or repositories . when the stock is thus known and fitted to bee exposed to the view of the learned world , then the waie of trading with it , both at home and abroad , is to bee laid to heart both for the increas of the stock , and for the improvement of it to use . for the increas of the stock both at home and abroad , correspondencie should bee held with those that are eminent in everie science , to trade with them for their profit , that what they want and wee have , they may receiv upon condition , that what they have and wee want , they should impart in that facultie wherein their eminencie doth lie ; as for such as are at home eminent in anie kinde , becaus they may com by native right to have use of the librarie-treasure , they are to bee traded vvithal in another vvaie , viz. that the things vvhich are gained from abroad , vvhich as yet are not made common , and put to publick use should bee promised and imparted to them for the increas of their private stock of knowledg , to the end that what they have peculiar , may also bee given in for a requital , so that the particularities of gifts at home and abroad , are to meet as in a center in the hand of the librarie-keeper , and hee is to trade with the one by the other , to caus them to multiplie the publick stock , whereof hee is a treasurer and factor . thus hee should trade with those that are at home and abroad out of the universitie , and with those that are within the universitie , hee should have acquaintance to know all that are of anie parts , and how their vein of learning doth lie , to supplie helps unto them in their faculties from without and from within the nation , to put them upon the keeping of correspondencie vvith men of their ovvn strain , for the beating out of matters not yet elaborated in sciences ; so that they may bee as his assistants and subordinate factors in his trade and in their own for gaining of knowledg : now becaus in all publick agencies , it is fit that som inspection should bee had over those that are intrusted therewith , therefore in this factorie and trade for the increas of learning , som tie should bee upon those librarie-keepers to oblige them to carefulness . i would then upon this account , have an order made that once in the year , the librarie-keeper should bee bound to give an account of his trading , and of his profit in his trade ( as in all humane trades factors ought , and use to do to their principals at least once a year ) and to this effect i would have it ordered , that the chief doctors of each facultie of the universitie , should meet at a convenient time in a week of the year , to receiv the accounts of his trading , that hee may shew them wherein the stock of learning hath been increased , for that year's space ; and then hee is to produce the particulars which hee hath gained from abroad , and laie them before them all , that everie one in his own facultie m●● declare in the presence of others , that which hee thinketh fit to bee added to the publick stock , and made common by the catalogue of additionals , which everie year within the universities is to bee published in writing within the librarie it self , and everie three years ( or sooner as the number of additionals may bee great , or later , if it bee smal ) to bee put in print and made common to those that are abroad . and at this giving up of the accounts , as the doctors are to declare what they think worthie to bee added to the common stock of learning , each in their facultie ; so i would have them see what the charges and pains are whereat the librarie-keeper hath been , that for his encouragement , the extraordinarie expences in correspondencies and transcriptions for the publick good , may bee allowed him out of som revenues , which should bee set a part to that effect , and disposed of according to their joint-consent and judgment in that matter . here then hee should bee bound to shew them the lists of his correspondents , the letters from them in answer to his , and the reckoning of his extraordinarie expence should bee allowed him in that which hee is indebted , or hath freely laid out to procure rarities into the stock of learning . and becaus i understand that all the book-printers or stationars of the common-wealth are bound of everie book which is printed , to send a copie into the universitie librarie ; and it is impossible for one man to read all the books in all faculties , to judg of them what worth there is in them ; nor hath everie one abilitie to judge of all kinde of sciences what everie autor doth handle , and how sufficiently ; therefore i would have at this time of giving accounts , the librarie-keeper also bound to produce the catalogue of all the books sent unto the universitie's librarie by the stationars that printed them ; to the end that everie one of the doctors in their own faculties should declare , whether or no they should bee added , and where they should bee placed in the catalogue of additionals ; for i do not think that all books and treaties which in this age are printed in all kindes , should bee inserted into the catalogue , and added to the stock of the librarie , discretion must bee used and confusion avoided , and a cours taken to distinguish that which is profitable , from that which is useless ; and according to the verdict of that societie , the usefulness of books for the publick is to bee determined ; yet becaus there is seldom anie books wherein there is not somthing useful , and books freely given are not to bee cast away , but may bee kept , therefore i would have a peculiar place appointed for such books as shall bee laid aside to keep them in , and a catalogue of their titles made alphabetically in reference to the autor's name , with a note of distinction to shew the science to which they are to bee referred . these thoughts com thus suddenly into my head , which in due time may bee more fully described , if need bee , chiefly if , upon the ground of this account , som competencie should bee found out and allowed to maintein such charges as will bee requisite , towards the advancement of the publick good of learning after this manner . the second letter . sir ! in my last i gave you som incident thoughts , concerning the improvement of an honorarie librarie-keeper's-place , to shew the true end and use thereof , and how the keepers thereof should bee regulated in the trade , which hee is to drive for the advancement of learning , and encouraged by a cōmpetent maintenance , and supported in extraordinarie expences for the same . now i wish that som men of publick spirits and lovers of learning , might bee made acquainted with the action , upon such grounds as were then briefly suggested ; who know's but that in time somthing might bee offered to the trustees of the nation , with better conceptions then these i have suggested . for , if it bee considered that amongst manie eminencies of this nation , the librarie of oxford is one of the most considerable for the advancement of learning , if rightly improved and traded withal for the good of scholars at home and abroad ; if this ( i saie ) bee rightly considered and represented to the publick reformers of this age , that by this means this nation as in other things , so especially for pietie and learning , and by the advancement of both , may now bee made more glorious then anie other in the world ; no doubt such as in the parlament know the worth of learning will not bee avers from further overtures , which may bee made towards this purpose . what a great stir hath been heretofore , about the eminencie of the librarie of heidelberg , but what use was made of it ? it was ingrossed into the hands of a few , till it became a prey unto the enemies of the truth . if the librarie-keeper had been a man , that would have traded with it for the increas of true learning , it might have been preserved unto this daie in all the rarities thereof , not so much by the shuttings up of the multitude of books , and the rareness thereof for antiquitie , as by the understandings of men and their proficiencie to improv and dilate knowledg upon the grounds which hee might have suggested unto others of parts , and so the librarie-rarities would not onely have been preserved in the spirits of men , but have fructified abundantly therein unto this daie , whereas they are now lost , becaus they were but a talent digged in the ground ; and as they that had the keeping of that librarie made it an idol , to bee respected and worshipped for a raritie by an implicite faith , without anie benefit to those who did esteem of it a far off : so it was just with god that it should fall into the hands of those that in all things follow an idolatrous waie , to blinde men with shewes without all realitie of substantial virtue , which is onely eminent in this , that it becometh profitable unto all , by dilating the light of knowledg , and the love of grace and goodness in the hearts of all men , that are fit to receiv the one and the other ; and where this aim is not in those that are intrusted with publick places ; there they in the end will bee found unprofitable servants ; for the trust which god hath put into their hands to profit withal , they discharge not for the account which everie one is to give unto him of his stewardship , is not how careful hee hath kept things of use unto himself , to pride himself in the possession of that which others have not , ( as the custom of men is , that know not what true glorie is ) but how faithfully and diligently hee hath distributed the same to such as were worthie thereof for their good , that they might bee stirred up both to glorifie god for his goodness ; and to imitate him in the communication of all good things unto others for his sake freely . this was christ's work on earth to receiv us , unto the glorie of god ; this was that vvhich hee taught by this practice , that it is more blessed to give , then to receiv . this is that which this envious world cannot rellish , and vvhat stop 's the current of true love in the hearts of men ? nothing so much as the self-seeking of men in the vvaies of learning , by vvhich they covetously obstruct the fountains of life and comfort , vvhich might overflow and vvater abundantly the barren and thirstie souls of those that perish for vvant of address nnto vvisdom ; vvhich in all the vvaies of humane and divine learning might bee mainly advanced , by the industrie of one man in such a place , vvhose trade should bee such as i formerly described , to deal vvith the spirits of all men of parts , to set them a vvorking one by and towards another , upon the subjects vvhich hee should bee intrusted vvithal to keep in the stock of learning . it is the glorie and riches of nations and of great cities , to make themselvs the center of trade for all their neighbors ; and if they can finde vvaies of politie , to oblige their neighbors to receiv from their magazines the commodities whereof they stand in need , it is everie vvaie a great benefit unto the state , so it may bee in matters of learning , and by the trade of sciences this church may oblige all the neighbor churches , and that universitie all forreiners that trade in knowledge to receiv pretious commodities , whereof they stand in need , from our magazines and store-houses ; if a painful steward and dispenser thereof , bee imploied and mainteined to use industrie for so blessed a work , from whence much glorie to god in the gospel , and honor will redound to the nation . for although the waies of humane learning are almost infinite and wonderfully various , and have their peculiar uses in the outward life of man , for which most men affect them , yet in one that is to minde the universal good of all , the whole varietie and diversitie of matters useful unto this present life , as they com within the sphere of learning must bee reduced , and may bee subordinate unto the advancement of the gospel of christ , wherein the glorie of the nation , at this and all times should bee thought to stand : and truly that is the thing which take's most with mee , for which i would have that librarie thus improved by a faithful keeper , that when his trade is set on foot , with all those that are of eminent parts in their several faculties , wee knowing who they are and wherein their eminencies do lie , may have opportunities to provoke them to the right use thereof , by giving them objects from our store ; and furnishing them with tasks and matters to bee elaborated , which cannot bee diverted from the scope of god's glorie to bee made known unto all men in jesus christ , for there is nothing of knowledg in the minde of man , which may not bee conveniently referred to the virtues of god in christ , whereby the humane nature is to bee exalted to that dignitie whereunto hee hath received it , that it should by him rule over the whole creätion . and the want of this aim to look upon things in order to him , and to set them a working without relation to him , is that which blast's all our endevors , and make's them determin in confusion and disorder ; for whatsoëver is not directed in it's own place with som reference unto him must bee overthrown ; nor is there anie waie left for anie to prosper in that which hee undertaketh , but to learn to know him and respect him in it , for the advancement of the kingdom over the souls of men , which by the sanctified use of all knowledg is chiefly effected . if then the trade of learning is to bee set a foot in a publick waie , and regulated to deserv the countenance of a religious state , this aim , and the waie of prosecuting of it must bee intended and beaten out ; for except sciences bee reformed in order to this scope , the increas of knowledg will increas nothing but strife , pride and confusion , from whence our sorrows will bee multiplied and propagated unto posteritie ; but if hee , who is to bee intrusted with the managing of this trade , bee addressed in the waie which leadeth unto this aim without partialitie , his negotiation will bee a blessing unto this age and to posteritie . i have no time to inlarge upon this subject , or to conceiv a formal and regular discours , but the thoughts which thus fall into my minde i impart unto you , that you may give them as hints unto others , who of themselvs will bee able to inlarge them either to the hous , or to such as can in due time swaie the counsels of leading men in this common-wealth . an idea of mathematics written by m r joh. pell to samuel hartlib . sir ! the sum of what i have heretofore written or spoken to you , concerning the advancement of the mathematics , is this : as long as men want will , wit , means or leisure to attend those studies , it is no marvail if they make no great progress in them . to remedie which , i conceiv these means not to bee amiss . . to write a consiliarius mathematicus , ( so i call it ) answering to these questions : q. . what fruit or profit ariseth from the studie of mathematics ? q. . what helps are there for the attaining this profitable knowledg ? q. ▪ what order is to bee observed in using these helps ? to this purpose it should contain . a plain and popular discours of the extent of the mathematics , with the profit that redound's , first to the student himself , and then to the countrie wherein there are manie such grounded artists . . a catalogue of mathematicians and their works in this order : . a synopsis of all the several kinds of mathematical writings , either extant in print , or accessible manuscripts in publick libraries , with several numbers set to everie kinde . . a chronical catalogue of all mathematician's names that ever were of note , according to the order of the years when they lived , with the year when anie of their works were first printed , . a catalogue of the writings themselvs , in the order of years in which they vvere printed in anie language : and this i vvould contrive thus : first , the year of our lord , and then the names of all the mathematical books printed that year in anie countrie or language , after the usual manner of catalogues : but . adding the volume , that is , not onely what fold [ . . &c. ] but also the number of leavs , that wee may estimate the bulk of the book . . prefixing before the title the year to vvhich you must look back to know either vvhen it vvas vvritten , or vvhen it vvas last before printed , in that or any other language . . setting in the margent , after the title . . the year vvherein it vvas the next time printed . . the number of reference to the synopsis in the first page ; by vvhich numbers one may presently run over all the books of one sort , of this or that particular subject . . a counsel directing a student to the best books in everie kinde ; in vvhat order , and how to read them , what to observ , what to beware of in som mathematicasters , how to proceed and keep all . . a paraenesis , first , to all those who have means and leisure , and a wit not unapt for these studies , to set upon them in regard . of their profitableness to the student , and to mankinde . . of that more refined pleasure of hunting out hidden truths , vvrastling vvith difficult problemes , and getting the victorie ; and so much the rather , becaus . of the great facilitie that is novv in that studie , by reason of the many helps to spare much labor , time and cost , vvhich our forefathers vvere forced to spend . secondly , to all those who have understanding to estimate the worth of these studies , and wealth vvherewith to purchase themselvs lasting honor by the vvise dispensing of it , to take more notice of this sort of students , and to encourage them , setting apart the choicest of them , to perfect the inventions , to vvhich their genius lead's them . especially , to all princes and estates , vvhom it concern's to take a cours , . that their dominions may bee better furnished vvith this sort of students . . that the vvaie may bee made less laborious and costlie , . that mathematica ingenia may bee discovered and assisted . to vvhich end it vvould bee good . . to erect a publick librarie , containing all those books , and one instrument of everie sort that hath been invented , vvith sufficient revenue , . to buy one copie of all those that shall bee printed yearly in other countries . and . to maintain a librarie-keeper of great judgment , to whom it may belong † . to peruse all books of such subjects , to bee printed within that countrie , and . suppress vvhatsoëver is not according to art , that learners bee not abused , and . admonish the writers , if they bring nothing but stale stuff . . upon his credit to approv excellent inventions , and unpartially to commend the inventors to the rewarders . . to receiv , record and place one printed copie of everie book so perused , sent into the librarie , vvell bound at the autor's or book-seller's charge . . to resolv anie student that enquire's about anie probleme , vvhether it have been don already or no , fearing lest hee should actum agere , and therefore perhaps suppressing som invention vvhich hee hath light upon , but doubts it is old and to bee found in som of the books of that librarie . . to receiv , &c. all such manuscripts as shall bee brought thither by vvaie of gift , legacie or the like . . to maintain correspondence vvith such as himself in other countries , to know vvhat is printed there . . to take notice of all his countrimen that are fit to bee teachers , &c. . to keep a catalogue of all such vvorkmen as are able and fit to bee imploied in making mathematical instruments and representations , vvorking upon wood , magnets , metals , glass , &c. . to give testimonial , after examination , to all sorts of practisers , as pilots , masters , landmeters , accomptants , &c. of their speculative abilitie and practical dexteritie , that those that have occasion to use such men , bee not abused by unable undertakers , to their exceeding great damage . by the catalogue , men might bee informed , in that multitude of books , vvith vvhich the vvorld is novv pestered , vvhat the names are of those books that tend to this studie onely . in the librarie , they might finde the books themselvs , read them , and if they liked them , knovv vvhither to send to buy them : besides , anie , vvhether forreiners or others , might have recours thither , and learn vvhat helps that countrie would afford them in these studies . and this is the best cours that i can think on for the making use of such helps as wee have already . if men desire better helps , let them emploie fit artists . . to vvrite and publish these three new treatises : † . pandectae mathematicae , comprehending as clearly , orderly , and thrftily , and ingenuously as may bee , vvhatsoëver may bee gathered out of all those mathematical books and inventions that vvere before us , or that may bee inferred as consectaries thereon ; citing , at the end of everie period or proposition , the ancientest autor in vvhich it is found , and branding all later vvriters if they bee taken stealing , or borrovving vvithout acknovvledgment , or [ vvhich is vvors ] expresly arrogating to themselvs anie other man's inventions . this vvould bring that great librarie into far less room , to the saving of more labor , time and cost , to all after-students , than men can yet vvell imagine . but becaus this also vvould bee too great and cumbersom to carrie about us , let there bee composed . comes mathematicus , comprehending in a pocket-book , [ and therefore as briefly as may bee ] the usefullest tables and the precepts for their use , in solving all problemes , vvhether purely mathematical , or applied to such practices as men's various occasions may require . and lastly , that in this kinde of learning also , vvee bee no longer tied to books , let there bee composed . mathematicus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or an instruction , shevving hovv anie mathematician that vvill take the pains , may prepare himself , so , as that hee may , though hee bee utterly destitute of books or instruments , resolv anie mathematical probleme as exactly as if hee had a complete librarie by him . and this is the idéa , vvhich i have long framed to my self , according to my fashion , vvith vvhom this passeth for an undoubted truth , that the surest vvaie to com to all possible excellencie in anie thing , is to propose to our selvs the perfectest idéa's that vvee can imagine , then to seek the means tending thereto , as rationally as may bee , and to prosecute it vvith indefatigable diligence ; yet , if the idéa prove too high for us , to rest our selvs content vvith approximation . as for this present idéa , i am so far from counting it meerly-impossible , that i see not vvhy it might not bee performed by one man , vvithout anie assistants , provided that hee vvere neither distracted vvith cares for his maintenance , nor diverted by other emploiments . the excellencie of this vvork , make's me vvish mine ovvn nation the honor of first undertaking and perfecting this design , and i conceiv i have som reason to hope that it vvill bee so . for , though i knovv fevv or none that are both able and vvilling to promote designs of this nature , yet can i not therefore bee persvvaded that this kingdom is so destitute of learned nobilitie and gentrie , that there can bee found none to countenance and advance this part of learning , even in this vvaie , if they could see it possible and likely to bee effected . as for the librarie and catalogue , there can bee no doubt but they may easily bee had , if monie bee not vvanting . nor is it unlikelie that divers of this nation ( if they be set apart for it ) are able to compose the other . new treatises ; for though i knovv no such , yet i persvvade my self there may bee found amongst us men able to encounter all the difficulties , and to endure all the labor , that they must needs meet vvith in the raising of so great a fabrick . and i the rather believ that there are many such , becaus for mine own part , notvvithstanding the vvant of counsel and helps in that studie , and the innumerable diversions and distractions that i have had , i am nevertheless com to such a confidence of my understanding the depth of that studie , that , vvere i to pen those pandects , i should laie heavier lavvs upon my self , than i have alreadie mentioned ; namely , first to laie dovvn such an exact method or description of the process of man's reason in inventions , that afterward it should bee imputed meerly to my negligence and disobedience to my ovvn lavvs , [ and not to their insufficiencie ] if , from my first grounds , seeds , or principles , i did not , in an orderlie vvaie , according to that prescribed method , deduce , not onely all that ever is to bee found in our antecessor's vvritings , and vvhatsoëver they may seem to have thought on , but also all the mathematical inventions , theoremes , problems and precepts , that it is possible for the vvorking vvits of our successors to light upon , and that in one certain , unchanged order , from the first seeds of mathematics , to their highest and noblest applications , as vvell as to the meanest and most ordinarie . not setting them dovvn at random as they com in my head , as those before us have don , so that they seem to have light upon their problems and the solutions of them by chance , not to have found them by one perpetual , constant , invariable process of art. yet such an art may men invent , if they accustom themselvs , as i have long don , to consider , not onely the usefulness of men's vvorks , and the meaning and truth of their vvritings , but also how it came to pass that they fell upon such thoughts , and that they proposed to themselvs such ends , or found out such means for them . were these pandects thus made and finished , i suppose it is manifest , that by their orderlie , rational and uniform compleatness , above all that hath been hitherto vvritten , they vvould spare after-students much labor and time that is novv spent in seeking out of books , and disorderlie reading them , and struggling vvith their cloudie expressions , unapt representations , different methods , confusions , tautologies , impertinencies , falshoods by paralogisms and pseudographemes , uncertainties becaus of insufficient demonstrations , &c. besides much cost also , novv throvvn avvaie upon the multitude of books , the greater part vvhereof they had perhaps been better never to have seen . and it may be som vvould like the method of that vvork so vvell , as to extend it farther , and applie it to other studies ; in speculation imitating this my vvariness , that no falshood bee admitted , and no truth omitted ; and for practice enuring themselvs , anie subject beeing propounded , to determine the number of all the problemes that can bee conceived concerning it , and anie probleme beeing propounded , demonstratively to shevv either all the means of it's solution , or the impossibilitie of it : and if so , then vvhether it bee not yet , or not at all possible . men vvould easilie see hovv to contract these pandects into a pocket-book for their ordinarie use . but so to laie them up in their heads , as to need no book at all [ according to that desideratum of mine , to have a mathematicus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] vvill perhaps seem utterly impossible to most : no man , that ever i heard of , having proposed such a scope to himself before . but perhaps they vvill conceiv it more possible , if it pleas them to suspend their judgments , till they have considered what means may bee used to fortifie the imagination , to prompt the memorie , to regulate our reason , and what effects may bee produced by the uniting of these means , and the constant exercising of them . for mine ovvn part , the consideration of the incomparable excellencie , unstained pleasure , vnvaluable profitableness , and undoubted possibilitie of this vvhole design , hath prevailed so far vvith mee , that , notvvithstanding all the discouragements that i have met vvithal , i have don more tovvards it than bare idéa . bibliotheca augusta , serenissimi , illustrissimi principis , ac domini , d. augusti , ducis brunovicensis , & lunaeburgensis . quae est wolferbyti . in bibliothecam augustam . viderat augustam dea caesia bibliothecam , augusti manibus guelphicâ in vrbe strui : nunc mihi tur●igeras quantumvìs ma●●spiter arces objice , quas vehemens occaracingit , ait . grandia si libris praefers tormenta , memento ▪ illa homines-miseros , hanc posuisse deum . m. henricus julius scheurl , moralium in acad. juliâ professor publicus . bibliotheca augusta , quae hodie guelpherbiri , antiquissimâ ducum brunovicensium sede visitur , sive locum , sive armaria , sive ipsam denique molem , & congeriem librorum , sub eo nomine intelligas , primum , & unicum , autorem habet , serenissimum illustrissimum principem , ac dominum , dominum augustum , ducem brunovicensem & lunaeburgensem , qui , ut à primis adolescentiae annis , artium cultor solertissimus , & ingeniorum censor acutissimus , ità etiam , quod istis adhaeret , praestantissimorum in omni eruditionis genere librorum amantissimus . exemplum quidem , & ardorem , illustrissimus princeps ad istos conatus , à regibus & imperatoribus , qui curam hanc verè regiam sibi propriam esse voluerunt : rem verò nullam ab aliis habuit . obversabatur nempe animo osimanduas aegypti rex , qui ut est apud diodorum siculum , lib. . cap. . sacrae bibliothecae à se erectae , titulum esse voluit : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , medicatorium animae , ut vertit l. rhodomanus , ejúsque ut in regno , itâ & in laudabili instituto post aliquot secula successor ptolomaeus philadelphus , cujus bibliotheca , exemplo , imò & libris summi aristotelis instructa , omnium historicorum ore , & laudibus celebris : eumenes item , seu attalus , ( utrique enim , huic patri , illi filio laudem hanc historia tribuit ) pergami reges , quorum tantum in hoc negotio studium , ut cùm ptolomaeus chartas seu papyrum , quam sola aegyptus suppeditaverat , invidè supprimeret , veritus , nè attalus veterem illam aegypti bibliothecam novâ suâ aequaret ; ille ferro , quod dicitur , viam sibi aperiendam , novámque librorum conficiendorum rationem inueniendam censeret , optimo sanè successu : membranarum enim ex corio animalium confectarum usum , ut varro autor est apud plinium lib. . cap. . invenit , cui omne quicquid ad typographiae inventionem usque superat librorum , unicè debemus . unde meritò factum est , ut in aeviternam inventoris pergami regis memoriam , hujusmodi membranae adhuc hodie pergamenae dicantur . nec defuit principi domesticum illustrissimorum antecessorum lineae principalis guelphicae , arcis guelpherbiti possessorum , exemplum , qui & ipsi superiori seculo instructissimam bibliothecam , copiâ tamen librorum huic augustae non comparandam , paraverant , quam demum anno aeràe dionysianae . ultimus istius lineae fredericvs vlricvs academiae juliae , quae est helmaestadii , possidendam , & utendam liberaliter contulit . res , ut patet , augurio , & omine felicissimo non carens . ut enim principi augusto possessio , & avita sedes ducatûs guelphici , satis dudum destinata demonstraretur , idem genius , quem in postremis istius ducatûs possessoribus henrico bellicoso , seu juniore , jvlio pacifico , henrico jvlio sapientissimo , & friderico vldarico mitissimo , universus orbis admirabatur , in principem avgvstvm eruditissimum , transferendus erat , atque ut illustrior esset ejus sama , omne quicquid in re librariâ antecessorum diligentia praestiterat , ad academiam juliam transire , omnis verò lans erectae bibliothecae augustae , soli & unico principi avgvsto propria esse debebat . superâsse autem non immeritò dicendus est augustus in hoc studio , & opere , sive ptolomaeos , sive attalos , sive jvlivm , & avgvstvm , primos romanorum imperatores , ( nec horum enim studium in negotio librario eruditis ignotum ) quòd ptolomaeus philadelphus non proprio sive ingenio , sive industriâ , sed alienâ , demetrii nempe phalerei viri atheniensis , scriptis , & factis illustrissimi , rem confecerit : caesar verò curam hanc , quam magno animo conceperat , & nisi fata intercepissent , absolvisset , marco varroni , graecorum latinorúmque doctissimo , quo nullus eâ tempestate in orbe terrarum isti negotio aptior , dederit . avgvstvs quoque imperator , nec ipse quidem , sed per asinium pollionem ( oratorem , & senatorem romanum nobilem ) absolvit . princeps verò augustus , & primus autor pulcerrimi sui operis , & sibimetipsi demetrius , varro , pollio , cujus solius vigiliis , & curis nocturnis diurnisque bibliotheca augusta acquisita , & composita est . exemplo pisistrati , atheniensium , ut tum vocabantur , tyranni , qui bibliothecam atheniensem ad publicum usum , non per alios , sed ipse componebat , cui & homerum digestum , correctúmque debemus : magnus profectò vir , modò cognomen illud odiosum tollas . initium bibliothecae augustae colligendae factum est , anno aerae dionysianae . ad confluentem albis , & jetzae , in principis augusti ducatu lunaeburgico , in aulâ , & adjuncto cognomini oppido hitzackerâ , loco quidem ante constitutam ibidem principis aulam , satìs obscuro , quem tamen non minùs atque olim ulysses ithacam suam satìs illustrem reddidit . in hoc recessu satìs amoeno , inter alia principis opera magnifica , parvis primùm initiis crevit haec bibliotheca , in illam magnitudinem , quae hodie non sine admiratione cernitur . ex haereditate ullâ nihil erat , quod in tantae molis auspicium , aut fundamentum cederet , immensis autem sumptibus conquirebatur , quicquid optimae notae librorum , in quocunque genere eruditionis in germaniâ , galliâ , hispaniâ , angliâ , belgio , ipsâ denique italiâ inveniri poterat . quicquid erat doctorum virorum romae , neapoli , venetiis , florentiae ( quibus in locis princeps augustus per aliquod annos eruditissimorum virorum familiaritate usus erat ) lutetiae , londini , oxoniae , ut de germaniâ nihil addatur , illorum operâ magnis sumptibus ad conquirendos optimae notae libros conducebatur . incrementum operi coepto haud contemnendum dedit bibliotheca summi viri , & de universâ germaniâ optimè meriti marquardi freheri , caelii item curionis , ejusdémque filii coelii augustini curionis , magno reipubl . literariae damno , in ipso aetatis flore ante parentem exstincti : joachimi quoque clutenii , cujus variam eruditionem sylloge ejus rerum quotidianarum satìs demonstrat . crevit igitur in magnum , & merito suo admirandum numerum , non quorumvis , sed optimorum , & selectorum librorum , ut hodie , ( . nempe maii , anni . ) numerentur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( ut vocat plutarchus in m. antonio ) singulares libri seu volumina , licèt in uno volumine plures saepe libri , sive tractatus , inveniantur , ferme viginti millia . voluminum nempe , manuscriptorum theologicorum juridicorum physicorum , & quae ad primam philosophiam pertinent medicorum . mathematicorum in genere , & in specie geometricorum geographicorum astronomicorum musicorum arithmeticorum ethicorum politicorum historicorum ad res bellicas pertinentium oeconemicorum logicorum rhetoricorum grammaticorum poëticorum variorum , seu ut vulgò vocantur quodlibeticorum , in quibus nempe , vel-diversi tractatus , ad diversas disciplinas pertinentes , conjuncti visuntur : vel tales tractatus in iis deprehenduntur , in quibus varia , modò ad has , modò ad alias disciplinas pertinentia explicantur . scriptores verò seu autores , quorum monumenta in praedictis voluminibus exstant , numerantur tractatus autem , sive diversorum , sive eorundem autorum , supra . et nè quis inmortalia ipsius principis augusti monumenta hìc desideret , visuntur non tantùm ibidem ea , quae ab alienâ profecta industriâ , vitam ipsi debent , veluti , ( ut de multis pauci nominentur ) antonii bonfin●i symp●sion trimetron : bartholomaei fontii commentarius in persium , verùm etiam praeclara ejusmetipsius scripta , eruditorum orbi sub nomine gustavi seleni , olim exhibita : cryptographia nempe , quâ ( teste clarissimo naudaeo in bibliographiâ politicâ ) eruditissimi trithemii steganographia hactenus omnibus sermè eruditis , ipsi etiam francisco junio magica credita , hujúsque judicio , vulcano consecrata , ità illustrata est , ut quicquid in trithemio obscurum involutúmque tamdiu in summâ omnium veneratione , & opinione delituerat , omnium oculis patefactum , atque retectum sit . videatur eruditissimus gerhardus joh. vossius , ipsius clarissimi francisci junii gener , libro de arte grammaticâ primo , cap. . praeter trithemii steganographica in opere hoc cryptographico omnia ea explicantur , & clarissimae luci exponuntur , quae , in isto reconditae scientiae & profundae indaginis negotio , humani ingenii vis excogitare potuit . lvsvs quoque schachiae unà cum rythmomachia seriae & profundae eruditionis opus . prodiit uterque liber , iste quidem lunaeburgi , hic verò lipsiae in formâ majori , seu folio , ut vocant , elegantissimis typis excusus , & imaginibus exornatus . historia item vitae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jesu christi , ex quatuor , ut vocantur , evangelistarum , & reliquis novi foederis libris , sermone principis patrio concinnata & accuratâ pensitatione ità elaborata , ut quicquid hactenus difficultatum , seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omnium eruditorum ingenia mirificè exercuit , id feliciter explicatum , & sacrorum scriptorum consensus , ut augustinus loquitur , clarissimè demonstratus sit . manuscriptorum , ut vocantur , librorum haud contemnendus in hac bibliothecâ est numerus , & thesaurus , quorum nonnullos ipse princeps in ungariâ , occasione itinerum ad d. d. imperatores rvdolphum ii. & ferdinandvm ii. in arduis negotiis susceptorum , magno aere redemit , in tenuissimâ magni pretii membranâ elegantissimis litteris scriptos , laciniam illustrissimae bbliothecae , budae , regni ungariae metropoli quondam , à matthiâ hunniade corvino , circa an. christi . erectae , & turcarum tyranno solimanno , cum anno aere dionys . . fraude , & vi budam caperet , viduámque joannis regis hungariae elisabetham , quam cum regno defendendam se venisse simulaverat , cum filiolo infante ejiceret , ereptae . bibliotheca haec matthiae hunniadis ( verba sunt antonii bonfinii , rerum ungaricarum decad . . lib. . mirâ utriusque linguae foecunditate fuit completa , cultus autem librorum luxuriosissimus : cujus prosterioris testes locupletissimi sunt hi manuscripti , quorum occasione haec adducta sunt . nec desunt instrumenta mathematica exquisitissimè fabrefacta , sphaerae item & globi , quibus sphaerae coelestis sidera & motus , facies item globi terrestris miro artificio accuratè representantur . nequaquam verò numero isto , quem suprà posuimus , clauditur haec bibliotheca , cùm quotidie magnis sumptibus , & indefesso studio accedat , & conquiratur , quicquid melioris notae librorum sive noviter , sive denuò editum prodit , aut in omnibus orbis partibus investigari , & redimi potest , adeóque bibliotheca haec augusta nè vanum sit nominis augurium , singulis diebus augetur . primordia , ut suprà notatum , in tranquillo principis augusti hitzakerianae ●thacae regno , satis quidem auspicatò sumsi● , parùm tamen aberat , quin anno christi . absente principe , & aulam suam brunsvicum , urbem suam haereditariam , transferente , rapaces manus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bellonae filii , à principe nunquam laesi , experta fuisset : qui licèt spe & animo eam planè devoraverat ; vigili tamen principis curâ & itinere properatissimo , unguibus hujus harpiyae intercipiebatur . fatum istud olim experta erat illustris atheniensium bibliotheca , cùm xerxes persarum monarcha , devictis atheniensibus , hostibus suis , potissimam praedae partem eam faceret , & transferret . restituit tamen eandem trecentos triginta post annos seleucus nicanor syriae rex , qui eam insigniter auctam , magnis item muneribus locupletatam , athenas remittendam curavit . postquam igitur dominium & possessio ducatûs guelphici , principi augusto legitímè delata erat , arx verò guelpherbytana , avita & vera ducum brunsvicensium sedes , quae seculi hujus est iniuria , legitimum suum dominum nondum admitteret , transtulit bibliothecam princeps brunsvicum , ducatûs guelphici metropolin , & avitum ducum brunsvicensium dominium , unà cum ducatu , jure haereditario sibi delatum , eíque locum concessit fatìs magnificum , in antiquissimâ majorum suorum tanqvardi & brvnonis , fratrum , ducum saxoniae ( cui posteriori , & ortum , & nomen brunsvicum debet ) sede , contiguâ augustissimo st. blasii templo , condito olim ab henrico leone nemini historicorum non celebrato , à quo princeps augustus rectâ , quod dicitur , lineâ , ortum ducit . optimo sanê consilio , quod & olim veteres aegypti reges bibliothecas suas memphi , celeberrimae aegypti metropoli , in templo vulcani ( cujus magnificentiam apud herodotum videre licet ) habitare voluerint : ptolomaei item tam prior , quàm posterior , à cleopatrâ , antonii triumviri amoribus famosa , è ruderibus excitata bibliotheca , alexandriae apud serapidis , immensae molis & stupendi artificii templum , totius aegyptiacae superstitionis arcem , collocata fuerit , teste tertulliano , qui gentiles , ad inspiciendum textum hebraeum s. scripturae , eò advocat & amandat . acceptâ tandem xiv . septembris , anno . arce & urbe wolferbyte , transiit eodem unà cum principe , bibliotheca haec augusta , sedémque sortita est è regione aulae illustrissima adeóque reddita ést pars regiae , ut principi semper in propinquo & promptu sint , immortales illae , eaedémque sanctissimae nunquam non loquentes animae , ut plinius hujusmodi eruditorum monumenta scitè vocat lib. . cap. . locus , seu aedificium ubi reposita est ; olim loricis , scutis , hastis , aliísque bellonae ornamentis & instrumentis asservandis destinatus fuerat , dignus omninò cui hodie aureis literis titulus fiat : — armamentaria sacrae pallados , & doctis habitata palatia musis . aditus ejus augustissimus , solitam principis magnificentiam spirans , ipsum tamen sacrarium modicè ornatum , quin potiùs ad exemplum peritorum architectorum , neque aureo lacunari comptum , neque pavimentum , neque armaria , seu pegmata , ut cicero vocat , neque cunei , loculi aut plutei aliuni quàm viridem colorem referunt ▪ fulgorem enim , sive aureum , sive quemvis alium oculis officere viridem è contra colorem reficiendis , & recreandis esse oculis , scriptioni , & lectioni , dudum notatum est naturae mystis . usum hujus bibliothecae quod attinet , non in spectaculum , aut ornamentum studiosâ quadam luxuriâ , ut olim querebatur seneca , conquisitus est hic thesaurus , nec ut cum blattis , tineis , situ , & squalore bellum gerat : sed ideo pars regiae facta est , ut ipsi principi in propinquo , & promptu sit sanctissimarum & sapientissimarum animarum senatus frequentissimus , cum quo disserat , animum instruat , paret , & ad quaicunque regii officii partes componat . id enim exprimit ea , quam aureis literis in vestibulo bibliothecae legi voluit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pulcerrima sanè , gemmis omnibus & auro contrà carior : quando omnes passim loquuntur , et deliberant , optimum a mutis et mortuis consilium est ; homines quoque si taceant , vocem invenient libri , et quae . nemo dicit , prudens antiquitas suggerit . eadem olim mens alphonso arragoniae regi , cui quotidie in ore , mortuos esse optimos consiliarios . nec aliud responsum tulit zeno citticus philosophus , oraculum sciscitans , ( verba sunt diogen . laertii , lib. . de vitis philosophorum , in princ . ) quo pacto optimè vivere posset ? nempe : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hoc est , si mortuis colore concors fieret , sive , ut zeno verè interpretabatur , si antiquorum mortuorum familiaritate uteretur , eorúmque libros magnâ attentione & studio , ad pallorem usque legeret . in bibliothecis enim , ut de juliâ quondam cecinit magnus calixtus , — vitam vivunt , & post sua fata loquuntur sêclorumque minas superant , & edacia rerum tempora , qui terris caput altiùs exeruerunt , naturaeque super fines , super aethera celsum evexêre animum . s●la haec monumenta super sunt , per quae pugnat adhuc , vincit gentesque , triumphat magnus alexander , quin unquam magnanimorum quicquid in orbe ducum fuit , ex quo blanda cupido laudis , & humanas tentavit gloria mentes . nil vivit vivétque , nisi hīc quod creditur : omne quod reliquum est , nox alta & longa oblivio opacant . hìc etiamnum melpomene subnixa cothurno , lata sophocleis diducit hiatibus ora , confusósque lares & tristia funera regum , oedipodae thalamos , & saevum plangit oresten , hîc legere est , queis firmetur respublica fulcris , et quid erechthaeas olim servârit athenas , quid pessum dederit : quibus artibus inclyta roma creverit , & populos , magnásque subegerit urbes : queis etiam vitiis sensim labefacta , ruinam traxerii , & lapsu totum tremefecerit orbem : hîc recluduntur naturae arcana , sinusque daedalei , & quicquid gremio complectitur , arctis inclusum fo iis , vigili cognoscere mente in promptu est : hìc descriptam pictámve tueri terrarum faciem & vastae datur amphitrites , tiranìsque globum , lunae errorésque , laborésque et picturati fulgentia sidera coeli . quin ipsum ad coelos & splendida panditur astra hìc iter , à patribus qu●ndam per saxa , per ignes calcatum , & largo respersum sanguinis imbre . et cùm ipse princeps nullum diem praetermittat , per quem cum mutis illis doctoribus , de difficillimis negotiis , sive sacris , sive civilibus , sive militaribus , non colloquatur , fit , ut ipse sub clavibus quidem suis habeat bibliothecam , ejusdémque jus & mancipium sibi retineat , usum verò eruditis omnibus , & praesertim ministris suis , quorum ope , seu sacra , seu civilia tractat , secum communem concedat , nec cuiquam alii , nisi qui nummo forsan harpacico hìc aliquid emtum veniat , deneget . silentio autem nequaquam praetereundum est , immensam istam librorum , autorum & tractatuum molem , ipsum principem aliquot amplissimis indicibus in eum ordinem , classes & numeros , suimet indusiriâ & manu redegisse , ut ad primam cujus●ibet , sive autoris , sive materiae requisitionem , quocunque in genere disciplinarum , praestò sit , primóque statim momento se tibi sistat & respondeat , quem volueris , aut vocaveris . nec ullus est in tanto hec autorum , & librorum agmine , quem non noverit ipse princeps augustus , eâ in re non inferior cyro , persarum monarchae , qui unumquemque militum in numerosissimo suo exercitu , proprio nomine ad se vocare poterat . sufficiant paucissima haec , de multis dicta , ceu stillicidium , ut vetus habet verbum , de situlâ . experiatur qui volet , inspiciendi , & penitiùs perserutandi copiam nactus , de pretiosissimo hoc divinae & humanae sapientiae thesauro , idem , quod olim regina sabaea de sapientiâ solomonis profitebatur , paucissimis tantùm immutatis , proferet . . reg. . non credidi verbis narrantium mihi de rebus & sapientiâ tuâ , usque dum venerim , & viderint oculi mei : sed ecce non indicatum mihi fuerat ejus dimidium , superas sapientiâ & bonitate famam , quam audiveram . si igitur , teste julio capitolino , gordianum imperatorem ad coelum tulit , sammonici sereni morientis sexaginta duorum millium librorum relicta bibliotheca , siquidem ( verba sunt capitolini ) tantae bibliothecae copiâ & splendore donatus , in famam hominum literatorum ore pervenit , adeóquē alienis planè sumptibus , & diligentiâ clarus evasit : si ptolomaei , attalus , caesar , augustus sumtibus quidem suis , aut certè manubiis , alienâ tamen diligentiâ , clarissimi extiterunt : quid de principe augusto fiet , cujus hunc tantum thesaurum , non alienis sumtibus , non manubiis , non alienae diligentiae , sed propriae curae & sollicitudini , in cujus partem neminem hactenus vocavit , propriis item , iisdémque verè regiis impensis , ( quibus alii , sive baccho , sive dianae , sive mercurio , sive aliis voluptatum illecebris litant ) debemus ? ubi verò estis principes , ut vos urat ac excitet honestus aemulandi ignis ? faxit deus , ut thesaurus hic rerum divinarum , aeternarum , sit & ipse aeternus , neque priùs , quàm mundi universa machina , laboret , aut intercidat . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e † † . . . . ludus literarius: or, the grammar schoole shewing how to proceede from the first entrance into learning, to the highest perfection required in the grammar schooles, with ease, certainty and delight both to masters and schollars; onely according to our common grammar, and ordinary classical authours: begun to be sought out at the desire of some worthy fauourers of learning, by searching the experiments of sundry most profitable schoolemasters and other learned, and confirmed by tryall: intended for the helping of the younger sort of teachers, and of all schollars ... brinsley, john, fl. - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) ludus literarius: or, the grammar schoole shewing how to proceede from the first entrance into learning, to the highest perfection required in the grammar schooles, with ease, certainty and delight both to masters and schollars; onely according to our common grammar, and ordinary classical authours: begun to be sought out at the desire of some worthy fauourers of learning, by searching the experiments of sundry most profitable schoolemasters and other learned, and confirmed by tryall: intended for the helping of the younger sort of teachers, and of all schollars ... brinsley, john, fl. - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed [by humphrey lownes] for thomas man, london : . dedication signed: io. brinsley. printer's name from stc. running title reads: the grammar schoole. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng education -- early works to . teaching -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion lvdvs literarivs : or , the grammar schoole ; shewing how to proceede from the first entrance into learning , to the highest perfection required in the grammar schooles , with ease , certainty and delight both to masters and schollars ; onely according to our common grammar , and ordinary classicall authours : begvn to be sovght ovt at the desire of some worthy fauourers of learning , by searching the experiments of sundry most profitable schoolemasters and other learned , and confirmed by tryall : intended for the helping of the younger sort of teachers , and of all schollars , with all other desirous of learning ; for the perpetuall benefit of church and common-wealth . it offereth it selfe to all to whom it may doe good , or of whom it may receiue good to bring it towards perfection . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theognis . nullum munus reipub. affere maius meliúsue possumus , quam sidoceamus atque erudimus iuuentutem . cic. . de diuin . quaerendi defatigatio turpis est , cum id quod quaeritur sit pulcherrimum . . de finibus . london , printed for thomas man. . to the high and mighty prince , henry , prince of wales ; and to the most noble and excellent duke , charles , duke of yorke ; i. b. vnfainedly wisheth all grace and glory , and humbly commendeth the patronage of his labours . seeing that all of vs of this nation ( most gratious and excellent ) doe aboue all people , owe vnto the highest , our liues and religion , with all our blessings ; and next vnder him , to his anoynted , your most royall father , our drad soueraigne ; to whom he hath giuen vs , by whose hand he hath so miraculously saued vs , and doth still preserue vs aliue in the midst of our enemies : we are therfore euery one alwaies bound ( in what thing soeuer he shall inable vs thereunto ) to testifie our acknowledgement . pardon then the desire of your deuoted and most affectionate poore seruant , if he shall endeauour in all humility , to witness his thankefulnesse vnto the lord of heauen , and to his annoynted , by seeking to adde somewhat vnto the honour , and deserts of his royall progenie : euen of you , who are the rich gifts of the heauenly bountie , and the flourishing branches , of that happy spreading cedar . and what is it , which might still more aduance you in the eyes and hearts of all the people of your most noble fathers dominions ; then if now from your first yeares , you might beginne to be the blessed instruments of the almighty , of an euerlasting benefite to the present and all succeeding generations ? whereby you might knit all hearts more surely vnto the holy god , and his supreame deputy here amongst vs ; as also to your selues his regall issue , and vnto yours for euer . accept therefore , to this purpose ( i beseech you ) this weake labour thus begun , of searching out , and inquiring of all the speediest , surest and most easie entrance and way to all good learning in our grammar schooles . to the end , that those rare helpes of knowledge , which the lord hath graunted to this last age ( some of the principall wherof haue been scarce knowen , or very little practiced , so farre as i can find ; and most of the rest haue bin only knowen amongst some few ) might by your princely fauours , be made common vnto all , for the publique good of the present age , and of all times to come . the lord god hath giuen vnto your highnesse and excellency , to be born , and to liue in the time of most glorious light , and knowledge ; in which , if the experiments of sundry of the learnedest , & most happily experienced schoolemasters and others , were gathered into one short sum , all good learning ( which is the chiefest glory of a nation ) would daily flourish more & more , and be conueyed to all places & times ; that not only this age present , but also al posterity should haue iust cause euermore to magnifie the god of glory for you : for how must this needes oblige all sorts , if this heauenly gift of learning , might thorough you be attained with much more ease , delight , & certainty ; and also in shorter time , with lesse charges to parents , without that extreame sharpnes vsed ordinarily in schools amongst the poore children ? how shall it increase your lasting comfort & honour , if by your highnesses fauours , the work thus entred into , shall soone come to an happy end ! for as some very learned and of much experience , haue begun already to help herein ; so others of the chiefest gifts and imploiments in this kind , shall not disdaine to lay-to their hands to bring it in time to some perfection . why should wee the liege subiects of iesvs christ , and of this renowned kingdome , be ouergone herein , by the seruants of antichrist ? many of whom bend all their wittes and ioine their studies , for the greatest aduantage of their learning , euen in the grammar schooles , onely to the aduancement of babylon , with the ouerthrow of this glorious nation , and of all parts of the church of christ ; to bring vs vnder that yoake againe , or else to vtter confusion . or why should we omit any time or opportunity , which the lord offereth hereunto ? the hope therfore of your poore seruant is , that your highness and excellency will not impute anie presumption to this indeuor , ( though thus vndertaken by me the vnablest of many thousands ) but that you will accept it , according to the desire that hath bin in me , to do good thereby to this church and nation . and the rather , for the vndoubted assurance of the exceeding benefit , which must needs come in time , by the best courses once found out and made publick : and for that though such a work haue bin long talked of and wished , yet it is still generally neglected . the experience also which the lord hath shewed , in the readinesse of sundrie very learned , in a worke of not much lesse difficulty , to helpe most louingly , with their best aduices , to bring still to better perfection , dooth giue your seruant certain hope of the like cheerfull assistance herein . howsoeuer ; yet it shall remaine for a further testimony of duety to the heauenly majesty , of thankfulnesse and loyall affection towardes our liege soueraigne , and you his royall progenie . that as you are the worthy sons of a father most renowned of all the kings of the earth , for singular learning , and for holding vp , and aduauncing by all meanes the glorious light therof ; and as you are not inferior to anie of the princes of the world in your education and first yeeres : so all sorts may thorough you receiue an increase of the same shining light , and all hearts may be still more firmly bound by your perpetual benefits . to you thrice happy prince , i offer it most humbly , as the poore widowes mite , amongst the great gifts presented vnto your highnesse : and to you right noble duke , the study of your seruant , if he might but in any one thing further you in that sweet and pleasant way of learning , wherin you are so graciously proceeding . finally , i trust that it shal euer stand as a true witnesse of an vnfained desire towardes the perpetuall flourishing of this nation , with all the church of christ . and in this humble desire , i commend your highnesse and excellency vnto him who aduaunceth and setteth vp kings in their throne , and hath sayde that he will honor those who honor him . the whole successe i commit to that supreame grace , who looketh at the heart , and accepts the will : whom you desiring to follow shall reigne with him in that most blessed light eternally . your highnesse & graces humbly deuoted in all loyall and faithfull obseruance , io. brinsl● . a commendatory preface . arts are the only helpes towards humane perfection . those therfore which are the helps towards the easinesse , maturitie , perfection of arts , deserue best of mankinde . whence it is , that god would not suffer the first deuisers , so much as of shepheards tents , of musical instruments , of iron-works , to be vnknown to the world : the last wherof euen heathen antiquitie hath in common iudgement continued , without much difference of name , till this daie ; although i cannot beleeue that anie of the heathen gods were so ancient . yea , hence it is , that the holy ghost challengeth the faculty euen of manuary skill , to his owne gifte ; as beeing too good for nature , and too meritorious of men . that bezaleel and aholiab can worke curiously in siluer and golde , for the materiall tabernacle , is from gods spirit , and not theirs : how much more is this true , in those sciences which are so essentiall to the spirituall house of god ? as arts are to perfection of knowledge ; so is grammar to all artes. man differs but in speech and reason ( that is , grammar and logicke ) from beasts : wherof reason is of nature ; speech ( in respect of the present variation ) is of humane institution . neither is it vnsafe to say , that this later is the more necessary of the two : for we both haue , and can vse our reason alone ; our speech we cannot , without a guide i subscribe therfore to the iudgement of them , that think god was the first author of letters ( which are the simples of this art ) whether by the hand of moses ; as clement of alexandria reports from eupolemus : or rather of the ancienter progeny of seth in the first wotld ; as iosephus . hee that gaue man the faculty of speech , gaue him this meanes , to teach his speech : and if he were so carefull to giue man this helpe , while all the world was of one lip ( as the hebrews speak ) how much more , after that miserable confusion of tongues ? wherein euery man was a grammar to himselfe ; & needed a new grammar , to be vnderstood of others . it is not therfore vnworthy of obseruatiō , that god ( knowing languages to be the carryage of knowledge ) as in his iudgement he diuided the tongues of those presumptuous builders ; so contrarily hee sent his spirit in clouen tongues vpon the heads of those master-builders of his church . what they were suddainly taught of god , we with much leasure and industry learne of men ; knowing the tongues so necessarie for all knowledge , that it is well , if but our younger yeeres be spent in this study . how seruiceable therfore is this labor , which is here vndertaken , and how beneficial , to make the way vnto all learning , both short , and faire ! our grandfathers were so long vnder the ferule , till their beards were growen as long as their pens : this age hath descried a neerer way ; yet not without much difficulty , both to the schollars , and teacher : now , time , experience , and painfulnesse ( which are the meanes to bring all things to their height ) haue taught this author yet further , how to spare both time and paines this way vnto others ; and ( that which is most to bee approoued ) without any change of the receiued groūds . it is the cōmon enuy of men , by how much richer treasure they haue found , so much more carefully to cōceale it . how commendable is the ingenuity of those spirits , which cannot ingrosse good experiments to their priuate aduantage ? which had rather doe then haue good : who can be content to cast at once into the common bank of the world , what the studious obseruation , inquisition , reading , practice of many yeeres haue inriched them withall : that , which this author hath so freely done ; as one that feares not , least knowledge should be made too easie , or too vulgar . the iesuites haue won much of their reputation , and stollen many hearts with their diligence in this kinde . how happie shall it be for the chnrch and vs , if we excite our selues at least to imitate this their forwardness ? we may out-strip them , if wee want not to our selues : behold here , not feete but wings , offered to vs. neither are these directions of meere speculation , whose promises are commonly as large , as the performance defectiue ; but such as ( for the most part ) to the knowledge of my selfe , and manie abler iudges , haue been , and are daily answered in his experience , and practice , with more then vsuall successe . what remaines therefore , but that the thankfull acceptation of men , and his effectuall labors should mutually reflect vpon each-other ? that he may be in couraged by the one , and they by the other benefited : that , what hath been vndertaken and furthered by the graue counsell of many , and wise ; and performed by the studious indeuours of one so well deseruing ; may be both vsed and perfected to the common good of all , and to the glorie of him which giueth , and blesseth all . ios . hall . dr. of diuin . the contents in generall , of the chiefe points aimed at , and hoped to be effected by this worke . to teach schollars how to be able to reade well , and write true orthography , in a short space . to make them ready , in all points of accedence and grammar , to answere any necessary question therein . to say without book all the vsual and necessary rules , to construe the grammar rules , to giue the meaning , vse , and order of the rules ; to shew the examples , and to apply them : which being wel perfomed , will make all other learning easie and pleasant . in the seuerall fourmes and authours to construe truely , and in propriety of wordes and sense , to parse of themselues , and to giue a right reason of euery word why it must be so , and not otherwise ; and to reade the english of the lectures perfectly out of the latine . out of an english grammaticall translation of their authours , to make and to construe any part of the latine , which they haue learned ; to proue that it must be so : and so to reade the latine out of the english , first in the plaine grammaticall order ; after as the wordes are placed in the authour , or in other good composition . also to parse in latine , looking only vpon the translation . to take their lectures of themselues , except in the very lowest fourmes , and first enterers into construction ; or to do it with very little helpe , in some more difficult things . to enter surely in making latine , without danger of making false latine , or vsing any barbarous phrase . to make true latine , and pure tullies phrase , and to proue it to be true and pure . to doe this in ordinary morall matters , by that time that they haue bin but two yeares in construction . to make epistles imitating tully , short and pithy , in tullies latine and familiar . to translate into english , according to propriety both of wordes and sense : and out of the english to reade the latine againe , to proue it , and giue a reason of euery thing . to take a peece of tully , or of any other familiar , easie authour , grammatically translated , and in propriety of wordes , and to turne the same out of the translation into good latine , and very neere vnto the wordes of the authour ; so as in most you shall hardly discerne , whether it be the authours latin , or the schollars . to correct their faults of themselues , when they are but noted out vnto them , or a question is asked of them . to be able in each fourme ( at any time whensoeuer they shall be apposed of a sudden , in any part of their authors , which the haue learned ) to construe , parse , reade into english , and forth of the translation to construe and to reade into the latine of their authours ; first into the naturall order , then into the order of the authour , or neere vnto it . in virgilor horace to resolue any peece , for all these points of learning , and to doe it in good latine ; in construing to giue propriety of wordes and sense . scanning the verses , and giuing a reason thereof . shewing the difficulties of grammar . obseruing the elegancies in tropes and figures . noting phrases and epithets . so to reade ouer most of the chiefe latine poets , as virgil , horace , persius , &c. by that time that by reason of their yeares , they be in any measure thought fit for their discretion , to goe vnto the vniuersity : yea to goe through the rest of themselues , by ordinary helpes . in the greeke testament to construe perfectly , and parse as in the latine ; to reade the greeke backe againe out of a translation latine or english : also to construe , parse , and to proue it out of the same . to doe the like in isocrates , or any familiar pure greeke authour ; as also in theognis , hesiod , or homer , and to resolue as in virgil or horace . in the hebrew to construe perfectly , and to resolue as in the greeke testament ; and to reade the hebrew also out of the translation . which practice of daily reading somewhat out of the translations into the originals , must needes make them both very cunning in the tongues , and also perfect in the textes of the originals themselues , if it be obserued constantly ; like as it is in daily reading latine out of the translation . to answere most of the difficulties in all classicall schoole authours ; as , in terence , virgil , horace , persius , &c. to oppose schollarlike in latine , of any grammar question necessary , in a good forme of wordes ; both what may be obiected against lillies rules , and how to defend them . to write theames full of good matter , in pure latine , and with iudgement . to enter to make a verse with delight , without any bodging at all ; and to furnish with copie of poeticall phrase , out of ouid , virgil , and other the best poets . so to imitate and expresse ouid or virgil , as you shall hardly discerne , vnlesse you know the places , whether the verses be the authours or the schollars : and to write verses ex tempore of any ordinary theame . to pronounce naturally and sweetly , without vaine affectation ; and to begin to doe it from the lowest fourmes . to make right vse of the matter of their authours , besides the latine ; euen from the first beginners : as of sententiae and confabulatiunculae pueriles , cato , esops fables , tullies epistles , tullies offices , ouids metamorphosis , & so on to the highest . to help to furnish them , with varietie of the best morall matter , and with vnderstanding , wisedome and precepts of vertue , as they growe ; and withall to imprint the latine so in their minds thereby , as hardly to be forgotten . to answere concerning the matter contained in their lectures , in the latine of their authors , from the lowest fourmes and so vpward . to construe any ordinary author ex tempore . to come to that facilitie and ripenesse , as not onely to translate leasurely , & with some meditation , both into english and latine , as before in the sect. or article , . and ; but more also , to reade any easie author forth of latine into english , and out of a translation of the same grammatically translated , to reade it into latine againe . as , corderius , terence , tullies offices , tullie de natura deorum , apthonius . to doe this in authors and places which they are not acquainted with , and almost as fast as they are able to reade the author alone . to write fayre in secretary , romane , greeke , hebrue ; as they grow in knowledge of the tongues . to know all the principall and necessarie radices , greeke and hebrue ; and to be able to preceede in all the learned tongues of themselues , thorow ordinarie helps , and much more by the worthy helps & meanes , to be had in the vniuersities . to be acquainted with the grounds of religion , and the chiefe histories of the bible . to take all the substance of the sermons , for doctrines , proofes , vses , if they be plainely and orderly deliuered : and to set them downe afterwards in a good latine stile , or to reade them ex tempore into latine , out of the english : to conceiue and answere the seuerall points of the sermons , and to make a briefe repetition of the whole sermon without booke . to be set in the high way , and to haue the rules and grounds , how to attaine to the puritie and perfection of the latine tongue , by their further labour and practice in the vniuersitie . to grow in our owne english tongue , according to their ages and growthes in other learning : to vtter their minds in the same both in proprietie and puritie ; and so to be fitted for diuinitie , lawe , or what other calling or faculty soeuer they shall bee after imployed in . finally , thus to proceede togither with the tongues in the vnderstanding and knowledge of the learning , or matter contained in the same . to become alike expert , in all good learning meete for their yeares and studies ; that so proceeding still , after they are gone from the grammar schooles , they may become most exquisite in all kinds of good learning to which they shall be applied . these things may be effected in good sort , thorough gods blessing , in the seuerall formes , as the schollars proceede , by so many in each forme as are apt and industrious , onely by the directions following , if they be constantly obserued ; if the maisters being of any competent sufficiencie , will take meet paines ; and if the schollars being set to schoole so soone as they shall be meete , may bee kept to learning ordinarily , hauing bookes and other necessary helps & encouragements . that so all schollars of any towardlnesse and diligence may be made absolute grammarians , and euery way fit for the vniuersitie , by fifteen yeares of age ; or by that time that they shall bee meete by discretion and gouernment . and all this to bee done with delight and certaintie , both to maisters and schollars , with strife and contention amongst the schollars themselues ; without that vsual terrour and cruelty , which hath beene practiced in many places , and without somuch as seueritie amongst good natures . how greatly all this vvould tend to the furtherance of the publique good , euery one may iudge ; which yet it will doe so much the more , as the lord shal vouchsafe a further supply , to the seuerall meanes and courses that are thus begun , by adioining dayly the helps and experiments of many moe learned men , of whom wee conceiue good hope , that they will bee ready to lend their helping hands , to the perfiting of so good a worke. to the louing reader . cvrteous reader , who tenderest the poore countrey schooles , for which this labour hath beene vndertaken , or didst euer feele or know the wants in many of them , accept my vvilling minde for their good . and take this first impression as not set forth : but chiefely to the end , to haue store of copies , to goe to many learned wel-willers to the worke , for their help : like as it hath heretofore , to sundry much reuerenced for their learning and wisedome . of all whome , i humbly intreat their kinde assistance , for amending that which is amisse ; by adding what is vvanting , cutting off whatsoeuer is superfluous , changing what is vnbefitting , and reducing euery thing into the right order : that it may speedily come forth more plaine and perfect ; and thereby , if not themselues , yet their friends may reape some benefit of their labours . for the liberty and boldnesse vsed in it , consider that it is but a dialogue to incite and encourage others ; as , i tooke it , farre more profitable and delightsom to reade , then a bare narration . all who are friendly and vnfained fauourers of good learning , will i hope thinke so of it . it shall wrong no man willingly : farre be that from mee . i will right them againe , so soon as i know it . be the faults neuer so many , thorough my weaknesse and want of meete leasure ( as they must needs bee the moe , by my absence from the presse ) yet time , i trust will reforme them . in the meane while , let my trauell and the good things weigh against the rest . for the length of it , remember for whome i write , euen the meanest teachers and learners : with whom though i sometime vse repetitions , i cannot bee ouer-plaine ; sith they commonly get so little of short treatises , be they neuer so learned . consider also that i would hide nothing , which god hath vouchsafed mee in my search : that out of all , the most profitable may be selected , and in the meane time the best onely vsed . and for the matter of the dialogue , take it as that which is desired to be effected in time ; and which i hope all shall finde , when once the helpes belonging hereunto , shall bee supplied and perfected . account this , but as a meere entrance into the worke : which if seuen yeares shall bring to perfection fully to accomplish that which is wished , i shall thinke my paines most happily bestowed , if god so farre forth prolong my daies . i seeke not my self : if i may do some little seruice to god and my countrey , i haue enough . i oppose my selfe to none . shew my ouersight in loue , and i will amend it . i prescribe to none : no , not the meanest ; but onely desire to learne of all the learned , to help the vnlearned . in the worke i take nothing to my selfe , but the wants . what i receiued of others , i receiued to this ende ; after full triall made of them to publish them for the common good . this i haue professed from the beginning of my trauell . i would also giue euery one his due particularly , what i haue had of him ; and will , if it shall bee thought meete . i haue promised nothing but my labour : that i haue and doe desire to performe to my abilitie and aboue . the vveaker i am , the fitter shall i bee to apply my selfe to the simplest : and the more honour god shall haue , if hee shall giue that blessing vnto it , which i doe humbly begge . if any man shall oppose , and detract from these my labours ; forasmuch , as hee shall therein ( as i take it ) shew himselfe an enemie to the common good of the present age , and of all posteritie ( the benefite whereof , as god is my witnesse , i haue intended principally in these my endeauours ) i can but be sory , and pray for him . thine in christ , i. b. for the manner of proceeding vsed in this worke , it is prescribed in the preface to the reader , which is set before our common grammar : where it , hauing shewed the inconuenience of the diuersitie of grammars and teaching , doth direct thus ; wherefore it is not amisse , if one seeing by triall an easier and readierway , then the common sort of teachers doe , would say that he hath proued it , and for the commoditie allowed it ; that others not knowing the same , might by experience proue the like , and them by proofe reasonable iudge the like : not hereby excluding the better way when it is found ; but in the meane season forbidding the worse . of grammaticall translations . there is a way ( saith mr. askame ) touched in the first booke of cicero de oratore , which wisely brought into schooles , truely taught , & constantly vsed would not onely take wholly away that butcherly feare in making latines , but would also with ease and pleasure , and in short time as i know by good experience , worke a true choise and placing of words , a right ordering of sentences , an easie vnderstanding of the tongues , a readinesse to speake , a facilitie to write , a true iudgement both of his owne , and other mens doings , what tongue so euer he doth vse . this way , as he sheweth , is by causing the schollar first to vnderstand the matter which he learneth : secondly , to construe truely : thirdly , to parse exactly : fourthly , to translate into english plainely : fiftly , to translate out of the english into the latine of the author againe : and so after to compare with the author how neere he came vnto it . finally , by much translating both wayes , chiefely out of the english into latine , as hee setteth downe in the beginning of his second booke ; and hereby hee saw those strange experiments of the increase of learning , which hee reporteth of mr. iohn whitney , and others . now , whereas these things are very hard to bee performed in the common schooles ; especially for lacke of time to trie and compare euery schollars translation , and euer giuing them new peeces to translate , and those such as are meete for euery forme ; by the meanes of these translations of our first schoole authors , all these things may bee performed in euery author and forme , most certainely and constantly , and with much ease and delight both to maister and schollars ; as i trust will be found . the manner hereof i haue set downe in the . chapter , and others following . therfore since the time that god made these knowne vnto mee ( which was about some foure yeares agoe or not much aboue , vpon the occasion of a late worthy experiment related vnto mee , confirming the testimonie of mr. askam ) i haue laboured in these translations aboue all other things , first , to finde out the grammar rule of construing truely and perfectly , whereby to guide these translations , and wherevpon they chiefely depend : secondly , to finde out the parricular vses and benefits of them : thirdly , to finde out and set downe such directions , as whereby to frame the translations to serue for all the vses most plainely : fourthly , to translate so many of our first authors after the same manner , as since that time i haue had occasion for my schollars in each forme to reade : fiftly , to haue certaine triall and experience of euery thing , so much as in this time i could ; and vpon triall to commend them to schooles , to help hereby to bring into schooles that excellent way of learning , which hee so highly commendeth , and whereof i haue very great hope ; and so by them a perpetuall benefit to all schooles and good learning : which i vnfainedly wish and pray for . ( ⸫ ) aduertisement by the printer . cvrteous reader , whereas in the later end of this booke it is signified in what forwardness the authors translation of sententiae pueriles and cato , are ; take notice also that his booke entituled , the poasing of the accedence , is since come to my hands , and likely to come forth at the same time with cato . ludus literarius : or the grammar schoole . chap. . a discourse between two schoolemasters , concerning their function . in the end , determining a conference about the best way of teaching , and the manner of their proceeding in the same . spovdevs . philoponvs . spoud . god saue you , good sir : i am glad to see you in health . phil. what mine old acquaintance , m. spoudaeus ? spoud . the very same , sir. phil. now , i am as right glad to see you well : you are heartily welcome to this my poore house . spoud . sir , i giue you many thanks . phil. but how haue you done these many yeares ? spoud . i thank god i haue had good health , euer since wee liued in the colledge together : but for my time , i haue spent it in a fruitlesse , wearisom , and an vnthankfull office ; in teaching a poore country schoole , as i haue heard , that your selfe haue also beene imployed in the same kinde of life ; and am therefore perswaded , that you haue had some experience of my griefe . phil. experience , say you ? yea indeed i haue had so much experience of that whereof you now complaine , that if all other things were according thereunto , i might bee able to teach very many . but i pray you sir , what good occasion hath brought you into these parts ? it is a wonder to see you in this countrey . i should hardly haue knowen you ( it is so long since we liued together , now aboue twentie yeeres , and also for that you seeme to me so aged ) but that i did better remember your voice then your fauour . spoud . sir , you see the prouerbe verefied in me ; cura facit canos . cares and troubles haue made me aged long before my time . as for my iourney , a very great and necessary occasion hath driuen me into these quarters , to come euen vnto you , to seeke your helpe and direction , in matter wherein ( i hope ) you may exceedingly pleasure me , without hurt any way , or so much as the least preiudice vnto your selfe . phil. you might thinke mee very vnkinde , and forgetfull of our auncient loue , if i should not be readie to shew you anie kindnesse ; especially sith you haue taken so long a iourney vnto me . but i pray what is the matter ? spoud . the matter ( if you will giue mee leaue ) is this . i haue heard that you haue long taken great pains in teaching ; and that of late yeares ▪ you haue set your selfe wholly to this happy kinde of trauell ; to finde out the most plaine , easie , and sure waies of teaching , for the benefit both of your selfe and others : whereby you haue attained much happy knowledge in this behalfe . now my long iourney hath bin for this same very purpose , to desire some conference with you , and to intreat your louing fauour and helpe . i should thinke my selfe for eu●r bound vnto you , if you would vouchsafe to impart vnto me some of those experiments , which i haue beene certainely informed , that by your trauels you haue obtained . for , i my selfe haue so long laboured in this moyling and drudging life , without any fruite to speake of , and with so many discouragements and vexations insteede of any true comfort , that i waxe vtterly wearie of my place , and my life is a continuall burden vnto me . insomuch as that it causeth me to feare , that god neuer called me to this function , because i see his blessing so little vpon my labors ; neyther can i finde any delight therein : whereas , notwithstanding , i heare of some others , and euen of our old acquaintance , whom god blesseth greatly in this calling ; though such bee verie rare , some one or two spoken of almost in a whole countrey . phil. indeede i haue trauelled in this too vnthankefull a calling ( as you doe most iustly complaine ) and that in all this time , since we liued together ▪ in the greatest part whereof , i haue beene well acquainted with your griefes and vexations ; which are no other then doe ordinarily waite vpon this our function : yet this i thankefully acknowledge ( according to your former speech , and to giue you likewise some reuiuing ) that now of late , since i set my selfe more conscionably and earnestly to seeke out the best waies of teaching , by inquiring , conferring and practicing constantly all the most likely courses , which i could heare or deuise , god hath graunted vnto mee , to finde so great contentation and ioy of this same labour in my schoole , that it hath swallowed vp the remembrance of all my former grieuances . for i doe plainely see such a change , that now i doe not only labour in my place vsually without griefe , or any wearinesse at all , but that i can take ordinarilie more true delight and pleasure in following my children ( by obseruing the earnest strife and emulation which is amongst them , which of them shall doe the best , and in the sensible increase of their learning and towardnesse ) then anie one can take in following hawkes and hounds , or in any other the pleasantest recreation , as i verely perswade my selfe . and the rather because after my labour ended , my chiefest delight is in the remembrance thereof ; and in the consideration of the certaine good , that i knowe shall come thereby , both vnto church and common-wealth : and also that my labour and seruice is acceptable to the lord , though all men should be vnthankfull . so that now i am neuer so well , as when i am most diligent in my place . yea i do seeme to my selfe to finde withall so great a blessing vpon my labours , aboue all former times , that if i had knowen the same courses from the beginning , i doe assure my selfe that i had done ten times more good , and my whole life had beene full of much sweete contentment , in regard of that which it hath bin . although my labours haue neuer been vtterly vnprofitable , but that i haue still sent forth for euery yeere , some vnto the vniuersities , and they approoued amongst the better sort of those which haue come thither : yet this hath been nothing to that good which i might vndoubtedly haue done . spoud . sir , i am perswaded that you speake as you thinke : and therefore i doe grow into greater hope , that you hauing had so much experience of the griefe in the one , and ioy in the other , will be more compassionate of me , and more ready also to impart your experiments with me , to make me partaker of your comfort . phil. for communicating vnto you , for your helpe and comfort , what god hath made knowne vnto me , i take it to be my dutie . we all of vs know the danger of hiding our talent , or keeping backe our debt , when the lord hauing giuen vs abilitie , doth call vpon vs to paie it . spoud . i thank god vnfainedly ( good sir ) for this harty affection , which i doe finde in you , and for this readinesse to communicate with mee the fruites of your trauells . you shall see . i hope , that i shall receiue them , with like alacritie and thankfulnesse , and bee as ready to employ them to the best , to doe my vttermost seruice in my place and calling hereafter . so that although my first beginnings haue been small , through ignorance of better courses , yet i trust my after fruits shall much increase . hereby my last dayes shall prooue my best , and make some amends for that which is past : and also my newe comforts shall sweeten all the remainder of my life , and make mee likewise to forget the daies that are past . how true is that prouerbe of wise salomon , that heauinesse in the heart of man doth bring it down , but a good word doth reioice it ? you haue reuiued my heart , and put new spirits into mee , by that which you haue alreadie saide . phil. the lord will reuiue you , i hope , and all of vs also who labour in this toyling kinde ; by causing vs to finde more ●ound fruit , and pleasant content in our teaching , then euer yet we felt ; if wee will but set our selues to seeke of him , and readily impart our seuerall experiments for the good of all : if withall we will receiue thankfully , and cheerefully put in practice those gracious helpes of so many learned men , which he in this last age of the world hath afforded aboundently , aboue all former times , very many whereof lie vtterly hid and vnknowne to the greatest sort , vnto this day . and that partly thorow lacke of care and conscience , to doe that good which we might , and ought in our places ; partly thorow extreame vnthankfulnesse , neglecting the rich giftes of the lord , so plentifully powred downe from heauen vpon vs , to leaue the world more without excuse . but as for mine own selfe , all that i can promise is , onely my studie and desire , to doe you and all other the greatest good that euer i shall be able ; and hereunto we haue all bound our selues . if i knowe anie thing wherein i haue , or you may receiue benefit , i acknowledge it wholly where it is due , euen to him who giueth liberally to all who seeke him aright , and casteth no man in the teeth . and resting vpon his rich bounty for a further supply , if you shall propound in order the particular points , wherein you would wish my aduise , i shall very willingly goe on with you ; and acquaint you with all things which hitherto i haue learned in all my search , and more hereafter as his wisdome shall adde vnto me . spoud . i reioice in your confidence and wish that so it may bee . in the meane time i like well of your motion , of going through in order the principall matters of difficultie . if therfore you shall thinke meete , i shall reduce all to certaine heads , which a friend of mine shewed vnto me of late , set downe in a certaine table , which it may bee that your selfe haue seene . phil. let mee heare what was contained in it , and then i shall soone answere you , vvhether i haue seene it or no. spoud . there was contained , in it , a briefe summe of sundrie particular benefits , which may bee brought to grammar schooles , to make schollars very perfect in euerie part of good learning meet for their yeeres ; and that all both masters and schollars may proceede with ease , certaintie and delight , to fit all apt schollars for the vniuersitie euerie waie , by fifteene yeeres of age . concerning which seuerall heads , although it were a most happie worke if they could be attained vnto ( all of them beeing in my minde verie excellent , and indeede the whole , such a worke as must needes bring a perpetuall benefit , both to church , and common-wealth , and that not onely to the present but to all succeeding ages ) yet that i may speake freely , what i conceiue of them , many of them seeme very strange vnto me . and , although i will not say that they are vtterly impossible : yet indeede i take them to be altogether vnlikely ; considering the continuall paines and vexation that my selfe haue vndergone , and yet could neuer come in many of them , neere vnto the least part thereof . phil. by that little which you haue mentioned , i take it that i haue seene the very same : and for them i do not onely thinke it , but also do know assuredly , that by the lords gracious assistance and blessing , through constant diligence they may be all effected ; for that i haue knowne so much trial of al of them , as is sufficient to induce any man therunto : besides that they do all stand vpon plain & sure grounds , as i trust i am able to make euident demōstration in each particular , so as any man of vnderstanding may perceiue cleerly , that they may be done . neither doe i doubt but to satisfie you in euery point , and to cause you to yeelde vnto the euidence hereof , before wee part , if you will but onely aske and still shewe mee wherein you are not satisfied . moreouer , i am so verie confident herein , not onely vpon mine owne reason and experience , but because i haue knowne the iudgements of sundrie verie learned and experienced both schoolemasters and others , who haue beene acquainted with these selfe-same heads , which you haue mentioned : who , though at the first reading of them , they haue beene of your iudgement , and haue thought as you doe , yet within a quarter of an hower after that they haue taken a little triall , in some of the most vnlikely , and seene the reason of them , haue rested fully satisfied and assured of the whole , that all might bee done , as standing on the like grounds . and therefore i haue no cause to distrust the like successe with your selfe . spoud . sir , if you shall doe this for mee , i shall acknowledge my selfe to haue receiued a very great benefit , and be thankfull vnto the lord , and to your selfe as his instrument ; and do my vttermost indeauour to put them all constantly in practice , that i may confirme them by mine owne experience , and finde the same happie comfort , that your selfe haue done . i will therefore begin in order according vnto those heads , & so propound the questions , how each thing may be done , and desire your answere vnto them seuerally . phil. nay rather , for the manner of proceeding , i take this to be far more easie and commodious to vs both , and whereby god may direct this conference so , as to profit manie others besides our selues : to go through all the whole course of learning , from the first step , beginning at the verie first elements , euen at the a. b. c. & so to ascend to the highest top of learning , which can be required in grammar schooles ; to make a schollar each way fit for the vniuersity . thus to run through all the necessarie points appertaining to the same , as neere as we can remember ; to make hereby the whole waie easie and readie to all good learning , and to ranke euery head in the right order and proper place , according to the due manner of proceeding in schooles . so wee may insert these points which you haue spoken of ; diuiding the whole into s●uerall chapters , for the full distinguishing & plain setting down of euery matter . to the end therfore that i may be the better guided and occasioned to impart all things vnto you , i shall request you , first to propound all the seuerall points of learning in order , from point to point as we proceed . secondly , in the propounding of them , to shewe me in euery one , what course you your selfe haue taken , wherein you haue found so little fruite or comfort , as you complaine , and which you thinke to be most ordinarie in the countrey schooles . wherein you shall faile in omitting any necessary head or chapter , or in misplacing any , i shall afford you my best direction . spoud . i will accomplish your desire so well as i can . i doubt not of your patience , seeing you take me thus of a suddaine ; and that you who haue better thought of these things , will guide me continually , vntill wee haue gone thorow the whole . phil. i trust you are so perswaded of me . therefore i pray you begin . chap. ii. when the schollar should first be set to the schoole . spoud . that i may begin at the very first entrance of the schoole : let me inquire this of you , how soon you would haue your childe set vnto the schoole ; for i thinke that worthie to be first knowen , if so bee , that you purpose to haue your schollar fitted for the vniuersitie by fifteene yeeres of age . phil. i like your reason well , to enter there . but to the intent that i may more fully make knowen vnto you , what i thinke and haue found in this behalfe , let mee heare first of you , as i wished in generall , at what age you vse in your countrey , to set your children to begin to learne . spoud . for the time of their entrance with vs , in our countrey schooles , it is commonly about . or . yeeres olde : six is very soone . if any begin so early , they are rather sent to the schoole to keepe them from troubling the house at home , and from danger , and shrewd turnes , then for any great hope and desire their friends haue that they should learne anything in effect . phil. i finde that therein first is a very great want generally ; for that the childe if hee be of any ordinary towardnesse and capacity , should begin at fiue yeere olde at the vttermost , or sooner rather . my reasons are these : because that then children will begin to conceiue of instruction , and to vnderstand ; and bee able not onely to knowe their letters , to spell and to reade , but also to take a delight therein , and to striue to goe before their fellowes . experience heerein will quickely teach euery one , who shall make triall of it , if so be that they doe follow a right course . verie reason must needes perswade euery one of this . for , if they bee apt much before fiue yeeres of age , to learne shrewdnesse , and those things which are hurtfull , which they must ●ee taught to vnlearne againe ; why are they not as well fit to learne those things which are good and profitable for them , if they bee entred and drawen on in such a manner , as they may take a delight and finde a kinde of sport and plaie in the same . this delight may and ought to bee in all their progresse , and most of all in the first entrance , to make them the better to loue the schoole , and learning , as wee shall see after . many of them , doe learne so much vntowardnesse and n●ughtinesse amongst other rude children , in that time before they come to schoole , that they are worse for it continually after : and also they feele such a sweetnesse in play and idlenesse , as they can hardly bee framed to leaue it , and to take a delight in their bookes without verie much adoe . this first age , is that wherein they are most plant , and may bee bended and fashioned most easily to any good course . and being thus accustomed to good things from their infancie , and kept so much as may bee , from all practice and sight of euill , custome becomes vnto them another nature . so great a thing it is ( according to the old prouerbe ) to accustome children , euen from their render yeeres ; and so vndoubtedly true is that common verse , quo s●mel est imbuta recens seruabit odorem testa diû aboue all these , this is a principall benefit , that by this meanes two or three yeeres may well be gained , to fit your schollar so much sooner for the vniuersity or for any honest trade or calling . so that a child thus entred rightly , shall doe much more at eight yeeres olde , then an other so neglected can doe at tenne , or it may bee at eleuen or twelue . also many such shall bee meete for trades and like imployments , when they haue no learning to fit them thereunto . this must needes bee a great griefe to the parents of such , whose children haue so lost their time , as it is a ioy to others whose children haue been so well brought vp , when they see their children compared together . lastly , our time being so short ▪ it much concerneth euery parent , to see their children to haue the best education and instruction , which is the chiefe patrimonie , and the greatest comfort & hope both of the parents and children , and also of their houses and posteritie . and this so soone as euer may be , to fit them for some profitable imploiment for church or common-wealth . spoud . but they will say with vs , that it will hinder the growth of their children to bee set to schoole so young . phil. let the schoole be made vnto them a place of play : and the children drawne on by that pleasant delight which ought to be , it can then no more hinder their growth then their play doth , but rather further it , when they sit at their ease ; besides that continuall experience doth confute this errour . spoud . bee it so as you say : yet this is a receiued opinion , that it will cause them to hate the schoole , when they should be set to it in good earnest . phil. nay rather it is clean contrarie : for being acquainted with the schoole so young , and with the sport and pleasure which they finde amongst other children there ; and also being kept from feeling the ouer much sweetnesse in play , it shall cause them to loue & to delight in the schoole continually , and to goe on without any repining , or so much as thinking of being away from the schoole : wheras they being nuzled vp in play abroad , are very hardly reclaimed and weaned from it , to sticke to their bookes indeede . spoud . but yet it is thought that they can get but little learning then , being so very young , and therefore there is the smaller losse of a yeere or two , at that time . phil. the losse will bee found in the end , although it be indeed in the beginning . for looke how many yeeres they lose in the beginning if they bee apt , so many in the end they will be shorter , of such of their fellowes , who are but of their owne age , and applied all alike being of like capacitie . therefore , as wee will not let them lose a day , when they growe towards the vniuersitie , so neither should wee when they are young ; but preuent this losse , and take the time in the beginning . spoud . we see notwithstanding some very long ere euer they begin , who then goe forward with it the fastest of all . phil. it is true in some pregant wits , and who are industrious : but you shall ●●●ue others as blockish and dull . also , for those , if they goe so fas● in the rudiments and first grounds , how much more would they doe so at the same time in better studies ? neither can they haue halfe that learning in all things , which others of like age and aptnesse haue , who haue been well applyed from their first yeeres . spoud . i yeelde to all which you haue saide in this behalfe ; and i doe see plainely the exceeding benefites , that must needes come hereby , especially in gaining of time ; if they may bee entred in that playing manner , and go forwarde with alacritie and contention ; and moreouer so , that they be not any way ouerloaded or discouraged , nor yet in dangered , by the ouer charging of their wits and memories . phil. for that take you no feare ; you shall ( god willing ) see the euidence of that , and a plaine direction in euerie chapter how to proceede in that easie and playing kinde . therefore , if you be satisfied in this , let vs come vnto the next point . spoud . very gladly sir : for i long to heare this , how you would teach your childe being so young to read so soone and readily . phil. i like the point well : proceed according to your order . chap. iii. how the schollar may be taught to reade english speedily , to fit him the sooner and better for the grammar schoole . spoud . before we enter into this question , yet let me put you in minde of one thing , which doth much trouble mee concerning this very matter . that it seemeth to mee an vnreasonable thing that the grammar schooles should bee troubled with teaching a. b. c. seeing it is so great a hinderance , to those paines which wee should take with our grammar schollars , for whom wee are appointed : because it dooth take vp almost one halfe of our time , and thereby dooth depriue vs of a chiefe part of the fruite of our labours ; especially when our mindes are so distracted , and our thoughts carried so manie wayes , to doe good to all . the very little ones in a towne , in most countrey townes which are of any bignesse , would require a whole man , of themselues , to be alwaies hearing ▪ poasing and following them , so as they ought to bee applyed : for continuall applying in a right course , is in this and all other parts of learning , aboue all other meanes . and young ones , by a little slaking our hands , run faster backe , then euer they went forward ; as boates going vp the streame . besides , it is an extreame vexation , that wee must bee toyled amongst such little pettyes , and in teaching such matters , whereof we can get no profit , nor take any delight in our labours . phil. i am well inured with this grieuance , which you speake of , and doe knowe by long experience your complaint to bee too iust in this behalfe . i my selfe haue complained of it manie a time . for it were much to be wished , that none might be admitted to the grammar schooles , vntill they were able to reade english : as namely that they could reade the new testament perfectly , and that they were in their accidences or meet to enter into them . there might bee some other schoole in the towne , for these little ones to enter them . it would help some poore man or woman , who knew not how to liue otherwise , and who might do that well , if they were rightly directed . also it would be such an ease to all grammar schoolemasters , as they might doe much more good in their places . wherefore , all such schoolemasters who are incumbred with this inconuenience , are not onely to wish , but also to labour to haue it reformed in their seuerall schooles . yet notwithstanding , where it cannot be redressed , it must be borne with wisdome and patience as an heauy burden . patience shall make it much more light . and therefore euery one is to doe his best indeauour , to know how to make it most easie , if it do lie vpon him . moreouer , seeing we purpose , god willing , to goe through all the whole course of learning , and also sith our labour is to finde out the meanes , whereby to make the way plaine , to traine vp euerie childe from the verie first entraunce into learning , ( as was sayde ) vntill wee haue brought him vnto the vniuersitie , we cannot omit any point , which may tend vnto the same , much lesse the first steppe of all . for , a child well entred is halfe made : according to that prouerbe , principium , dimidium totius . the foundation well layd , the building must needs goe forward much more happily . this is specially true in learning ; wherein children feeling a sweetnesse in the beginning , are very much incouraged , as daily experience will manifest to euery one . spoud . i see well the necessitie of vndergoing this burden , in those places where remedie cannot be had , without greater inconueniences . and therefore , sith that necessity hath no lawe , nor for my selfe i knowe no meanes h●w to be freed from it ; i pray you let vs returne againe vnto the point , and let mee still intreat of you your best direction , to make this burden so light as may bee . this is a thing worth the diligence of all , who must be imploied amongst little ones : to wit , to teach children how to read well , and to pronounce their letters truly ; as also to spell right , and to knowe how to write true orthography in a short space . for ( that i may acknowledge the truth , and which hath bit no small discredit vnto me in this behalfe ) i haue had some who haue beene with me , two or three yeeres , before they could reade well . and that which hath yet bin much more grieuous to mee , i haue sometimes been so abashed and ashamed , that i haue not knowen what to say , when some being a little discontented , or taking occasion to quarrell about paying my stipend , haue cast this in my teeth , that their children haue been vnder me sixe or seauen yeere , and yet haue not learned to reade english well . i my selfe haue also knowen , that their complaints haue been true in part ; though i haue taken all the paines with them that euer i could deuise . therefore good sir , set downe as plainly and shortly as you can , how this may be helped . both my selfe & many others shall be much beholden for your direction in this first entrance . for my maner of en●●ing them , it is that which i take to be euery where : to teach & heare them so oft ouer vntill they can say a lesson , and so to a new . phil. i likewise h●ue been well acquainted with this your trouble : and therfore i will indeuor , to afford you so much as i haue yet learned , how to auoide these clamors ; and how any poore man who will imploy his paines , may learn to teach children to read well in a short time , though this may seeme vnbefitting our profession . first the ch●●de is to be taught , how to call euery letter , pronouncing each of them plainely , fully and distinctly ; i mean in a distinct and differing sound , each from others , and also naturally , from the very first entrance to learning . more specially to bee carefull , for the right pronouncing the fiue vowels , in the first place , as a , e , i , o , u. because these are first and most naturall , and doe make a perfect sound , so that they may bee pronounced fully of themselues ; and they being rightly vttered , all the rest are more plaine . after these vowels ▪ to teach them to pronounce euery other letter : which are therefore called consonants , because they cannot make a perfect sound of themselues , without a vowell . this may be done , and also the teaching of children to spell any syllable , before the childe do knowe any letter on the booke ; and that , some wise and experienced do holde the surest and best course . but they are , at least , to be taught to pronounce their letters thus , as they doe learne them ; to preuent the griefe and wearisomnesse of teaching them to forget euill customes in pronouncing , which they took● vp in their first ill learning . and so euer in teaching to read , the teachers are to continue the like care of sweete and naturall pronun●ia●ion . secondly , for the knowing of the letters ( besides that common manner practiced in schooles , which is by oft reading ouer all the letters forwards and backwards vntill they can say them ) they may be much furthered thus ; that is , by causing the childe to finde out , and to shew you which is a , which b , which c , which f , and so any other letter . first to finde them in the alphabet , then in any other place . or if you will let them learne but one letter at once , vntill they can readily know or finde out that letter in any place , and after that an other in the same manner ; this is holden the surer and more easie waie : but this at your owne iudgement . you may helpe them to spell thus , besides that course which is vsuall . let so many as are beginners , or who cannot reade perfectly , stand together , and then poase them without booke , one by one . first in syllables of two letters , as they are set downe in their a. b. c. and where one misseth let his next fellow tell , if he cannot then som other . then examine them in syllables of three letters , after in moe . and euer what syllable they misse , marke it with a dent with the nayle , or a pricke with a pen , or the like : and when you haue marked out those wherein they so misse , poase them oft ouer , not forgetting due praise to them who do best . one halfe howre would be spent daily in this kinde of examining , vntill they bee perfect in any syllable or worde . to make children to take a delight in spelling , let them spell many syllables together , which differ but onely in one letter , as hand , band , land , sand , &c. these syllables and words following , i haue obserued , to be of the hardest for children to spel : i will set you them downe together in this short briefe . they may serue for spelling , reading , or writing , and may soone be gotten by being often poased , read or written ouer . ac , ec , ca , ce , ci , co , cu , ag , eg , ah , az , ae , ai , au , ga , ge , gi , go , gu , va , wa , we , wee , bac , bace , bag , bage , gage , badge , bau , baye , dawe , dewe , iawe , rac , race , rosse , rose , yell , you , gua , cha , cla , dwa , gla , pha , tha , sca , sha , swa , wra , chra , phra , spha , thra , twa , thwa , able , abs , ach , adge , afle , apt , ath , own , blowe , browe , chrou , dregg , dredge , dwarfe , frogg , gnash , gnaw , plowe , snowe , stewe , slugge , they , thom , throne , twaine , twigge , schoole , cockle , puddle , pegle , good , golde , gogle , balme , fallen , stolne , scalpe , false , thumbe , couple , pearce , charme , chapt , moth , mouth , nymphes , vnkle , tenth , strength , height , depth , breadth , weight , ioint , laude , beautie , deede , language , guide , feede , feude , vowe , braue , dou , dove , knife , kniues , yeoman , ynough , ayre , heyre , doubting , island , yle , buye , league , hatchet , laugh , yeugh , bough ▪ publique , quishon . these are some of the hardest syllables , as i sayde : your selfe may adde moe as you meet with them . also this is to be obserued in spelling ; that before ( on ) you spell or write commonly ( ti ) not ( ci ) as saluation not saluacion , though we pronounce it as ( ci . ) but this is to be knowen chieflie , by the latine words from whence they come . right pronuntiation of words , & continuall practice in spelling , are the surest way to come to spell truely . if you pronounce the word false , which you would haue your childe to spell , hee spelleth it false : for hee spelleth according as it is pronounced to him , or as he vseth to pronounce . as for example ; aske the childe how he spelles a strea , ( as in many places the countrey manner is to pronounce it ) hee will spell strea or stre : but aske him how hee spels a strawe and so pronounce it , and he will spell strawe . to direct further how to come to perfection in spelling or writing right , i shall haue occasion to speake after . in ioining syllables together , they must bee taught , to vtter euerie syllable by it selfe , truly , plainly , fully , and distinctly , as we heard of the letters before ; and so also as that others who heare may vnderstand ; euer sounding out the last syllable : as sal-ua-ti-on . thus they may goe through their abcie , and primer . and if they reade them twise ouer , that they may bee very perfect in them , it will bee the better for them . for , the second reading of any booke dooth much incourage children , because it seemeth to bee so easie then ; and also it doth imprint it the more . besides that they will run it ouer so fast at the second time , as it will be no losse of time at all vnto them . after these they may reade ouer other english bookes . amongst which , the psalms in metre would be one , because children wil learne that booke with most readinesse and delight through the running of the metre , as it is found by experience . then the testament , in which the discreete master may keepe his schollar lesse or more , vntil he think him meet to enter into the accidence . if any require any other little booke meet to enter children ; the schoole of vertue is one of the principall , and easiest for the first enterers , being full of precepts of ciuilitie , and such as children will soone learne and take a delight in , thorow the roundnesse of the metre , as was sayde before of the singing psalmes : and after it the schoole of good manners , called , the new schoole of vertue , leading the childe as by the hand , in the way of all good manners . by these meanes , children if they be well applied , and continually kept vnto it , may be taught so to read within a yeere or little more , as they may be meet to enter into their accidence , by that time that they bee six yeere olde at the vttermost ; especially if they bee in any measure apt , and much practiced in spelling the hardest syllables . for diuiding or distinguishing of syllables this one obseruation is to be remembred ; that what consonants are vsually ioined in the beginnings of words , those are not to be disioined and separate in the middest of words , except in compound words . but of this wee shall speake more fitly after . and thus much may suffice for the present , for the speedy reading of english ; for heereof i haue had much certaine experience . spoud . i cannot iustly dislike of any thing which you haue sayd herein , it standeth all with so great reason : chiefly , to make children so perfect in the hardest syllables . for , they being perfect in these must needs attaine all the rest in a short space . except onely one thing which you vttered ; which indeede seemes a strange paradox to me : namely , that some wise & experienced , would haue children taught to call and pronounce all their letters , and to spell any syllable before they know a letter on the booke . phil. this is very true which you say ; it may seeme a paradox to them who haue not tryed it . i my selfe was of your minde when i heard it first . yet setting my selfe to make some triall of it , for the reuerence i bare to him of whom i heard it , and for that he shewed me experience of it in a child not fowre yeeres olde ; i found it the easiest , pleasantest and shortest way of all , where one would begin in a priuate house with little ones playing . the manner is thus ▪ . you must teach them , as i sayde , to call their fiue vowels , and to pronounce them right : which they will presently learne , if you do but only cause them to repeat them oft ouer , after you , distinctly together thus ; a , e , i , o , u. after the manner of fiue bels , or as we say ; one , two , three , fowre , fiue . then teach them to put the consonants in order before euery vowell , and to repeate them oft ouer together ; as thus : to begin with b , and to say ba , be , bi , bo , bu . so d. da , de , di , do , du . f. fa , fe , fi , fo , fu . thus teach them to say all the rest , as it were singing them together , la , le , li , lo , lu ; the hardest to the last , as ca , ce , ci , co , cu. and ga , ge , gi , go , gu . in which the sound is a little changed in the second and third syllables . when they can do all these , then teach them to spell them in order , thus ; what spels b-a ? if the child cannot tell , teach him to say thus ; b-a , ba : so putting first b. before euery vowell ▪ to say b-a ba , b-e be , b-i bi , b-o bo , b-u bu . then aske him againe what spels b-a , and he will tell you ; so all the rest in order . by oft repeating before him he will certainly do it . after this if you aske him , how he spels b-a , he will answere b-a ba. so in all others . next these teach them to put the vowels first , as to say , ab , eb , ib , ob , ub . then thus , a-b ab , e-b eb , i-b ib , o-b ob , u-b ub . after ; what spelles a-b , e-b , &c. thus to goe with them backward and forward , crosse , in and out vntill they can spell any word of two letters . then you may adioine those of three letters : afterwards , all the hard syllables , to tell what any of them spels , til they be perfect in al , or as you shall thinke meete . by this meanes , and by a little repeating of the letters of the alphabet ouer before them , by three or fowre letters together , as they stand in order , so as they may best sound in the childrens eares , they will soone learne to say all the letters of the a. b. c. if you will. as to repeat them thus . a. b. c. d. e. f. g. h. i. k. l. m. n. o. p. q. r. s. t. u. w. x. y. z. & . to say them thus by roat will nothing hinder but further them . then they may presently be taught to know the letters vpon the booke , either one by one , finding first which is a , in the alphabet ; and after in any other place . then to finde which is b , and so through all the rest as you will. then when they are cunning in their letters , and spelling , if you make them to vnderstand the matter which they learne , by questions , for a little at the first , they will goe on in reading , as fast as you will desire . the easier and more familiar the matter is to them , the faster they learne . thus may any poore man or woman enter the little ones in a towne together ; and make an honest poore liuing of it , or get somwhat towards helping the same . also the parents who haue any learning , may enter their little ones playing with them , at dinners and suppers , or as they sit by the fire , and finde it very pleasant delight . so they may helpe to gaine their children a yeere or two in learning at the beginning , and also the grammar schooles of this labour and hinderance . spoud . you haue perswaded me very much concerning this doubt also . surely sir howsoeuer thus may seeme but a toye , yet all tender parents will much reioice in it , and acknowledge it an exceeding benefit , to haue their children so entered ; and this time beeing got●en in the beginning , will bee found in the end as you truely sayde . yet there is another matter that comes vnto my remembraunce , about which i haue taken no small griefe and discouragement manie a time , concerning this point of reading english . i will mention it here , and desire your iudgement how to redresse it , although it might happely come-in-fitter afterwards . the trouble is this . that when as my children doe first enter into latine , manie of them will forget to reade english , and some of them bee worse two or three yeeres after that they haue been in construction , then when they began it . now if you could teach me how to helpe this likewise , that they might as well goe forward still in reading english as in latine , i should account this a very great benefit . for , some of their parents , who vse me the kindliest , will bee at mee that their children may euerie daie reade some chapters of the bible , to helpe their reading of english. now this i cannot possibly doe , but they must needes bee hindred in their latine , in some lessons or necessarie exercises ; and eyther be behinde their fellowes , or else trouble all their fellowes very much , that they cannot goe so fast forward as they should , but stay for these readers . others being more ignorant or malitious , vpon euery light occasion , are readie to rage and raile at me , for that their children as they say , doe get no good vnder mee , but are worse and worse . for , wheras they could haue read english perfectly ( it may be ) when they came to mee , now they haue forgotten to do it . thus am i grieued on euery side , and vexed daily , let mee labour neuer so much , and spend my heart amongst them for to doe them good . phil. sir , herein i can say , as she in the poet ; haud ignara mali miseris succurrere disco . for i haue tasted deeply of the same griefe vntill verie lately , within this yeere or two . yet now i seeme to my selfe , to find as sensible and continuall a growth amongst all my schollars , in their english tongue as in the latine . and not only for the reading of it , but also for vnderstanding it , and abilitie to vtter their minde● of any matter , wherewith they are acquainted , or which they learne in latine ; and also how to express the meaning of the latine in prop●iety ▪ and puritie of our owne tongue : so that i am quite d●●uered from that clamor . but to tell you what i thinke , wherein there seemes vnto mee , to be a verie maine want in all our grammar , schooles generally , or in the most of them ; whereof i haue heard som great learned men to complain ; that there is no care had in respect , to train vp schollars so , as they may be able to expresse their minds purely and readily in our owne tongue , and to increase in the practice of it , as well as in the latine or greeke ; whereas our chiefe indeuour should bee for it , and that for these reasons . . because that language which all sorts and conditions of men amongst vs are to haue most vse of , both in speech & writing , is our owne natiue tongue . . the purity and elegancie of our owne language is to be esteemed a chiefe part of the honour of our nation : which we all ought to aduance as much as in vs lieth . as when greece and rome and other nations haue most florished , their languages also haue beene most pure : and from those times of greece & rome , wee fetch our chiefest patterns , for the learning of their tongues . . because of those which are for a time trained vp in schooles , there are very fewe which proceede in learning , in comparison of them that follow other callings . spoud . this complaint is notwithout iust cause : for i do not know any schoole ▪ wherein there is regard had hereof to anie purpose ; notwithstanding the generall necessitie and vse of it , and also the great cōmendation which it brings to them who haue attained it : but i thinke euery minute an howre , vntill i heare this of you , how my trouble & shame may be auoided , and how i may obtaine this facultie to direct my children , how they may goe thus forward , not onely in reading english perfitly , but also in the proprietie , puritie and copie of our english tongue , so as they may vtter their mindes commendably of any matter which may concerne them , according to their age and place . phil. i will but name the meanes vnto you now : for i shal haue occasion to shew them all more particularly hereafter . besides the daily vse of distinct reading ouer their english parts to get them perfectly , and of right reading all other things which they learn in latine , as your self do know ; these means following , by the blessing of god wil accōplish your desire . the continuall vse of the bookes of construing of lillies rules , by causing them to learne to construe , and to keepe their grammar rules , onely by the helpe of those translations . this i find one very good vse of these books , besides some other which i shall mention after . the daily vse , and practise of grammaticall translation in english , of all the schoole authours , which the yonger sort doe learne ; causing them each day out of those to construe and repeate , whatsoeuer they learne . this i also haue proued by happy experience , to be a rare helpe to make young schollars to grow very much , both in english and latine . but of all these , for the manner , benefites , and vse of them , i shall haue occasion to speake at large . besides these , they would haue euery day some practice of writing english heedily , in true orthography ; as also of translating into english ; or , of writing epistles , or familiar letters to their friends , as wel in english as in latine . amongst some of them , the reporting of a fable in english , or the like matter , trying who can make the best report , doth much further them in this . and generally , amongst all those that can write , the taking of notes of sermons , and deliuering them againe , or making repetitions , is a speciall meanes . also striuing to expresse whatsoeuer they construe , not onely in propriety , but in variety of the finest phrase , who can giue the best . this chiefly in the higher fourmes : so reading forth of latine into english ; first in propriety , then in puritie . by these , and some vse of the history of the bible , and the like , which i shall be occasioned to mention after ; you may finde their growth , according to your desire , and much aboue your expectation . spoud . vndoubtedly sir , these must needs be very auaileable ; because schollars may haue hereby , so much vse of the english euery daie , aboue that which is practiced in anie schoole which i haue knowne . but for anie such translations of the schoole authors , i haue not heard of them , onely i haue seen the bookes of construing lillies rules , and some of my children haue them , though i feared that it would rather make them idle , being but a truants booke . indeed i neuer conceiued so much of them as you say : i shal better thinke of the vse thereof . phil. there is not the best thing but it may bee abused . but for that booke as the others , i shall shewe and proue vnto you the cōmodities of them , aboue all that you would imagine . experience makes me confident : yet to returne vnto your selfe , concerning the complaint of the parents , for their children going backward in reading english , when they first learne latine ; the chiefe fault in truth is in the parents themselues ; although we poore schoolemasters must be sure to beare all . for if such murmuring parents , would would but cause their children , euery day after dinner or supper , or both , to reade a chapter of the bible , or a peece of a chapter , as leasure would permit , and to doe it constantly ; therby to shew their loue to the lord , and his word , and their desire to haue the word dwell plentifully in their houses , to haue their children trained vp in it , as young timothy was ; then i say , this complaint would soon be at an end : for they should either seethen , their children to increase in this , or else they should discerne the fault to be in their childrens dulnesse , and not in our neglect . notwithstanding , sith that they are so very fewe of whome wee can hope , that they haue any care of this duetie in their houses , in respect of all the rest who omit it , and yet all the blame must surely rest on vs , it concerneth vs so much as we can to redresse it ; and therefore vse all good meanes , to cut off all occasions of clamours , and of discrediting our selues , and our schooles , and to contend for the greatest profiting of our children , aswell in this , as in any other part of learning ; the vse of this being , as we heard , most generall and perpetuall . spoud . you haue directed mee very rightly how to aunswere such parents : now i shall be able to shew them where the fault is , and bee calling vpon them to redresse this at home . i shall also indeuor to put all this in vre , and more as you make the particulars more fully known vnto me ; and as i shall finde by triall the fruit heereof . but now , that you haue thus satisfied me in all these my doubts ; i cannot but demand yet one other point , wherein i finde another great want , though not comparable to the former ; because there is not so much vse of it : which is about the ordinary numbers or numbring . for i am much troubled about this , that my readers and others aboue them , are much to seeke in all matters of numbers , whether in figures or in letters . insomuch , as whē they heare the chapters named in the church , many of them cannot turn to them , much less to the verse . phil. this likewise is a very ordinary defect , & yet might easily be helped by common means , in an howr or two . i call it ordinary , because you shall haue schollars , almost ready to goe to the vniuersity , who yet can hardly tell you the number of pages , sections , chapters , or other diuisions in their books , to find what they should . and it is as you say , a great & a fowle want ; because , without the perfect knowledge of these numbers , schollars cannot help themselues by the indices , or tables of such books , as they should vse , for turning to any thing of a sodaine : although it be a matter wherof they should haue vse all their life long . and to conclude , it is a great neglect , because it is a thing so easie , as that it may be learned in so short a time , only by most vsuall meanes , as by these following . for numbers by letters , vse but only to appose them , according to the direction in the latine grammar at orthographia , & they will do them presently . as if you aske what i. stands for , what v. what x. what l. &c. and back againe , what letter stands for one , so what for fiue , or forten . but specially if you desire to haue them very ready herein , cause them to haue these written , & then to practice to read them ouer often , vntil that they can answer any of them perfectly . warn them also to remember alwaies ▪ that any number set after a greater , or after the same nūber , doth add so many mo , as the value of that later nūber is . as , i. set after x. thus , xi . doth make eleuen . xv. fifteen ▪ xx. twentie . but being set before , they doe take away so ▪ many as they are : as i. before x. thus , ix . nine . if you wish an example more at large this may serue ; let each of them that should learne haue a briefe of these , after this maner , to shew them all the chiefe numbers . i. one , ii. two , iii. three , iiii. or iv. fowre , v. fiue , vi. six , vii . seauen , viii . eight , ix . nine , x. tenne , xi . eleuen ▪ xii . twelue , xiii . thirteene , xiiii . fourteene , xv. fifteene , xvi . xvii . xviii . xix . xx. xxi . xxv . twenty fiue , xxx . thirtie , xl. fortie , l fifty , xc . ninetie , c. a hundreth , d. fiue hundreth , m. a thousand . and thus much shortly for numbring by letters . for the numbers by figures , this rule must also be obserued ; that the figures do signifie in the first place so much o●ly , as if they were alone , or one time so many . in the . place tennes , or tenne times so many . in the third place , hundreths , or a hundreth times so many . in the fourth place thousands , or a thousand times so many . in the fift place ten thousands . in the sixt place hundreth thousands ; the places being reconed from the right hand to the le●t . as for example , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . twentie . . . . &c. . thirtie . . . . fortie , . &c. . fiftie . . sixtie , . seauentie . . eighty . . ninetie . a hundreth . . a hundreth & one , . . a hundreth and ten . . a hundreth & twenty . , &c. . two hundreth , &c. . a thousand . . ten thousand . . a hundreth thousand . these beeing learned backewards and forwards , so that your schollar be able to know each of them , to call them or name them right , & to find them out , as the child should finde any letter which he is to learne : in a word , to tell what any of these numbers stand for , or how to set downe any of them ; will performe fully so much as is needfull for your ordinarie grammar schollar . if you do require more for any ; you must seeke records arithmetique , or other like authors and set them to the cyphering schoole . spoud . this is a defect that i see is most easily supplyed by a very little paine and care in examining . i haue troubled you ouerlong in this , beeing in it selfe so very a trifle , though the want generally be to bee blamed . now therefore let vs hasten vnto our profession for the grammar schoolemaster . for i desire earnestly to be in our owne element , as more befitting and beseeming our place . phil. i am very willing to make all the haste that we can : for this i see , that though wee neither vse digressions , nor needlesse words ; yet this our conference will proue verie long , before that i can make my mind plain vnto you . vnlesse i should be so short , as either to be obscure , or to omit many things which i take to be very necessarie : but yet before we come to make entrance into the latine , if we doe keepe order , wee are to goe through the way of writing , as being more generall , and which chiefly appertaineth also to our english tongue ; in respect of our more frequent vse of it : i meane chiefely for the writing of our ordinarie hand called the secretarie hand , which is almost wholly in vse amongst vs. chap. iiii. how the master may direct his schollars to write verie faire , though himselfe be no good pen-man . spoud . to come therfore vnto writing , and the manner of teaching it ; that which you affirm may be done herein , cannot but bee a very great benefit , and a notable grace to schooles , and also to all learning , if it can be so effected . that all schollars in generall , may be directed to write cōmendably , and a great part of them which are more apt to write very faire ; and that in the seuerall hands of the learned tongues , as they doe proceed in euery one of them . for many of the best schollars , haue beene wont to write very ill ; in so much , as it hath beene a receiued opinion , as you know , amongst very many , that a good schollar can hardly be a good pen-man . moreouer you shall finde very fewe good writers in grammar schooles ; vnlesse eyther they haue been taught by scriueners , or be themselues maruellous apt hereunto , and very rare , or where the master doth apply himself chiefly to teach to write . the want of this , hath bin another part of my griefe : for besides the complaint and grudging of the parents ; i haue also seen , after they haue bin a great while with me , that they haue not bin able to write so , as to be fit for any trade ; but they must after be set to learne of the scriuener : much lesse haue they bin able to write a letter to their friends , or to perform any such business with their pen , in any commendable maner . you shall therefore do me no lesse a pleasure , then in the former , if you can direct me , how to help all these euils , and to attaine to that dexterity , whereof you speake . phil. i hope to satisfie you herein also . but first relate vnto me , what courses yourselfe haue taken , to teach your schollars to write ; whereof you haue found so little profit : and after i shall adde , as in the former , what i haue learned , to the better effecting hereof . spoud . surely i haue done this : i haue daily set them copies , so well as i could ; which hath bin no small toile vnto me : or else i haue caused some of my schollars , or some others to doe it . also i haue made them now & then to write some copies ; and it may be , i haue corrected them for writing so badly , or guided some of their hands , or shewed them how to amend their letters . this i take to be the most that is done in schooles ordinarily ; vnlesse any doe procure scriueners , to teach in their townes : whereof we finde no small inconueniences . phil. i take it to be as you say , that this is all which is done in most schooles : and hence so many of vs haue experience , of the like murmurings against vs. now i will let you see plainly and as familiarly as i can , how to helpe this euill , and to attaine this so great a benefit . . the schollar should be set to write , when he enters into his accidence ; so euery day to spend an houre in writing , or very neere . . there must be speciall care , that euery one who is to write , haue all necessaries belonging thereunto ; as penne , inke , paper , rular , plummet , ruling-pen , pen-knife , &c. . the like care must be , that their inke be thin , blacke , cleere ; which wil not run abroad , nor blot : their paper good ; that is , such as is white , smooth , and which will beare inke , & also that it be made in a book . their writing books would be kept faire strait ruled , & each to haue a blotting paper to keep their books for̄ soyling , or marring vnder their hands . . cause euery one of them to make his own pen ; otherwise the making , and mending of pens , will be a very great hinderance , both to the masters and to the schollars . besides that , when they are away from their masters ( if they haue not a good pen made before ) they wil write naught ; because they know not how to make their pens themselues . the best manner of making the pen , is thus : . choose the quil of the best and strongest of the wing , which is somewhat harder , and will cleaue . . make it cleane with the backe of the pen-knife . . cleaue it strait vp the backe ; first with a cleft , made with your pen-knife : after with another quill put into it , riue it further by little and little , till you see the cleft to be very cleane : so you may make your pen of the best of the quil , & where you see the cleft to be the cleanest , & without teeth . if it doe not cleaue without teeth , cleaue it with your pen-knife in another place , still neerer the backe : for if it be nor strait vp the backe , it will very seldome run right . after , make the nebbe and cleft both about one length , somewhat aboue a barley corne breadth , & small ; so as it may let downe the inke , and write cleane . cut the nebbe first slant downewards to make it thinne , and after strait ouerthwart . make both sides of equall bignesse , vnlesse you bee conning to cut that side , which lieth vpon the long finger , thinner and shorter ; yet so little , as the difference can hardly be discerned . but both of equall length is accounted the surest . the speediest and surest way to learne to make the pen , is this . when your shollar shall naue a good pen fit for his hand , and well fashioned ; then to viewe and mark that well , and to trie to make one in all things like vnto it . it were good for the learner to procure such a penne made , and to keepe it for a patterne , to make others by vntill he be very perfect in it . a childe may soone learne to make his pen ; yet , fewe of age do know how to make their owne pennes well , although they haue written long and very much : neither can any attaine to write faire without that skill . next vnto this , cause your schollar to holde his penne right , as neere vnto the nebbe as hee can , his thumbe and two fore-fingers , almost closed together , round about the neb , like vnto a cats foote , as some of the scriueners doe terme it . then let him learne to carry his pen as lightly as he can , to glide or swimme vpon the paper . so hee shall write the cleanest , fayrest , and fastest , and also his pen shall last the longe . insteede of setting of copies and to saue that endlesse toyle , let euery one haue a little copie booke fastened to the top of his writing booke , with a strong thread of a spanne long , or thereabout ; that alwaies when he writeth , he may lay his copie booke close before him , and that the side of the copie , may almost touch the line where he writeth , that his eye may be vpon the copie , and vpon his letter both together . and also , to the end that euer when he hath done writing , he may put his copie booke into his writing booke againe ; so that the copie may neuer bee out of the waie , nor the schollar write without it . the fittest volume for their writing a booke is , to haue them in quarto . moreouer , the copie bookes would be made thus . not aboue two inches in bredth ; fowre or six copies in a booke , halfe secretarie , halfe roman . the copie bookes might be made thus most fitly as i take it . one line of small letters , of each letter one , except in those which haue letters of diuers kinds , and therin both kinds to be set downe : as i. j. s. . u , v. vnder the line of small letters , would be set a line of great letters , after the same manner ; and vnder them both a line or two of ioyning hand , containing all the letters in them . examples of both sorts for the present vntill better can bee found may be these . i meane copies both of secretary and roman , containing all the letters in them . for secretary thus : exercise thy selfe much in gods booke , with zealous and feruent prayers and requests . for roman thus : aequore cur gelido zephyrus fert xenia kymbis ? respect not the verse , but the vse . vnder all these , may be fitly set in very little room those characters or letters , out of which all the rest of the letters may be framed : as in the small letters in secretarie , m. i. t. v. z. s. in the great letters , 〈◊〉 . so vnder the roman copies after the same manner . in the end of the copie bookes , in a page or two , might be set down all the hard syllables mentioned before . that by oft writing them ouer they might be helped to spel , & to write true orthographie . and after those , the numbers mentioned , to be able to write or totel any of them vpō the book without it . then what schollar so euer were not able to tell any of them , after a little poasing , were well worthy to be corrected . if such copie books were finely printed , being grauen by som cunning workman , & those of the most perfect and plaine forms of letters , that could possibly be procured , in a strong and very white paper , one book or two of them would serue a schollar neere all his time , that hee should neuer need to change his hand . the often change & following of diuerse hands , doth asmuch hinder writing , as often change of schoolemasters doth hinder learning . therfore , the best is to be chosen at the first , and euer to be stucke vnto without alteration , if it may be . in the meane time , vntill such copies can be had , some would be procured of the master , to be written by the best scriuener who can be gotten , after the manner aforesayde , for each schollar to haue one to fasten to his booke , and to vse as before . otherwise when for lacke heereof , the master , or vsher , or some other schollar is compelled euery day , to write each schollar a new copy ; it is both an endlesse toile , and also an extreame losse of time : besides the inconuenience mentioned , of change of hands , and that few masters or vshers are fit pen men , to write such copies as were necessary . lastly , because thorough want of such copies , schollars do write ordinarily without direction or pattern , in all their exercises ; whereby they either grow to very bad hands , or do profit in writing , little or not at all . this exercise of writing faire , would be practiced by all the schollars thorow the schoole , at least once everie day , for an howres space or neere ; and that about one of the clocke : for then commonly their hands are warmest and nimblest . now those that write exercises , may take the opportunitie of that time , to write them so faire as they can . in al writing this general rule would be obserued streightly , to cause them to striue to make euerie letter , as like to the copie letter in all proportion , as the one hand is to the other . and that they neuer thinke a letter good , vntill no difference can bee found betweene it and the copie letter ; that it cannot be discerned whether is the better . great care would bee had withall , to make euery writer to keepe euen compasse in the height , greatnesse , and breadth of his letters ; that no one letter stand either too high or too lowe , be ouer long , or ouer short , nor anie way too bigge , or too little , too wide , or too narrow . to the end , that they may write of euen height ; cause them to rule their bookes with a ruling pen , and then that they make the body of each letter , to touch their rules on both sides , i meane both at the tops and bottomes of the letters ; but not to go one hair bredth higher or lower . thus by practice the schollar will in time attaine to write very faire of himselfe without any ruling pen. that euery one may rule their bookes thus , cause them to haue each his ruling pen , made of a quill , somwhat like vnto a pen ; but onely that it is to be made with a nocke in the neb or point of it , like the nocke of an arrow , the nebs of the nocke standing iust of the bredth of their copie letters asunder , that they may rule their rules meete of the same compasse with their copies . the points of the nebs of the ruling pennes , must not be made ouer sharpe , nor pressed downe ouer hard in ruling ; because they wil then race the paper , and make it that it will not beare inke . they are moreouer to rule but a few lines at once : because the lines being drawen but lightly , will soone go out , and not be seene before that the learners come to write in them . also this care must be had in ruling , to cary the ruling pen so euen and straight forward , that both the lines which are drawen by it , may be seene together ; or els to drawe the lines so oft ouer with the same , vntil that both the lines may be well seene . this would be obserued carefully , vntill that time that they can begin to write euen & streight of themselues : for the euen compasse doth especially grace a hand , and the faire shew of it will cause children to take a delight in writing faire . euery schollar who writeth latine should haue two of these ruling pens : one for secretarie , and an other for roman ; or else to haue one made of iron or brass , the one end for the one , the other end for the other . moreouer , the bookes of all the new beginners or enterers , whilst they write letters , would be ruled wel with crosse lines , with the ruling pens on this manner : it is found to direct them very much . thus their bookes shall be kept faire . the compasse or the space within the crosse lines , serues to keep & guide the body of each letter to make it of a iust proportion . the straight lines direct and guide the childe to make euery stroke straight forward , or vp and downe , and also how to frame the head and taile of each letter . thus much for the compasse of the letters ; chiefly in the tops and bottoms of the letters . now that the letters may not be ouer bigge or ouer little , set too neere one another or far off , this may bee one good direction ; cause your schollar to drawe his lines , on which hee wil write his copies , of the very same length with the length of the line of his copie : and then if he write iust so much in his line as is in the copie , it is very like that he makes his letters of a good proportion , not too bigge nor too little , and the compasse euen , not one ouer neere , or far off from an other . but if hee write more in a shorter space , then is in like space in the copie , he either makes his letters too little , or sets them too neere one another ; letters , or words , or both . and so on the other side , if he write lesse in a line , then is in his copie in the same space , and length , then hee makes his letters too bigge , or too wide asunder . the letters would bee ioined in euery word : yet so as no one be set ouer neere another , but iust as the copie , obseruing blacks and whites , as the scriuener tearmeth them . and each word in a sentence , would be set about the bredth of an a , or an o , from one another . for writing straight without lines ( after that they haue practiced this a good while , to write with double lines , ruled with the ruling pen , and after with single lines ) this may helpe to guide them wel ; to cause them to hold their elbow so close to their side and so steadily , as they can conueniently : for the elbow so stayd , will guide the hand as a rule , especially in writing fast . afterwards , looking at the end of the line , as we vse to trie the straightnes of an arrowe , they shal see easily where it is crooked . practice wil bring facility these also may bee speciall furtherances for the first enterers : when the young schollar cannot frame his hand to fashion any letter ; besides the guiding of his hand , and also the shewing where to begin each letter and how to draw it , some do vse to drawe before them the proportion of their letters , with a peece of chawke vpon a board , or table , or with a peece of blacke lead vpon a paper ; and then let the childe trie how he himselfe can draw the like vpon it ; and after this to let him to do it with his pen , following the letter of his booke . or thus ; let him take a drie pen , that cannot blot his booke , and therewith cause him to follow that letter in his copie , which he cannot make , drawing vpon the copie letter very lightly , & a little turning the side of the pen , where the letter is smal ; but leaning harder vpon it where it is ful , and there also turning the broad part of the pen. onely warne him to be carefull , that hee doe not hurt the letter in the copy , by his hard leaning vpon his pen , or by the ouermuch sharpness of it ▪ thus let him follow his copie letter , drawing his pen so oft vpon it , vntill he think his hand will goe like vnto it . then direct him , to trie with another pen with inke , whether he can make one like to that of his copie . if he cannot , let him goe to it with his drie pen again , vntill that he can fashion one like vnto it . this also is a speciall obseruation : that the more leasurely the childe draweth at the beginning , as the painter doth , and the more lightly , the sooner a great deale he shall learne to frame his hand to write faire . this likewise some good scriueners obserue ; to suffer the child to learne to make but one kind of letter at once , vntill they can make that in some good sort , then another : as first a , then b. but especially to beginne with those letters , out of which all the rest may be framed , to make them perfectly , as m , c , t , v , z. for so all the rest will bee the easier . to helpe to write cleane , fast and faire together , call oft on your schollars to exercise their hands in making of f strokes , that is , dashes of f , and s thus 〈◊〉 ; and the stroake of the great c , and b , thus , 〈◊〉 also some vse to cause the learners , to practice their hands to run vpon the paper , either with inke or without , vntill they be very nimble and cunning to glide vpon the paper ; and namely , to make certaine rude florishes . call on them in all exercises , to bee carefull to obserue the graces of letters : as the keeping of great letters , accents , points , as comma , colon , period , parenthesis , and whatsoeuer may serue for the adorning of writing ; and euermore to take a delight in writing faire : which delight is in each art the one halfe of the skill ; but to flie all long tailes of letters , and to make all their letters so plaine as they can : the plainer the better . beware that you suffer no one to learne a bad hand , or to make any bad letter , so neere as you are able to preuent it . for it will be found much harder to teach such to forget their bad letters and hands , then to teach other which neuer learned , to write the good . so that if you teach such , a better hand , after that they haue learned and been long inured to the worse ; although they seeme to haue learned to write well , yet vnlesse they be holden continually to practice their good hand each day a little , they will fall vnto their bad hand againe : so great force hath any euill custome . this therefore must be our wisedome , to procure from the beginning the most excellent copies , for our schollars , whatsoeuer they cost ; and to keepe them constantly to them : they will soone quite the cost both to master and schollar . to the end that any master may bee the better able to teach thus ; let him eyther trie to attaine this faculty of writing faire ( which much commends a master ) or at least , let him labour to be well acquainted with these directions , or the like : and also let him cause his schollars to obserue them constantly ; or so many of them , as neede shall require . and to this end , let him vse to walke amongst his schollars as they write all together ; and see that they do practice these things duely : but chiefly that euery one haue his copie booke layed close before him ; and to marke well wherin any one of them misseth in any letter or stroke , that it is not like to the copie , there to point him to the copie , and to shew him where they differ , or to cause him to compare them himselfe : so to appoint them to bee mending their faults , vntill their letters be in all things like the copie letters . and what letters they make the worst , to make them so oft ouer , in some voyde place of their booke , or some waste paper , vntill those be as good as any of the rest , and like the copie , as was said . amongst others , to look specially to these three letters together , f. g. h. and to m. which being well made , do grace all the rest , & yet are commonly made the worst of all . thus any one of the schollars , chiefly one of them who write the best , may helpe the master to direct the rest . by these meanes the schoole-master may bring many of his schollars to be very good pen-men , and all generally to some competent sufficiencie , to the credite of the schoole , the good contentment of the parents , and the great benefit of the schollars , though he cannot write well himselfe , if hee can but onely thus farre forth direct , as to cause his schollars to follow these obseruations . hereby the schooles also may be freed from hauing any need of the scriueners , which go about the country ; at least , which go vnder the names of scriueners , and take vpon them to teach to write ; & do ofttimes very much hurt in the places where they come . for they draw away the mindes of many of the schollars from their bookes ; euen of all such as cannot indure to take paines , nor haue any great loue of learning and cause many , of good hope to leaue the school vtterly . besides that , very often , so soone as euer these scriueners are gone , the schollars whom they haue taught , doe forget what they seemed to haue gotten by them , vnlesse they be kept to practice their writing daily . so that all that cost and time is commonly lost ; besides the former inconueniences , that sundry by them lose all the learning which they had gotten . also most of the younger sort , who seeme to write faire , and so leaue the schoole in a conceit of that which they haue gotten by the scriuener ; yet doe write so false orthography , as is loathsome to see , and ridiculous to reade . for these properties should be ioyned together in euery pen-man , who would haue any approbation ; to be able as well to write a good stile ( i meane to indite , and to expresse his mind in some good forme of words , and true orthographie ) as to write faire . as for the vse of scriueners in the common schooles , it would be this ( if any ) ; eyther to make euery schollar his booke of copies , to vse after the manner prescribed , vntill such printed ones can be had : or else to set all the schollars in a good way of writing for right framing their letters , and the like . to do it onely at such times as the master shall appoint ; that it may be without any great hinderance to the schollars for their learning , & warily preuenting al the former inconueniences . for schooles and good learning being such a singular benefit , and so great a gift of god to church & common-wealth , all hinderances would be wisely foreseene , and heedfully preuented . these are the speciall helps , which hitherto i haue learned , for the direction of schollars in writing : and by these i am assured vpon triall , that what is promised in this behalfe , may bee effected through gods blessing . spoud . sir , these must needs be very profitable : yet my memory being weake , and they many , i shall hardly thinke of them to put them in practice . i pray you therfore repeat vnto me againe in a word or two , which of them you take to be the principall and of most continuall vse . phil. these i take to be the principall , & almost the sum of all ; & which would euer be had in memory : that the schollars haue good pens , thin inke , faire & good copie books ; & those made fast to their bookes , to haue them euer laid close before thē when they are to write fair ; which wold be once euery day ; & then all of them together . that they haue their books ruled strait & lightly , & that with ruling pens amongst al the yonger sort : and that therein a care be had , that they euer touch both the lines of the ruling pen with the bodies of their letters . also that they haue their faults shewed them , by pointing them to the copie letters ; and where their letters are vnlike to the copie , thereto cause them to be amending them continually , vntill they attain to write as faire as it . to call on them euer to haue an eye to the copie , & to haue the fashions of the letters in their minds . to take a delight in writing ; striuing who shall do the best : to this end , to let their hands glide lightly on the paper ; to striue to write very clean ; to make minimes , and such like letters sharp at tops & bottoms , or iust to the proportiō of their copies : to hold their pens very low : their elbow somthing neer their side : to keep their copies & books fair , vnblotted & vnscrauled : to haue void places or waste papers for assaies , &c. most shortly , these three are almost all in all ; good copies , continual eying them wel , a delight in writing : although i thinke it very necessary , that you bee acquainted with all the former directions , as they are set downe at large , to vse them as neede shall require . you may soone attaine the knowledge of them , when you haue them written downe : the labour of learning them will be nothing to you in regard of the benefit ; and much lesse in regard of the long search and obseruation , which i haue vsed to finde them out . spoud . it is true indeede ; and i am the more beholden vnto you : but giue me leaue this one word ; that which you said euen now , may seeme to make very much against the scriueners . phil. not at all ; it onlely helpeth to redresse the great abuse by som shifters , who go vnder the name of scriueners : for all good scriueners haue their callings and imployments , wherein to serue to the profite and good of the common-wealth , and not vnto the hurt thereof . this onely may teach vs to preuent and auoyde those intollerable abuses , & hurts to schooles mentioned ; whereof there hath beene , and is daily , so much experience . spoud . sir , i cannot but like of your answer ; i my selfe haue had some experience of the truth of the complaint : it is very necessary that such euils should be preuented . now therefore that you haue thus shewed me how to make my schollars good pen-men , and that they may grow therein , as in their schoole learning ; and thus prepared the way to our grammar schoole : let vs at length come to that which hath beene the speciall end of my iourney , and wherin our chiefe trauell and imployment lieth . a first let vs begin with the rudiments of the grammar , i meane the accedence ; wherein our first entrance is . phil. very willingly : but first let me acquaint you with certaine generall obseruations , which concerne our whole course of teaching , and whereof we shall haue almost continuall vse ; lest we be troubled with repeating them often after . spoud . it is well aduised , that wee may doe all things the most shortly , and in the best and easiest order that wee can : i pray you therefore shew vnto me what those generall obseruations be . chap. v. of certaine generall obseruations to be knowen of schoole masters , and practiced carefully in all grammar learning chiefely . and first of causing all things to be done with vnderstanding . phil. for the generall obseruations the first may be this . . that schollars be taught to do all things with vnderstanding ; and to be able to giue a reason of euery matter which they learne . and so in euery lecture which they learne in any tongue , first to vnderstand the matter of it , and the lesson will bee learned presently . but before i speake any more of this , i pray you let mee heare of you what course you haue taken in this point . spoud . this first obseruation seemeth strange vnto me , at the very naming of it . i my selfe haue vsed onely this course , and i thinke it to bee all that is done in most of our countrey schooles ; to giue lectures to the seuerall formes , or cause some schollar to doe it . and therin first to reade them ouer their lecture , then to construe them , and in the lower formes to parse them . so when they come to say ; to heare them whether they can read , say without book , construe and parse . more as i take it , is not much vsed , for the vnderstanding and making vse of them . phil. i know it to be as you say ; and do hold it to bee a verie great defect in schooles generally : yea a farre greater hinderance to learning , then that of letting them to lose so many yeeres , before they begin to learne . for this is a matter which of all other concerneth the credite of schooles , and furthereth learning wonderfully ; to teach schollars to vnderstand whatsoeuer they learn , & to be able to giue a reason of euery thing why it is so ; and to doe this from the lowest to the highest . my reasons are these : because if it were rightly knowen , & constantly practiced in schooles , it would bring forth very neere double so much good and sound learning , as is now gotten cōmonly . it would bring withall , so much ease , pleasure and delight , both to all teachers & learners and also so much certainty , & cause them to go forward with such cheerfulness , boldness and contention , as will hardly be beleeued vntil it be tried by experience . in a word ; it would cause at things to be gotten much more speedily , layed vp more safely , and kept more surely in memory . therefore , that olde rule is true ; legere & non intelligere negligere est . to read and not to vnderstand what wee read , or not to know how to make vse of it , is nothing else but a neglect of all good learning ; and a meere abuse of the means & helps to attaine the same . it is no other thing but a very losse of our pretious time , and of all our labour and cost bestowed therin , in regard of that which is read with vnderstanding . we may see triall hereof sundry waies . let children be examined together ; i meane such as of whom one of them alone hath beene taught to do all things by reason & with vnderstanding ; so that he is able to giue you a plaine reason , and make the right vse of euerie thing , which he hath learned : the other haue learned only to say without booke , to construe and parse ; then mark the difference . although all these learn one and the same author ; yet when they come to the triall , you would thinke that one to haue all learning , when you heare him to giue a reason of euery thing , and that he can make vse of al things ; all the rest to haue almost nothing at all , or at least nothing in regard of that one so taught . proue it thus in getting learning : teach your schollar one lesson which you cause him to vnderstand perfectly before ; another of the same matter , whereof hee vnderstandeth little or nothing : and then trie whether he will not doe that , whereof he vnderstandeth the meaning and reasons , almost in half the time , which the other will require . and this also so , as you may euidently discerne it , that hee will doe it with much more ease , certainty and boldnesse , then he can do the other . wee our selues may make triall of it by our owne experience , in construing any difficult peece of latine , greek , or hebrewe , or committing any thing to memorie ; whether if so be that we doe but vnderstand the matter of it before perfectly , wee shall not do it in halfe the time and with one halfe of the labour , that otherwise it would require . or if we would write or speake of any thing , let vs proue it but thus : if we first vnderstand the matter wel and haue it perfectly in our head , whether words to expresse our mindes will not follow as of themselues . to this very purpose , for confirming the truth hereof , and to keepe a continuall remembrance of this point ; these three verses of horace were worthie to be written in letters of golde , and to be imprinted in the memorie of euery one who is desirous to get the best learning : for so they would indeed proue golden verses , and make vndoubtedly golden times ; scribendirectè sapere est & principium & fons : rem tibi socraticae poterunt ostendere char●ae ; verbaque prouisam rem non inuita sequentur . the meaning of the verses , i take it to be this : to attaine to this facultie , to bee able to write or speake of anie matter , and so to come to all excellent learning , the verie first and chiefe fountaine , and that which is all in all , is to vnderstand the matter wel in the first place . as for store of matter , the writings of learned men ( such as socrates was ) will furnish you aboundantly therewith . and when you haue the matter throughly in your head , words will follow , as waters out of a fountaine , euen almost naturally , to expresse your mind in any tongue , which you studie in any right order . this will be found to be true in latine , greeke , hebrew , and by a like reason in euery other tongue , and in euery facultie : whether wee would write , speake , learne , resolue , or remember and lay vp for euer . this was a principall cause that made tully , ouid , virgil , and some others so to flowe in eloquence ; and especially virgil , whom men worthily account the chiefe of all latine poets , because they did vnderstand so fully whatsoeuer they writ of . i might instance this also in preachers , by our daily experience ; of whom some are better able to preach powerfully in two daies warning , and hauing words at will , then other in two moneths ; and all because the one sort are so full of vnderstanding and matter , the other are so barren thereof . thus in all these examples , euery man may see a plaine demōstration of the truth of these verses of horace , which he no doubt did write vpon his owne experience , as euerie man shall find , who will set himself to make triall . proue & confirme what tong soeuer your schollar learns , euen from the first reading of english , if he can repeat you the matter , or the sum of it , or haue it in his head , trie whether hee will not haue the words presently . the plentifull experience which i haue seene , of the sweete delight and fruite of this course , of causing children to doe all things with vnderstanding and reason , compared with the fruitlesse toiles and griefes of former times , do make me not only confident for the thing , but also desirous to make all other partakers of the benefit . spoud . i do fully see the euidence of all that which you haue said , and therfore i must needs be perswaded of it . i do heartily thank god for it , and will indeuor my selfe to put it in practice continually . only here is the difficulty , how a schoolemaster may do this , to teach his schollar so to proceed with vnderstanding , and how to giue a reason of euery matter which they learne , to make vse of all their learning . aboue all , how hee may beginne to fraught young schollars with all store of matter , as they goe on : this very much passeth my skill . i should thinke my selfe most happy , to obtaine this knowledge , if it possibly can be done . phil. attend to those things which i shall relate , and i haue no doubt , but i shall very much accomplish your desire in this : for our whole conference , doth tend chiefly to this end . as all learning is grounded on reason : so in euery chapter , i shall endeaur my selfe to manifest the reasons of euery thing , and how you may teach others ; so farre forth , as hitherto the lord hath made them knowne vnto me . and more hereafter , as i shall learne more . the principall meanes for their vnderstanding , is , by asking short questions of the matter : for so they will vnderstand and any thing , which they are to learne . but of that more hereafter in the particular examples ; and chiefly , chapt. . spoud . if you haue done then with this , let vs goe forward to your next generall obseruation ; and so through them all , as briefly as you can . phil. my next obseruation is this : that as i would haue them to doe all things with vnderstanding ; so to learne only such bookes and matters , as whereof they may haue the best vse , and that perpetually in all their learning , or in their whole life . for this is well knowne to euery one ; that things well learned in youth , will bee kept most surely all the life long ; because in that age they are most easily imprinted , and sticke the longest in fresh memory . and for that cause , children should spend no time vnfruitfully , in such books , as whereof they cannot haue both very good and continuall vse . this cannot be but a great folly , to mis-spend our pretious time in such studies , whereof neither our selues nor others can haue benefite after ; or else in such , as the knowledge whereof will vanish for want of practice : and much more in those , which will corrupt and hurt in stead of doing good . and therefore all filthy places in the poets would be wisely passed ouer , or warily expounded . it were well if there were an index expurgatorius , to purge out all the filth out of these , by leauing it out , or changing it . third rule , and that generall for all students , is this : that whatsoeuer difficult words , or matters of speciall obseruation , they doe reade in any author , be marked out ; i meane all such words or things , as eyther are hard to them in the learning of them , or which are of some speciall excellency , or vse , worthy the noting : or which , after that they haue beene a certaine time in construction , they haue not eyther learned , or at least they knowe not where they haue learned them . for the marking of them , to doe it with little lines vnder them , or aboue them , or against such partes of the word wherein the difficulty lieth , or by some prickes , or whatsoeuer letter or marke may best helpe to cal the knowledge of the thing to remembrance ; yet so much as may be , without marring of their books . to doe this , to the end that they may oft-times reade ouer these , or examine and meditate of them more seriously , vntill that they be as perfect in them , as in any of the rest of their bookes : for hauing these then haue they all . this would be vniuersall , in getting all kind of learning ; after that children do grow to any discretion to marke such things rightly : you will maruel ( if you haue not made triall of it ) how much they will go through , & what sound knowledge they will come vnto in any kinde of study ; and how soone by this helpe , more then they can do without it . and when they haue once gotten it they may as easily keepe it , & as surely , by oft-times running ouer those things , which are so noted , aboue all the rest . this is the reason that you shall haue the choysest bookes of most great learned men , & the notablest students all marked through thus , in all matters eyther obscure , or of principall & most necessary vse . and this is one chiefe meanes , whereby schollars may haue the difficultest things in their authours so perfectly , as that whensoeuer they shall be examined of a sudden , they shall be very ready , to their great praise , and to the iust commendation of the schoole . for the manner of noting , it is best to note all schoole books with inke ; & also all others , which you would haue gotten advnguem , as we vse to say , or wherof we would haue daily or long practice ; because inke will indure : neither wil such books be the worse for their noting , but the better , they be noted with iudgement . but for all other bookes , which you would haue faire againe at your pleasure ; note them with a pensil of black lead : for that you may rub out againe when you will , with the crums of new wheate bread . the very little ones , which reade but english , may make some secret markes thus at euery hard word ; though but with some little dint with their naile : so that they doe not marre their bookes . of this i shall speake more particularly in the manner of parsing , chapt. . a fourth obseruation , is this : that whatsoeuer books or matter schollars doe learne , after they beginne to learne without booke ; that they learne them so perfectly , and holde them so surely , by daily repetition and examination , that they may haue in their mindes such an absolute knowledge of al the words , and matters which they haue learned ; as wheresoeuer they shall meete with the same againe , or shall haue occasion to vse them , they may not neede to bee driuen to learne them anew ; but that they may tell of a sudden where they haue learned them , or can repeat the place : and so make their vse and benefit of them . to teach the same things twise , or thrise , is a double labour and griefe : but to haue all things which they haue learned , euer in readinesse is a singular benefit , and a rare commendation . for besides the preuenting of all losse of labour and time , it shall be to the great delight of all who heare them tried , and the exceeding furtherance of their continuall growth in all good learning . and to effect this yet more fully ; acquaint them in all their lectures and exercises , some one of them or other , who can tell first , to repeat where they haue learned euery hard word : and that chiefly in their grammar , if they haue learned it there , to haue that exceeding perfect ; and to marke surely euery new word , according to the direction which i haue before giuen . a fift generall obseruation , and which is not inferiour to any of the former , for the good both of masters and schollars , and the very great benefite of schooles , is this : that the whole schoole be diuided into so few fourmes as may be , of so many as can any way bee fitted to goe together : though they be sixteene , or twenty , yea , forty in a fourme , it is not the worse . the reasons of it are most cleere . . in most things it is almost the same labour , to teach twenty , as to teach two : as in reading all lectures and rules vnto them , in examining all partes and lectures . like as it is in sermons , and catechisings , where it is the same labour to teach one , that it is to teach a thousand , if all can heare alike . this is very generall , except in exercises of writing ; wherin also great aduantage may be gotten by this means , if right order be obserued , as we shall shew after . . secondly , the fewer fourmes there are , the more time may be spent in each fourme ; and more labour may be bestowed in examining euery title necessary . which worke of continuall examination , is a notable quickner and nourisher of all good learning ; helping maruellously vnderstanding , audacity , memory , and prouoking emulation of the schollars : and therfore a principall part of the masters labour , and of the time in the schoole , would be imployed in this . . by this meanes , euery one of a fourme shall some way prouoke , or incourage the rest of their fellowes . if they be but dull , the rest will thinke to goe before them ; but if they be more pregnant and witty , or more painfull and diligent , they shall put spirits into all the rest , and be as a spurre vnto them . for there is in our nature an inbred desire to ayme at the best , and to wish to equalize them in each commendable quality ; if there be right meanes of direction and incouragement thereunto . also euery one of a fourme may some way helpe the rest : for none are so dull , but they may happely remember some thing , which none of the rest did . this i haue seene by experience , to be the very best way ; euen for those who but reade the accedence , to put so many of them into a fourm together , as may be : they wil both further one another very much , in reading it quickly ( each helping and teaching others ) and also they may sooner be heard , when euery one need but to reade his piece of the same lesson , the rest helping . thus they will goe through very fast , and be all ready to enter without booke together . trie , and finding the benefite , you will not alter . a sixt generall obseruation , and of no lesse worth then any of the former , may be this : that there be most heedfull care , chiefly amongst all the youngest , that not one of them be any way discouraged , eyther by bitternesse of speech , or by taunting disgrace ; or else by seuerity of correction , to cause them to hate the schoole before they knowe it , or to distast good learning before they haue felt the sweetnesse of it : but in stead heereof , that all things in schooles be done by emulation , and honest contention , through a wise commending in them euery thing , which any way deserueth prayse , and by giuing preeminence in place , or such like rewards . for that adage is not so auncient as true ; laus excitat ingenium . there is no such a whet-stone , to set an edge vpon a good wit , or to incourage an ingenuous nature to learning as praise is , as our learned master askam doth most rightly affirme . to this purpose that sentence of tully were worthy to be written in euery schoole , and to be set vp in such places , where it might euer stand in the masters eye , if it were possible ; that so euery teacher might at length be brought to the continuall practice , of the good policy contained in it : to wit , to bend all his endeauours to prouoke all his schollars , to striue incessantly , which of them shall carry away the worthiest praise & commendation . the sentence is this ; pueriefferuntur laetitiacum vicerint , & pudet victos : vt tamse accusari nolunt , quam cupiunt laudari : quos illi labores non perferunt vt aequaliumprincipes sint ? besides this also , this same strift for these masteries , and for rewards of learning , is the most commendable play , and the very high way to make the schoole-house to bee ludus literarius , indeed a schoole of play and pleasure ( as was said ) and not of feare and bondage : although there must bee alwaies a meete and louing feare , furthered by wise seueritie , to maintaine authority , and to make it also ludus à non ludēdo , a place voyd of al fruitless play & loytering , the better to be able to effect al this good which we desire . . to the end that euery thing in the schoole may be thus done , by emulation and contention for praise ; there would be a carefull sorting , and matching euery one with him , who is next vnto him in learning : for this is also a most true prouerbe ; marcet sine aduersario virtus : vertue looseth the vigour and decayeth , where it hath no aduersarie . so they would be placed as aduersaries , that they may contend in all things , whether of them shall doe the better , and beare the bell away . thus the whole fourmes through the schoole , should be diuided also into two equall partes ; to striue alwaies , whether side of the fourme should get the victorie : like as it is in games , at shooting , or the like . experience sheweth how this will prouoke them , to be preparing and fitting for the victory . euen as archers will prepare themselues by exercising , getting the best bowes & arrowes ; and then making first their choyse so equall as they can , afterwards directing their fellows ; thus striuing by all means , whether side shal beat : so will it be here . but of this i shall haue more fit occasion , to tell what i thinke , when we shall speake of the manner of diuiding of the fourmes . . that we vse euer to appose the worst and most negligent of each fourme aboue all the rest ; though euery one somthing , yet them principally . this wil make them more carefull , & cause all to come on together in some good sort . . that from the first entrance they be taught to pronounce euery thing audibly , leasurely , distinctly , & naturally ; sounding out specially the last syllable , that each word may be fully vnderstood . but of this wee haue spoken somwhat ; & shal speake more in the due place , what a grace sweete pronunciation giues vnto all learning , and how the want of it doth altogether mar , or much deforme the most excellent speech . . that they haue daily some speciall exercise of the memory ▪ by repearing somewhat without booke ; as a part in their rules the foure first daies in the weeke , the lectures of the weeke , or some part of them on the friday , al the rules of the weeke on the saturday : besides matters of reports as apologues or fables , theames , disputations , and the like . the reason is , because the daily practice hereof , is the only means to make excellent memoryes ; so that the memory be not ouerloaden . but for this matter of saying without booke , how farre it is to be vsed , and what helpe may be had to preuent the ouertoyling , & terrifying of schollars with it , and to supply some things better otherwise ; i hope i shall take a fitter place to speake of it hereafter . . that for whatsoeuer exercises they are to learne , they haue the best patternes to follow , which can be procured : as in writing so for all kinde of learning , how to do euery thing ; because all learning is principally gotten by a kinde of imitation , and arte doth imitate the most excellent nature . the patternes being singular , so shall their work proue in time , eyther to expresse their patterne very liuely , or happely to go beyond it . of this also we shall haue occasion after to speake . . the masters to be alwayes vigilant , as good leaders ; to labour to a liuely cheerfulnes , to put life & spirit into the children ; & to incourage themselues in wel doing , by amending whatsoeuer is amisse , & supplying each thing , wherein they are defectiue ( obseruing the daily growth of their schollars , remembring stil that worthy counsel , tu ne cede malis , sed contra audentiorito ; and also euer calling to minde whom they serue , and how their reward is with the lord. . constancy in good orders , & exercises ought euer to be kept inuiolable ; with continual demonstration of loue in the masters towards the schollars , & a desire to do them the vttermost good . this shall ouercome the most froward in time ; and vsed with the rest , shal vndoubtedly bring forth the fruit of their desires . though many moe directions might be added , yet we will content ourselues with these for the present ; as being most generall and belonging to all which follow . others we shall adde , as we shall finde the fittest occasions . spoud . certainly sir , these rules doe very much affect and delight me , at this hearing of them ; neyther can i easily discerne which of them is most to bee preferred . if you had giuen mee so many crownes , you could not haue gratified mee more : i purpose to put them in practice presently , that i may finde that sweete and pleasant fruite of them , which i fully conceiue may bee attained by them . phil. if you take so much delight in the hearing of them , i trust you shall doe much more in the proofe : and therefore hauing finished these , we will now at length come vnto the accedence . chap. vi. how to make children perfect in the accedence . spoud . for the accidence then , i pray you acquaint mee what you haue learned , how children may get it most speedily ; and how they may be made so very perfect in it , as to answere so readily to any question thereof , as you did affirme that they may ; and to make the right vse of it . phil. you must euer first let me heare of you , what course you haue taken , and what you thinke to bee ordinarie in schooles , and then i will supply whatsoeuer i haue learned ; for that all shall be the better conceiued . spoud . for reading ouer their accedence , this is all that i haue vsed ; to let them reade it ouer euery one by himselfe by lessons , as in reading other english : and so to heare them one by one , as they can say . in the harder lessons to reade it ouer before them . thus i make them to reade ouer their accedence once or twise within the book , before they doe get it without booke . secondly , for getting it without booke , i cause them to doe likewise , and to say as oft as they can . to keepe that which they haue learned , by weekely repetitions , and by saying parts . and for the meaning , to teach it after by practise . now i pray you shew me your iudgement , and vouchsafe me your help . phil. my iudgement is , according to my experience , that though this be the ordinary course , yet it may be done with farre greater ease , in lesse time and with much more profit , to effect your desire : yea , to teach ten or twelue as soon and readily as you shall teach one . also to make them more full of vnderstanding , that they shall be able to make right vse of their rules , to enter into construction , and goe forward readily together in construing , parsing & making latine . whereas otherwise they must be taught the vnderstanding and vse of it after : which shall be another labour , and bee as if they had not learned it at all before . now th● meanes how all this may be effected are these : for reading the accedence . so soone as they enter into the accedence , put so many of them into a fourm as you can well , to enter together ; as was shewed before . and therein first , reade them ouer their lesson , telling them the meaning shortly , to make them a little to vnderstand it : and so they will learne it much sooner . then let them one helpe another , as they will doe learning together , and euery one will draw on another ; one of them euer reading ouer the lesson , that all the rest may heare , and the rest telling where he misseth ; and so neuer idle till all can read it . when they come to say , cause euerie one of the fourm to read his peece in order , in like manner the rest to help where he sticks . by this meanes there will not bee much more labour with twelue , then with one alone . experience also wil shew , that they will all goe forwarde more fast and surely then any other way . and although that they goe faster forward , and not so very perfectly as they thus read it first , yet they will soone reade most readily , when they come to get without booke . when they haue once gone through it within booke , let them begin to learne it without booke . or else if they can reade well before , you may let them learne to reade thus , as they get without booke , and so doe both vnder one . but then some howre or two would bee spent daily in the afternoon in reading , or som day of the week separate therto : els they will somewhat forget to read , because they reade but so little on a day ; which must be carefully preuēted . therfore it will not bee amisse to reade it ouer speedily once or twise before . when they learne without book ; let them vse this caueat especially ; that they take but little at a time , so as they may be able to get it quickly and well , and so go on to a new lesson : for this will harten them exceedingly to take paines , in reioicing how many lessons they haue learned and how soone they haue learned each lesson ; wheras giuing them ouermuch , it will put them out of heart , so that they will either doe nothing at all , or with no life . before they goe in hand with a lesson , doe what you can to make them to vnderstand the summe of the lesson first , and the meaning of it : thus . . reade them ouer their lesson . . then shewe them the plaine meaning of euerie thing so easily , shortly and familiarly , as possibly you can , and as you thinke that they can conceiue . after propound all vnto them in short questions , and ask the questions directly in order as they lie in the book answering them first your selfe . then if you will you may aske them the same questions , and let them answere them as you did before , still looking vpon their bookes , when they aunswere . to require them to aunswere so , will much incourage them ; because they shal find themselues able to doe it . the moe the questions are , the shorter and plainer arising naturally out of the words of the book , the sooner a great deale will your children vnderstand them . and therefore any long question is to be diuided into as many short ones as you may , according to the parts of the question . hereby the dullest capacities will come to conceiue the hardest questions in time , and proceed with more facility ; so that the masters doe enter them thus from the beginning , stil causing them to vnderstand as they learne . here the masters must not be ashamed , nor weary , to do as the nurse with the child , as it were stammering and playing with them , to seeke by all meanes to breede in the little ones a loue of their masters , with delight in their bookes , and a ioy that they can vnderstand ; and also to the end to nourish in them that emulation mentioned , to striue who shall doe best . neither is the wise master to stand with the children about amending the accedence , if he thinke anie thing faulty or defectiue ; but only to make them to vnderstand the rules , as they are set downe in the booke : for this they wil keep . to make this plain by example . to begin at in speech be , &c. first , read them over the words : then tell them for the meaning after this manner , or the like as you please . the meaning is this ; that in speech which men vtter , there is nothing but words to cal or know things by , and setting or ioyning of words together . like as it is in our english tongue , so in the latine , & so in other tongues . and of these words which make this speech , are not manie parts or kindes , but onely eight parts of speech . for whatsoeuer can be spoken belongeth to one of these eight parts . they are either nownes , or pronowns , or verbs , or one of the rest . more shortly thus ; there is not any word in any language whatsoeuer , but it is either a nown or a pronown , verbe , &c. also of these eight parts , the fowre first onely are such as may be declined . that is , such as each of them may bee turned or framed diuerse waies , and haue diuers endings : as magister , magistri , magistro . amo , amas , amat . the other fowre last are vndeclined ; that is , such as cannot bee so turned , and haue but onely one ending : as , hodie , cras , &c. then ask them questions according to the same , following the words of the book , in this manner of the like , as you thinke good . q. how many parts of speech haue you ? or how many parts are there in speech ? a. eight . q. of these how many are declined , how many vndeclined ? so , which are declined , which vndeclined ? afterwards to aske the same questions backe againe , the last first . as , which parts of speech are vndeclined ? or how many are vndeclined ? so in the next . q. what is a nowne ? a. a nowne is the name of a thing . q. of what thing ? a. of such a thing as may bee seene , selt , heard , or vnderstood . q. giue me some examples of some such things ? a. a hand , a house , goodnesse . q. what is the name of a hand in latine ? or what is latine for a hand ? what is latine for a house ? and so forth . then aske the questions as it were backward thus : q. what part of speech is that which is the name of a thing , which may be seene , felt , heard , or vnderstood ? a. a nowne , &c. thus to goe forward in euery rule . . reading it ouer to the children . . shewing the plaine meaning in as fewe words as you can . . propounding euery peece of it in a short question , following the words of the booke , and answering it your selfe out of the words of the booke . . asking the same questions of them , and trying how themselues can aunswere them , still looking vpon their bookes . then let them goe in hand with getting it amongst themselues , vntill they can say and answer the questions without booke readily ; the highest of the fourmes poasing the rest vntil they can say . by this means it wil seem so easie to them , that they will go to it most cheerfully , and get it much sooner then you would imagine , both the vnderstanding and the words : for the vnderstanding of the matter will presently bring the words , as we sayd . as they go forward , striue to make them most perfect in these things specially : in knowing a nowne , and how to discerne the substantiue from the adiectiue . after in the signes of the cases . then in declining the articles , hic , haec , hoc ; euerie article by it selfe : as nom , hic , gen. huius . dat , huic . accus . hunc . ablat . hoc . &c. so in the feminines . nom. haec . accus . hanc . abl. hac . &c. by beeing perfect in these articles thus , they shall both bee able to decline any nowne much sooner , and to know the right gender for making latine . also let them learne to decline both latine and english together ; i meane latine before english , and english before latine , both in the articles , and other examples of nownes , pronownes and verbes . as in the articles thus : hic this masculine , haec this feminine , hoc this neuter . gen. huius of this masculine , feminine , neuter . dat. hui● , to this masculine , feminine , neuter . accus . hunc this masculine , hanc this feminine , hoc this neuter , voc. caret . ablat . ab hoc from this masculine , ab hac from this feminine , ab hoc from this neuter . or hic this male , haec this female , hoc this neuter , &c. or hoc this thing . so the english before , if you will : though in these articles it may suffice to decline the latine first ▪ so as before , and in ( is ) and ( qui ) or the like . this kinde of declining in all examples following , will be found such a helpe , as it will hardly be thought , vntill it be tryed , both to speedie construing , parsing , and making latine , howsoeuer it may seem at first childish , or but a toy , and of no moment . the latine before the english for construing . the english before the latine , for making latine true . then make them as p●rfect in their genders forwards and backwards . as what gender is hic , and hic what gender ? or what is the article of the masculine gender ? so in the rest . after these , make them as ready in their declensions , not onely to knowe what declension euery word is of ; but also the seueral terminations of ●uery case in euery declension , both as they learn thē one by one , according to the booke , and after to giue them together , when they haue learned them all , and that in this manner as followeth . the genitiue case singular of the first in ae dipthong●as , musae , the second in i , as magistri , the third in is , as lapidis &c. so thorough : and backward ; the gen. of the fift in ëi , as meridiëi , of the fourth in us , as manus ; the third in is , as lapidis , &c. then to decline perfectly euery example in each declension , in manner as the articles : as for example ; musa a song , musae of a song , musae to a song , musam the song , ô musa ô song , ab hac musa from a song , or from this song . so in the plurall number , musae songs , musarum of songs , &c. after , english first . a song musa , of a song musae , to a song musae . &c. to giue them these signes , because they signifie thus most commonly , though not alwaies . then appose them vntill they can giue readily any case either english to latine , or latine to english : which they will soone doe . so in each declension . after you may acquaint them to decline all the examples of the declensions together , putting in regnum also , because it differeth from magister ; as nominatiuo musa , magister , regnum , lapis , manus , meridies : gen. musae , magistri , regni , lapidis , manus , meridi●● , &c. this will helpe them presently to ioine anie substantiues as they fall in the same case , or the substantiues and adiectiues together . so if you please , you may cause them to decline them so with the english adioined , either before the latine or after . the moe waies they are thus declined , to make them each way perfect , the better they wil be learned , if time wil permit . of all other this is the shortest , and wherby they may be most easily kept by them , who haue anie vnderstanding , to giue the bare terminations alone together , as thus . terminations of the genitiue singular . ae . i. is . us . ei . datiue . ae . o. i. ui . ei . &c. and those vsuall signes of the cases , as a , of , to , the , ô , from . thus to plie continual poasing , each day a little , vntill they can giue you any termination , or ●ase in these examples . english to latine , or latine to english. after to doe the like in bonus ; thus : bonus a good masculine , bona a good feminine , bonum a good neuter , &c. we may english it after this manner , for the better vnderstanding of the children : or as wee can finde any more easie waie . after all these when they wex perfect in them ; the declining of substantiues and adiectiues , of all sorts together , is of very great profit , either latine alone together , or latine and english both together if you will. and first the examples of the booke . as musa bona a good muse , musae bonae of a good muse , musae bonae to a good muse , &c. so magister bonus , magistri boni , &c. so regnum bonum . and lapis bonus , a good stone , lapidis boni , of a good stone ▪ or lapis durus , lapidis duri , &c. so manus foelix , manus foelicis , manui foelici● , manum foelicem . or meridies tristis , meridiei tristis , meridiei tristi , meridiem tristem . &c. and in which you obserue them to miss most ply those vntill all be perfect . when they are very cunning in these , then they are to be acquainted with declining other words like their examples , still keeping them to those patterns , where they miss . and first the words set downe in the margents of their books against each example . then other substantiues and adiectiues together . as sylua s●nans , syluae sonantis , syluae sonanti , &c. l●o magnus , a great lion , leonis magni of a great lion , leoni magno , to a great lion , &c. or english before . a great lion , leo magnus , of a great lion , leonis magni , &c. vnto these adioine the daily forming of comparisons : as gratus , gratior , gratissimus . bonus , melior , optimus . so , foelix , foelicior , foelicissimus : first regular , then irregular or out of rule . then do the like in the pronownes , to make them to be able to decline and giue them readily , english to latine , and latine to english ; like as the nownes . as ego , i. mei of mee , &c. so backe againe . i , ego . of mee , mei . to me , mihi . tu thou , tui of thee , and thou tu , of thee tui , &c. sui of himselfe or of themselues , sibi to himselfe , or to themselues , se himselfe or themselues . is he , ea shee , id that thing , eius of that man , of that woman , of that thing , or that matter . qui which man , quae which woman , quod which thing , cuius of which man , of which woman , of which thing ; like as you may say , hic this man , haec this woman , hoc this thing &c. or hic this masculine , &c. in these two and ( hic ) it may suffice onely to decline latine before , as was sayd . so to be very readie in the persons of the pronouns , both to shewe what person euerie one is of : and to giue euerie one both english to latine , and latine to english. as when i say , giue your first person singular , latine and english ; the child answereth ego , i. or i , ego . &c. so what person euerie one is . but in the verbes aboue all , is your diligence to be shewed in making them not only perfect in declining euery example to be able to decline any verb by thē ; but more specially in coniugating , and being readie to giue you the latine to the english , and english to the latine in any person , of any moode , or tense . to effect this most speedily , teach them to say first the first persons of one cōiugation alone , throgh the actiue voyce , both latine before english , & english before latin , thus : amo i loue amabam i loued or did loue , amaui i haue loued ; so through the indicatiue mood . then english first , thus : i loue , amo : i loued or did loue , amabam &c. and after withall to be able to run the terminations in euery tense : as in amo , o , as , at , amus , atis , ant . in amabam , bam , bas , bat , bamus , batis , bant . and likewise the persons in english , i , thou , he , we , yee , they , according to the terminations ; and then by apposing , they will presently answere any of them . as thus ; aske the childe , i loue : he answereth amo : then aske , they loue ; he cannot tell . bid him to runne the terminations of amo ; he answereth o , as , at , amus , atis , ant : then i say , giue now they loue : he answereth amant : so yee loue , or we loue , &c. so aske , i loued or did loue ; he answereth amabam : then we loued or did loue : if he cannot tell , bid him to runne his terminations , and he will answere , bam , bas , bat , bamus , batis , bant . then aske , how say you , we loued or did loue : he answereth amabamus . afterwards in doceo : so in the rest . when they come at the passiue , let them doe the like : and when they haue learned it through , then let them practice to repeate actiue and passiue together thus : i loue , amo : i am loued , amo● : i loued or did loue , amabam : i was loued , amabar : i haue loued , amaui : i haue beene loued , amat us sum vel fui , &c. then by posing the first persons , and running the terminations , they will very soone giue any of the verbes in any person . they will by this meanes goe through all the coniugations , and with this perfect readinesse , as soone as they will learne to say them without booke , without any vnderstanding at al if not sooner ; so that they be wel applied . yet if this preuaile not as you desire , you may exercise them to repeat al the persons through euery moode , and person , by themselues , but chiefly the first persons : as , amo , amabam , amaui , amaueram , amabo : am●m , amarem , amauerim , amauissem , amauero : amare , amauisse , amaturum esse : amandi , amando , amandum , &c. so in the second persons , amas , amabas , &c. or thus to coniugate those tenses together , which doe come one of another : as amo , amabam , amabo , amem , amarem , amare . so , amaui , amaueram , amauerim , amauero , amauissem , amauisse . this is accounted the speediest way ; in examining here , to appose the same tenses , of the seuerall moodes together : as the present tenses , i loue , amo : graunt i loue , vtt●am amem : i may or can loue , amem : when i loue , cum am●m . so in the preterimperfect tenses . to make them most perfect in this , practice them that they can giue readily , the terminations of the first persons , first in the indicatiue moode , in each tense ; then how the same tenses differ in the rest of the moodes , except the imperatiue , together with the signes of the tenses in english. as for example : the termination o , in the indicatiue mood present tense , is in the three other moodes turned into em or am ; as amo is made amem , doceo doceam lego legam , audio audiam . in the preterimperfect tense , bam is turned into rem : preterperfect tense , i into rim : preterpluperfect tense , ram into sem : future tense bo , or am , into ro . so in the indicatiue moode , the terminations are these : o , bam , i , ram , bo or am . in the other three are these answerable ; em or am , rem , rim , sem , ro . though these be not one formed of another ; yet comparing them thus together , wil make the children to learne them sooner by much . generall signes of the fiue tenses actiue , are ; doe , did , haue , shall or will. of the passiue present tense , am , is , are or art. imperfect tense , was , were , wert . preterperfect tense , haue beene . preterpluperfect tense , had beene . future tense , shall or will be . signes of the moodes are set downe in the booke ; the indicatiue hauing no signe : the other three hauing their seuerall signes in english. this little table well thought on , makes all most easie . actiue voyce . passiue voyce .   signes of the tēses in english . terminations in latine without a signe . terminations with a signe . signes of the tenses in english . terminatiōs in lat . wthout a sign . terminations in latin with a sign . present tense . do. o. em or am . am , is , are , art . or . er , ( or ) ar . preterimperfect tense . did. bam . rem . was , were , wert . bar . rer . preterperfect tense . haue . i. rim . haue beene . sū vel fui . sim vel fu●rim , preterpluperfect tense . had. ram . sem . had been . rā vel fuerā . essem vel fuissem . future tense . shall or will. bo am . ro . shall or will be . ber . ar . crov●i fuero . for to make the childe to vnderstand this table , first shew him these things vpon his booke , by comparing the actiue voyce with the passiue , and the indicatiue moode in both , with the other moodes . after pose thus : q. do , without a signe of the moode , how must it end in latine ? a. in o. q. do , with a signe , how ? a. in em or am . for example : q. i doe loue , or i loue ? a. amo. q. graunt i loue . a. vtinam amem . q. i may or can loue ? a. amem . q. when i loue ? a. cum amem . so in the preterimperfect tense . q. how say you did , without a signe ? a. bam . q. with a signe . a. rem , as amabam , amarem : docebam , docerem . haue , without a singe . i. with a signe , rim ; as amaui , amauerim : docui , docuerim , &c. the shortest way of all , and most easie for all of vnderstanding , is , oft to repeat the bare signes and terminations ; specially at such times , as when the younger sort are to make latine : and this daily then , vntill they be perfect , or as shal be requisite , thus : actiue signes , do , did , haue , had , shall or will. passiue , am , is , art , was , were , wert , haue bin , had bin , shall or will be . terminations in latine indicat . or terminat . without a signe , o , bam , i , ram , bo and am . termin . with a signe , em . am . rem , rim , sem , ro . so actiue and passiue together . o , or . bam , bar . i , sum vel fui . ram , eram vel fueram . bo , bor . am , ar . em , er . am , ar . rem , rer . rim . sim vel fuerim . sem , essem vel futissem . ro , crouel fuero . these gotten , all will be plaine ; if you vse withall to cause them to runne the tenses , as was said , with the signes of the persons , thus : i , thou , he , we , ye , they : o , as , at , amus , at is , ant . bam , bas , bat , bamus , batis , bant : so in any . and withall to remember in what letters , or syllables euery person ends , both in the actiue and passiue : as the first persons actiue , signifying ( i ) doe end commonly in o , am , em ; im , or i. as amo , amabam , amem , amaui , amauerim . the second persons ( or thou ) in as , es , is , or sti : as amas , doces , legis , amauisti . ( hee ) in at , et , it . ( wee ) in mus . ( yee ) in t is . ( they ) in nt . so in the passiue , ( i ) in or , ar , er , ( thou ) in ris , or like the actiue . ( he ) in tur . ( we ) in mur. ( ye ) in mini . ( they ) in ntur . by these the learners may haue a great light : and though some of them be both in the actiue and passiue , and the imperatiue moode doe differ so as no certaine rules can be giuen : yet they may be soone discerned and knowne . and the perfect knowledge of the terminations beeing the speediest way to the getting the full vnderstanding , both of nounes and verbs in euery tongue ; these would be learned first , and euer kept most surely . the benefite also of this exquisite perfection in nounes and verbes , is so singular , for the speedy attayning of the latine tongue , as no paines in them can be too great . first , the very difficulty of the latine tongue , is in these . secondly , these examples set downe in the booke , are such liuely patternes of all nounes and verbes ; that schollars being perfect in these , will soone be perfect in any other . and for the other parts of speech , the very words are most of them set downe in the accedence ; as pronounes , aduerbes , coniunctions , prepositions : participles , like the adiectiues . so that these being gotten perfectly , the latine tongue may soone be attained in good maner ; euen by the meanes following : whereas without this perfection it is very difficult . so that the learners shall still goe incertainly and fearefully . also by these meanes and helpes named , this readinesse in them may be very speedily obtained ; whereas onely to be able to say them without booke , without this vnderstanding , is to little purpose : and to learne them by practice in construction , and in writing exercises alone , is most long , hard and wearisome , both to master and schollar . my former toyle and griefe in these , aboue all other things in grammar ( though i tried all wayes which i could heare or deuise ) with the ease and benefite in this way , maketh me confident . for i haue found more profite by this course in a moneth , then by all other in halfe a yeare . by this practice also , it is most soone recouered when it is lost , and most easily kept . yet my meaning is not to haue schollars to stay ouerlong to be so exquisite in them , before they go any further ; but to go on so fast as they can well , and to make them so ready by daily practice ; spending each day a quarter of an houre , or more , in them , vntill they come to perfection . this were not amisse , to be practiced sometimes also amongst the elder schollars , which are not ready in them ; as also those comming from other schooles , till they grow perfect : here should be the beginning . if yet a shorter way can be found out , we shall haue more cause to reioyce thereof . in the participles , the chiefe care would be to make them perfect ▪ to know the seuerall tenses by their signes , and endings english and latine , as they are in the booke : for declining , they are the same with the nounes . in the aduerbs , coniunctions , prepositions & interiections , they would be made so ready , as to giue english to latine , & latine to english , and to tell of what kinds they are ; and also to what cases each preposition serueth : and these specially . here it were to be wished ( as i take it ) that all the rest of the aduerbs , coniunctions , & interiections were also set down in the accedences ; except only such aduerbes as are deriued of other words : by which words they may be knowne , or by their accents or terminations . also that some rules were set downe for framing of these deriued aduerbes ; and that all the rest of the aduerbes and coniunctions , with all other wordes and sentences through the accedence , were englished , like as the prepositions are . hereby all these latine wordes would soone bee learned perfectly , and proue a very great helpe , when children come to construction : for then they should haue but onely nounes and verbes to trouble them withall , as was said ; and those most easie to be knowne , by the meanes aboue mentioned , and after . for the english rules great care would bee had likewise , to make schollars very ready in them : for these rules of themselues with a few other , might serue for construction , or making latine . the perfect knowledge of them also , will make the latine rules easie , when your schollars come at them . in teaching these rules , these two things would be obserued generally : first , that the schollars learne to construe each ensample ; and that without booke . experience teacheth , that those which art apt , wil construe almost as soone without the booke , as vpon the booke , or as they will learne them construed : here by they shal get so much latin ; beside that it wil be a great helpe to the perfect vnderstanding , and applying of them . the second is , to marke out with some speciall markes , those wordes in which the force of the examples doth lie ; as the words agreeing , or the word gouerning , and the word gouerned , and to cause the children to be able to tell them : and so euer in saying their rules without book , to repeat ouer those wordes againe , in all the longer examples . the rules or examples otherwise shall doe them little good , because they know not how to make vse of them . but hereby they shall haue perpetuall and sure patternes and warrants for parsing , making and trying latine . i shall shew this more plainly , when we come to the syntax in latine . these two things being obserued , haue a chiefe regard in the rules , first , to make them perfect in the rule of finding out the principall verbe ; secondly , in the concords , as being of continuall vse ; thirdly , in the rules of gouernement . and amongst those , to looke specially to the two first rules , of the case of the relatiue qui : and namely , the latter of them , viz. but when there commeth a nom. case ; for in it schollars most faile . also in all rules of gouernment , to make them able to tell you presently where any rule is , and what cases such wordes gouerne : as , where beginnes the construction of substantiues ? what cases they gouerne ? how many rules there are of them ? or asking thus ; what case must your latter of two substantiues be ? what case will such a word gouerne ? as opus or vsus , what cases doe they gouerne ? where is the rule ? so in the rules of the adiectiues , and all the rest throughout . in posing , remember that which was first directed : to marke carefully the drift of the whole rule , and so to propound your question ; or else to propound the whole rule in a question . as thus : when two substantiues come together , betokening diuers things ; what case must the latter be ? and why ? or by what rule ? furthermore , to the end to make your schollars so very ready in the accedence , and to keepe it perfectly ; besides the learning all things so well as may be , there must be also , first , daily repetitions and examinations ; because of the weaknesse of childrens memories : that so by long custome all may be imprinted in them . heerein cause your first enterers to repeate ouer euery day , all that they haue learned ; as they proceede to learne more , to diuide it into partes , to goe ouer all so oft as time will permit . for them who haue learned all their accedence , i holde it best ( according to the manner of most schooles ) to diuide it into foure equall partes , except the examples of the verbes ; and to cause them to say a part euery of the fowre first dayes of the weeke , to say ouer the vvhole each weeke once : for the verbes , how they specially would be parsed daily , i spake before . in hearing parts , aske them first the chiefe question or questions of each rule in order ; then make them euery one say his rule or rules ; and in all rules of construction , to answere you in what words the force of the example lyeth , both gouernour and gouerned ; saying the gouernour first . where helpe is wanting , to doe it only in the hardest and most necessary rules and questions , or where we know them most defectiue : or else only to repeate the rules and examples in such sort as was shewed , without further examination . though , where there is helpe and time enough , it is far the surest , to cause them to repeate the whole part , and to examine each peece of it daily , though they say the lesse at a time . secondly , the spending of one moneth or two , after they haue first learned ouer their accedence , to make them perfect thus euery way , will be time as well bestowed as they can bestowe any ; to preuent both the griefe and anger of the master after , and also the feare and punishment of the schollar . thirdly , euerie daie some time would bee separate , to the examining nownes and verbes ; chiefely the verbes , vntill they could not be set in declining , coniugating , giuing any termination , case or person . this continuall practice of parsing , would bee constantly kept as neede shall require , vntill by long vse children growe to perfection and surenesse : because the accedence thus gotten perfectly ; and after in like maner the rules of nownes and verbes in propria qua maribus , heteroclits and in as in praesenti ; the difficulty of learning is past : so that verie children , with a little practice , will goe forvvard vvith much cheerefulnesse , in construing , parsing , making and proouing latine , by the helps following . thus haue i set you downe so plainely as i can , how the accedence may be gotten most speedily and profitably , to make all learning a play . trie , and you will acknowledge gods blessing herein . spoud . i acknowledge your kindnesse : i can make no doubt of the courses ; because , besides your experience , i see so euident reason in euery part . phil. put them in vre , and so you shall haue more full assurance , and daily be helping to find out better , or to confirme the pricipall of these . chap. vii . how to make schollars perfect in the grammar . spoud . i intend to put them in practice forthwith : but in the meane time as you haue thus louingly gone with mee , to direct me , how to make the accedence so plaine and easie to my little ones ; so i intreat you to point me out the way , how they may proceed in the grammar with like happy successe . as for mine owne selfe , i haue onely vsed to cause my schollars to learne it without booke , and a little to construe it ; and after , to make it as perfect as i can , by oft saying parts : finally , in parsing their lectures to giue the rules . this hath been all that i haue done . phil. i knowe that which you mention , to bee the most that is done ordinarily : but to say without booke and construe a little , are smally auaileable , vnlesse your schollar be able to shew the meaning and vse of his rules . yea , it is very requisite , that here also they should bee able to giue the seuerall examples , and in what words the force of each example lyeth ; and so to apply the examples to the rules , to the end that they may doe the like by them , in parsing , or making latine . and moreouer , in nownes and verbes , to bee able not onely to decline them , and to giue english to the latine words ; but the latine words also to the english. grammar being made perfect in this manner , will make all other their learning more easie and delightsome , and be as a dictionary in their heads , for many chiefe words : neither will there any losse of time in it ; especially this beeing done as they learne it , and still gotten more perfectly by such continuall repetitions and examinations . i haue had experience in both . to the end that they may thus get the grammar with most fruite and ease ; let them learne euery rule ( i meane ) those which are commonly read in schooles , and that perfectly as they goe forward , together with the titles set before the rules , and the summes of the rules which are set in the margents . the manner of it i finde to be most direct thus , for all the younger sort of enterers : where you haue time enough , in giuing them rules , do as in the accedence . . reade them ouer their rule leasurely , and distinctly . . construe it , and then shew them the plaine meaning of it , by applying the examples , as teaching them to decline the words or the like . as i shall shewe after . or else for most ease and speedinesse in construing , and for lacke of leasure , cause euery one of your schollars to haue a booke of the construing of lillies rules , and each to reade ouer his rule , so oft vpon that booke vntill he can construe without it ; or else after a time , to trie how hee can beate it out of himselfe , and be helped by that book where hee sticketh . by the helpe of these bookes , i finde that they will learne to construe their rules much sooner , then they can without , i take it by almost one halfe of the time ; and thereby gaine so much time , to bee imployed in other studies , because they shall haue it euer before their eie without any asking or searching : wheras otherwise either their master or some other must tell them euery word , which they cannot tell , or else they must turne to it in their dictionaries , vntill they can construe : and that so oft as they forget ; which , what a toyle and hinderance it is to the master , and feare to the schollar , euery one knoweth . from all which they may bee freed hereby ; and when they haue forgot they may soonerecouer themselues againe . finally , they shall hereby increase daily in reading english , and be furthered to write true orthography in english , as they grow in latine . and so the masters shall also be freed from feare of that mischiefe , of these little ones forgetting to read english , when they first learne latine ; and from the clamours and accusations of their parents in this behalfe , spoken of before . but here it were to be wished , that those books of construing lillies rules were translated euer grammatically ; the manner of which translation i shall shew after , with the benefits of them : and also that not onely the substantiue and adiectiue , preposition and his case were euer construed and set together , wheresoeuer they are to be taken together ; but withal that euery word were englished in the first , proper , natural , and distinct signification . in which things they oft faile , as in the verbes chiefely : though of all other things , that be more necessary , for schollars , to know the first and naturall signification ; for the other then will soone be learned , by reason and vse : or else som of the other most vsual significations might be put in , in other letters , or with notes to know them . thus the childe might goe surely forwarde , and haue a certaine direction for the right and proper vse of euery word , to bee more sure to him then any dictionarie , all his life long , either for construing or making latine : whereas beeing set downe in generall significations not distinct , they shall euer goe doubtfully & abuse the words : as when traho , promo , haurio , are set downe euery one of them to draw , without further distinction . the benefit would be much more , if it were thus translated : for then they might learne thereby not only to construe truely , to vnderstand and goe truly ; but also to make and speake the same latine : i meane , to answer easily to all the rules , with the other benefits of grammaticall translations . when they can construe in some good sort , and vnderstand ( as was sayde ) then let them get without booke perfectly . in getting without book , when they can read it perfectly , they may bee much helped thus , in all things which they learne in verse ; to reade them ouer in a kinde of singing voyce , and after the manner of the running of the verse ; oft tuning over one verse vntil they can say that , then another ; and so forward : which they will do presently , if the master do but reade them so before them . also , to say these rules at parts sometimes , after the same manner of scanning , or running as a verse , shall make them both more easily kept , and bee a good helpe for right pronuntiation of quantities , and to prepare them the more easily to make a verse , for authorities and the like . when they can say perfectly without book , then ( if you please ) you may cause all those who are any thing apt and pregnant , to learne to construe also without booke : which they will do very quickly , with a little reading ouer and ouer , vpon the construing booke ; and almost as soone as they will construe vpon the booke . by this meanes they will bee able presently to giue not onely the english to the latine , but also the latine to the english , of any word in the rule , to be perfect thereby , and to keep all more firmly . or where leasure is wanting , among the elder sort , which are well entred in the rules ; they may first learne without booke , then to construe , both vpon the book and without : or to construe first . it is not very materiall : but , as themselues doe finde that they can get it most easily , at the masters discretion . although for all the first enterers and younger sort , i finde it the surest vvaie , vvhere the maisters leasure will serue , to cause them first to vnderstand the rule and the meaning of it , by a short opening or expressing the sum of it , and then by questions in english , as i directed before : all of the learners looking vpon their bookes as hee readeth vnto them ; that they may see the questions and answeres in their books , eyther wholly , or the most part therof . and when they can aunswere in english , looking vpon their books , or do vnderstand the rule ; then to learne to construe it of themselues , and to get it without booke . after , ar the saying of their rules , when they haue sayde without booke and construed ; to labour especially to cause them to be able to aunswere , without book , each part of the rule , and that both in english and latine together , after they are a little entered ; that with the meaning and english , you may beate the latine into their heads also , to helpe to prepare them to speake and perse in latine . let the manner of the appoasing be here , as in the accedence , viz. by short questions , propounded vnto them , arising directly out of the words of the booke , either out of the summe and title of the rule set before it , or set in the margent euer against it , or out of the very words of the rule ; and withall , the examples of the rule , and how to apply them to the seuerall rules . i will set you downe an example or two more at large , that you or any may doe the like the more easily . to begin at propria quae maribus : first , you haue the title before regulae generales propriorum . out of which , you may shewe them thus ; that according to the order of their accedence , as the first part of speech is a nowne , so here are rules first of nownes : and as their accedence hath first the substantiue then the adiectiue , so here begin rules first of the substantiues , after of the adiectiues . againe , as the substantiue is either proper or cōmon ; so here the rules of proper nowns are first set downe , wherby to know the genders of them ; and after of the common nowns called appellatiues . you may also point them in their book , where each of these begin : they will presently conceiue of them , being first perfect in their accedence . then that the rules of proper names , are of masculines , or feminines : or all proper nownes are either of the masculine or of the feminine gender , vnlesse they be excepted . also all proper nownes which goe vnder the names of males or hees ( as wee call them ) are the masculine gender . then teach them according to the margent , that of those there are fiue kindes , which goe vnder the names of males or hees . as names of gods , men , floods or riuers , moneths , windes . so all proper nowns or names of females or shee s , are the feminine gender . and of those are likewise fiue kinds : that is ; names of goddesses , women , cities , regions or countreys , islands , &c. then appoase after the same manner , keeping strictly the words of the booke , as was sayd ; onely putting in here or there , a word or two , to make the question ; which by oft repeating , they will easily vnderstand . as thus , out of the words set before the rule : or in the like manner ; q. where begin your generall rules of proper nownes ? vbi incipiunt regulae generales propriorum ? a. propria quae maribus . q. how many generall rules are there of proper nowns ? quot sunt regulae generales propriorum ? a. two : duae . q. what is your first rule ? quae est primaregula ? a. propria quae maribus . &c. then out of the margent thus : q. how many kinds of proper names are there of the masculine gender ? quot sunt gener a propriorum nominum masculinigeneris ? a. quinque fiue : diuorum , virorum , fluuiorum , mensium , ventorum . or as they are set in the margent . mascula sunt nomina diuorum , virorum , fluuiorum , mensium , ventorum . names of gods , men , floods or riuers , moneths , winds . after , out of the words of the rule , propria quae maribus tribuuntur , &c. you may propound your questions thus ; q. cuius generis dicas , propria quae maribus tribuuntur ? what gender are all nownes , or names of hees , or of the male kind . r. mascula , or masculini generis . q. cuius generis sunt nomina diuorum ? r. masculini . q. quomodo dicis latinè , the god of battaile ? r. mars , hic mars , martis . q. the god of wine , quomodo dicis ? r. bacchus , hic bacchus bacchi , &c. q. per quam regulam ? r. propria quae maribus . in the fewer words you can do it , for breuitie , is the better , and that you may go ouer the more . or if you think it to be too hard for children , to answer in latine at first , and that it is best to do it only in english ; you may do it following the same order . as in the next rule , propria foemineum , onely asking thus ; q. what gender are proper names of females , or shee s ? how many kindes are there of them ? where is the rule for them ? what exceptions are there from that generall rule ? or , how many masculine cities haue you ? how many neuter cities ? how many masculine and neuter cities ? so in the next rule , appellatiua arborum , to ask thus or the like ; where begin your rules of appellatiues , or common nownes ? how many kinds of appellatiues haue you ? or how many sorts of rules haue you for appellatiues ? a. three : of trees , epicenes , the rest . what gender are names of trees ? what exceptions ? or how many masculine trees haue you ? how many newters , trees ? so of epicens . where is your rule of words of the epicene gender ? how many kindes haue you of words , or names , of the epicene gender ? a. three : of birds , beasts , fishes . how know you the gender in the epicens ? what gender is euery noune that endeth in um ? how know you the gender in all appellatiues ? then the speciall rules , thus , or the like : how many speciall rules of nounes appellatiues haue you ? ans. three : the first , of nounes not increasing ; the second , of nounes increasing acute , commonly called long ; the third , of nounes increasing , graue or short , as wee call it . what genders each of these are of ? where are the rules for them ? what examples haue you of them ? so to giue the meaning , and applye the examples . how many exceptions there are from euery one of these rules ? as , how many rules of masculines except ; so of feminines or neuters except . or thus : of what genders are all nounes , not increasing in the genitiue case , as capra , caprae : or all nounes like musa , musae ? so what genders are all nounes of the second speciall rule ? or all nounes increasing acute , as pietas , pietatis . what gender are all nounes increasing , graue , or flat , or short ? as sanguis , sangumis . and how many rules haue you of masculines except from the first speciall rule ? or of masculines not increasing in the genitiue case ? how many rules haue you of long masculines , or masculines increasing acute , excepted from the second speciall rule ? or of feminines increasing short , except from the thrid speciall rule ? or yet more plainly thus : where is your general rule of all like capra , caprae : or musa , musae ? or of all like magister , magistri : or dominus , domin . : venter ventris . or of wordes ending in er , os , us , not increasing . or where is your rule of all like virtus , virtutis ? or like sanguis , sanguinis ? and of what genders they are of . for the exceptions , you may appose thus : where is your rule of neuters not increasing ? of neuters increasing , acute or long ? of neuters increasing , flat or short ? thus of doubtfuls , commons . or posing the examples , to aske what is latine for any word , which is in any of the rules ; and then to cause them to decline the word , the nom. and genit . case , and to tell the rule , as was shewed before : as , what is latine for a cloude ? a. nubes , haec nubes , nubis , &c. q. by what rule ? what is the meaning of that rule ? thus you shall receiue diuers benefits together or thus only ; when they haue said any rule , to aske them what is the meaning of that rule , and to giue the examples . so in the adiectiues , to aske thus or the like : where begin the rules of the adiectiues ? where is the rule of all like foelix ? adiectiua vnam . so of all like tristis ? sub gemina , &c. of all like bonus ? at si tres &c. of adiectiues of two articles like substantiues ? at sunt quae flexu . &c. of adiectiues of a strange declining ? haec proprium quendaem &c. for all declining to make them very perfect in the genitiue case , you may practice them thus ; sometimes to repeate the nominatiue & the genitiue case together ; as in propria qua maribus to run , thus : mars , martis , bacchus , bacchi , apollo , apollinis , cato , catonis : so in euery rule when time will permit . and chiefly appose them often in the most difficult , being noted with some marke : as , opus , opuntis , persis , persidis . barbiton , barbiti . senex , senis . var , viri , bes , bessis . cres. cretis . pres , predis . semis , semissis , and the like . the rest they will doe readily of themselues . in the heteroclites to do the like , first to shew them what they are , viz. nounes of another kinde of declining : and then the three seueral kinds of them according to the titles , variantiagenus . defectiua . redundantia : eyther such as change their declension , or want some thing , or haue too much . and so the seuerall rules of euery one . then the seuerall rules to be examined particularly ; like as in propria quae maribus : to vnderstand euery peece : and in them speedily to looke to the margents : to be able readily to giue the rules to them . and to make them able to repeate the sums and margents in order . so to giue any rule thereby : as when i aske , where is your rule● of ap●ots , monoptots , diptots , triptots ? of those which want the vocatiue case , or defecta vocatiuo , or propria defecta plurali ? or the like . in the verbes likewise shew them the order , that the rules are of preterperfect tenses and supines : and those first of simple verbes in o. then compounds after of verbs in or . last , of those that differ in their preterperfect tenses , or supines . in the simple verbes , first are rules of the first coniugation , then the second , so in order . after cause them to tell by the summes and margents , where euery rule standeth : as where are verbes of the first coniugation , so in the rest . practice them also to answere thus : the present tense , preterperfect tense , infinitiue moode and first supine together . as if i aske , how say you to swim ? he answereth , no. no , naui , nare , natum . so to wash , lauo , laut , lauare , lautum . because these being known al the rest are presently known ; and to do it also for breuity sake : especially examine those verbes often , which haue two preterperfect tenses , or two supines , or moe ; and would therefore haue speciall marks : as vello , velli , & v●●lsi vellere , vulsum . for the syntax in latine , though the english rules , with a few moe ad●ed to them , might serue for resoluing any construction , or for making latin ; and so many do thinke them needlesse altogether ; others do vse to teach only the rules thereof , and one example only in each rule ; yet there may be very good vse of them all , rightly vnderstood , and specially of the seuerall examples rightly applied : that schollars by them may goe surely , hauing seuerall examples to warrant almost euery thing in construction ; which by the bare rule , and one example they could not but goe very doubtfully . besides that , therby they also get so much good latine of the best authours , and be helped much for parsing by the wordes of the rule . in examining the syntax , it is the best to doe it in latine : for by that time they will be well able to doe it so , if they be rightly trained vp . and it will much helpe them , as was said , to speake and to parse in latine : yet still asking the question also in english , and answering both in english and latine , so farre as neeede is ; as thus , out of the words : q. quot sunt concordantiae ? r. tres. q. quae est concordantia prima ? r. nominatiui & verbi . q. verbum personale cum quo cohaeret ? r. cum nominatiuo . q. in quibus cohaeret verbum personale cum nominatiuo ? r. numero & persona . q. daexemplum . r. nunquam sera est adbonos mores via . q. applica hoc exemplum : vel , ostende voces , in quibus est vis regulae . r. via est . q. da aliud exemplum . r. fortuna nunquam perpetuò est bona . q. applica . r. fortuna est . q. repete regulam . r. verbum personale cohaeret cum nominatiuo , &c. q. dic anglicè . r. a verbe personall agreeth , &c. in the next rule , nominatiuus primae vel secundae personae &c. q. vtrum exprimitur nominatiuus primae vel secundae personae ? r. rarissimè . q. quibus de causis exprimitur ? r. causa discretionis , aut emphasis gratia , q. da xemplum vbi exprimitur causa discretionis . r vos damnastis . q. quid intelligis per vos ? r. vos damnastis , & nemo praeterea , &c. so likewise in the rules of gouernment : as at adiectiua quae desiderium , &c. q. adiectiua quae significant desiderium , notitiam , memoriam , &c. quem casum adsciscunt ? r. genitiuum . q. da regulam . r. adiectina quae desiderium , &c. q. da exemplum . r. est natura hominuus nouitatis avida . q. applica . r. auida nouitatis . to helpe the examining the syntax the better , those wordes also ( in euery example throughout the grammar ) would be marked , in which the force of the example lieth ; as was aduised in the english rules ; the word gouerning , or more principall , with two marks , or with a double mark : the word gouerned with one ; or at least the chiefe word or gouernor with some letter or marke distinct frō the gouerned . and then euer in saying the ensample , to repeate again those wordes onely , in which the force of the example lyeth ; the gouernour or principall first : as in the english rules , so here . as thus ; in saying , est natura hominum nouitatis auida ; to repeate againe , auida nouitatis . mens futuri praescia ; praescia futuri . crescit amor nummi quantum ipsa pecunia crescit ; amor nummi , &c. by this kinde of repeating , or continuall apposing where they misse , by asking thus , da exemplum , vbi est vis regulae ; they will become exceeding cunning to vnderstand and apply rightly any example of the grammar , so fast as they can repeate it ; or to apply any other thereunto ; or else to make the like : that so they may euer haue sure patternes for all parsing , making and trying latin. though this may be though an easie matter , and that euery schollar can doe it ; yet trie it , and it will be found cleane contrary almost throughout , and to trouble many weake masters to apply many of them aright . it is a matter most necessary : because the very life of the examples is in these ; and the profite will doubly counteruaile the paines . with a little practice , they will almost as soone say their rules this way , applying each example , as without . spoud . i discerne euidently the great benefite and furtherance to schollars , to be able to repeate the examples of euery rule , in such sort as you haue shewed , for continuall vse both in parsing , and in making and writing latine surely ; as also to haue the summes of the rules which are in the margents , and before the rules , perfectly : but children cannot possibly get these , vnlesse their bookes bee marked so , as you directed . and for the masters to marke all their grammars so , it is an infinite toyle , and hinderance to him : to marke some one , and to cause the schollars to marke theirs thereby ; they will doe them so falsly , as will oft more hinder then further , besides the trouble in it : also the summes of the margents are very defectiue . phil. for the supplying of all this , and the auoyding of all these inconueniences , and other like , and for making our grammar farre more easie and profitable to the schollars , without any alteration ; the grammars are procured to bee so printed , as to be most plaine herein : all the words wherin the force of the examples doth lie , being printed in differing letters ; that the least childe may bee able to discerne them , and so to apply and repeate them : and also the margents made more perfect . what is missed or defectiue herein , shall ( as i hope ) bee supplyed hereafter . spoud . sir , al schooles must needs hereby receiue an exceeding benefit ; as i see plainly by that which you haue shewed for the vse of them . but i pray you proceede , and let me heare what other helpes you haue , for examining your schollars , so as they may fully vnderstand their rules . phil. other helpes for the examination and vnderstanding the rules , are these ; . where they cannot vnderstand any question , or answere ; remember that , to teach them to vnderstand , by repeating english and latine together , vntill they fully vnderstand it . for , as was said before , if they haue the meaning in their heads , wordes , with oft repeating , will easily bee gotten to vtter their minds , especially hauing them in their bookes . also this may further to vnderstanding , to cause them to be able to giue the english rules , answering to euery latine rule , of those which haue english rules ; to set markes vpon those latine rules , which haue no english : and to answere to them that they haue no rule , but to be able to giue the meaning . these meanes may also much profite to the easie getting , full vnderstanding , and perfect keeping of the rules ; oft to reade ouer , and keepe perfectly the summes of the rules , which are eyther set before them , or in the margents ; as was noted so to repeate them in order . thus to be able to report all the summe ; like as of the accedence , so of the grammar , as in a narration or continued speech , as thus : regulae generales propriorum , mascula sunt nomina diuorum . virorum , fluuiorum , mensium , ventorum . foeminina . dearum , mulierū , vrbium , regionum , insularum . exceptio . regulae generales appellatiuorū . arborū . epicoena . volncrum , ferarum , piscium . exceptio generalis . vsus trium regularum specialium . prima regula specialis , &c. so to know to giue readily the beginning of euery rule in order ; as , propria quae maribus . propria foemineum . excipienda tamen quaedam sunt , &c. appellatiua arborum crunt , &c. by these meanes they will be able both to answere the questions in latine , with a very few other words : and also to giue any rule presently when but the sum is demaunded or any word belonging vnto it , to tell where the rule is , and to begin it . to hauean idaea or generall notion of all in their heads , as if it were before their faces ; which idaea doth make any learning most easie , eyther to be gotten or kept . hereby also that shorter examination and repetition of parts , may sometimes serue where time or helpe is wanting ; and in parsing their lectures , to rid twise so fast , when they can in a word signifie a rule , eyther by the word in the margent , or before the rule , or by the beginning of the rule . as to say in parsing , it is so , by the rule of the first concord : or per concordantiam nominatiui & verbi &c. per regulam accusatiui ante verbum infinitum , &c. or to repeate onely a word or two of the beginning of the rule ; as verba infiniti modi , &c. or the like . to this end it were to be wished that the summes of the rules were set more perfectly in the margents , in a word or two in all the syntax , as they are in the nounes , to haue some speciall name to be called by : as , adiectiua desiderij , verbalia in ax . nomina ●artitiua ; & the like . in hearing parts in straights of time , thus we may examine only in those places where we most suspect their negligence : asking first the summe of the rule , with an example in it ; and then to cause him whom you examine , to say that rule . or to aske only an example of the rule , and cause them to apply it , and to giue the rule . i haue set down all these , that we may take and vse which we finde most profitable . the shorter the better , as was aduised ; so that we make sure that they doe fully vnderstand the rule , and can make vse of it . one rule , so learned with vnderstanding , is more profitable , then if they could say euery word in a hundreth ; and could but onely repeat them ouer as parats , without any knowledge to make the right vse thereof . spoud . sir ▪ i do like very well of these things which you haue said ; yet for the helping of my memory and practice , tell me againe shortly , which you account to be the principall : wherein chiefe care would be had , to the end to make all easie ; also to keepe all , and to make right vse thereof . phil. this i account and finde the chiefe ; to haue them perfect in the order both of the whole , and also of all the parts in grammar , as i shewed ; and also to be able to repeat the titles , with those margents which are necessary ; the beginnings of the rules ; and to haue the vnderstanding of them , and examples ; and also to be able to apply the examples for the seuerall words wherein the force is : and so to giue any rule of a sodain , either the beginning or the sum of it ; and the words wherein the force of the rule is . spoud . oh , but this is a matter , that is most accounted of with vs ; to haue them very perfect in saying all their grammar without booke , euen euerie rule ; and wherein i haue found much griefe and vexation : because i haue not been able to cause my schollars to get their rules so perfectly ; and much lesse to keepe them : and hereby , euer the saying parts hath been the greatest fretting to me and feare to my schollars , for the negligence of most , in them ; so that do i what i could , yet i haue neuer been able to bring most to any commendable readinesse in them . phil. to this i answere you ; that this indeede is one principall thing , that makes our calling the more vncomfortable : and i doubt not , but that the griefe , which the best doe finde therin , is a means to humble them , and to keep them that they be not too much lift-vp in the rest . and indeed it were to be wished that the rules were much shorter : but sith we see not how that may possibly be helped , without much greater inconuenience ; we must in this , as in the rest of our inconueniences , vse all the wisdome that wee can , to make a benefit of necessity , and the burden so light , as we may . and that , thus . . making our schollars to learn them so perfectly as we can . . to keep chiefly the things last learned , by oft repetition . . continuall care for parts ; and so much as may be , to let them haue som little time ouer night , to read them ouer , against morning . . to cause them at least where time wil not serue , to repeat the summes of the rules : and by daily examining to make them able to giue you the sum or beginning of any rule , with the meaning of it , and to apply the examples . and therin to content our selues , if we can but obtaine so much of many , as to be able to vnderstand and make vse of the rules , or to turn to them , though they cannot say them readily : for we see most schollars , when they come to the vniuersities , to forget that perfectnesse in their grammars , and most learned men cannot say the rules ; yet so long as they haue a full vnderstanding and remembrance to make vse , in resoluing , writing , or speaking , this sufficeth . lastly , this shall much helpe , to cause them in preparing their lectures in construction , to turne to euerie hard rule as they parse , and then to get these rules readily ; and so euer to come to say , with their grammars vnder their arms . and also in examining lectures , to cause them to tell you where they haue learned the seuerall harder words , at least in their grammars . for this i find , that the most ordinary words are in some part of their grammar , or the words whereof they come , or some very neere vnto them , wherby they may remember them . thus may they becom very exquisite in the grammar , in time ; and haue it ( as i said ) as a dictionary in their minds , not to need to seek here or there for euery word . in the higher fourmes , where daily repeating rules hindereth much other learning , if they repeat them but sometimes , and can answere in a word or two , giuing the sum of each rule , it may suffice ; although it is a great commendation to haue the grammar ad vnguem , and to giue an example of each thing belonging vnto grammar . thus haue i shewed you what i haue yet learned concerning making schollars perfect in the accedence , & grammar : wherin as you see , i haue been much longer ; because i finde this by experience , and therefore dare constantly affirme it , that if this bee once archieued in a school , to haue the schollars thus made perfect in accedence & grammar as they proceede , the life of a schoolemaster may be made as full of ioy and contenment , without wearisomnesse , only in obseruing the fruit of his labours , as i touched , as the life of any in any other calling whatsoeuer : whereas of the otherside , much of our fretting toile , ariseth only for want of this . spoud . i would therefore thinke it a most profitable labour , to set downe this maner of examining the accedence and grammar , by question and answere particularly ; that not onely the weakest schoolemaster amongst vs , but euen our schollars themselues might bee able so to oppose and whet one another . i my selfe haue seene diuers books of questions of our accedence and grammar , beeing gathered by learned men ; yet in none of them haue i obserued ( so far as i remember ) sundry of the principall of these points . besides , that no man can so wel examine the accedence and grammar by them ; because , first the words of their question and aunswere , doe not arise so out of the words of the rules as you direct : neither doe they euer keepe the order of the rules ; and they haue moreouer sundry other hard questions intermixed , and sometimes many together , that my schollars haue not beene able to make vse of them , nor my selfe very little , in regarde of that which i might if they had been so framed . phil. i my selfe haue had experience of the same in them : insomuch as though i haue greatly desired and tried to vse some of them in my schoole , in regard of the profit which i haue conceiued might come by them ; yet i haue not bin able without further inconuenience . and euer as new schollars haue come to any schoole , so they haue beene alwaies to seeke in those new questions , as that i haue been inforced to leaue them off vtterly . in consideration whereof , and of the generall want herein ; as also of the publique benefit , which i am certainly assured , may come by such a labour as you speake of ; i haue indeauored by the helpe of all such bookes of questions and answeres , of accedence and grammar , as are extant , which i could procure ; as likewise of some written , togather one in this sort , hauing all the questions & answers arising most directly out of the words of the rules . in which , i haue chiefely followed the order of the quest. of that auncient schoolemaster ▪ master brunsword , of maxfield , in cheshire , so much commended for his order and schollars ; who , of al other , commeth therein the neerest vnto the marke . this i haue studied to make so plaine , as euery childe may by it both presently vnderstand the meaning of each rule ; and , if he can say the rules , may as soone be able to answere these questions : and wherby they may also poase one another ( as you wish ) to make all rules and parts most familiar . i haue in it tied my selfe strictly to the order and words of the rules , as it may serue for continual poasing , and speedy examining parts : and that from what schoole soeuer they come , if they can say the accedence , they may presently answere these questions . other questions which i haue thought needful , i haue set in the margents , directly against the questions , to be learned after , if you will , without troubling the learner , and that nothing may be wanting . but , for this book , i referre you you to the epistle dedicatorie before it , and the questions themselues . spoud . sir , i see well you haue spared no labour , to seeke to draw-on the little ones with ease & delight , and to make schollars most perfect grammarians ; which all the learned do so highly commend . i trust i shall be partaker hereof . phil. it is and hath been my desire , to hide no part of my talent ; but to imploy all to the best , and communicate it to euery one to whom it may doe good : and especially the little ones , in whome is the chiefest hope of most of our countrey schooles , and of the age to come . chap. viii . of construction ; how to make all the waie thereof most easie and plaine . spoud . well then ( good sir ) now that you haue thus farre forth directed mee , how to lay so sure a foundation , for my schollars to build vpon ; i doubt not but you can indeed guide me forward , how they may build vpon it as speedily & happily , both for their construing , parsing , and making latine . to begin therfore with construction , which is the first thing that our children enter into , after their accedence , and rules : i desire greatly to heare of you those things which you affirme may be done by schollars ; and wherby all the way of construction may be made so easie . as namely , that children should bee able to take their lectures of themselues , truely and perfectly ; and likewise with vnderstanding vpon sure grounds : or at least to do it with a very little help of their masters , in such places where they doubt . so the rest which were mentioned in the note : as that they should be able to construe , both in propriety of words , and also according to the right sense and meaning . to do this at any time , in all that which they haue learned , to construe out of a translation in english , as out of the latine it selfe . these things , doe iustly seeme strange vnto mee ; because i am faine to giue euery lecture my selfe : or if i appoint the fourmes aboue to giue them ; yet i am compelled to heare the giuing of them . and so i haue as great a trouble , when they construe false to direct them right ; that it were as much ease to mee to giue them , myselfe ; and so i should bee freede from the griefe that i haue , when they cannot doe it , and from other inconueniences . besides , to reade the lectures in proprietie of words , phrase , and sense also ; this seemeth to mee a matter of some difficultie for many poore countrey schoolemasters ; and not onely for the younger and weaker sort , but also for some of the more ancient and experienced ; and requireth reading and iudgement ; that i do not see how schollars can possibly do it . moreouer , when i haue giuen my schollars their lectures or haue heard them giuen , vnlesse they marke very well ; yet they w●ll commonly mis●e in some part of that which i haue read . and if the chiefe of the fourme mistake or goe false , all the rest of the fourme likewise construe false , because they depend on them : and so oft as they doubt i am sai●e to t●ll them ▪ what businesse soeuer i haue ; which dooth exceedingly trouble mee . they also are afraide to aske mee so manie things , and it may bee the same things againe and againe : wherby it commeth to passe that when they come to say , fewe of them can construe , or hardly any of them perfectly : which increaseth oft my passion , and their feare . finally , this i account the worst of all , that when i haue taken a great deale of paines , and haue made my schollars very ready in construing & parsing ; yet come and examine them in those things a quarter of a yeer after , they will be many of them as though they had neuer learned them , and the best farre to seeke : whereby , when gentlemen or others come in and examine them , or their friends try them at home , in the things which they learned a quarter , or halfe a yeere b●fore ; they are ordinarily found so rawe , and to haue so f●rgotten , that i do receiue great reproach , as though i had taken no paines with them , or as they had profited nothing . and for that of beeing able to reade , construe , and parse lectures , or whatsoeuer they haue learned , out of an english translation , i haue not made triall ; though i know they cannot doe it , being harder , then the construing and parsing of the authors themselues : albeit it cannot be , but a matter of exceeding profit , and must needes helpe to make schollars very soone . therefore , if you can direct mee , how to doe all these things , which you haue mentioned in this behalfe , so to construe and parse of themselues , and that out of the bare english translation , and also that they shall bee able to goe certainely , and vppon sure grounds ; i must needes acknowledge my selfe to haue receiued an incomparable and a perpetuall benefit : and you shall indeede euen heer●in helpe to make my burden far more light , and my whole life much more comfortable ; besides , that my schollars shal be beholden vnto you ●or euer , for deliuering them from so much feare , and setting them to go so fast forwarde with such alacritie , as should appeare . phil. surely , sir , all this may bee done , by the perfect knowledge of their accedence and grammar rules first , and then the practice of that golden rule of construing , together with grammaticall translations of the first ordinarie schoole authours , framed according to the same rule , if they be translated rightly in propriety of words , phrase and sense . by these i dare be hold to affirme vpon sure experience , and the trials of many very learned , that all these things may bee effected amongst th●se who are apt , without any inconuenience at all , if they be rightly vsed ▪ as i shall direct you the manner after . but without them , i cannot finde how possibly the inconueniences , which you haue recited , can be preuēted , or these benefits can be attained in any like measure ; chiefly in the greater schooles , where many schollars are . spoud . for that golden rule of construing and the grammaticall transl●tions which you mention , i knowe not vvhat you meane : n●yther haue i euer heard of any such . haue you any other rule of construing , then our grammar teacheth ? or any such translations made according to it , in this propriety which you speake of ? phil. yes indeede sir , there is a speciall rule , and such translations also : by the constant practice whereof , not onely the former euils may bee auoided , and the benefites mentioned may bee obtained ; but also the way to all construing , parsing , examining , making , writing , speaking , and also trying latine , may be made most easie and plaine ; so , as children may proceede vpon sure grounds , and doe all things herein with vnderstanding , and right reason , and far more speedily , and with more delight , then vsually . and howsoeuer this rule bee vnknowen of most , who neuer heard of any such particular rule of construing , but only of such directions , as may be gathered here and there , out of our accedence and grammar , where they are dispearsed thorough all , very hardly to be discerned ; yet it is set downe by sundry learned grammarians . as by susenbrotus , crusius , cosarzus , and our ancient schoole master master leech , in his little questions of the accedence and others , as also lately by learned goclenius ; though in all of them imperfectly , and differing somewhat each from other , through the diuers exceptions in the grammar rules and varietie of grammars . crusius hath also examples of the practice of the rule handled at large . it would be ouer-tedious to set them downe all , or what each of them hath written thereof . yet because the rule hath some difficulty , and that wee may consider the better of it , i will rehearse it briefly out of one or two of them . and seeing we are to deale for the first enterers into construction , i will set it downe first , as master leach hath it , who is the plainest . his words are these ; q. what order will you obserue in construing of asentence ? a. if there bee a vocatiue case i must take that first : then i must seek out the principall verbe & his nominatiue case , and construe first the nominatiue case : and if there be an adiectiue or participle with him , then i must english them next , and such wordes as they gouerne ; then the verbe : and if there follow an infinitiue moode , i must take that next ; then the aduerbe ; then the case which the verbe properly gouerneth : and lastly , all the other cases in their order ; first the genitiue , secondly the datiue , &c. q. what if there be not all these words ? a. then i must take so many of them as be in the sentence , and in this order . q. is this order euer to be obserued ? a. no : it may be altered by interrogatiues . relatiues , infinitiues , genitiues of partition , and coniunctions . q. what speciall things must bee obserued in construing ? a. that the nominatiue case be set before the verbe , the accusatiue case after the verbe , the infinitiue moode after another moode : the substantiue and the adiectiue must be construed together ; except the adiectiue do passe ouer his signification vnto some other word , which it gouerneth . the accusatiue , before an infinitiue moode , must haue the word ( that ) ioyned with it . the preposition must be ioyned with his case . afterwards he giues a short example hereof . crusius , from whom i receiued the first light heereof long agoe , he hath it something otherwise ; though for the substance it be the same : whose wordes also , because hee is but short , i will set downe ; and the rather , for that there are so many learned , who haue not so much as heard of the rule . the words of crusius are these : de ordine verborum in construendo & interpretando . qvotuplex est ordo verborum ? duplex . naturalis & artificiosus . quid est naturalis ? est grammaticus ordo docens quid primo , secundo , aut postremo loco ponendum sit . quid artificiosus ? quo oratores , historici , poëtae & philosophivtuntur . quid est ordo verborum naturalis ? . sumitur nominatiuus substantiuinominis , qui dicitur subiectum aut quicquid vim nominatiui habet . huic additur adiectiuum , aut quicquid nominatiunm explicat . saepe sententiam inchoat vocatiuus , aut particulae qrationem connectentes , aut ablatiui absoluti , aut relatiua . . verbum finitum personale , quod vocatur praedicatum . impersonalia constructionem sine nominatiuo inchoant . . casus obliqui , inter quos dignior praecedat . saepe infinitinus : quem antecedit accusatiuus cum adest . saepe aduerbium , aut nominatiui gestuum ac similes : quae statim verbo subijciuntur . interdum gerundia , aut ablatiui absoluti . praeterea , praepositiones cum suis casibus . denique , coniunctiones quae superioribus alia attexunt , in quibus idem ordo seruandus est . sic in quauis lingua . comprehende ista mihi regula quam potes breuissima . dictio regens praeponenda est ei quae regitur : quae declarant postponenda sunt ijs quae declarantur . thus farre crusius , of the rule . sp●ud . i pray you expound it somewhat more at large , that i may conceiue of it yet more fully . phil. i will endeauour to doe as you say ; although for the more curious handling of it , i will leaue it to some other or else referre it to a farther time , because of the difficulty of it , through the manifold exceptions , as i noted , especially in the longer and more intricate sentences : wherin i take it very hard , to set down any direct rule particularly . therefore for the better vnderstanding of the rule , we are to obserue , . that the schollar must reade the sentence , before he construe ; and in reading , that he doe it distinctly , reading to a period or full point , and there to stay . . to marke the sentence well , and to obserue all the points in it , both commaes and colons ; or lesse distinctions , and middle distinctions : that so hee may see and consider both the beginning , middest , and end of the sentence together ; and also each clause in it . . that if there bee any wordes in the sentence , beginning with great letters , except the first wordes of all ; to remember that those are proper names : and also if there be any wordes included within a parenthesis , or two halfe moones , as they are tearmed , that they are to be construed by themselues . . that hee seeke to vnderstand what the matter is about : and so in continued speeches , to marke what went before . . to obserue if there be a vocatiue case . . to seeke out carefully the principall verbe , by the rule in the grammar of finding out the principal verb , viz. if there be moe verbes then one in a sentence , the first is the principall except it be an infinitiue moode ; or haue before it a relatiue , or a coniunction as vt , cum . si , &c. which principall verbe being found out , doth commonly point out the right nominatiue case : which nominatiue case is that , which agreeth with it in number & person ; and it doth also direct all the sentence very much . so that this may be accounted as the load-star , guiding all . . to marke the clauses which haue no verbs in them , to fit them with their owne right verbes , expressed or vnderstood : for no clause can be without a verbe . . to supply all such wordes as are wanting , to make perfect sense and construction . . to giue euery word his due signification and proper signe , so farre as sense will beare . . to ioyne the substantiue and adiectiue together in construing , except the adiectiue doe passe ouer his signification into some other word , which is gouerned of it . also to ioyne the preposition with his case . . to marke whether the sentence haue not an interrogatiue point : then to reade it as asking a question ; and then the nominatiue case is to come after the verbe , according to the rule of the accedence : or otherwise to bee set directly before it , if our english phrase will beare it . these things obserued , then the order proceedeth thus vsually : . if there be a vocatiue case , to take that first and whatsoeuer dependeth of it , that is whatsoeuer agreeth with it ; or is gouerned of it to expresse it ; or in stead of a vocatiue case , an interiection of calling or exclamation , or an aduerb of calling , wishing , shewing , exhorting , or swearing , affirming , or the like ; which haue the nature of interiections , if there be any such . . the nominatiue of the principall verbe , or whatsoeuer is put in stead of the nominatiue case , and such words as depend on it ; as namely , an adiectiue or participle , and such wordes as they gouerne : or a substantiue , being the latter of two substantiues . . the principall verbe , and whatsoeuer hangeth or dependeth on it : as if there follow an infinitiue moode , to take that next , and the aduerbe , which is ioyned commonly to the verbes , to declare their signification . . the case which the verbe doth properly gouerne next vnto it selfe , which is most commonly the accusatiue case , and whatsoeuer hangeth on it ; or an accusatiue case before an infinitiue moode in stead hereof . . then follow all the other cases in order ; first the genitiue , then the datiue or ablatiue , with a preposition , or without . this is the sum of the rule , as it is most generall and naturall . yet here these things must be remembred : . if all these words be not in the sentence which is to be construed , to take so many of them as there are , and in this order . that the order is changed by the relatiue qui quae , quod : also by interrogatiues , indefinites , partitiues ; because these ( according to the grammar rule ) follow the rule of the relatiue ; going before the words wherof they are gouerned . so likewise aduerbs of likenesse ( as , quemadmodum , vt , veluti , sicut ) when they haue sic or ita answering to them in the second part of the sentence , doe vse to goe before . as also coniunctions copulatiues , rationals , aduersitiues , hauing their redditiues following , answering vnto them : so expletiues , and certaine others : finally , all such wordes as these mentioned ( which wee may call wordes of dependence , because they depend on something going before or comming after in the same sentence ) or else wordes of connexion , seruing to knit new sentences to the former ( as these coniunctions ) are to bee placed next the vocatiue case : or in the first place , where there is no vocatiue case . that in stead of the nominatiue case , we take whatsoeuer is in place thereof , as a whole sentence , a peece of a sentence , an infinitiue moode , an aduerbe with a genitiue case , two nominatiue cases singular or moe , ioyned with a verbe plurall , or sometimes a letter set by it selfe , or moe , or any word put for it selfe ; which we call a word of arte : as amo est verbum . amo is here taken for the nominatiue case : for all such wordes or sentences are supposed to bee the neuter gender vndeclined . so whatsoeuer includeth the nominatiue case ; as , a verbe impersonall , an ablatiue case absolute ; gerunds and supines put absolutely with this verbe est : as orandum est vt sit mens sana in corpore sano . i●um est in viscera terrae : because these stand for verbes impersonals , and haue the nominatiue case included in them . . the participles with gerunds and supines follow the order of those verbes wherof they come , in gouerning thesame cases , as in the rules . also that gerunds and supines are commonly put for the infinitiue moode . . coniunctions or other wordes of dependance in new clauses of the sentences , serue to ioyne together the later parts of the sentences to the former ; wherein the same order must be kept againe as before . . that the aduerbs be placed before or after the verb ; as the sense will most conueniently beare . . that the latinismes bee obserued , to ioyne the whole phrases together , so much as may be , and to expresse them by as elegant and fit phrases as wee can in our tongue . the reason also of the rule , that euery one may conceiue each thing , is this : that the wordes must bee placed in order , as they should stand ; according to the plaine and proper nature of the speech , in which they are vsed to expresse any matter : which is the very order which grammar teacheth , and as one gouerneth another . the word gouerning or directing , to be placed before those which it gouerneth or directeth . those words which do declare others , are to be set after those which they doe declare or make plaine . so the principall word going before , doth commonly direct the wordes following ; eyther in agreement or gouernement : that is , it causeth the word following to agree with it , or to be gouerned of it ; except in oblique cases of interrogatiues , relatiues , indefinits , partitiues , which doe commonly goe before together with the substantiues or antecedents , with which they agree ; and are gouerned or guided by the word following after : as , quem librum legis ? quarum rerum vtram minus velim non facilè possum existimare . spoud . i perceiue the rule most plainely , and doe see an euident reason of euery thing ; yet neuerthelesse i desire you further to giue me a little briefe of it , as my schollars may best remember it . phil. the summe is this ; to reade ouer the sentence distinctly to a full point ; obseruing carefully all the points and proper names , with the drift and meaning ; but chiefely to marke the principall verbe , because that pointeth out the right nominatiue case , and directeth all the sentence : also to marke if there be any vocatiue case . then the order goeth thus : if there be a vocatiue case , to construe that first , with whatsoeuer agreeth with it , or is gouerned of it , or whatsoeuer is put in the place of it ; as an interiection of exclamation or calling , or an aduerbe of calling . to take the nominatiue case of the principal verbe , or whatsoeuer is put in steede of it , and to adioyne to it whatsoeuer hangeth of it : as the adiectiue or participle , and such words as they gouerne . to take the principall verbe , and whatsoeuer hangeth on it , each in the right order ; as if there follow an infinitiue moode , to take that next : then the aduerbe ; after , the case which the verbe properly gouerneth ( which is commonly the accusatiue case ) & whatsoeuer hangeth on that . lastly , all the other cases in order : first the genitiue , secondly the datiue , and lastly the ablatiue . if there be not all these verbes , to take so many of them as are in the sentence , and in this order . that this order is changed by interr . relat. indefinites , partitiues , & som coniunctions with aduerbs of likenesse : as quemadmodum , vt , sicut &c. hauing sic , or ita , to answer them in the second part of the sentence ; because those wordes vse to goe before . lastly , to take the substantiue and adiectiue together , vnlesse the adiectiue passe ouer his signification vnto some other word , which it gouerneth ; and so likewise the preposition with his case . most briefly thus : that the principal verb be first sought out ; then . take the vocatiue case , or whatsoeuer is in stead of it , or hangs vpon it seruing to make it plaine . . the nom. case of the principall verbe , or whatsoeuer is in stead of it , or depends of it to make it plaine . . then the principall verbe , and whatsoeuer hangs of it , seruing to expound it : as an aduerbe , or an infinitiue mood . . lastly , the case which the verbe properly gouernes , and all the other cases after it , in order . note that the order is changed by interrog . relat. partit , certain aduerbs & coniunctions : al which vse to go before . obserue , specially for the enterers , to put them in minde of this often : the nom. before the verbe : the accus . after the verbe : the substant . and adiect . to goe together ; vnlesse the adiect . passe his signification into some other word : the preposition and his case together . this is the briefest , plainest , and most generall forme , that ( after long practice and considering of it ) i can conceiue , though it haue some exceptions , as i said . spoud . i pray you giue me an example hereof . phil. i will take the very example which crusius hath set downe out of tully de senectute . . aptissima omnino sunt , scipio & laeli , arma senectutis , artes exercitationesque virtutū : quae in omni aetate cultae , cum multum diuque vixeris , mirificos afferunt fructus : non folum quia nunquam deserunt , ne in extremo quidē tempore aetatis , quanquam id maximum est : verum etiam quia conscientia benè ac●● vitae , multorumque benefactorum recordatio , iueundissima est . this is tullies order in placing this sentence . . the naturall or grammaticall order of it is this : scipio et laeli , artes exercitationesque virtutum sunt omnin● arma aptissima senectutis : quae cultae afferunt fructus mirificos in aetate omni cum vixeris multum diuque : non solum quia deserunt nunquam , ne quidem in tempore extremo aetatis , quanquam ad est maximum : verum etiam quia conscientia vitae actae benè , recordatioque bene factorum multorum est iucundissima . . the translation is after this grammaticall order thus : o s●ipio & lelius , arts & exercises of vertues , a are altogether the ( verb ) fittest weapons of old age : which being ( verb ) exercised in ( verb ) euery age do bring b maruellous fruites , when you haue liued c much and long : not onely because they d forsake neuer , e no truely f in the extreame time of age , although that is g the greatest ; but also because h the conscience of a life well done [ or well passed ouer ] and the remembrance of many good deeds is most pleasant . . the construing is directly according to this translation . so that the translation leadeth the schollar as by the hand , or insteed of his master ; so , as he cannot erre , if he be of any vnderstanding : as thus ; scipio ô scipio , et and , laeli ô lelius , artes arts , exercitationesque and exercises , virtutum of vertues , sunt are , omnino altogether , arma aptissima the fittest weapons , senectutis of old age : quae which , cultae being exercised [ or vsed ] in aetate omni in euery age , [ or in all our life ] afferunt doe bring , fructus mirificos maruellous fruits , cum when , vixeris you haue liued , multum much , diuque and long , &c. . this translation directeth to parse , chiefely for all the syntax ; euery principall word in the latine , going before others , commonly gouerning , or directing & guiding some way that which followeth after . it helpeth very much for the etymologie ; that children well entred , shall goe very neere to tell by the english alone , what part of speech euery word is : of which i shall speake after . the manner of parsing by it , is thus shortly for the syntaxe : scipio ] is the first word to be parsed , because it is the first in construing ; for that we begin commonly of a vocatiue case if there be one . it is the vocat ue case , knowne by speaking to , and by the interiection o vnderstood ; gouerned of the interiection o , by the rule o exclaman●is nominatiuo , accusatiuo , & vocatiuo ●ungitur . in english , certaine a vocatiue &c. et ] the next word a coniunction copulatiue , seruing to couple words or sentences ; here coupling scipio and laeli together . laeli ] the next word , the vocatiue case knowen also by speaking to , and put in the same case with scipio by reason of the coniunction et ; by the rule , coniunctions copulatiues and disiunctiues couple like cases , &c. artes ] is next , in construing according to my rule of construing . the nominatiue case , comming before the principall verbe sunt , by the rule of the first concord . quae ] next , a coniunction copulatiue , coupling artes and exercitationes together . exercitationes ] is the next , the nominatiue case coupled with artes , by the coniunction enclyticall , que , which is set after exercitationes in the booke ; by the rule of the coniunctions subiunctiues , or which are put after . virtutem ] followeth next , the genitiue case , gouerned of the substantiue exercitationes : and is the later of tvvo substantiues ; by the rule , when two substantiues come together . sunt ] is next , agreeing with the nominatiue case artes exercitationesque ; by verbum personale cohaeret cum nominatiuo &c. it is expressed to the one nominatiue case , and vnderstood to the other , by the figure zeugma . omninò ] the next word , an aduerbe ioined to the verbe to declare the signification . arma ] the nominatiue following the verbe sunt . sum , forem , fio &c. aptissimathe nominatiue case of the nowne adiectiue , agreeing in all things with arma , by the rule of the second concord . the adiectiue whether it bee nowne , &c. it agreeth with arma , because it expresseth the qualitie of arma , &c. senectutis ] next , the genitiue case gouerned of arma , because it expresseth arma , the weapon of olde age , the later of two substantiues . and so forward , in all things giuing the reason according to the rules of grammar , and this rule of construing compared ; the later word , still declaring the former . so much shortly for parsing by this rule . this translation directeth the schollar also for making latine , to proceede easily ; and likewise the master to teach and guide the schollar both to make true latine and pure tully , or what author he will follow : so that he cannot miss so long as he followeth this and looketh on the author : also , it guideth to giue a reason of euery thing , or to prooue the latine thus , in the very same order as they parsed . as. the master to aske thus according to the order of the translation : how say you scipio , or ô scipio ? the schollar answereth ; scipio , as it is in the booke . aske why not scipionis nor scipioni but scipio ; he answereth : because it must be the vocatiue case , knowen by speaking to , and gouerned of o vnderstood , as o magister , o master . and ] et . laelius ] laeli. if it be asked , why not laelius , nor laelij , nor laelium ; he answereth , because it must be the vocatiue case ; and therfore laeli : because , when the nominatiue endeth in ius , the vocatiue shall end in i. also , that it must be the vocatiue case , because et coupleth like cases . so in all things , iust as the childe parsed ; but only asking the english first , and making the childe to giue it in latin , and to giue a reason of euery thing more particularly . the causing the childe to construe and to parse , looking vpon the english onely ; especially the parsing so , is contitinuall making latin , and prouing it . so that we may see by this sentence , how this translation serueth to direct the younger schollar : first , to resolue or cast each sentence in latine into the naturall or grammaticall order : secondly , to construe directly according to the same : thirdly , to parse as it is construed , by marking the last chiefe word : fourthly , to make the same latine as it was parsed , and to proue it by reason and rule . fiftly , by comparing the order of the translation and the order of the author , to compose the latine againe into the order of the authour . and so by daily practicing these translations , young schollars must needs come on very much , for that it makes all the way to learning so plaine . one principall reason is , for that this is nothing else but a continuall practice of analysis and genesis ; that is , of resoluing and vnmaking the latine of the author , and then making it againe iust after the same manner , as it was vnmade . or if we may so tearme it , the vnwinding , and winding it vp againe ; which is generally acknowledged to be the speediest way to all good learning . now of either of these there may be three parts . . of the analysis or resoluing a sentence ; first the resoluing it out of the rhetoricall order of the author , into the first proper , naturall and grammaticall order . . construing , turning or translating it into english , according to thesame order ; giuing the true sense and force of each word and phrase . . parsing as we construe . so of the genesis or making vp againe are three parts . . the making thesame latine againe , according to the order of the translation and the words of the author ; that they may goe surely . . to proue it to bee true latine , after the manner of parsing , by the same order . . to compose all againe for the rhetoricall placing of the words , according to the order of the author , by the helpe of a fewe rules , and by comparing with the author ; that a childe may haue a confident boldnesse , to stand against the most learned , to iustifie that which hee hath done . spoud . this stands with all reason , that if the way of vnmaking or resoluing be so plaine , thorough this rule ; the waie of making vp againe must needes bee as plaine and readie : for there is the same waie from cambridge to london , which was from london to cambridge . phil. you say as it is : hence you shall finde by experience , that as children will soon learne to construe and parse their authors thereby ; so they will as soone learne to make them into latine againe : yea they will come by daily practice , to reade the latine almost as fast out of the english translation , as out of the author it selfe , and proue that it must bee so : and in short time to doe the same in things which they haue not learned ; especially , where they shall haue occasion to vse the same phrase , to doe it readily whether they shall write or speake . particular benefits of the vse of grammaticall translations , and of the rule . spoud . it is apparant by that which you haue sayd , that you take the benefit to bee very great , which may come by such translations rightly vsed . phil. i do indeed ; and that for all these things following , which seem most strange and hard to be done by children . teaching to resolue latine grammatically : which is the foundation of the rest . in construing , to direct to do it artificially by rule , and also in propriety of words , and in true sense . for parsing to do it of themselues : as reading a lecture without any question asked , vnlesse some which they omit : which maner of parsing gaineth half the time which is spent therin commonly , when otherwise each question is asked and stood vpon . for making latine , to be able to make the very same latine of their authors vpon sure grounds ; & therby to be incouraged to go on boldly & certainly , with cheerfulnes and confidence : when little children shall see , that they are able to make the same latine which their authors do , as was said , & haue also the author to iustify that which they haue don . for prouing latine , specially for the syntaxe , when each principall word going before , directs th●se which follow , except in some few . for composing artificially , by continuall comparing this grammaticall order , to the order of the author , and marking why the author placed otherwise ; and by being helped by a few rules , which i will shew after . to helpe the younger schollars to vnderstand their lectures , so farre as need is ; of the benefit of which vnderstanding we haue spoken before . also to take their lectures for most part of themselues , as was sayd ; to get and bring their lectures more surely and sooner then by the masters teaching alone , as a little experience will shewe . to construe and parse their lectures , out of the english as out of the latine ( which is a continuall making latine , as we heard ) and so to read their lectures first in the naturall order , then as they are in their authors . to bee able to correct their authors of themselues , if they be false printed . to keepe all which they haue learned in their authors so perfectly , as to be able in good sort to construe or parse at any time , in any place out of the bare translation , onely by reading them oft ouer out of the translation . to saue all the labour of learning most authours without booke , as all authors in prose ; which labour in many schooles is one of the greatest tortures to the poore schollars , and cause of impatience and too much seueritie to the masters , though with very little good for most part : to be able as it were by playing , only reading their authors out of the english ouer & ouer , at meet times , to haue them much better for all true vse and each good purpose , then by all saying without booke ; to trouble the memorie onely with getting rules of grammars and the like , and such other of most necessary vse , as the poets : which also are exceedingly furthered hereby . to helpe to proceed as well in our english tonge as in the latine , for reading , and writing true orthographie ; to attaine variety and copie of english words , to expresse their mindes easily , and vtter any matter belonging to their authors . and so in time , to come to proprietie , choise , and puritie , aswell in our english as in the latine . to learne the propriety of the latine tongue , as they goe forward ; to bee able to iustifie each phrase , and in time to remember words and phrases , for almost whatsoeuer they haue learned , and where . also by reading tully , and other purer authors constantly out of such translations , first grammatically , then rhetorically , to attaine to make a more easie entrance , to that purity of the latine tongue , wherof sundry great learned men haue giuen precepts , then by precepts alone ; and much more by ioining precepts and this practice together . by the translations of the poets , as of ouid , and virgil , to haue a most plain way into the first entrance into versifying , to turne the prose of the poets into the poets owne verse , with delight , certainty and speed , without any bodging ; and so by continuall practice to grow in this facilitie , for getting the phrase and veine of the poet. to be ( as was noted ) not only insteed of masters , or vshers , to giue each lower lecture perfectly , for all the substance ; but also to be after insteed of their owne presence , or of dictionaries in euery one of those fourmes continually , to direct them , vntill euery one of the fourm can construe , parse , make the same latine , and proue it . heereby both to free the children from that feare which they will haue ordinarily , to go to their masters for euery word ; and also to free the masters from that trouble and hindrance to tell them euery word , so oft as they forget , and the vexation and fretting to see the childrens dulnesse and forgetfulnesse . for the helpe of the master , or vsher , in the meane time what it ought to bee , wee shall see after in the vse of these . hereby schollars hauing been well entered , and exercised in their lower authors , shall be able to proceede to their higher authors , ex tempore ; and goe on with ease , by the assistance of the master , where they need , and by the helpe of commentaries ; that they may be thus inabled to construe any author , and bee fitted for the studies of the vniuersitie , at their first entrance thither . these will be also a helpe to many weaker schoolemasters , for right and certaine construction , without so oft seeking dictionaries for english , and proprietie of words ; and so for parsing , and all sorts of the former directions . a●so , weaker schollars in the vniuersities , who haue not been so well grounded in the grammar schooles , may proceed in their priuate studies , by the vse of some of these translations , either one alone , or two or three together ; and increase both for construing , vnderstanding , and writing latine . also they may haue continuall vse of translating both into english , and latine ; whether reading out of the authour into the translation , or out of the translation into the author , or doing it by pen ; and euer a direction to trie all by , and as a priuate helpe : which continuall translating both waies is a most speedy way to learning , as m. askam proueth at large . likewise , any who haue lost the knowledge of the latine tongue , may recouer it hereby within a short time ; and they who haue had but a smattering , or some little beginning , may soone come to vnderstand any ordinary author , and proceed with pleasure and certaintie . finally , hereby schollars may haue daily much sure practice both of analysis and genesis ; that is , resoluing and making latine : which as was noted , all the learned doe acknowledge to bee almost all in all , in getting all learning : for all this practice by them is nothing else but analysis and genesis , as we shewed before . things more specially obserued in the translating of the schoole authours . spoud . these benefits are indeede very great , and worthy the labour of euery childe , or other who would attaine them , if it be as you say : yet by your fauour , many of them cannot be obtained by bare grammaticall translations alone ; as to get the propriety of both the tongues , both of latine and english together , with variety of phrase , the sense , and the like . therefore what course haue you obserued in your translations , to make them to serue to all these purposes ? phil. i haue obserued these things following , so neere as i haue beene able for the present : i shall amend them after god willing . this naturall or grammaticall order throughout . that the english translation is set downe alone , without the latine adioyning , to auoyde the inconueniences of hauing the latine and english together ; as of making truant , or the like : whereof i shall speake after . the propriety of the english words , answering to the latine , in the first and naturall signification , and expressing the force of the latine words , so neere as i could , is set down in the first place . and where the latine phrase is somewhat hard or obscure to bee expressed in our english tongue , word for word ; there i haue also expressed that by a more plaine phrase , sometimes included within two markes , almost like a parenthesis , with [ or ] thus . or else i haue set it euer in the margent : where also i haue oft placed the meaning , with variety of other phrases ouer against the word , and noted them with a character or letter , answering to the word in the text. moreouer , where any phrase is ouer-harsh in our english tongue , to expresse the latine verbatim , viz. word for word , or in good propriety ; that harsh phrase is also placed in the margent , ouer against the latine phrase , with this marke , ( verb ) or ( ver . ( or v. ) signifying verbatim , word by word , or word for word , and the more easie phrase set in the text. likewise where there may be two senses or constrctions , i haue commonly expressed both : the more likely and naturall in the text , the other in the margent . this i haue done , to the end that the schollar may see both construction and meaning together ; with the propriety of the tongue , whereunto i haue chiefly laboured . so that there is no varying from the propriety , saue where necessity inforced , for the impropernesse of the phrase in our speech ▪ or in some few places , where the construction is easie and familiar ; and there is set in the margent ( verb ) as was said before . lastly , where in the grammaticall order in latine , the substantiue goeth before the adiectiue , the gouernour or guider first ; in our english dialect , the adiectiue is most commonly set before : as vir bonus , a good man ; not a man good : vnlesse the adiectiue be diuided from the substantiue ; as where it passeth the signification into some at●er word gouerned of it : as vir praestans ingenio , a man excelling in wit. so in the aduerbe non : as non est , it is not ; wee doe not say , not it is . also in the enclyticall conjunctio● ●quen , and the like ; as idque , and that . in the first and lowest authours is commonly translated thou , thee , not you ; because of the difficulty for children , to distinguish betweene thou , and you. thus i place ordinarily the accusatiue case before the infinitiue moode , in plaine wordes , for the ready and easie making the latine out of it : as multum eum praeuidisse dicimus , we say him to haue foreseene much : and in the margent vsually thus ; we say , that he foresaw much : according to our english phrase . how to vse these translations so , as to attaine the former benefites . spoud . these things diligently obserued , must needes be very auaileable to the purposes , which you haue mentioned : the very propriety alone , i meane the knowledge of words , in their first and proper signification , is a singular helpe to learning . for reason will commonly teach , both the change of the signification by the circumstances of the place , & also the cause of the change . but i pray you , how might my schollars vse these translations so , as that i might finde the benefits of them . phil. you may cause them to vse them after these directions following : first , you are to see that euery one who is to vse them , can repeate the rule of construing , and answere the questions thereof , according to the briefest forme of it at least . and if your leasure will serue , to heare your selfe how they can take their lectures of themselues , according to the same . where your leisure will not well permit you to see all lectures giuen , you may appoint at the taking of the lectures , that some one or two of the best of each fourme , doe looke vpon the translation ; and in the lower fourmes doe first reade ouer the translation once , onely to giue them some light , for the meaning and vnderstanding of their lectures ; the rest looking on their authours , or onely harkening to the meaning : although in the higher fourms which vse them , they will not neede so much as once reading ouer before , vnlesse in some difficult places : onely he who looketh on the translation , may reade the translation after , for their more full vnderstanding of the lecture , and more easie remembrance of it . after that to appoint another , first , to reade ouer their lecture in the latine distinctly , as it is in the author , and to trie how he can construe ; beating it out according to the rule . in the meane time cause him who hath the translation , to be in stead of your selfe amongst the rest , to see that they goe right ; and where the construer sticketh , or goeth amisse , to call him backe to the rule , and wish the rest to helpe to finde it out by the same rule . and when al the fourme are at a stand , and none of them can beat it out , then onely he who hath the booke , to do it ; as the cunning hunts-man , to helpe a little at the default , to point and to direct them where to take it : and thus so many to construe ouer , or so oft , vntill all of them can construe . in the mean time your selfe or vsher , in the middest , both to haue an eye to them , that they take this course ; and also to helpe yet further , where neede is : and after the taking of the lecture , to note out vnto them al the difficult or new wordes in their lecture , to examine and direct them , for the parsing of them : and also to cause each of the fourme to marke out those wordes , to take speciall paines in them ; to make them perfect aboue all the rest : because they haue learned the rest before , and haue but so many new wordes to get in that lecture . according to the order as they construe , cause them to parse , as we shewed ; eyther looking vpon the authour , or vpon the translation alone . but i finde it farre the surer and better , in al who are able , both to construe and parse out of the translation : because thereby they are learning continually , both to make and proue their latine ; and so doe imprint both the matter and latine , more firmely in their memory . so also all of ability , to construe and parse onely out of the translation , when they come to say ; and out of it to giue the reason of euery thing . this they will doe most readily , with a little practice . to the end that they may may keepe all their authors perfectly , which they haue learned ( which is thought of many almost impossible , and doth indeed so much incourage young schollars , and grace the schooles when they can doe it ) let them but vse this practice : euery day after that they haue said their lectures , cause each fourme which vse these translations , to goe immediately to construing ouer all which they haue learned , each day a peece , euery one a side of a leafe , or the like in order , vntill they haue gone through all ; construing it only out of the translation : to spend an houre or more therein , as time will permit : one or two who sit next vnto the construer , to looke on the translation with him , to helpe where hee sticketh ; the rest to looke on their authours . appoint withall some of the seniors of the fourme , to examine shortly the harde wordes of each page as they goe ; i meane those wordes , which they marked when they learned them . and when they become perfect in construing out of the english , cause them for more speedy dispatch , but onely to reade their authours into latine , forth of the translation ; first in the grammaticall order : after as they are in the author . they will thus soone runne ouer all which they haue learned , without the least losse of time : for this will be found the best bestowed time , to keepe perfectly that which they haue gotten . and what they can so construe or reade out of the english into latine , they can also doe it out of the latine into english ordinarily . then , as they waxe perfect in that which they haue learned , and grow a little to vnderstanding ; they may practice of themselues by the same meanes , to reade ouer the rest of their authour , which they learned not , or some easie authour , which they haue not read ; as first corderius , or the like , by the helpe of the same translations : first to construe ex tempore amongst themselues , after to reade out of the translations ; according to the same manner as they did in that which they haue learned : wherein they will do more then you will easily beleeue , vntill you see experience . after this , as they come to higher fourmes , and more iudgement , they may be appointed likewise to reade ex tempore some other authour , whereof they haue the translation to direct them ; and that both out of the authour into english : first , after the grammaticall manner , and then in a good english stile : afterwards out of the english into latine , both wayes , both in grammaticall order , and after in composition , according to the authour . and within a time that they haue beene thus exercised , they will be able to doe this , almost as easily and readily , as that which they haue learned . i finde tullies sentences , and tully de natura deorum , with terentius christianus , to be singular books to this purpose for the best vses . by this meanes it must come to passe by daily practice , that they shall attaine to the phrase , stile & composition of any authour which they vse to reade oft ouer , & to make it their owne ; euen of any peece of tully himselfe ( as was said ) & much sooner then can be imagined , vntill triall be made : though this must needes require meet time . for what thing of any worth can be obtained , but by time , industry , & continuall practice ? much lesse such copy , choyse , propriety , and elegancy , as tully doth affoord . obiections against the vse of translations in schooles answered . spoud . as you haue shewed me the benefites which may come by grammaticall translations ; and also how to vse them , that schollars may attaine the same : so giue me leaue to propound what doubts i may suspect concerning the same for the present ; and moe hereafter , as i shall make triall of them . phil. very willingly ; for i doe desire to finde out all the inconueniences that can be imagined , which may comeby by them : but for mine owne part , i can finde none , if they be vsed according to the former direction ; and yet i haue done what i could , to finde out whatsoeuer euils might be to follow of them . obiect whatsoeuer you can , i thinke i am able plainly to answere it , and to satisfie you fully in euery point . spoud . i will therefore deale plainly with you , in what i can conceiue for the present . obiect . . translations in schooles haue not bin found to bring any such benefite , but rather much hurt ; and therfore the best and wisest schoole-masters haue not beene wont to suffer any of them amongst their schollars . phil. i will first answere you for the benefites : that it is true indeede , that these vses and benefites cannot bee made of any other translation of any one of our schoole authours . the reasons are euident : first , because none of the translators haue followed , nor so much as propounded to themselues to follow this grammaticall rule in translating : which you see is the meane foundation of all true construing , parsing , making and trying latine : and of all these benefites , to keepe schollars to goe surely . secondly , none of them which i know , haue laboured to expresse the propriety and force of the latine , in the first and natiue signification ; which this intendeth continually : and how much lieth vpon the knowledge of the propriety of the wordes for the certaine getting of any tongue , euery schollar knoweth . thirdly , none of them haue indeauoured by a double translation to make all things plaine , as these do euery where ; labouring to expresse with the wordes , and grammar , the sense and meaning also in all obscure places , with variety of english wordes or phrase : to the end to teach children thereby , grammar , propriety , sense with variety of phrase to expresse their mindes in english , as wel as in latine : and all vnder one , that nothing bee wanting . the translators haue seemed to ayme eyther onely or principally , at the meaning and drift of the authour , which benefite alone they doe in some sort performe : but for the rest of the benefits and vses , or for the most of them ( as for true construing ▪ parsing , making and trying latine , which are the chiefe things here mentioned ) they eyther set the learner at a non plus , or carie him ordinarily cleane amisse . and therefore there is no maruell , if in that respect they be vtterly disliked . triall in any of them , compared to the rule and the other limits , and especially how in construing , parsing , and the like , they carry the learner vtterly out of the way , will presently shew the truth hereof , and commonly in the very first sentence of them . i will set downe the words in one or two . esops fables construed thus : dum whilst , gallinaceus the dunghill , gallus cocke , ver●it scratched , stercorarium in the dunghill . tullies offices translated thus : marci tullij ciceronis de officijs ad marcum filium liber primus . marcus tullius ciceroes first booke of dueties to marcus his sonne . trie in any one of these , whether a childe can construe one sentence right and surely , according to grammar , or in any certainety of the propriety of the wordes , or be able to parse or make latine , or the rest : though some of these translatours were learned ▪ and gaue the sense ; yet you may perceiue that they aimed not at these endes here mentioned , or few of them . thus you see what i haue answered concerning the benefites : now let vs heare what you say concerning the hurt comming by them . obiect . . spoud . besides that they leade schollars amisse very ordinarily in construing , almost in euery sentence ; they are found also to make schollars truants , or to goe by rote ( as wee commonly call it ) which is worse . a. phil. for the first part , that they leade schollars amisse , i haue answered ; that , that is onely in such translations , which respect the sense alone , but doe not respect the grammar . secondly , for making truants , i aunswere ; that these grammaticall translations being thus meerly english , and separate from the latine altogether , can neuer indanger any waie to make truants , if they bee vsed according to the directions prescribed . for first , for construing latine , there can bee no likelihood hereof , if the translation bee onely vsed ; first to giue some light and vnderstanding of the lecture amongst the younger ; after , to bee onely in place of the master , where he cannot be himselfe . also , where all of the fourme cannot beat out the construing by the grammaticall rule , there to direct and point it out how to take it . likewise , to giue propriety of english , and to guide the schollars in place of the master ( who cannot bee alwaies with euery one ) to the end , that in all things they may goe surely . secondly , for construing and making the latine out of the translation , it chiefly consists vpon vnderstanding and conceit ; and shall more stirre vp the wit and memory to get propriety and copie of words and phrases , then all getting without booke can possibly doe . in getting without book alone , words and sentences may bee learned , as by parats , without any vnderstanding : hereby children must needes vnderstand them : for , hauing nothing but the bare translation , they must be driuen of necessitie to beate out the latine , by learning and by reason , with diligence ; and so stirre vp their memories continually . also , hereby whensoeuer they shall haue againe the same english words or phrases to make in latine , to write or to speake ; the verie same latine words and phrases , which they learned in their authours , doe come straight wayes to their memories to expresse their mindes . and in what things they can giue latine to the english , in that , as was sayd , they can ordinarily giue english to the latine . indeede , where the translation is ioined with the authour , and so they are set together answerably word for word , eyther as the interlineal set ouer the head , or the english word or phrase set after the latine ; there the eie of the childe is no sooner vpon the one , but it will be vpon the other : and so the memory is not exercised , neither can this mischiefe be auoided . yea , where the author is of the one page , the translation is on the other ouer against it ( like as it is in theognis , and some other greeke poets ) there must be much discretion for the right vsing of them ; otherwise many inconueniences must needes follow amongst children . but in these bare translations so by themselues , these surmised daungers are preuented ; if they bee vsed as hath been shewed . although for them who are of full discretion to vse them ( as those who would study priuately for the reoouering their latine , or increasing therin ) it may bee the most profitable of all , to haue the translation ouer-against the latine , directly on the other page , after the manner as theognis is printed ; that folding the booke , they may looke vpon the one , when they would finde out the other ; and yet haue the other euer at hand , as a master , to helpe in an instant , where they need . . ob. sp. but the schollars may be idle , when they seem to be construing , when as one only construeth , and the rest looke on their bookes . a. phil. so they may be idle in whatsoeuer exercise they do amongst themselues , vnlesse the master be vigilant : but let the master vse any diligent circumspection , and they cannot possibly be idle in this , of all other ; no not one in any fourme . for , let but the master or vsher haue an eye to all in generall , though they bee in hand in hearing any fourme ; and where they do marke or but suspect any one of all the fourmes to bee carelesse , or not to attend ; there let them step to such a one of a sodaine , and bid him set his finger to the last word which was spoken : and so if any bee idle , he may bee catched presently . prouided alwaies , that no one keep his finger at the book , lest by them the truants see where it is ; but euery one to vse only his eye and his eare . some of the most negligent and stubborne so ouertaken now and then , and sharpely corrected for ensample , will continually keepe all the rest in order and diligence , at this time specially . this practice may serue for whatsoeuer they construe , parse , or examine together , to keepe them fro● loytering or carelesnesse . . ob. spoud . wel : you seeme to haue answered the euils which i feared for the schollars ; i shall thinke further of them . but there may bee greater inconueniences in them concerning the masters : as . these may bee a meanes to make the master idle , by freeing them from giuing lectures , and much other imployment about the same , which they are wont to be exercised in . phil. the best things may be abused some waie : but otherwise there cannot be any such danger of idlenesse to the master , who makes conscience of this dutie , or hath any desire to see his schollars to profit ; but an incouragement hereby to take all possible paines , by seeing the ease and fruite of his labours . also , besides the continuall eye that hee is to haue , that euery one be painfully exercised by them in euery fourme , and his marking out all the difficult words , that they may labour those aboue all , and helping in each fourme where neede is , the master may bestowe the more time with the higher fourms ; and in poasing & examining , which is the life of all learning , as hath bin & shall be shewed further in due place . as before lectures , he may spend more time continually in examining parts , and in more exquisite reading lectures in the higher formes , or hearing them to reade their owne lectures , which is farre the best of all ; or taking paines with the first enterers for euerie tittle : so in examining and trying exercises and lectures after . spoud . you seeme to bee maruellous confident in all things , for the vse and benefit of these translations ; and to make a principall reckoning of them . phil. i do indeed make a principall account of them very iustly ; and doe acknowledge my selfe bound vnto god chiefly for them , aboue al other things which he hath made knowne vnto me in all my search and trauell . for these are for me insteed of mine owne selfe , hearing and directing in euery other fourm which i cannot be withall , or as so many helpers . and by the help and benefit of these , all my younger schollars doe seeme to attaine almost double learning to that , that by mine owne paines being farre greater , and my griefe much more , i was euer able to bring them vnto before . for , before the time that i came to the knowledge and vse of these , as i taught at one end , my children would forget at an other ; and bee as rawe in that which was learned a quarter or halfe a yeere before , as if they either had not learned it , or neuer learned it well ; which was no small griefe vnto mee whensoeuer they were examined : but now take them where you will of a sodaine , in all the authors which they haue learned ; and they shall be able in good sort , not onely to construe or parse , but also to reade out of the english into the latine and proue it : at least so many of them as are apt , and the rest in better maner then i could haue expected of them , vnless the fault be in my selfe ; and that without any losse of time : and to goe faster forwarde in their authors then euer they were wont to do ; and without any such fretting or vexing to my selfe , though i haue but some one written copie in a fourm . now trie this amongst your schollars , whether they be able to doe the like at any time of a sodaine , by all your labour . for mine owne part , i could neuer by all meanes attaine vnto it in any measure , especially hauing many fourmes : neither can i see how i could haue done it , vnlesse i had had so many bodies , or so many to haue bin continually in my place , in each fourme one . a small triall will soone make this euident ; proouing some schollars with them , others learning the same things without them , in some quarter or halfe yeeres space , whether haue learned more and the surelier . and therefore i dare bee bolde to commend this vnto you vpon most vndoubted experience . spoud . i do not doubt then , but vpon this so happy an experience you haue thus translated many of our schoole authors . phil. i haue indeed taken paines in translating so many of them , as i haue had occasion for my schollars to vse , since god made knowne vnto me the benefit of them ; and haue either finished them wholly , or some part of each of them ; and hope in time to go thorough them wholly , if the lord vouchsafe me life . as namely , to begin at the lowest : schoole authors translated or in hand . pueriles confabulatiunculae . sententiae pueriles . cato . corderius dialogues . esops fables . tullies epistles gathered by sturmius . tullies offices with the books adioind to them ; de amicitia , senectute , paradoxes . ouid de tristibus . ouids metamorphosis . virgil. also these books following , wherof i find great benefit : tullies sentences for entring schollars , to make latine truly and purely in steed of giuing vulgars , and for vse of daily translating into latine , to furnish with variety of pure latine and matter . aphthonius for easie entrance into theames , for vnderstanding , matter and order . drax his phrases , to helpe to furnish with copie of phrase both english and latine , and to attaine to propriety in both . flores poëtarum , to prepare for versifying ; to learn to versifie , ex tempore , of any ordinary theame . tully de natura deorum ; for purity , easinesse , variety , to helpe to fit with a sweet stile for their disputations in the vniuersities . terentius christianus . of the further vses of all of which i shall speak in their proper places : though this i must needs confesse vnto you , that i know them all to be very imperfect , and to haue many defects : which i euery day obserue , and am continually amending , hoping to bring them to much more perfection , as either my selfe , or you , or any other good friend , to whose hands they shall come , shall obserue the slips , and god vouchsafe life & his gracious assistance . in the meane time i intreat you to suspend your iudgement , vntill you haue seene some triall , if you haue any further doubt concerning the benefit of them ; and then to let me heare plainly as you finde . of construing ex tempore . spoud . i rest in these your answeres , which you giue vpon your experience , for the doubts which may bee made concerning the grammaticall translations , and so for the vse and benefits of them ; and also for the construing of those lower schoole authors , which are so translated . but when your schollars haue gon through these authors , what helpes may they vse for the higher schoole authors ? as horace , persius , and the like ; and so for all other things to be construed ex tempore . phil. by this time they will do very much in construing any ordinary author of themselues , ex tempore ; thorough their perfect knowledge and continuall practice of the rule of construing , and by that helpe of their reading in the lower authors : i meane the help of the matter , words and phrase which they are well acquainted with , and of being able to cast the words into the naturall order . yet besides these , and the assistance of the master where need is , they may vse also these helpes following : the best and easiest commentaries of the hardest and most crabbed schoole authors ; as m. bonde vpon horace : who hath by his paines made that difficult poet so easie , that a very childe which hath been well entred , and hath read the former schoole authors in any good manner may go thorough it with facilitie , except in very few places . of him , it were to be wished , for his singular dexteritie in making that difficult poet plaine in so few words , that he would take the like paines in the rest of that kinde : as in persius and iuvenall , for the great benefit of schooles . or that som other would do it , following his example . next vnto him , of those which i haue seene are these : murmelius & buschius vpon persius , a double commentarie ; the one shortly expressing the matter , and beating out the sense & meaning , the other the words . lubin also vpon persius , and iuvenal , is much commended . for short comments and annotations of virgil , there may be vsed ramus vpon the eclogues & georgicks . also the virgils printed with h. stephens annotations ; and with melancthons . where they haue no help but the bare author , & that they must cōstrue wholly of themselues cal vpon them oft , to labour to vnderstand & keep in fresh memory the argument , matter & drift of the place , which they are to cōstrue : which matter , they may either find prefixed generally before the beginning of the treatises , or chapters , in the argumēts , or else they are to demand the vnderstanding in general , of the master or examiner , what the matter of the place is , or what it about . otherwise many places may trouble the greatest schollars at the first sight . . to consider wel of all the circumstances of each place , which are cōprehended most of them in this plaine verse : quis , cui , causa , locus , quo tempore , prima sequela . that is , who speaks in that place , what he speaks , to whom he speakes , vpon what occasion he speaks , or to what end , where he spake , at what time time it was , what went before in the sentences next , what followeth next after . this verse i would haue euery such schollar to haue readily ; and alwaies to thinke of it in his construing . it is a very principall rule for the vnderstanding of any author or matt●r whatsoeuer . in all hard words or phrases let them first call to remembrance where they haue learned them , or the primitiue word whereof they come , or some words neere vnto them : or otherwise to search them out by inquiring of the master , vsher , or som follow ; or of the dictionaries , which they ought to haue euer at hand . and in construing their own authors , let them remember that generall precept , to marke the newe words with a line vnder them , as was aduised before ; that they may oft go ouer them : or if they feare they cannot so remember them , to write them in their books ouer the word , or in the margents ouer against the words , in a fine small hand , it will not hurt their bookes : or for sauing their books , let euery one haue a little paper booke , and therein write onely all the new and hard words as was obserued generally , to bee very perfect in those each way , by oft reading ouer ; and so they shal come on very fast : hauing those ( as i said ) they haue all . so that these things obserued shall accomplish your desire . . consider and way wel the generall matter & argument . . marke all the hard words in their proper significations . . keepe in mind that verse of the circumstances of places ; quis , cui , &c. . cast and dispose the words in the proper grammaticall order . . see that nothing bee against sense , nothing against grammar : but if either the sense be absurd , or construction against grammar , cast it , and try it another way vntill you find it out . finally , giue me leaue to adde this , before wee end this matter of construing ; that all these kinds of construing , or rather of expounding and expressing their minds , may be vsed by schollars of ripenesse , and with much profit . according to the bare words in their first signification , and in the naturall order plainly . according to the sense to expresse the mind of the author with vnderstanding . more elegantly , in finenesse of words and phrase . paraphrastically , by exposition of words and matter more at large , to make as it were a paraphrase of it . and to do this last in good latine , where they are of ability . spoud . sir , you haue satisfied me at large for all this matter of cōstruing : now i pray you let vs come to parsing , and the manner of it , which followeth next ; that i may haue your helpe therein . for this hath beene no lesse wearinesse and vexation vnto me , then the construing hath beene . phil. before we come to parsing , let me also tell you this one thing : that besides my schollars ordinary lectures , and repeating daily some part of that which they haue learned in the lower fourmes ; i finde very great good in causing them euery day in each fourme to construe a peece of their authours where they haue not learned ; and that ex tempore , aside , or a leafe at a time , as leisure will permit : hearing them eyther my selfe , or by some other very sufficient , how they can doe it ; and posing onely some hard things as they goe forward : noting also the harder wordes and more difficult places , as was shewed . also in those bookes , where of they haue translations , i cause them by course sometimes to construe or reade the same , out of the translations : as at other times to reade out of the authour into english ; according to the maner of the translation . spoud . this must needes bee exceeding profitable : i likewise will put it in practice forthwith , if god will ; and do heartily thanke you for imparting it vnto me . but now if you haue done , to the matter of parsing . phil. let me heare of you , what course you haue vsed therein , and i will supply whatsoeuer i can . chap. ix . of parsing , and the kindes thereof ; and how children may parse of themselues readily and surely . spoud . for parsing , i haue followed the common course ; which is this , so farre as i haue seene or heard : viz. to parse ouer , all my yongest , euery word ; and euen in the same order as the words doe stand in their authours : teaching them what part of speech euery word is , how to decline them ; and so all the questions belonging thereunto : and what each word is gouerned of ; the rules for euerything , and the like . herein , after long and much labour , i haue found very little fruite , through the hardnesse of it , and the weakenesse of the childrens memories to carie away that which i tolde them : much lesse haue i beene able to make my litle ones , no not in the second or third fourmes , so to parse of themselues , as to giue a true reason of euery word why it must be so ; according to that which i saw in the note , what might be done in parsing . now if you haue seen the practice therof , let me heare it of you , i intreate you ; and that in so few wordes as you can . phil. yes indeed , i haue seene the practice hereof & do know it , that children will doe very much , to ease & delight both the master and themselues exceedingly . besides some of the best of those which you mention ( as the shewing the youngest how to parse euery word ) i haue learned to obserue these things following , and finde maruellous light , easinesse , surenesse and helpe of memory by them : to cause the children euer to parse as they construe , according to the grammaticall rule of construing and the translations ; alwayes marking the last principall word which went before in construing : wherein ( as i shortly shewed you before ) the very childe may see euery principall word going before , gouerning or ordering that which followeth ; and so he hath therein a guide leading him by the hand for all the syntax at least : except in the exceptions mentioned in the grammaticall rule ; as of interrogatiues , relatiues , &c. which they will soone know : and where one word gouernes diuers things ; as in that example . dedit mihi vestem pignori , tepresente , propria manu . where the word dedit gouernes most of the rest in a diuers consideration . to aske among them euery word of any hardnesse , whether they haue not learned it before : & if they haue , to repeat where . as it was before , so it is there for the most part . for the etymologie ; al the difficulty is in these three parts of speech , nounes , verbs , and participles ; the rest being set downe in the accedence , or easily known , as was shewed before . and in all words of these three parts , do but tell them what examples they are like in the accedence : which examples being knowne , will presently bring to their vnderstanding all the questions depending on them and their answers . as , of what part of speech the words are ; of what declension or coniugation : so the declining , case , gender , number , person , mood , tense , &c. also with a litle practice they wil soon ghesse at them , themselues ; & that very right , to shew what examples they are like , eyther by the english , or latine , or both . the same would be also for the syntax , both in agreements and gouernements , euer to shew what examples they are like . the example makes the rule most plaine , and imprints all in the childes memory . to make this plaine to the capacity of the simplest , i will adde one only example , particularly examined out of the two first verses of qui mihi discipulus puer es , &c. first , be sure that the childe know the meaning of them , and can construe them perfectly , as thus : puer oh childe , qui who , es art , discipulus a schollar , mihi to me , atque and , cupis dost couet ( or desire ) doceri to bee taught ; ades come , huc hither : concipe conceiue ( or consider well ) dicta haec these sayings , animo tuo in thy minde . in this sentence , parse the childe after the same manner ; and examine him accordingly . as aske , where he must begin to parse ; he answere that puer , oh boy , because he began to construe there . and if you ask why he began to construe there ; he answers by the rule of construing , which biddeth , if there be a vocatiue case to begin commonly at it . then aske what puer is like ; he answereth , like magister : which being knowne of him & he perfect in his examples can tel you by magister , what declension it is , how to decline it , and the number ; and also by the increasing of it short in the genitiue case , he can tell you , it is the masculine gender by the third speciall rule . for the case ; that it is the vocatiue , knowne by calling , or speaking to the childe . and if you aske , why it may not be pueri not puero , but puer ; he answereth , because it is the vocatiue case , which is like the nominatiue . afterwards , demaunding what must be parsed next ; hee answereth qui ; because qui is next in construing : and also that qui is a pronoune relatiue , set down in the accedence , and there declined . also that it is the nominatiue case , comming before the verbe es , following it next , by the rule of the relatiue ; when there commeth no nominatiue case : as , miser est qui nummos admiratur , qui admiratur so qui es . for the gender likewise ; that it is the masculine gender , because so is his antecedent puer going next before in construing : with which the relatiue agreeth , by the rule of the relatiue : the relatiue agreeth , &c. as vir sapit qui pauca loquitur : vir qui. so puer qui. also hee can shew it , to bee the masculine gender , because in wordes of three terminations , the first is the masculine , the second the feminine , the third is the neuter . likewise he can tell why it must be qui , not cuius , nor cui , nor any other ; because it must be the nominatiue case to the verbe , by the rule of the relatiue ; because no other nominatiue case commeth betweene them . so all other questions . for person ; it is made the second person here , by a figure called euocation , because it agreeth with puer , which is made of the second person ; and by the same figure euocation , as euery vocatiue case is , by reason of tu vnderstood . then followeth es , art : of which word the childe can giue you all the questions ; because hee hath learned it in his accedence , and is perfect in it . if you aske why it must be es , and not est , nor any other word ; he answereth , because it is thou art , not he is , nor i am : and also because in that place qui his nominatiue case is of the second person , as was said . if you then aske what is parsed next ; he answereth discipulus , because hee construed so : and discipulus is like magister . which being knowne , the childe can tell the questions of declining , gender , case , number , and the rest appertayning thereto . if you demaund further , why it must be discipulus and not discipulum ; why it must be a nominatiue case after the verbe , and not an accusatiue according to the rules , the accusatiue followeth the verbe ; and also that rule , verbes transitiues are all such , &c. he answereth , because this verbe sum es , is a verbe substantiue intransitiue , not a transitiue ; and therefore will haue such case after it as it hath before it : as fama est malum , est malum . and that other rule for the accusatiue after the verbe , is of transitiues , whose action passeth into another thing . so to proceede throughout for shortnesse , thus : mihi ] is parsed next , because it it next in construing . it is a pronoune set downe in the booke . all the questions are plaine in it , except why it must bee the datiue case : which is , because it is gouerned of es , the principall gouernour going before , by the rule of the datiue case after sum , also sum with his compounds , except possum , &c. and , for that , one word may gouerne diuers cases ; or it may be gouerned of discipulus the substantiue , by the rule of the later of two substantiues , turned into a datiue : wherein the english rules are defectiue . the rule in latine , is est etiam vbi in datiuum , vertitur , &c. atque ] is next in construing ; and therefore in parsing . it is a coniunction copulatiue , set downe in the booke . it is also a compound coniunction ; compounded of at and que . it is put here to couple these members of the sentence together , viz. cupis doceri , with that going before . cupis ] is next : it is like legis , thou readest . which being knowne , the childe can tell you what coniugation , moode , tense , number , person , the word cupis is ; and why it must be so , and not cupiunt , nor any other worde ; because atque couples like moodes and tenses : and it is , thou couetest . other questions which fall out in declining , the childe can tell ; as , why it is cupiui , by the exception of the rule fit pio , pi . and why cupitum , by the rule of the ending of the preterperfect tense in vi . vi●it tum . doceri ] is parsed next , because it is construed next : it is in my booke , saith the childe , and it signifieth to be taught . thus hee can answere all the questions , why it must bee doceri , not docere : also why it must come next ; because an infinitiue moode doeth commonly follow another moode . ades ] is next in order , and is in all things like es in sum , compounded of ad and sum : and it must be so , because it is come thou , not adest not adsunt . huc ] is next in construing , because aduerbes are vsually ioyned to the verbs , to declare their signification . it is an aduerbe of place signifying hither , or to this place . concipe ] is like lege , reade thou . this being knowne , the part of speech , moode , tense , number , person , and most questions of it are knowne ; except two or three of the compounding it with a preposition , and of changing of the letters a , into i. which are to be learned after by the rule in their booke . dicta ] is next , because the substantiue , which is more principall , and to which the adiectiue agreeth , must goe before the adiectiue in parsing ; though in our english , adiectiues goe before . it is like regna . the accusatiue case , neuter gender , plurall number , following the verbe concipe , by verbes transitiues . and the neuter gender by my rule of all wordes like regnum . omne quod exit in um . and neutrum nomen in e. it must also end in a , in the accusatiue case plurall number , because all neuters do end so in three like cases . it is deriued of the supine dictu , by putting to m. haec ] is a pronoune demonstratiue , agreeing with dicta , by the rule of the relatiue : and it must bee so by that rule . animo ] followeth next , the substantiue to be set before the adiectiue ; it is like magistro in all . the ablatiue case , because it signifieth in the minde , and not into the minde : because , in , without this signe , to , serues to the ablatiue case , and is a signe thereof . it is also by the rule , sometime this preposition in , is not expressed but vnderstanded . tuo ] a pronoune possessiue , like bono or meo , but that it wants the vocatiue case . it is set downe in my booke , and doth agree in al things with animo ; by the rule of , the adiectiue , whether it be noune , pronoune or participle , agreeth with his subst . &c. and so on for the rest . in this first kinde of parsing , you may at the first entrance , aske them the english of each word , and cause them to giue you the latine , and so to parse , looking on their latine bookes , to incourage them ; iust in the manner as is set downe . after a little time cause them to doe it , looking onely vpon the english translation . then ( which is the principall , and wherein you will take much delight ) cause them amongst themselues to construe and parse out of the translation vntill they can say , or out of their authours , whether they can sooner : but when they come to say , cause them to say each sentence , first in english , then to construe and parse them ; and all with their bookes vnder their armes : what they cannot repeat so , they will doe it if you aske them questions of it . you shall finde by experience , that with a little practice , all who are apt will do this as soone , readily , & perfectly , as looking vpon their books ( if so that they but vnderstand the matter wel before ) and so they will make all their owne most surely . thus i would haue them to do in sententiae , confabulatiunculae and cato if you will. after in the middle fourmes , as in e●ops fables , ouid de tristibus , or ouids metamorphosis , &c ( because eyther the matter is not so familiar and easie to remember , or the lecture longer ) i would haue them to parse thus , looking vpon their translation ; but then to parse wholly in latine : and i can assure you by some good experience , that through gods blessing ▪ you will admire their profiting . spoud . surely sir ▪ this way of parsing is most direct and plaine ; and the benefits must needes bee exceeding great : but giue me leaue yet to aske one thing of you , concerning this parsing amongst the younger . i haue heard of some , who would teach their enterers to know by the very words , what part of speech each word is . how may that be done ? phil. this may very well be done , euen according to this ensample aboue , when euery thing is examined at large . as for example , cause your schollar to doe this : to marke out all those wordes , which they haue learned , being set downe in their accedences ; as pronounes , aduerbes , coniunctions , interiections : that they knowe all those . then haue they nothing to trouble them with ; but they may know that all the rest are eyther nounes , verbes or participles , or else gerunds or supines belonging to the verbes , or some other aduerbs . for those partes of speech , when your schollar can construe perfectly , they may bee knowne by their latine and english together , whether they be nounes , verbs , participles , or such aduerbes ; chiefly , when they are very cunning in their parts of speech in their accedence , and questions thereof . the noune substantiues , that they are names of things , to which you may put to a , or the , as was said ; as a boy , a schollar : but cannot put to the word thing , in any good sense . and morefully , when the latine is put to the english ; as puer a boy , like magister : discipulus a schollar , like magister . the noune adiectiues contrarily , though they signifie a thing ; yet they cannot stand by themselues in sense , vnlesse you put to ( thing ) or some other word expresly or vnderstood ; nor you cannot in proper speech put to a , or the. as we cannot say properly , a good , an euill : but wee may say a good man , a good house , an euill thing . and when they are put substantiuely , yet thing is properly vnderstood : as bonum a good thing , summum bonum the chiefest good thing ; though wee call it the chiefest good . these adiectiues also may be more fully vnderstood , by the latin words : as if they end in us or er , they are like bonus ; except those expressed like nounes , and some few strange adiectiues , which are partly substantiues partly adiectiues set downe in the rule , at sunt quae flexu &c. as pauper , puber , &c. and in the rule , haec proprium , &c. as campester , &c. adiectiues ending in ans or ens ( though they be participles ) and also in x , and rs , as concors , are declined like foelix ; and some in or , as memor . adiectiues in is , ior , [ or jor ] and ius signifying the comparatiue degree , that is to say , more , are like tristis : as dulcis , dulcior , maior , dulcius . finally , if the childe but knowe his word to be like any of the examples of a nown substantiue , as musa , magister , regnū , lapis , manus , meridies , he knoweth it to be a nown substantiue . if like bonus , vnus , foelix , tristis , a nown adiectiue . verbes also may be knowen most plainly by the english and latine together . as , the words signifying , doing , suffering or being , and like amo , doceo , lego , audio , or amor , doceor , legor , audior , or any person comming of them in any moode or tense , and signifying like to them , are verbs . so by the signes of the tenses ; do , did or didst , haue , hast , hath , had or haddest , shall or will. by the signes of the moods ; or signes of the passiue : as am , are , art , was , were , wert , be or beene : where any of these signes are , are commonly verbes . and finally , this is generall for the verbes , as for the nownes ; that if either the childe can tell of himself , or you but shewe him what person in a verbe it is like , hee can tell presently that it is a verbe , and most questions belonging to it ▪ as , knowing that cupis thou couetest , is like legis thou readest , he knoweth presently , that it is a verb of the third coniugation , and the mood , tense , &c. the like may bee sayde for gerunds of verbes , and supines , in all things , as for the verbe before . participles also may bee plainely knowen by the verie same manner ; and chiefly by their endings in english and latine both together . as , the words that ende in [ ing ] in english , and in latine in ans or ens , are participles of the present tense . words in d , t , or n , and their latine in tus , sus , xus , are participles of the preter tense . so those words ending in rus in latine , and signifying to doe or about to doe , of the future in rus . and in dus , signifying to be done like the infinitiue moode passiue , are participles of the future in dus . aduerbes ( besides those in the booke , or which should bee set downe in the english aduerbe as they are in the latine ) are but either aduerbes of comparison or of qualitie . those of comparison end in us , and signifie more ; or in e , and signifie most . those of qualitie end in è , or in er commonly ; and all of these haue their english vsually ending in ly : as doctè learnedly , doctiùs more learnedly , doctissimè most learnedly . to conclude , they are also marked commonly in all bookes which are well printed , with graue accents ouer them , to distinguish them from other parts of speech , and that they may be knowen to bee aduerbes : as doctè learnedly , to bee knowen from docte the vocatiue case of the adiectiue : so doctiùs . and thus are all aduerbes of like nature ; as quàm then , to be distinguished from quam which , the pronowne . and also sundry prepositions are so marked : as ponè , propè . spoud . i approue and see the reason of all this , that the parts of speech may bee knowen or neerely ghessed at : and i doe still go on with you , reioycing in this our conference . notwithstanding , there is one thing i haue heard , that a child may not only be taught to know what part of speech each word is , but also of what coniugation any verbe is , if hee heare but onely the first person of the indicatiue mood ; that is , if he heare but onely the verbe named . now this seemeth to me vnpossible ; there being so many hundreth verbes all ending in o , and they so like one another ; and especially those of the first and third coniugation , so hard to bee distinguished , that this may oft trouble a learned man , and much more a young schollar . phil. this which seemes to you so impossible , may bee likewise easilie done by a childe , by the helpe of this direction which i shall heere set downe before your face , and by one obseruation or two arising there from . a direction how to know the coniugation of any simple verb ( and so of the compounds which may be knowne by the simples ) although the learner neuer heard the verbes before . all verbes in ëo , as doceo , are of the second coniugation : except a fewe of the first coniugation ; and eo , queo , veneo , which are of the fourth . so deponents also in ëor are of the second : as fateor , tueor , mereor , vereor , misereor , liceor , with their compounds . and onely these sixe , so farre as i remember . so also verbes in ëo alone . all verbes ending in ïo as audio , and in ïor , as audior , and they onely , are of the fourth coniugation , except a fewe which are of the third , and some of the first noted after . all the verbes of the third coniugation are set downe in the rules of the verbs , at tertia praeteritum formabit , &c. except these which follow in this table , which are also of the third . üo acuo , arguo , exuo , imbuo , induo , minuo , sternuo , suo , tribuo , delibuo , indè delibutus . bo glubo . co ico . do cudo , pando , pindo , idem quod pinso , prehendo , contractè prendo , accendo , succendo , incendo , à cando obsoleto , defendo , offendo , infendo , à fendo obsoleto . go cingo , clango , fligo , frigo , mergo , mungo , plango , sugo , tego , tingo , vngo . guo distinguo , extinguo , restinguo , instinguo , à stinguo obsoleto , indè instinctus , instinctor lo consulo , molo , to grinde : but immolo , as : promello , an old word , signifying to stir vp strife , or to make delay . mo fremo , gemo , tre●●o 〈◊〉 dispe●●● , to stretch abroad ▪ 〈…〉 po clepo , repo , serpo , sculpo . pso clepso , pro clepo to steale or take awaie . depso , to kneade . to beto , quasi bene ito , to goe . varro . sco all in sco , except conisco , as , to push with the head , as rams do . lucret . these old words clingo . cludo . lido . geno . pago . tago . spicio . for cingo . claudo . laedo . gigno . pango . tango . specio . these following are of the first and third coniugation in the same signification . la●o , sono , tono , piso to stamp out the huskes of corne . these also of the first and third , in a diuerse signification . appello , as , to call . appello , is , appuli , to bring to , to approach , to arriue , to apply . caluo , as , to make balde . caluo , is , to deceiue . colo , as , to straine . colo , is , to worship . como , as , to trim or lay out . como , is , to kembe . consterno , as , to trouble in mind , consterno , is , to strewe or scatter . dico , as , to vow , offer , dedicate . dico , is , to say . duco , as , as educo , as , to bring vp . duco , is , to leade . euallo , as , to cast out of the dores . euallo , is , to vanne or to make clean corne . fundo , as , to found , establish ▪ fundo , is , to poure out . iugo , iugas , to yoake . iugo , is , to cry like a kite . ●ego , as , to send embassador , or to bequeath . ●ego , is , to read , to gather , steale , or to strike sayle . mando , as , to command , mando , is , to eate . nicto , as , to winke often . nicto , is , to open as a hound , or quest as aspaniel . pedo , as , to prop. pedo , is , to breake winde . sero , as , to locke . sero , is , to lay in order or to sowe . these are of the second and third ; pendeo , pendo . tergeo , tergo . these old words , feruo . cauo . fulgo . olo . cluo . frenlo . for ferueo . caueo . fulgeo . oleo . clueo . frendeo . excello and excelleo . of the first coniugation , there are some in ●o , as , beo , meo , screo . and al other verbs in ëo deriued from nowns in ëus , & ë● , as calceo : of which also is calcio , of calceus ; nauseo , of nausea . some also in ïo , as frio , h●o , pio to please god by sacrifice . trauìo . gargaridio olde . and al other verbs in ïo and ïor , deriued from nownes in ï●s , iae , ium , and ies : as nuncio , of nuncius . saucio , à scio . somnio , calumnior , auxilior , glacio à glacies . satio à saties . meridior . and so all other like ; except these which are of the fourth coniugation ; as , ineptio , insanio , vesanio , lasciuio . balbutio , fastidio . munio à maeniae . finally all other verbes besides these , are of the first coniugation ; and are infinitely moe then of all the other three coniugations iointly . spoud . i see that to bee true , which is said of a parable ; that before it be expounded , nothing seems more hard and obscure ; but when it is once made plaine , nothing is more cleare : so is it in this , and in the way of construing and parsing , by the helpe of the rule , and in diuers other things , which you haue shewed vnto me . phil. it is most certaine which you say . i my selfe haue so thought , this matter of knowing what coniugation anie verb is of , to be impossible : but you see what things , paine and diligence may find out . as for this direction , i acknowledge it wholly to that painfull m. coot ; who writ the english schoolemaster . and by this one , it may euidently appeare , what further benefit the latine tongue might haue hoped for by his labors , if god had vouchsafed him life to haue brought them to perfection ; or if others had bin carefull to haue afforded him that helpe that they might haue done . spoud . it is great pitty that he , or any other , should want any help or means , in so profitable a work ; and a token of gods displeasure , that we should be depriued of such profitable labors . but , to return again to this matter of parsing ; you haue very well satisfied mee concerning the younger sort & their parsing : yet there is one thing concerning this grammaticall parsing amongst the younger , which i must craue of you . that there is so much time spent in examining euery thing ; the master asking each question particularly , and the schollar answering : which besides the losse of time , is a very great wearinesse to the master . i pray you shewe mee the very shortest and speediest waie which you knowe . phil. some very learned would haue this parsing to be by pen , and by characters for shortnesse : but howsoeuer this may be done among . or . schollars taught by themselues ; yet this seemeth to require farre more time ( both for writing to set euery thing down , and also for examining by the master ) then can bee performed in the common schooles . but the shortest , surest , most pleasant & easie waie both to master and schollar , i touched before , if you marked it : and it is this . after that they haue been entred , and trained vp some twelue-month in the lowest fourme by questions , as the example was shewed out of qui mihi ; then , when they goe into the next fourme , as into cato , to begin to parse euerie one of themselues , as reading a lecture , each his peece . i meane chiefly , when they come to say their lectures . for example : to take those two first verses of qui mihi , because they are parsed before . first let them construe perfectly in the grammaticall order , as was sayd : then let each parse his word or two , as they construed , euer marking the last word , and in all things iust in the same manner , as is set downe before ; but only to doe it of themselues without any question asked , for the sauing of time : onely the master , or he who heareth them , is to aske where they do omit any necessary question in any word , or where they misse . as thus : the childe hauing construed , beginnes of himselfe , puer oh child : it is to be parsed first because it is first in construing . puer , is like magister . a nowne substantiue common of the second declension ; and so he declines it , so farre as the master thinkes meete , at least giuing the genitiue case ; for if they be wel entred in the accedence , they will easily decline any regular word , when they knowe the example . after he shews the rule when he hath declined any nown or verbe . as puer pueri , is a graue increaser ; and therfore of the masculine gender . nomen cresentis penultimasi genitiui sit grauis &c. also the vocatiue case knowen by calling or speaking to , as ô magister , ô master . qui is next , a pronowne relatiue , &c. so euery thing in the same order as before . to help your schollars to do this : remember first when you haue vsed for a time to parse them ouer euery word so , before them , that by your example they may do the like ; then for speediness , when they haue taken their lectures of themselues , that they can cōstrue to cause only som one of them to read ouer their lecture , to see that they pronounce it right , and to construe if you will , if time so permit , or to reade it ouer to them : and what words you obserue to be hard , which you thinke they know not , you may aske them what those words are like , and how they are declined , or where they haue learned them , as was sayd . where they cannot tell any , or haue any newe word which they haue not learned , to make that plaine vnto them , and to cause euerie one of the fourm , as was directed in the third generall obseruation , to make a line vnder that word , or vnder that part of the word , that letter or syllable wherein the difficulty lieth ; for a little helpe will bring the whole to remembrance . or to note them with some marke or letter ouer the head of the word . as in the enterers , to note the declension with a d , ouer the head , and a figure signifying which declension . the coniugation with a c , and a figure . heteroclites with an h ; lame verbes with an l. for example , to take that which was parsed before example of marking hard words amongst the first enterers . qui mihi discipulus . d. puer . d. es cupis . c. atque doceri , huc ades haec animo concipe dicta tuo . here discipulus and puer are noted for the second declension , cupis the third coniugation , ades for the composition of ad and sum , concipe for changing a into i. or you may marke declensions and coniugations , by setting downe but onely the first letters of the examples , which they are like , as discipulus mag . , puer mag . , cupis leg . , &c. the former is the shorter , after they are acquainted with it , and can make their figures . and euer what rules they are not well acquainted with , turne them , or cause them to turne to the places in their grammar , and to shew them to you . as they proceede to higher fourmes , and are more perfect , marke onely those which haue most difficulty ; as notations , deriuations , figuratiue constructions , tropes , figures ▪ and the like : and what they feare they cannot remember by a marke , cause them to write those in the margent in a fine hand , or in some little booke . in the lower fourmes , you marking one booke your selfe , all the rest may marke theirs after it , vntill they can doe it of themselues . the ends of this marking , are , as i said , that they may take most paines in these ; for the rest they can doe easily , and almost of themselues . and also that when they construe and repeat ouer their authors , they may oft pose ouer those hard wordes . and thus they shall keepe their authours , which they haue learned , to the credite of the schoole , with the profiting and incouragement of the schollars , that they shall goe farre safer forward , then by any other meanes . spou. but this marking may indanger them , to make them truants , & to trust their books more then their memories . phil. i answere no , not at all ; but to performe a necessary supply vnto the children . for childrens memories are weake : and they are soone discouraged by the difficultie of learning and by the hastinesse of their masters . and therefore they had neede of all helpes at the beginning . it is also the oft repeating ouer of any thing , which imprints it in their memory for euer . of the contrary , trie amongst children of the sharpest wits & best memories , if they haue not some such helps , whether they will not be long in learning to parse a lecture : & when they can parse it very perfectly , proue them within a month after , whether they will not haue forgotten , at least most of the hardest & chiefe matters . then think what a vexation it is to the honest minded mast that would be alwaies ready to giue an accoūt of the profiting of his schollar ; & withal whē he must teach him euery thing anew , which he hath forgotten : neyther his leisure will any way serue ; hee hauing many fourmes ▪ and being to goe forward daily with his schollars in some new construction ; besides many other like discommodities . spoud . but there is another kinde of apposing , which i remember in the note , and which you mentioned ; how to teach children to make right vse of their authours , euen of euery sentence : which i conceiue not of . phil. yes truely : and that which i account the very principall , and as it were the very picking out of the kernell , and the life of euery lecture ; to get both the matter and also the latine wordes and phrases , that they make them their owne , to vse as neede or occasion requireth . spoud . that must needs be of excellent vse : for though it be commendable to construe , & to parse perfectly ; yet it is nothing in regard of this , if they shall not know how to make their vse and benefite eyther of matter or phrase . phil. this is onely by apposing them , as i shewed you the manner in the propria quae maribus , to make them to vnderstand ; and that first in english , then in latine : and to cause them to answere both wayes , both wordes and sentences , as time will permit . for example ; take a sentence or two in the beginning of that little booke , called sententiae pueriles : which is well worthy to be read first vnto children , because it hath beene gathered with much care & aduice to enter younger schollars , for latine and matter euery way meete for them : but of it and others , what i finde best to be read , i shall shew you my experience in another place . out of it you may examine thus , for making vse , as in the these first sentences of it : amicis opitulare . alienis abstine . arcanum cela . affabilis esto , &c. if you will , you may aske them by a question of the contrary , must you not helpe your friends ? the childe answereth , yes . then bid him giue you a sentence to proue it ; hee answereth , amicis opitulare . or aske by a distribution thus ; whether must you helpe or forsake your friends ? the childe answereth , i must helpe them . then bid him to giue you a sentence ; he answereth , amicis opitulare . or thus by comparison ; whether ought you to helpe your friends , or others first ? or friends or enemies , &c. when the childe hath answered , euer bid him to giue his sentence . so on in the rest . the more plainly you can propound your question , that the childe may vnderstand it , and may answere in the very wordes of his lecture , the better it is : so to examine the wordes seuerally : how say you helpe ? he answereth opitulare . friends , amicis . but of this more after . after the childe hath beene a while thus practiced , then vse to examine both in english and latin together : i mean propounding the questions first in english , then in latine ; and so let him answere , that the matter and english may bring the latine with them : which they will certainly doe . the manner i shewed in examining in the latine rules : i will set downe one other example , in the sentences of three wordes ; amor vincit omnia . out of this sentence i examine thus : q. what is that , that will ouercome all things ? a. loue. then bid him giue the sentence . a. amor vincit omnia . or thus : is there any thing that can ouercome all things ? a. yes ; loue. or thus more particularly , to put delight and vnderstanding into them ; q. what is that which will ouercome learning , & make it our owne ? a. loue of learning , or louing our bookes . q. giue me a sentence to proue it . a. amor vincit omnia , &c. then examine in latine the very same things ; but vttering them in latine and english together , as thus : quid vincit omnia ? what will ouercome all things ? r. amor. or thus : est ne aliquid quod potest omnia vincere ? is there any thing that can ouercome all things ? r. imò . q. quidest ? what is it ? r. amor. q. da sententiam . r. amor vincit omnia . q. or thus : quid vincit amor ? what wil loue ouercome ? r. omnia , all things . so in cato , to aske , as in the first verses , q. what thing ought to be chiefe vnto vs ? a. the worship of god. q. dasententiam . r. cultus deipraecipuus . q dacarmen . r. si deus est animus nobis , &c. then to examine the verses by parts if you will : as si deus est animus , &c. aske , qualis est deus , what is god , or what a one ? a. animus , a spirit , or spirituall nature or being . q. qui ita nobis dicunt ? vel , quae nobis ita dicunt ? who or what things tell vs so ? r. carmina , verses , or poets who write verses . q. quomodo tum co●endus est ? r. pura mente . q. dacarmen . r. si deus est animus , &c. thus throughout , onely where they vnderstand not , to propound the question , as well in english , as in latine , and so to answere . also you may examine thus : what verses in cato haue you , to proue that the worship of god must bee chiefly regarded ? a. si deus est animus . what against sleepinesse and idlenesse ? a. plus vigila semper , &c. so in esops fables , besides the examining euery peece of a sentence in the lectures , as thus : gallus gallinaceus dum vertit stercorarium offendit gemmam , &c. q. quid offendebat gallus dum vertit stercorarium ? r. offendit gemmam , &c. cause the children to tell you , what euery fable is about or against , or what it teacheth , in a word or two . for example , thus : q. what fable haue you against the foolish contempt of learning and vertue , and preferring play or pleasure before it ? a. the fable of the cocke , scratching in the dung-hill . or after this manner : q. what fable haue you against the foolish neglect of learning ? a. the fable of the cocke , scratching in the dung-hill . cause them to make a good and pithy report of the fable ; first in english , then in latine : and that eyther in the wordes of the authour , or of themselues as they can ; and as they did in english. for , this practice in english to make a good report of a fable , is of singular vse , to cause them to vtter their mindes well in english ; and would neuer bee omitted for that and like purposes . in other bookes the vse is according to the quality of them : as in confabulatiunculae pueriles , the vse is for the children to talke to one another in the same words . in sturmius epistles , and others of tully , the phrase principally is to be regarded : as also in the poets , the poeticall phrase . for the further vse of them for imitation both in epistles and verses , i shall speake after in their place . but for the latine and matter to make it our owne , i finde the chiefe benefit to be in oft reading them out of the grammatical translations , ouer and ouer , vntill the latine be as familiar to the schollar , as the english : as i noted in the benefits of the translations . and also in saying and repeating of lectures ( i meane the weekes worke ) to construe without booke : and then repeare them in verse , or as they are without booke . for the vse in tullies offices and ouids metamorphosis , i haue set in the margents of the translations , the sum of all the matter ; which is very notable and full of delight . for parsing in the highest fourmes : to obserue onely for breuity sake the difficulties of grammar or rhetorick , speciall phrases , or the like ; the master onely to examine what things they omit , or wherein he suspects them negligent . in parsing they may vse these or the like speeches : hae sunt difficultates grammaticae . hae elegantiae rhetorices . reliqualcuiora , trita , puerilia , &c. in poetry also , phrases hae : epitheta ista . let all this examination be onely in pure latine , from the very lowest fourmes , except the first or second at the most . for they will do it with ease if they be rightly entered from the beginning ; and that the master euer do it before them where they are not able : and to obserue wherein they are most defectiue , therein to take the most paines . spoud . although these things cannot but be very profitable ; yet being so many , they can hardly be put in practice in the greater schooles . i pray you rehearse me the summe of those which you take most necessary for daily vse . phil. these are they ; cause your schollars to reade first their lecture distinctly and construe truly : to parse as they construe , euer marking the last principall word : to shew where they haue learned euery hard word : what example euery hard word is like ; so to giue rules & examples of them , both for etymologie & syntax , as after for the rhetorick , as need is . to parse of themselues , as reading a lecture , and that only in latin when they come to say , except in the very lowest fourmes : to make some marke at euery hard word , which you note vnto them , to take the most pains in those : amongst the younger specially , to examine each lecture for the vse ; wherby they may get matter , wordes , and phrases , all vnder one . in the highest , for speedines to examine onely the difficulties , as you see requisite ; to let them name the rule in a word or two ; to obserue phrases and epithets . in all repetitions amongst themselues , and construing ouer their authours , to examine ouer also the noted wordes , as time permits . chap. x. of making latine ; how to enter children therein , with delight and certainty , without danger of false latine , barbarous phrase , or any other like inconuenience . spoud . now that you haue thus louingly ledde me by the hand , through the way of laying a sure foundation amongst my children , for all the grounds both of accedence and grammar ; and also of construing and parsing : let me still intreate you to goe on before me ; and next to shew how i may enter my children for making of latine : and then through the seuerall exercises thereof . this i haue found extreamely difficult . for although it hath beene a matter of continuall vexation and paine vnto my selfe , and of feare vnto my poore schollars ; yet haue i found as little profiting therein , as in any other : but that my children will still write false latine , barbarous phrase , and without any certainty , after a very long time of exercise . if therefore you can guide me the way , how i may do that which you spake of before , that i may enter my children with ease and delight , both to my selfe and to them ; and also surely without danger of making false latine or barbarous phrase ; i shall further acknowledge my selfe , to haue receiued yet a greater benefite then in all the former . and aboue all , if you can direct me how by that time that they haue beene not two yeares onely , but three or foure yeares in construction , they may be able to make true latine , and pure tully in ordinary morall matters . for i my selfe haue hardly beene able to cause my children to doe this at fourteene or fifteene yeares of age ; nor then to warrant that which they haue done : neyther doe i thinke that it is much otherwise in our ordinary schooles . phil. i shall willingly satisfie your request hereein likewise , and shew you what i haue found : onely let me see , as before , what course your selfe haue taken , to enter your children . spoud . i haue taken that course which i thinke is commonly practiced in schooles : i haue giuen them vulgars , or englishes , such as i haue deuised , to be made in latine : and at the first entrance i haue taught and heard them , how to make euery word in latine , word by word , according to their rules . after a while i haue onely giuen them such vulgars , and appointed them a time , against which they should bring them made in latine : and at the perusing a●● examining of them , i haue beene wont to correct them sharply , for their faults in writing , and for their negligence ; and so haue giuen them new englishes : and it may bee i haue told them the latine to the hardest words . this is the course that i haue followed . phil. our learned schoole-master m. askam , doeth not without cause tearme this the butcherly feare of making latines . for to omit the trouble to the master , and that it will require a ready wit , to giue variety of such vulgars to the children ; and also that it will aske good learning and iudgement to direct them , to make not onely true latine , but pure phrase withall ; what a terrour must this needes be vnto the young schollar , who feares to be corrected for euery fault , and hardly knoweth in any thing , what to make vpon sure and certaine grounds ? but for the way , this i finde the shortest , surest , and easiest both to master and schollar ; and which will certainely effect whatsoeuer hath bin said : and that master and schollar may proceede cheerefully and boldly , to iustifie what they doe . . see that your schollar be very cunning in his accedence , and grammar as hee goeth forward : and chiefly in nownes and verbes , to be able to giue each case of a nown , and euery tense and person of a verbe ; both latine to english , and english to latine , as i wished you , and shewed the manner before ; at least by the perfect knowledge of the terminations of them . . besides the construing and parsing their lectures without booke , in the lowest fourmes , or out of the english translation , accustom your selfe , in examining the lectures of your first enterers , to do all after the manner of making latine ; as it were causing them euery day to make the latine of their lectures , and giue a reason why each word must be so , and not otherwise , their bookes being shut . i set you downe the manner before , in the vse of the grammaticall rule for making latine , in that example ; aptissima omnino sunt , &c. yet to repeate you a word or two for your little ones ; take that first sentence , amicis opitulare : when you haue made them to vnderstand the meaning , and examined it , so as was shewed ; aske but thus : how can you make this in latine ; helpe friends ? how say you , helpe thou ? a. opitulare . q. opitulare like what ? a. like amare amator , be thou loued . so all the questions for parsing : then aske , why is it helpe thou , and not , be thou helped , as amare amator , be thou loued . he answereth because it is a verbe deponent , and signifieth actiuely , to help ; and not , to be helped . after aske the next word : q. whom must you help ? a. our friends . q. how say you friends ? a. amicis . q. what is amicis like ? a. magistris . so the questions of declining and the like . then aske , why not amici nor amicos , the accusatiue case after the verb. a. because the verb opitulor , to help , wil haue a datiue case , by that rule of the datiue , to profit or disprofit , &c. these may be insteede of all vulgars or latines , both for ease , delight and certainty to your selfe and the childe : and so you may euer haue the author to warrant both latine , and phrase . next vnto this , that continuall beating out and reading their authors , both lectures and repetitions , out of the translations , is continual making latine thus , ( as i said , in the vse of the translations ) that children will come on very fast for propriety , choise , & variety of the best words , phrase , matter , and sentences of their authors , to begin to haue a store● house in themselues of all copie , as i haue obserued . after the former practiced for a time , you may chuse some sentences which they haue not learned , and cause them to make those , either some out of this booke of sentences , or any other of like easie morall matter ; and then let them begin to write downe that which they make in latine . this manner i find to be most easie and speedy for children at their first entrance : wherby they may profit in english , latine ▪ writing true and faire , and all vnder one labor . let them haue their paper books in octauo , of the one side to write the english which you giue them ; on the other to set the latine directly ouer against it , and word for word . to this end cause them to rule their bookes both sides at once , or at least the lines of one side directly against the other : their lines a good distance asunder , that they may interline any thing , if they misse any word ; or for copie and varietie , to be set ouer the head if you will. on the first side toward the right hand , in which the english is to be set , to leaue a lesse margent : on the other side for the latine a greater margent ; because the latine may bee written in a lesse space then the english ; and also to write all the hard words in the margent of the latine , the nominatiue case of the nowne and the first person of the verbe , if so you please . then cause so many as are to write latine together ( hauing books , pen , inke and copie before them , and euery thing so fitted ) to write as you speake , so faire as possibly they can . herein you are to dictate ▪ or deliuer vnto them word by word , the english of the sentence , which you would haue them to turne into latine ; & to do it according to the manner of the grammaticall translation , euery word in that order & in propriety of english , answering the latine as neer as you can . also , you are to vtter each word leasurely and treatably ; pronouncing euery part of it , so as euery one may write both as fast as you speake , and also faire and true together . and to the end to helpe for writing true orthographie , besides the former knowledge of spelling ; as they are writing , cause euerie one in order to spell his . or . words together , speaking vp , that all his fellowes may heare , & may goe on in writing , as fast as he spels and you speake . those who can write faster to take paines to write fairer ; your selfe also to walke amongst them in the meane time , to see that euery one of them write true & faire , and to shew them their faults by pointing them to their copies , and vsing like directions mentioned in the helps of writing , of which i spake before . after ; when they haue thus set down the english , cause euery one in the like order to make his word or two in latin , after the maner which was shewed before for making latine the very words of the author in the natural or grāmatical order : & cause them al to write the same words , as he speaks , vnless any of them be able to make it before of themselues ; who may correct , as they heare their fellowes to make it . cause also euery one to spel the words which he hath made in latine , like as they did in english , so as all may heare , & go surely in writing true orthography in latine likewise . and when they haue done a sentence , or so much as you thinke good for a time , then cause them to the end to commit it the better to memorie , to trie which of them can repeate the soonest without booke , that which they haue made . first saying the english sentence ; then giuing it in latine , or construing it without booke : which all of them who are apt , will doe presently , or with a very little meditation . or , which is shortest of all , appoint them folding their bookes , to looke only on the english , and read or construe it into latine : or on the latine , to reade or construe it into english. thus as time will permit . by this meanes you shall haue a certaine direction in all things , both for your selfe and your schollar , to goe truely and surely , both for propriety , latine , phrase , and whatsoeue● you can desire . by this exercise also your schollar shall get both writing , english and latine , all vnder one . and therefore an howre may bee well imployed daily in this exercise . and to imprint this , yet better ; you may cause them the next morning at shewing their exercise made that night , to repeate together with it , that againe which they thus made the day before ( if time permit ) : either some one to repeate all , or moe , euery one a peece , or as time will permit ; but all to be able to do it as they are called forth . through this also they shall from the first entrance , get audacity and vtterance , with good matter which will bring the latine with it . spoud . but how shall they doe for composing , or right placing of their words ? which you know is a principal matter in writing pure latine . phil. i would haue them first for a time exercised in this plaine naturall order ; for this is that which grammar teacheth : and then to compose or place finely ; which belongeth to rhetorick , after . as first to write well in prose , before they beginne in verse : so in prose , to goe vpright and strongly before they learne to go finely ; and as m. askam speaketh , first to goe , before they learne to dance . but for entring them into composition , thus you may do . when they haue made it in the naturall order , onely reade vnto them how tully , or the authour , whom their sentence is taken of it , doth place it , and some reason of his varying , and cause them to repeat both wayes , first as they haue written , after in composition . after that they haue beene practiced a while in the former plaine manner , you may make them to doe thus : cause their bookes to be ruled in three columnes ; in the first to write the english , in the second the latine verbatim , in the third to write in composition , to try who can come the neerest vnto the authour . spoud . although i take it that i do conceiue your meaning in all , and do see an euident reason of euerything : yet because examples do most liuely demonstrate any matter ; i pray you set me downe one example hereof , and shew me what authour you thinke most fit to gather the sentences forth of . phil. in stead of your authour , i thinke and finde tullies sentences the fittest ; and of those sentences , to make choise of such in euery chapter , as are most easie and familiar to the capacity of the children . this booke i doe acount of all other to bee the principall ; the latine of tully being the purest and best , by the generall applause of all the learned : and because that booke is as a most pleasant posie , composed of all the sweete smelling flowers , picked of purpose out of all his workes ; that one booke , together with the bookes which the children haue or doe learne , shall also helpe to furnish them with some sentences , contayning some of the choysest matter and wordes , belonging to all morall matters whatsoeuer ; whether to vnderstand , write , or speake thereof ; that they shall bee able to goe forward with much ease and delight ; first in it , and then in the other sentences adioyned to it , or what exercise you shall thinke fitte . for an example ; take these little sentences , which heere follow , as they are set downe in the first chapter of tullies sentences , de deo eiusque natura , dictating the words to them plainly , as the children may most readily make them in latine . in their little paper bookes they may write the english on the first side , with the hard latine wordes in the margent , the latine on the other ouer against it , in two columns ; the first plaine after the grammar order , the later placed after the order of the authour : your selfe may make the wordes or phrases plaine to them , as they are set in the margent . an example of dictating in english , and setting downe both english and latine ; and the latine both plainly and elegantly . dictating according to the naturall order . ordo grammaticus . ordo ciceronianus . no man a hath been b euer great without ( verb ) some diuine c inspiration . nemo fuit vnquam magnus sine afflatu aliqu● diuino . nemo magnus sine aliquo afflatu diuino vnquam fuit . . de natura deor. there is nothing which god cannot d effect , and truely without any labour . est nihil quod deus non possit efficere , & quidem sine labore vllo . nihil est quod deus efficere non possit , & quidem sine labore vllo . . de nat. deor. god cannot e be ignorāt f of what minde euery one is . deus non potest ignorare , qua mēte quisque sit . ignorare deus non potest , qua quisque mente sit . . de diuinatione . in these examples all is very plaine ; except that in the first sentence we say , & so translate in our english tongue , some diuine inspiration ; according as it is more elegantly in latine , the adiectiues vsually before the substantiues ; and not inspiration some diuine , which would bee very harsh ; and so likewise after [ without any labour ] although in the grammaticall order in the latine , the substantiue is to be set before the adiectiue ; as the childe is to beginne to make the substantiue in latine before the adiectiue , and to make the adiectiues to agree vnto , or to bee framed according to the substantiues ; as we haue shewed in the rules obserued in the grammaticall translations . if you thinke this course ouer tedious to write both waies in latine ; then let them turne it only into the naturall order , thus verbatim by pen : & afterwards in the repeating that which they haue made , ask of them how tully would place each word , and to giue you reasons thereof : and then to reade the sentence in the booke vnto them ; so by the book and some rules to direct them how to proceede . for further practice in translating amongst all the higher , after they grow in some good sort to write true latine verbatim , according to the former kinde of translating ; let them still write down the english as you dictate it , or out of a translation ; and trie who can come neerest vnto tully of themselues , composing at the first ; and then after examine their exercises , bringing them to the authour . for preuenting of stealing , or any helpe by the latine booke if you doubt thereof , you may both cause them to write in your presence , and also make choise of such places which they know not where to find . if you catch any one writing after another , and so deceyuing both himselfe and you , correct him surely , who suffereth him to steale . for going on faster , & dispatching more in translating ; beside their writing so , you may only aske them the words or phrases in english , how they can vtter them in latine ; and then let them giue them in latine , euery one his piece : first naturally , after placing each sentence . thus to goe through daily a side , or a leaf at a time , or as leasure wil serue . besides these , this may be a most profitable course as they proceed to cause them to translate of themselues esops fables , or tullies sentences , or the like , into plaine naturall english , so as was shewed ; and to cause them the next day , for their exercise , to bring the same thus in english , & to be able without book , first to make a report of it ( striuing in the fables , who shall tell his tale in best words & manner ) & then to reade it into the latin of the author out of the english , and be able to proue it , and where they haue read the hard words . and after all these to trie ( if your leasure will serue ) how they can report the same in latine , eyther in the words of the authour , or otherwise , as they can of themselues ; which all who are pregnant , and will take paines , will be able to doe very readily : by this you shall finde a great increase . lastly , this is yet the most speedy and profitable way of all , as my experience doth assure me , to cause them to reade ex tempore some easie author daily , out of the translation into the latine of the author , or out of the author into english ; first plainly , then artificially . and to this purpose i haue translated , as i shewed , corderius dialogues , whose latin you know to be most easie , familar , and pure ; and also terentius christianus ; with tullies sentences to helpe hereunto . for further translating , or turning any author , or piece of author , or other matter into latine ; if it be difficult , direct your schollars to resolue the speech into the naturall order of the words , so neere as they can . secondly , if there be any phrase , which they cannot expresse ; to resolue & expresse it by some other easier words & phrase of speech , with which they are better acquainted ; & to do it by periphrasis , that is moe words , if need be . besides , for such english words which they know not to giue latin vnto ; let them vse the help of some dictionary : as holyoke or barret : holyoke is best , wherein the proper words and more pure , are first placed . in all such translating either english or latine , this is carefully to bee obserued ; euer to consider well the scope and drift of the author & the circumstances of the place ; and to labour to expresse liuely , not only the matter , but also the force of each phrase , so neere as the propriety of the tongue will permit . but for all this matter of translating , that practice of reading the english out of the authors , and the authors backe againe out of the translations , shall fully teach it , so far as it concerneth the schollar for propriety & getting of the tongues . for translating any latine author into english , only to expresse the sense and meaning of it ; the sense & drift of the latine author is principally to be obserued , and not the phrase nor propriety of the tongue , to bee so much sought to bee expressed or stucken vnto . the like may be said for the latine . but this kind of translating into latine , is only for such schollars as are wel grounded thorough long exercise & practice in the former kind of grāmatical translation , and in tullies or their authors phrase . spoud . i hope i vnderstand you , right , and doe like very wel of all , so far as i conceiue . only let me intreate you , as in the former , to rehearse the principall heads briefly concerning this matter . phil. this is the sum of all , for this entrance in making and writing latine . . readiness in their rules , chiefly in examples of nownes and verbes . . making their owne lectures into latine daily . . continuall reading or repeating lectures and all their authors which they haue learned , out of the grammaticall translations , into the latine of the authors . . translating into tullies latine , out of a perfect grāmaticall translation , or as the english is so dictated vnto them , & reading or repeating the same out of the english into latine . and lastly , out of the natural order , into the order of tully . . translating into english grammatically of themselues , and reading forth of the english into the latine of the author , or writing it downe . by these means constantly practiced , they wil soone be able to make , write , or vtter any ordinary morall matter in pure and good phrase ; especially if the matter be deliuered vnto them in the naturall order of the words . make triall : and i doubt not but you will not onely confirme it , but still find out more for the common good . chap. xi . of the artificiall order of composing or placing the words in prose , according to tully and the purest latinists . spoud . bvt yet here is one thing wanting : namely , the rules which you spake of for composing or placing the words after the manner of the purest latinists ; i meane for turning them forth of this naturall order , into the rhetoricall order , or order of tully ; without which , the truest and best latine is little worth . this i haue found very hard for my schollars to performe ; neyther haue i had any certain grounds that they might stand vpon . moreouer , this i haue knowne for certaine , that many young schollars the more confusedly that they can transpose , or disorder the words of a sentence , the more excellent they think it to be , when as it is indeed most absurd to the learned eare . phil. although this may seeme to belong to declamations and orations , because therein there is the greatest labor for curious composition and setting of words , as wherin schollars stand to shewe most art , indeauouring to perswade : yet it is in truth generall to all latine , whether translations , epistles , theames or whatsoeuer , and doth bring great grace and commendation to euery part thereof ; and contrarily being neglected , doth detract very much from the most excellent speech , be the matter and words neuer so choise . and because there is speciall vse of it , in the practice of all the translations : and in all this matter of making latine for turning or composing out of the grammaticall order , into the order of the author , i will afforde you the best help i can . but forsomuch as neither tully nor any of the purest latinists do alwais obserue the same order , and therfore i take it that no certaine rules can bee giuen as perpetuall ; i will take those which macropedius hath set downe , as being the most easie of all that i know . he hath sundry generall precepts . precepts of composition or placing the words in latine , as they are set downe by macropedius , in the end of his method of making epistles . the i. precept . of placing the nominatiue case , the verbe , and the oblique case . a perfect sentence consisting most commonly of a nominatiue case , a verbe and an oblique case ; this order is kept in placing ordinarily the oblique cases ( that , is all besides the nominatiue and the vocatiue ) are commonly placed in the beginning , the nominatiue case in the midst , the verbe in the end : for example ; in the sentence following , the grammaticall order is thus ; caesar occupauit ciuitatem munitissimam hostium . the artificiall order is vsually thus : munitissimam hostium ciuitatem caesar occupanit . yet if the oblique case bee of a nowne negatiue , or a nowne of denying , it may be put elegantly in the end : as caesare fortunatiorem legimus n●minem . yea , any adiectiue or participle may bee put so , when the chief point of the matter or meaning resteth in it : as caesarem in morteferè omnes putant miserum . the ii. precept . the adiectiue is ordinarily to bee placed before the substantiue . and between the adiectiue and the substantiue may bee fitly placed the gentitiue case of the later of two substantiues ; as in this sentence the grammaticall order is : seuer itas magna caesaris incussit terrorem hostibus . the artificiall order thus ; terrorem hostibus magna caesaris seueritas incussit . also betweene the adiectiue and the substantiue of the genitiue case , the word gouerning the genitiue case , may be elegantly placed , as in this sentence : clementia caesariae maiestatis dedit pacem , & tranquillitatem prouincijs . the artificiall order may be thus ; caesareae clementia maiestatis pacem & tranquillitatem prouincijs dedit . the iii. precept . between the adiectiue and the substantiue , tully somtime placeth the verbe in like manner ; sometime the aduerbe , sometime the coniunction , sometime the preposition alone , or with his case : as , magnum profecto laborem caesar assumpsit , quem fermè ab ipsis ad nos venisse gadibus ai●nt , vt hostes suae quidem maiestati rebelles , nostris autem supra modum rebus infestos armis subigeret . quam ob causam , perpetuum illi amorem ▪ & gratiam debemus immortalem . the iii. precept . of aduerbes and prepositions . aduerbs and prepositions with their cases may be placed any where , wheresoeuer they shall seeme to stand most fitly to please the eare : yet most elegantly before the verbe or participle which they declare . as , debitam pro contemptu suis hostibus diuque dilatam seueritatem , caesar tandem exhibuit , sedclement issimè mitigauit . these are the principall of his rules which are necessarie . to these may be added , . that this is to be obserued very vsually : that the word gouerned is commonly placed before the words gouerning , contrary to the grammaticall order . as here . fortitudo caesaris potitur victoria . the artificiall placing may be fitly . caesaris fortitudo victoria potitur . also if in a sentence there bee mention of two persons , the one as it were an agent the other a patient , they stand together most vsually and elegantly ; the agent commonly first : as , caesar did great wrong to pompey in this point . hac vna in re magnam caesar pompeio iniuriam fecit . these precepts are set down , to the end to direct young schollars ; yet so as we must not thinke , as i sayd , that these are euer to bee followed strictly ; because neither tully , nor caesar himselfe , nor any who haue been most curious , did euer obserue the same : for that should be a falt rather , as we shall see after . notwithstanding , by practice in composing , and obseruation in tully , caesar & the best authors , and trying how neere we can come vnto them in translating into latine , by cōparing ours with theirs ; and finally weighing how euery sentence may so fall as may best please the eare ; schollars may attaine much certaintie and commendation herein . more exquisite obseruation in placing and measuring sentences . for most exquisite obseruation of placing and measuring sentences , rhetorically , in prose by schollars of riper iudgement , in their theames , declamations , orations or the like , reade talaeus rhetoricke de numero oratorio . cap. . . out of which chapter , and out of the commentaries of minos vpon them , these precepts may be further obserued , which follow . that the placing and measuring of the sentences in prose , should be both vnlike to the placing in poetrie , and also each sentence vnlike other . and therefore that the schollar make no verses in his prose , but that he shun them warily . though in any exercise in prose , chiefly in theames , he may cite verses out of other authors eyther for authoritie or delight . that the beginning or ending of a sentence in prose , be not the beginning or ending of a verse ; although this be not so faulty in the beginning of a sentence , as in the end ; where the fault is more obserued . that the ending of sentences bee specially weighed , which are chiefly marked of all ; and therefore are to bee carefully varyed , that they may not be displeasing . that this curious obseruation of the endings neede not bee regarded aboue sixe syllables from the end ; and those to stand on feete of two syllables , trochees principally . that we doe not continue the same feete in the ends ; but dispose them diuersly : not all long syllables , nor all short , vnlesse more seldome ; but commonly tempering long & short syllables together , as trochees and iambicks , sometimes spondees and perrichees , yet so as wee be not curious . that sentence is accounted most sweet and excellent which endeth in two troches ; viz. the first syllable long , the last short , as in this sentence . deindè patris dictum sapiens temeritas fil●● cōmprŏbā●it . this endeth in an iambicke and two trochees . tully vsed this most often . so as in that one oration pro pompeio , it is obserued to be an hundreth and fowrteene times . . yet the variety ought to be such , that this art of placing or setting the number of syllables , may not bee obserued of euerie one , and so bee made enuious , nor the curiositie ridiculous ; but to be laboured so as it may most delight and drawe on others . . that the sounds of the very words and letters are the principall things to bee respected herein . for the elegant composition , is that which is made by a sweet sound of letters and words . . therfore words of the best sound are to be obserued ; and amongst them most elegant aduerbes and bonds of coniunctions to bee noted diligentlie . words sounding well are these : . verbals : as , dominatrix , gubernatrix . . compounds : as , pernoscere , excruciari . . superlatiues : as , conspectus iucundissimus . ad dicendum paratissinus . . words of mo syllables : as , moderatio animi . tempestas anni . words which are insolent , hard and out of vse , are to be as warily auoided , as rockes of mariners . that in all sentences , the words haue an easie and distinct sound : that is , neither harsh nor gaping ; but that they fall and conclude aptly and sweetly , fitting best the vtterance of the pronouncer , and as may most like the eare of the hearer . these are the summe of those rules as i remember . although the excellency heereof is rather to bee attained , by vse and practice , then by any certaine precepts . spoud . sir these put in practice may be very sufficient for whatsoeuer can be required in this behalfe , as it seemeth vnto me . phil. these things concerne onely the placing and setting or measuring of sentences , which is one little part of rhetorick ? and there the rest is to be fully sought , & how to adorne all sentences with tropes and figures . the practice of these is to be vsed in their seuerall exercises . thus haue i gone thorough all these at large , for making the accedence and grammar perfect , for construing , parsing , and making latine ; applying my selfe to the capacity of the ●udest learner in so many words ; because these things well performed , all other learning wil be most pleasant , as ●as said before . spoud . but one other thing by the waie , i cannot omit to demaund that i did obserue by your speech , that you would haue your very enterers to make some exercise euery night of themselues . phil. i would indeede haue no euening passed without some little exercise in latine by all , from the very lowest who begin to write latine ; i meane something to be shewed the next daie about of the clocke . spoud but what exercise woulde you appoint to such little ones , that coulde bee easie enough and meet for their capacitie . phil. i woulde appoint them to beginne euen at , in speech bee these eight parts &c. and so giue them . or . lines of it for euery one to turn into latin. and for the examining what they haue done where they are many , & time will not permit to examine what euery one hath done ; to cause some one or two whom you suspect to be most negligent , first to pronounce the english without booke , then to construe it into latine without book , or to repeat the latin as they haue made it : but to construe it without booke is far the surest , or to reade & construe it out of the english. and according to these as they pronounce , and are shewed their faults , for all the rest to correct theirs . if any be found not to correct so , or to haue omitted his exercise , to haue his due correction . though i haue tried many wayes and exercises for these little ones , to doe priuately by themselues , yet i finde none comparable to this : for this they will doe with much facilitie and contention , after a little that they are entred ; being helped somewhat by their latine rules , which they haue learned . thus they may alwayes haue a fit exercise , and know aforehand what they are to doe . this also will further much towards their parsing in latin , and better imprinting their rules . chap. xii . how to make epistles , imitating tully , short , pithie , sweete latine and familiar ; and to indite letters to our friends in english accordingly . spoud . i am very glad i asked you this question : i rest fully satisfied in it , as also in al this matter of making and composing latine , for the euidence of the meanes ; and doe thanke you heartily for directing me so particularly . now let vs come , i pray you , to the other seuerall exercises of schollars , which are to bee practiced in schooles continually , for the morefull attayning of the knowledge of the latine tongue . and first for the making of epistles , in such sort as was mentioned before ; that is imitating tully , short , pithy , full of variety of good matter , sweet latin and familiar ; and for inditing of like letters in english : i haue found this exercise of making epistles , no lesse difficult then the former toyle of making latine . for although i haue taken great paines : yet after long practice , i haue hardly beene able to bring them to a shew of that which you speake of , i meane so to imitate and resemble tully ; but that they will frame them of long sentences , matters vnfit for an epistle , flash and to little purpose ; but very childish , and more like vnto a theame or an oration , then to an epistle . thus i see it to be also amongst the chiefe of the schollars , of sundry of those who are much accounted of , and wherin the schollars seeme to doe the best . as for inditing letters in english , i haue not exercised my schollars in them at all ; neyther haue i knowne them to be vsed in schooles : although they cannot but bee exceeding necessary for schollars ; being of perpetuall vse in all our whole life , and of very great commendation , when they are so performed . therefore i still craue your helping hand to direct me , how to bring my schollars to the attayning that faculty . phil. let me first heare what way you haue taken in these , like as you shewed me in the former kinds ; and then i shall relate vnto you how this may bee done , so shortly as i can . spoud . i haue done this : i haue read them some of tullies epistles , and also some part of macropedius or hegendorphinus de conscribendis epistolis . i haue directed them that they are to follow the rules set downe in the seuerall kindes of epistles there mentioned , and made the examples plaine vnto them . moreouer , i haue vsed oft to put them in minde of this , that an epistle is nothing but a letter sent to a friend , to certifie him of some matter , or to signifie our mind plainly and fully vnto him . and therefore looke how wee would write in english , so to doe in latin. these and the like are the helpes which i haue vsed : and i take them to bee the most that are done in ordinary schooles . phil. i like well of your reading of tullies epistles , which indeed is the very foundation of all : but for macropedius and hegendorphinus , although their paines were great ; yet i cannot see , but that they will rather require an auncient learned master to vnderstand , and make vse of them , then a younger schollar , who is to be taught how to speake . also for telling a childe that he must inuent variety of matter of his owne head , to write to his friend ; this is a taske ouer hard to ordinary wits . for what can a childe haue in his vnderstanding , to be able to conceiue or write of , which hee hath not read or someway knowne before ? according to that maxime : nihil est in intellectu quod non prius fuerat in sensu . therefore omitting these , wherein i my selfe haue also found a great deale of toyle , with small fruit ; i will set you downe plainely the very direct way , so neere as yet i haue beene able to learne ; and whereby i am out of doubt , that that same faculty may be easily gotten , of writing such epistles ; fully expressing tully , as was said , and of inditing letters like vnto them , which are our vsuall epistles , as the latine were of the romanes . the way may be this : when your young schollars haue gone through sententiae pueriles , confab . cato , or the like ; and can begin to make latine in some such good sort as was shewed ; let them then reade tullies epistles , gathered by sturmius ; as being of the choysest of his epistles , and most fitte for children . this one booke rightly vsed , may sufficiently furnish for making epistles , so farre as shall be needfull for the grammar schooles . it would be read by them twice in the weeke at least , vntill they had gone through a good part thereof ; vnlesse they be able to reade it of themselues ex tempore , or by the helpe of the translation . as they reade euery epistle , or before they are to imitate any one , make them as perfect in it as you can , and as time will permit : not onely in construing , parsing , reading out of the grammaticall translation into the latine ; but also to be able to giue euery phrase , both latine to english , and english to latine . also cause them to make you a report what the summe of the epistle is ; and this if you will , both in english and latine also , as was said of the fables . cause them for their exercise to make another epistle in imitation of tullies epistle , vsing al the phrases and matter of that epistle ; onely applying and turning it to some friend , as if they had the very same occasion then presently : and also changing numbers , tenses persons , places , times : yet so ▪ as thereby to make all the matter and phrases , each way most familiar to them ▪ and fully their owne . and first let them doe this in a good english stile , as was said ; i meane in making an english letter first : setting it after the manner , as they did their english translation ; of that page of their booke towards the left hand , or on the first columne , the latine on the other ouer against it , sentence for sentence . herein they are only to differ from the translations , that they 〈◊〉 doe not in these letters sticke so much to wordes , to answere word for word both english and latine ; as to write purely and sweetly , as well in english as in latine , and to expresse their mindes most fully in both , and in most familiar manner . the next day to make another epistle , as being sent from their friend to whom they writ , in answere to that which they writ the former day : and in that to answere euery sentence from point to point , in as short manner as the former epistle was , stil reteyning the same phrases as much as they can . i will take for example the first epistle of sturmius . the more easie it is for the children , the better it is . m. c. terentiae salutem plurimam dicit . sivales , benè est : ego valeo . nos quotidie tab●llarios vestros expectamus : qui si venerint , fortasse erimus certiores quid nobis fac●endum sit : faciemusque te statim certiorem , valetudinem tuam cura diligenter . vale. calendis septembris . the summe of the letter is ; that tully writes to his wife terentia : signifying vnto her , that hee was in health : that he waited for the letter-carriers daily : how by them he should know what to doe ; and that he would then certifie her of al things . and so concludeth , wishing her to looke well to her health . the letter bare date the calends of september . an english letter in imitation of tully . if you be in health , it is well : i am in health . i haue long looked for your * messengers . when they shall come , i shal be more certaine what i am to do ; and then i will forthwith certifie you of all things . see that you looke very carefully to your health . the answere . i reioyce greatly of your health . i am sory that you haue looked for the carriers so long . they wil be with you very shortly , & then indeede you shal be more certain what to do . wee shall forthwith looke to heare of all your matters . i will in the mean time looke to my health , as you aduise . farewell . an epistle in imitation of tully . epistola . sivales benè est : ego qu●dē valeo : diu tabellarios vestros expectaui . cūvenerint certior ero quid mihi faciēdū sit . tum autē te omnibus de rebus certiorē faciam . tuam diligentissimè valetudinem fac vt cures . responsio . te valere maximè lator . doleo quòd tabellarios tam diu expectasti . statim vobiscum erunt , & tum re vera certior eris quid tibi agendum sit . nos deindè vestra omnia audire sperabimus . meam interim vt suade ; curabo valetudinem . vale. antonius schorus in the end of his booke , de ratione discendae linguae latinae , hath sundry examples . i will set downe one epistle , imitated two wayes : the first keeping almost the wordes and forme of tullies epistle ; the other imitating onely the forme , but changing the wordes . tullies epistle is this : aulo trebonio , qui in tua prouincia magna negotiaet ampla , & expedita habet , multos annos vtor valde f●miliariter . is cum antea semper & suo splendore & nostra caeterorumque , amicorum commendatione gratissimus in prouincia fuit , tum hoc tempore propter tuum in me amorem , nostramque necessitudinem , vehementer confidit , his meis literis , se apud te gratiosum fore . quae ne spes eum fallat , vehementer te rogo : commendoque tibi eius omnia negotia , liberos , procuratores , familiam : inprimisque vt quae t. ampius de eius re decreuerit , ea comprobes , omnibusque rebus eum ita tractes , vt intelligat nostram commendationem non vulgarem fuisse . the first imitation , more following the words , is this . petro fabro , qui in vestra vrbe & magnanegotia , & multos amicos habet , multos annos vtor familiariter . is cum antea semper & suo splendore , & nostra caeterorumque amicorum commendatione gratissimus in hac nostra repub. fuit , tum hoc tempore propter tuum in me amorem nostramque necessitudinem vehementer confidit , his meis literis se apud te gratiosum fore . quae nespes eum fallat , vehementer te rogo : commendoque tibi eius omnia negotia , amicos , cognatos , inprimi●que vt quae procuratori de eius rebus videbuntur , ea comprobes : omnibusque rebus eum ita tractes , vt intelligat nostram commendationem non vulgarem fuisse . the second imitation , expressing the forme . petrus faber , qui tibi notus est , & magnas res apud nos gessit , multos annos mihi valde familiaris fuit . is cum semper & sua dignitate , & benefi●ijs multis erga me , meis omnibus gratissimus fuit : tum nunc ob tuum ergame animum , nostramque coniunctionem , non dubitat quin hac mea commendatione sit in maxima gratia apud te futurus . quod vt fiat , summoperè te oro : committoque tuae fide● & curae omnes res eius , amicos , cognatos , parentes : praecipuè verò vt quae procurator de rebus eius agat ea consil●o tuo iuues : & ita honorificè eum accipias , vt sentiat has nostras literas apud te pondus habuisse . thus practicing and trayning vp your schollar by little and little ; first for imitation , more neerely following the wordes ; afterwards only the forme , and such phrases as shal seeme fittest : and euer first writing their english letters , and then their latine answering thereunto ; you shall see that they will come to a liuely imitation of tully ; especially if you exercise them wel in tully , in such sort as is prescribed . spoud . sir , this must needes bee a most sure and ready way . but in imitation what things am i to direct them to obserue ? phil. that they take only so much as is needfull , and fit for their purpose , leauing out all the rest ; that they adde what is wanting , alter and apply fitly to the occasions , according to the circumstances of times , persons , places , and the like ; that nothing may appeare stollen , but all wittily imitated . be sure that they know perfectly the matter and the phrase , of that which they should imitate : and then nothing will be hard , in imitation of epistles , verses , or whatsoeuer . spoud . what is then the summe of all , which you would haue principally exercised , for the speedy attayning this faculty ? phil. that your schollars haue daily a peece of an epistle , or a whole epistle appointed them , matter and phrase made every familiar vnto them ; then one day to make an epistle in imitation , and that both english and latine ; the next day to make an answere in like manner : thus to proceede vntill they come to some good perfection . and so much may serue for epistles . chap. xiii . of making theames full of good matter , in a pure stile , and with iudgement . spoud . next after epistles theames ▪ doe follow ; wherein if you can direct me also , how these likewise may be composed by children , so as to bee couched full of good matter , written in a pure stile , and with iudgement , and with as much certainty and readinesse as you haue shewed me for making their epistles ; i shall remain more beholden , and returne home with greater hope to doe good . for the epistles it cannot bee otherwise , but that the course set down must needs produce that effect , which you haue affirmed ; by reason of these singular patterns of tully , which children haue to imitate . but what patternes or helpes can you haue for theames any way comparable to those ? phil. what patternes schollars may haue , you shal heare after : but first relate vnto me , as in the former , what way you haue vsed , for the entring of your children in making their theames . spoud . i haue according to the custome in schooles , read them some of apthonius rules , and so it may be , haue begun with apologues or fables , or rather with a chreia : and in their chreia , i haue first made the seuerall parts of it , or of their theame so handled , very plaine vnto them , with the manner of the proofes of it ; and of gathering reasons to amplifie it , according to the same . i haue then giuen them a theame to make , following the example in their booke , to prosecute the same parts of the theame ; as exordium , narratio , confirmatio , confutatio , conclusio , and also to follow the seuerall places , to amplifie each thing by . i haue withall shewed them how to doe it : as to trie what they could gather of themselues ; and withall to seeke tullies sentences what they could find out of it , or out of other bookes to their purpose . but yet ( alas ! ) that which my children haue done hereby for a long time , they haue done it with exceeding paines and feare , and yet too-too weakely , in ha●sh●phrase , without any inuention , or iudgement ; and ordinarily so rudely , as i haue been ashamed that any one should see their exercises . so as it hath driuen mee into exceeding passions , causing me to deale ouer rigorously with the poore boies . whereby some of them , whose parents haue been more tender , seeing their children heauy and vnwilling to the schoole , haue suffered them to leaue off the schoole , and so to lose all which they had gotten before ; others also haue beene made so feareful , that they would rather desire to go to any base trade or drudgery , then to be schollars , & hereby haue very much reproached my schoole : because , as they haue ouer-rightly complained , they must bee beaten for not doing that , which they knew not how to doe ; so that this feare is worse to them , then the first for making latines . and yet notwithstanding , in their entring to make theames , and so likewise into versifying , i haue not knowen how to auoid it , but i haue bin enforced to vse so much sharpnesse , as to make them to call all their wits together , and to stir them vp to all diligence and paines ; or otherwise i should haue done no good at all . whereupon very great inconueniences haue insued : and yet as i sayd , i haue seene very little fruite to answere vnto my paines . phil. i doe not see how by this course , these euils could be auoided . as i said of macropedius for epistles , so i may here ; that this way of entring your schollars is hard enough to many a schoolemaster , thus to follow euery part of the theame and those places of apthonius , to inuent matter and reasons to proue and illustrate euery thing , and to do it in a good stile . that which is said of epistles , that children must be acquainted by reading , with matter & phrase fit for epistles , before they can euer bee fit to make such epistles , is much more true concerning both theames and verses ; inasmuch as the matter of them is harder , being of such things as they haue neuer read of , nor been any way acquainted with , or at least very little . besides , to follow the logicke places in apthonius in a philosophical discourse , doth require both some insight in logick , and reading in such authors as haue written of such morall matters . and therfore herein many a master deserues rather to be beaten then the schollar , for driuing the childe by cruelty , to doe that which he himself can see no reason how the poor child should be able to do it . it must of necessitie either driue the schollar to vse all deuises to leaue the schoole , or else cause him to liue in a continual horror & hatred of learning ; and to account the schoole , not ludus literarius , but carnificina , or pistrînum literarium . spoud . i acknowledge it too true which you haue said : i pray you therfore shew me your best aduise & experience how to free my selfe & my children from these euils ; that i may both so enter them in these & also draw them on after , as not to discourage them in this maner , nor bee driuen to vse the like sharpnesse any more . phil. herein i my self am desirous to be a learner , as in all the rest . although too much experience hath cōpelled me to seek out all meanes to redress this ; notwithstanding also that i haue euer been afraid of vsing cruelty in my schoole . and the rather haue i bin careful to seek out the easiest and plainest way , that i might allure & draw on my schollars in this exercise , as in all other , to proceed as in a scholasticall play , with vnderstanding , loue and delight . so much as i haue attained , i shall willingly impart vnto you . . we are to consider , what is the end & purpose of their making theams ; and then to bethink our selues , which way they may the soonest attaine vnto the same . the principal end of making theams , i take to be this , to furnish schollars with al store of the choisest matter , that they may therby learne to vnderstand , speake or write of any ordinary theame , morall or politicall , such as vsually fall into discourse amongst men & in practice of life ; and especially cōcerning vertues & vices . so as to work in themselues a greater loue of the vertue and hatred of the vice , and to be able with soundnesse of reason to draw others to their opinion . the best means to effect this most soone and surely , are these so far as yet i know . . to see that by perfect learning , & oft repeating they be very readie in their first authors , which they learned , of such morall matters ; as their sententiae , cato , esopsfables : for some one or mo of these haue the grounds of almost euery theam , which is meet to be propounded to schollars to write on . so that by these they shal be furnished with the iudgements of may wisemen , what is truth , what is false in most matters , with som words to expresse their minds , and also some reasons ; as with the sentences or testimonies of the wisest , similitudes , or apologues in aesop , and some graue reasons out of cato , which they may cal to mind . all these may be done by the courses set downe before , and as soon as the bare learning of the cōstruing & parsing alone . . add to these the oft reading ouer of tullies sentences out of the gram. translations , & the sentences of the other authors adioined with the same . as also the reading them forth of latine into a good english stile . thus yoush i find by experience , that after that children are perfect in their first schoole authors , they wil also read this book of themselues , by the help of the translatiō alone , to go ouer & ouer it , euery day thus reading a peece of it amongst thēselues , with little or no hindring any of their school exercises . . to the end that they may haue presidents and patterns for theams , like as they had for their epistles and for making latin , some book is to be chosen which is written to this purpose , and such a one as is most easie , both for the sweetest latine and choisest matter . these presidents are of two sorts : some are to furnish them still , with more variety of the best matter ; others , for the whole forme and frame of the theame . of the first sort , for singular matter notably compact together , reusners symbola doth seeme to me most familiar and plaine : wherein the poesies or sentences of the seuerall emperors , both italian , greek , and germane are handled : as these ; artem quaeuis terra alit . apex magistratus authoritas . bonus dux , bonus comes . bonis nocet , qui parcet malis . cedendum multitudini . festma lentè and the like this book i take to be a very worthie booke to traine vp young gentlemen , and all others whom we would haue to become wise men , & good common-wealths men . it is full of most singular precepts and instructions concerning dueties and vertues ; and for framing and ordering the whole course of our life , and managing all our affaires with wisedome , safetie and commendations . so as any one may receiue many wise directions , for all occasions of life , and withall much sweete delight , in it . and for this matter of theames , it is fraughted full of the graue testimonies and sentences of many of the auncientest , wisest , and most experienced ; all fitly applyed , without any matter to corrupt or offend , and in a most familiar , easie , and pleasing stile . the manner of the vse of it for the first enterers into theames , where they haue bookes , and the teacher would specially apply them to theames , and that they haue time enough , may be this : to take the * poesies or theams of it in order : or if any of them seeme ouer hard for childrens capacities , in regard of the matter of them , to make choyse of the most easie and familiar , first : to reade vnto them euery night a peece of a theame of it , as a side of a leafe , or more or lesse ; according to the abilities of their schollars . in reading , first to make the theame or generall matter of it very plaine vnto them . they are commonly expounded for the sum of them vnder the poesie , in verse , or with som short glosse , or both . afterwards , to shew your schollars the chiefe reasons and sentences , as you do reade , and in what words the force of each argument or reason lieth . also to obserue al the phrases which are either more difficult or pure , or most fit to that purpose in hand . and thus to make euery thing plaine vnto them ; first opening them , after examining the same , and so causing them to vnderstand , and to be able to answere euerie point therof in latine , or to giue the hard phrases to the english. this poasing by short questions , with the other things mentioned , will make the obscurest peeces of it very euident , and cause both weaker masters and schollars to profit greatly in vnderstanding . after all this , if you will , cause them to construe it amongst themselues and to giue the sense , and so make it as perfect as they can euery waie : or if they bee able , heare them to construe it themselues first , or to read it out of the latine into english , and then make it plaine to them . then let each seuerally see how hee can gather a short theam out of that ; choosing out all the principal sentences and reasons , and composing them in good order : following , if you thinke good , the parts of a theam : viz. exordium , narratio , confirmatio , confutatio , conclusio , though their theame be not aboue . or ● . lines , according to their time & abilitie . to these they may adioine other reasons or sentēces , as they can , either what they haue learned , or what they can gather fitly to the same purpose . to bring this theame of theirs thus made , the next day at the time appointed for shewing their theames each one to pronounce his theam without book ; you in the meane time looking on that which is pronounced , & examining each fault , as they are vttering it or after , by asking them short questions of the faults , and causing them to answere them , and to shew how they should be amended ; and so making a dash with a pen vnder euery falt , or the letters where the falt is , to leaue them to them to correct them after . yet your selfe somtimes to peruse the exercises after againe , to see that they haue corrected them ; as i shal shew in another place . by this means the first enterers may haue choise of matter gathered to their hands , which otherwise they were to seeke in other authors they knewe not where no● how . . all the theams of this author being thus written of , and pronounced by them memoriter , which may bee done in a short time , keeping each night a theame , must needs help to furnish them with variety of the best matter , and fit phrase . besides that , this will be a great furtherance to audac●tie , memory , gesture , pronuntiation : and by the continual and diligent reading of that author , with their other authors , they shall haue much help to construe & vnderstand any other morall author ex tempore . or if this course bee ouer-tedious , by reason of the multitude of schollars , or their other exercises ; then to reade them the more at a time , and let them bring them once or twice in the weeke , made longer and more carefully . spoud . this way may bee very good for entering young schollars , and to store them with the best matter & phrase : but might there not bee some speciall rules and directions giuen , for writing their theames according to the order of the chiefe schooles , prosecuting the seuerall parts of the theame ? phil. yes : but these i thinke fittest to succeed in the second place , after that they haue thus furnished themselues , with words and store of matter , by this help , or tullies sentences , or the like ; or in want of other books to vse apthonius . then to learne to flourish and adorne their theames after . for the surest and easiest direction for such theams , to be done in more exquisite manner , where the schollars may haue leasure to them ; i shall shew you my iudgement , and what i can yet find or conceiue to be the best . . because i would not haue my schollars discouraged any way thorough the difficulty of this exercise , i would do as in their first theams for matter : so in these . that is , i would take their theames ( at least for a time ) out of apthonius , either in order as they stand , or choosing of the most familiar , and in all things read and make it plaine vnto them , with the seuerall parts and arguments , as i shewed you before in reusner . then i would demaund of them , first to giue mee apthonius arguments : as , what reasons hee hath from the cause , effect , contrarie , similitude , example , testimonie . next , what reasons euerie one can giue of his owne , to proue the same . in the third place to shew , what any of them can obiect against it ; or if it be true , what absurdities and inconueniences will follow of it ; and also some of them to answere the obiections and inconueniences : and lastly my selfe to supplie their wants and faylings . after this done , direct euery one of them who are to write of it , to remember where they haue read any thing of that theam , or by the indexes of their books of cōmonplaces : as tullies sentences , reusner , or the like , to seeke what they can finde of that matter . . that they obserue these parts , named exordium . narratio . confirmatio . confutatio . conclusio . . to make their exordium very short , two or three lines , to gaine the approbation of the hearers , and their attention . if the theam be of any person in accusation or defence of them after the manner of declamations , then that their exordium may bee fittest taken , from the partie himselfe who is accused or defended ; from some description of him to his praise or dispraise ; or else from the person of the aduersarie , or of the auditours , or of the party himselfe who writeth . for the persons whom they will defend , they must labor to perswade their hearers of their vertues , or to remoue from them all preiudicate opinion . and for the persons whom they will accuse , to dispraise them , by shewing their bad qualities ; so to bring them into disgrace . but if the theame bee of some matter to be proued or disproued , commended or discommended , which are most ordinarie ; their exordium may bee taken from the matter ; by commending it for the excellency thereof , or for the benefit which may redound to the hearers , by the knowledge of it ; or discommending it by the contrary , or by some circumstance of time ▪ persons , places , or the like . in their narration , to the end that the auditors may fully vnderstand the matter , and themselues may proceed more easily ; let them set downe first the theame or matter in as few and plaine words as they can . secondly , expound the doubtfull words or phrases , if therebe any . if it concerne persons or facts of persons , then to set downe all the circumstances to expresse the nature & maner of it . or if it concerne some special matter , to make some short diuision of it ; if it bee a generall into his specials , or if a whole into his members or parts : so to goe throgh euery part in order , ioining each part together with fit transitions , to shew their passage frō one part to another . in the confirmation to the end , to bee able to proue the matter the better ; . to note in their authors all the principall reasons which they can , to that end , and to gather them forth . . to trie what reasons they can inuent of themselues according to the chiefe heads of inuention , following either apthonius order , or the ten chief heads of inuention : as , causes , effects , subiects , adiuncts , &c. which ar the same in effect , but farre more easie to prosecute , according to the art of meditation , whereof we shal speak after . by considering wel either the thing it self , causes & effects of it : or if it be a proposition , as in this ( children are to obey their parents ) by marking carefully both parts of the proposition or sentence , both antecedent and consequent , as they are called ; and the one part wil surely afford some reasons . as if we thinke first of the parents what they haue beene , and are towards the children ; and so what the children haue and doe receiue from them ( thus following the parts according to those places of meditation ) any one of vnderstanding shall be able to finde out reasons why the children are to obey their parents . then hauing found out reasons , before they set them downe in their theame , as they will haue them , to ranke them in their minde or in writing ; so as they doe purpose to set them in their theame : setting some stronger in the first place , weaker in the midst , reseruing some of the stronger to the last , crossing and leauing out all the weake ones , whereof any one may discredite all the rest . in the confutation to seeke out and set downe two or three good reasons , to ouerthrow or reproue the contrary opinion to the theame : and also to consider what may be obiected against it , and how to answere them , by way of occupation and subiection , or of preuenting and obiection . then to direct them , that the conclusion is nothing but a collection gathered from all the former reasons ; in which may be a short recapitulation , or rehearsall of the summe of the reasons , and an vrging ( if they will ) of one or two of the principall & most forcible reasons somwhat more , to leaue a deeper impression in the minds of the hearers ; & so out of them to conclude most firmly . and thus much may serue for the direction in generall for making the theame . spoud . but this seemes still to me rather too obscure for young grammar schollars : i pray you let me heare , if you could not leade me yet vnto more ready helpes . phil. the most excellent patterns , i take to be the most speedy and ready helps for schollars to be acquainted with , and to learne to imitate them : for they in euery thing doe most auaile , to teach the soonest and sureliest . as for variety of exordiums and conclusions , apthonius his prog●masmata may helpe to direct ; and also master stockwood his disputations of grammar . for furnishing with matter and substance , besides reusners symbola mentioned , erasmus adages of the largest and last edition , is a rich store-house . also lycosthenes his apothegmata , printed at london by g. bishoppe , m.d.xcvi . is of good vse . lycosthenes of the last edition ( as i heare ) is dangerously corrupted with popery , and rayling against k. henry the eight , k. edward , and our late blessed queene ; and therefore not to be permitted vnto children . many other i might name vnto you , which haue written of such morall matters ; diuers of them in english , and some of them very notable : as the french academie , the morall part of it : charactery , morall philosophy , golden groue , wits common wealth , ciuill conuersation ; and others . so in latin ▪ z●gedine his philosophia poetica ; the sentences selected out of the best authours , adioyned to tallies sentences ; flores poetarum for verses to flourish withall . but the former , viz. reusner erasmus adages , apthonius , and lycosthenes , may serue in steed of many , for schollars who are of vnderstanding and iudgement to vse them aright ; chusing out the summe of the most excellent matter , and making it their owne ; composing euery thing fitly , without apparant stealing out of any . spoud . but what helpe doe you account the very best for inuention of matter , to find it out as of their own heads , which you know is principally esteemed of ? phil. that which i named in the direction for the theame , is the vsual manner in schooles , as i take it ; i mean the following the places of apthonius : as , à laudatiuo , paraphrastico , causa , contrario , parabola , exemplo , testimonio veterum , breui epilogo . so à manifesto , credibili , possibili , consequente , decoro , vtili . and ab obscuro , incredibili , impossibili , inconsequenti , indecoro , inutili , and the like . yet these doe seeme to mee also farre too hard for childrens conceits , who haue read no logicke , and ouer-tedious . but the following of those ten first and chiefe heads of reasoning ; to wit , from causes , effects , subiects , adiuncts , disagreeable things , comparisons , notations , distributions , definitions , testimonies ( to one of which each of apthonius or tullies places doe belong ) is farre the easiest , surest , and plainest way . if that little booke called the arte of meditation , were made somewhat more plaine for the definitions or descriptions , that children might see euery thing euidently ; and illustrated by a few moe examples ; and so schollars made perfect in it by examining ; they would bee able to inuent plenty of good matter presently , after that they had beene exercised in reusner , and the other authours ; in reading , and also in writing some variety of theames , after the manner set downe before . let them practice when they would inuent matter , but to runne through those places curiously in their mindes ; and if one place doe not offer fit matter , another will surely , and furnish them with store : so that by the helpe of that small treatise , if it were so perfected , all this might bee accomplished ; and that with a small meditation any schollar of vnderstanding might discourse very commendably of any such matter . spoud . it is great pitie it should not be made exact , if the vse and benefite bee such as you conceiue of it to this purpose , besides the worthy end for which it is written . but as you haue giuen patternes for other exercises , so let me heare your iudgement , where they may haue th● best patternes for theames , for the whole frame thereof , being handled according to all the parts seuerally . phil. apthonius ( out of whom these theames may bee taken first and the schollars also to haue liberty to gather out the principall matter ; yet making it their owne , by seeking to better euery sentence ) hath sundry very good presidents for such theames ; and in sweete latine , written by rodulphus agricola , cataneus lorichius , or others : as the example of a common-place , of the thesis , and the like . though apthonius his owne ( i meane ) those translated out of him , are of a more harsh stile in latine ; yet the order is good , as being written and set forth of purpose to this end . these very theames may be written on , first for incouragement ; after , others of like matterto be imitated , according to the same places . secondly , next vnto those in apthonius , which are more easie , tullies paradoxes are most singular patternes for true rhetoricke , though the order of them seeme to be more obscure : they will be notable directions , if that the schollars be of capacity and ripenesse , and haue the seuerall parts rightly opened vnto them , that they fully vnderstand them . spoud . but for declamations what examples or helpes would you vse ? phil. the declamation being nothing else but a theame of som matter , which may be controuerted , and so handled by parts , when one taketh the affirmatiue part , another the negatiue , & it may be a third moderateth or determineth betweene both ; we haue very good presidents in the thesis in apthonius : as in that question handled both affirmatiuely and negatiuely , viz. vxor est ducenda , vxor non est ducenda . if it be in a more vehement inuectiue against some vice , we haue sundry examples in apthonius , in loco communi . as , in villarum incensores , in sacrilegum , incontumacem , in auarum . likewise the seuerall examples there set downe of praise and dispraise , of persons , cities , or the like . so the presidents in apthonius of particular actions , in accusing or defence of them , may be great helpes to giue much good direction . for further patternes , see tully his orations ; and specially the inuectiues against catiline . in these kinde of theames , wee shall haue farre more vse of those figures of sentences , which are the very life and strength of an oration ; as of exclamations , reuocations , apostrophees , prosopopies ; and the rest of the figures in dialogismo . i haue heard of some good ensamples in english , viz. thirteene declamations ; but i haue not beene able to finde them out . but these kinde of exercises of declaming are rather for the vniuersities ; or at least for such schollars in the grammar schooles , as haue beene long exercised in the former kindes . for the manner of writing downe the theames by schollars of iudgement , it may not bee amisse where leasure will serue , to cause the schollars to write them thus : in the first margent towards the left hand , together with the seuerall partes of the theame ( as exord . narratio , confirmatio , confutatio , conclusio , being set in great letters ouer against each part ) to set also the heads of the seuerall arguments ; chiefly against the confirmation : as causa , effectum : like as apthonius doth set his places , à causa , à contrario . and in the later side of the page , towards the right hand , to set the seuerall tropes or figures , but in two or three letters . as for metonymia efficientis , no more but met. effic . or the like : making some line vnder the word , in which they are ; the shorter the better , if it can bee vnderstood . one theame in the weeke well performed in this maner , besides all other exercises , may be sufficient ; like as the order is in many of the chiefe schooles . spoud . certainely sir , these courses seeme to me as easie as the former , both for masters and schollars ; that hereby they must needes labour , and goe on with delight ; beeing thus plainely guided and directed from point to point . yet to proceede a little further herein , if you will giue me leaue : i haue heard of some schollars marueilously praised for this , that they haue beene able to speake of a theame ex tempore for a quarter of an houre , or more together , in good latine , and to very good purpose . now how doe you thinke that this may be done ? for this is a matter of very high commendations to young schollars euen in the vniuersities ; and much more in the grammar schooles , if it can be done . phil. this exercise must needes require much reading , and practice to doe it , in such commendable manner ; as indeed it may . the best way how to attaine it most soone and surely ▪ is this , so farre as yet i can conceiue : they must practice constantly for a good space , the former or better course of making theames ; that they may become very ready in writing their theames of any morall matter with a little study . i haue seene this practice to bee easie and profitable to this end : the very vse of the grammatical translation of apthonius , according to the maner of the vse of the translations , for keeping the schoole authours perfectly . as first , causing them to reade a theame out of the latine into english ; or where it is hard , first to reade it ouer in english to giue some light ; then out of the latine into english , to vnderstand it perfectly : afterwards to reade it out of the english translation into latin , to haue the phrase and latine readily to expresse their mindes . then euery one in his course , to trie how he is able to expresse or vtter that theame of himselfe ; first in english , then in latine , euery part of the theame in order . for example : to begin first with the exordium , to trie how they can vtter it in english , and whether they can better the authour . after the first , a second fellow to assay how he is able to better the first ; so another after him to better them both : and so forward as you will. after this , to make tryall how they can vtter the same in latine ; euery one still bettering others : then to doe the like in the narration ; and so through euery part , both in english and latine ; still contending to go beyond their patternes in purity of phrase and matter , contracting , adding , or changing as they will. when they haue for some good time vsed this practice , then trying how they are able to discourse of themselues in a theame giuen vnto them , according to the order of meditation , or places of inuention , by continual exercise they shall attaine hereunto . the practice in apthonius will affoord them matter and wordesenow for imitation of exordiums , manner of confutations and conclusions . their readinesse in their first authours of morall matters , as also in tullies sentences , and flores poëtarum ; and that their continued exercise in reusner , with the helpe of the places of inuention , will commonly yeelde matter sufficient . what phrase or word they cannot vtter in latine , let them bethinke themselues how they would first vtter and vary it in english , and some of the english words will bring latine wordes , or phrases to their remembrance ; or else how they can expresse it by periphrasis , or circumlocution in moe words , by some description , or by the generall , or the contrary , or by some property , or the like . next to this , they may vse the helpe of holyokes dictionary ; and for phrase manutius or master draxes calliepëia : the phrases may bee found more easily in the calliepëia . and to the end that they may be sure to haue variety both of words and phrase , which doth much delight ; it shal not be amisse to peruse before in the phrase book , the principall wordes or phrases which concerne that theame , and how many wayes they may be vttered : at least the master when hee tryeth his schollars in this extemporall faculty , if hee bee not a ready and perfect latinist may haue the phrase booke by him , to looke euery hard phrase which they cannot vtter well ; and how they may vary it diuers wayes . spoud . but to the end that schollars may be sure euer to haue store of matter , or to finde of a sudden where to turne to fit matter for euery theame ; what doe you thinke of common-place bookes of such morall matters , that euery schollar should haue his common-place booke written . phil. i do account them a great help where the schollars haue leasure and iudgement to gather them ; i meane , to gleane out all the choyse sentences and matter in the best authours . or , because that that is ouer-great a toyle , and requires more iudgement then can bee looked for in so young yeares ; if they had but only bookes of references , it would be exceeding profitable : to wit , such common-place bookes as did but only containe the generall heads of matter , and then the quotations of three or foure of the chiefe authours ; as reusner , erasmus adages , tullies sentences , or some other ; setting downe the booke and the page , where to turn of a sudden to any such matter in them . this would ease them of much searching , and make schollars to do such exercises much sooner , and with farre greater commendations : like as it is in diuinity , law , physick , and whatsoeuer other artes. thus they may vse the matter of the best authors , going farre beyond the matter which the wit of any childe can conceiue ; sith that those bookes haue in them the choysest sayings of the very wisest of all ages : although they are stil to adde whatsoeuer they can inuent of their owne braine , so it be wittily and pithily . such a book of references wel gathered , and made publicke , would much further young schollars herein . spoud . i see well how they may be furnished for store of matter ; yet for choyse of good wordes and phrase , to haue copie and variety euer ready at hand , i make some doubt how they may be furnished : for it is a toyle to goe euer to turne to phrase bookes ; neyther can they haue time when they are to speake ex tempore . phil. take no care for that ; store of matter being thus gotten , as i haue shewed , wil bring words : yet to haue copie of synonymaes & good phrase , besides their authours made perfect , & other helps mentioned ; calliepeia translated in propriety , & read one while out of latin into english , another while out of english into latin , & after trying how to vary both in english and latin ; will help very much to furnish with copie both english and latine . hereof i haue known som experience . a little triall will soon cōfirm this . there may be also other helpes forvarying : as the rules in erasmus de cap●a , in macropedius and others ; and more specially some select phrases to seuerall purposes noted in erasmus de copia . spoud . but what say you concerning orations , what course doe you thinke fittest to bee able to performe them with commendations ? phil. i take them to belong rather to the vniuersities , that there is more seldom vse of them in schooles , and then also to be performed by schollars growen to som maturity . for examples or patterns of orations , wee can haue no better then tullies orations ; wherein are presidents of all sorts . in these is the schollar to bee exercised to knowe the nature of them , & the maner of the loftiness of stile vsed in them . also turners orations , muretus , or others . though for entrance into them we may follow the exāples of praises in apthonius . chap. . or some other select orations . yet , because in schooles of special note , and where there are auncient schollars , sometimes it may bee expected amongst them , that some one of them should make an oration to entertaine a benefactor , or other person of note ; and it may be , to do it ex tempore , as their comming is of a sodaine ; therfore certaine speciall heads of an oration to that purpose might be euer in readinesse . as the commendations of a person for his descent , learning , loue and countenance of good learning & vertue , beneficence curtesie , fauor towards that place , and the like . also for excusing themselues by their tender yeers , want of experience and of practice in that kind , bashfulnesse , timorousnesse ; and yet their desire to answere the parties loue & expectation , with presuming vpon their patience , and such others . to be acquainted also with variety of choise phrases to the same purposes , to haue them euer in fresh memory . sp. these courses are very plain in my iudgemēt : yet notwithstanding , sith they are of more seldom vse , but theams of daily practice , wee are specially to looke vnto them . therfore my weak memory , let me heare in two words , the sum of all concerning the theames . phil. this is the sum ; . that they be acquainted with som matter for theams and easie phrase , and so accustomed to write theames in a plaine manner first , following reusner principally . . that they learne to handle the theame more curiously according to apthonius , prosequuting and adorning the seuerall parts thereof , making choise of the most excellent patternes . . that they haue the helps and grounds of inuenting reasons of themselues , and do know whereto finde more store of matter and phrase to expresse their mindes , and be furnished with helps of the best books . . lastly , that as in all other exercises , they vse continuall practice ; which makes the hardest things easie and pleasant . chap. xiiii . how to enter to make verses with delight and certaintie , without bodging ; and to traine vp schollars to imitate and expresse ouid or virgil , both their phrase & stile . spo●d . now that wee haue gone thorough all the whole course of writing latine in prose , and the seuerall exercises therof which are requisite in grammar schooles , so far forth as i remember ; it remaineth that we come to verse : wherein i presume of your loue as in all the former , not to conceale anything from me , but to impart whatsoeuer may helpe to the attaining of that facultie . phil. though poetry bee rather for ornament then for any necessary vse ; and the main matter to be regarded in it , is the puritie of phrase and of stile : yet because there is very commendable vse of it , sometimes in occasions of triumph and reioicing , more ordinarily at the funerals of some worthy personages , and sometimes for some other purposes ; it is not amisse to traine vp schollars euen in this kinde also . and the rather because it serueth very much for the sharpning of the wit , and is a matter of high commendation , when a schollar is able to write a smooth and pure verse , and to comp●ehend a great deale of choise matter in a very little roome . spoud . surely sir though it is , as you say , but an ornament , yet it is such a one , as doth highly grace those who haue attained it , in any such measure as you speak of ; and two such verses are worth two thousand , of such flash and bodge stuffe as are ordinarily in some schooles . but this i haue found also to be full of difficutie , both in the entring , the progresse , and also in the end ; that my schollars haue had more feare in this , then in all the former , and my selfe also driuen to more seuerity : which i haue been inforced vnto , or else i should haue done no good at al with the greatest part . and yet when i haue done my vttermost , i haue not had any to come to such pe●fection as you mention , to write so pithily or purely : yea , let me tell you this , that i haue knowensom masters , who haue thought themselues very profound poets , who would vpon an occasion of a funerall haue written you a sheete or two of verses , as it were of a sydden ; yet amongst all those , you should hardly haue found one such a verse as you speake of , vnlesse it were stolne ; and most of them such , as iudicious poet would be ready to laugh at , or loath to reade . therefore i intreat you to guide me , how i may redresse this euill , and preuent these inconueniences . phil. though i be no poet , yet i finde this course to be found most easie and plaine to direct my schollars : . to looke that they bee able in manner to write true latine , and a good phrase in prose , before they begin to meddle with making a verse . . that they haue read some poetry first ; as at least these books or the like , or some part of them : viz. ouid de tristibus , or de ponto , some peace of his metamorphosis or of virgil , and be well acquainted with their poeticall phrases . . i find this a most easie & pleasant way to enter them ; that for all the first bookes of poetry which they learne in the beginning , they vse to reade them daily out of the grammaticall translations : first resoluing euery verse into the grammaticall order , like as it is in the translation ; after into the poeticall , turning it into verse , as the words are in the poet : according as i shewed the manner before , in the benefit and vse of the translations . for the making of a verse , is nothing but the turning of words forth of the grammaticall order , into the rhetoricall , in some kinde of metre ; which wee call verses . and withall , that in reading thus out of the translations , they vse to giue the poeticall phrases , to our english phrases , set in the margents , and also the epithetes . for this practice of reading their poetry , out of the translations into verse , a little trial will soon shew you , that very children wil do it as fast almost as into prose : and by the vse of it , continually turning prose into verse , they will be in a good way towards the making a verse , before they haue learned any rules therof . . then when you would haue them to go in hand with making a verse ; that they be made very cunning in the rules of versifying , so as to be able to giue you readily each rule , and the meaning therof . . that they bee expert in scanning a verse , and in prouing euery quantity , according to their rules , and so vse to practice in their lectures daily . . to keepe them that they shall neuer bodge in their entrance , neither for phrase nor otherwise , but to enter with ease , certainty and delight ; this you shall finde to be a most speedy way : take flores poetarum , and in euery common place make choise of ouids verses , or if you find any other which be pleasant and easie : and making sure , that your schollars know not the verses a forehand , vse to dictate vnto them as you did in prose . cause also so many as you would haue to learne together , to set down the english as you dictate . secondly to giue you , and to write downe all the words in latine verbatim , or grammatically . thirdly , hauing iust the same words , let them trie which of them can soonest turne them into the order of a verse : which they will presently doe ▪ being trained vp in the vse of the translations ; which is the same in effect . and then lastly , read thē ouer the verse of ouid , that they may see that themselues haue made the very same ; or wherin they missed : this shall much incourage and assure them . after that they haue practiced this for a little time ; if for speediness , & for sauing paper ( because they may soon run ouer much ) you do vse but only to read the english grammatically , and appoint som one of them to deliuer it in latine ; then all to trie which of them can soonest turne those words into a verse , or how many waies they can turne them into a verse : you shall see them come on a pace , and an earnest ●●rift to be wrought amongst them . this also may bee done most easily , by the vse of grammaticall translations of all the choyce verses in flores poetarum ; practicing as in tully & other , to read them ▪ ex tēpore out of the english first into prose ▪ after into verse . they wil be as familiar & easie , as to read prose , and to do it with as much delight and contention , or more ; euery da●e practicing a little by course . for this is nothing ( as i sayd ) but the poeticall composition . in the practice of this likewise , vse to note euery new & hard word , and quātity , as also epithetes ; according to the generall rule before , and the manner in each lecture , and oft to examine those . . cause them to turn the verses of their lecture into other verses , either to the same purpose , which is easiest for yoūg beginners , or turned to some other purpose , to expresse some other matter ; yet euer to keep the very phrase of the poet , there or in other places , only transposing the words or phrase , or changing some words or phrase , or the numbers , or persons , or applying them to matters which are familiar , as they did in imitating epistles . this may be practiced , each to bring first a verse or two thus changed , either being giuen at eleuen to be brought at one , or at euening to be brought in the morning , or both . . as they proceed , to cause them to contract their lectures , drawing seauen or eight verses into fowre or fiue , or fewer : yet still labouring to expresse the whole matter of their author in their owne verse , and euery circumstance , with all significant metaphors , and other tropes and phrases , so much as they can . thus ▪ they may proceed if you wil , from the lowest kind of verse in the eclogues , to somthing a loftier in the georgicks ; and so to the stateliest kinds in the aeneids : wherein they may be tasked to go thorough some booke of the aeneids , euery day contracting a certaine number , as some or . a day , for some of their exercises , striuing who can expresse their author most liuely . by which daily contention you shall find , that those who take a delight in poetry , and haue sharpness & dexterity accordingly , will in a short time attaine to that ripenesse , as that they who know not the places which they imitate , shall hardly discerne in many verses , whether the verse bee virgils verse , or the schollars . but herein there must be this care , that before they goe in hand with this kinde of contracting , they bee both well exercised in the former kindes , or the like ; and also that they beate out the meaning of the place fully , marking what goeth before , and also what followeth after ; and obseruing curiously euery phrase , elegancy , and matter of any weight . morouer , that your schollars may be able to write verses ex tempore , of any ordinary theame , after they haue bin wel practiced in turning the easie verses of flores po●tarum , forth of prose into verse , that they can doe it readily ; appoint them of the most familiar theames of it , and the sweetest verses thereof in order , to see how they can turne the same ex tempore into other verses , to the very same purpose ; either by imitation , or contraction , like as i shewed the practice in their lectures : or hauing but the light of those verses , how they can make other verses of their owne like vnto them . by this practice kept duely , to make some such verses twise in the day ( as to giue them theams before their breaking vp at noone , to bring them at one of the clocke , and at night to bring them in the morning , or nine , as before ; onely hauing this help and direction ) or of a sodaine euer before they are to pla●e , to versifie of some theame not thought of : and secondly by causing them to bring the sum of their theams written vnder their theams , comprized in a disticke , or two or moe , you shall finde that they will grow in so good sort , as shall be requisite to make you verses , ex tempore of any vsuall theame , without hindering of their other studies . and here by they will soone bee acquainted with matter of all sorts according to those common places , and also with variety of poetical phrase of the best , with epihetes & stile . this exercise is very commendable to satisfie such , as vse to giue theams to versifie vpon ex tempore ; and also for that it is a very great sharpner of the wit , as was sayd , and a stirrer vp of inuention and of good wits to strift and emulation . in this matter of versifying , as in all the former exercises , i take this imitation of the most excellent patternes , to be the surest rule , both for phrase and whatsoeuer : and therefore i would haue the chiefest labor to make these purest authors our owne , as tully for prose , so ouid and virgil for verse so to speake and write in latine for the phrase , as they did . for them who desire to attain to more exquisite perfection in this faculty of poetry , these things may much further besides the former : . for more store and variety of matter , to haue common place books ( as i said for the theams ) therein at least to haue ref●rences ▪ wherby to turn of a sodaine to matters of all sorts , in the most exquisite and pure poets : to haue some direction both for matter and imitation ; whether for gratulatory verses , triumphs , funerals , or whatsoeuer . or to refer all such principall places for imitation , to the heads in flores poetarum ; which may serue insteede thereof . for variety & copie of poeticall phrases , the the saurus phrasium poeticarum gathered by buchlerus of the last edition . an. m. d cvij . is a notable helpe . also both for words and phrases , sylua synonimorum , may stand in good steede , chiefly for schollars of iudgementable to make right choise of the fittest . . for store of epithetes , which if they bee choyse , are a singular ornament , and meanes of speedinesse in this facultie , and so for all other matters belonging to poetrie , textor his epitheta of the largest and of the last edition printed at lions , m. d. cij . may bee a great helpe . the abbridgement of textors epithetes may serue insteede hereof to young schollars : and namely to such who are not able to buy the large ; though the large is more profitable . . for hauing of the best authorities for the quantities of all syllables , smotius his prosodia will furnish plentifully ; all needfull words being set in it in the alphabeticall order . for rules of quantities , though our owne grammar may be sufficient ; yet you may see also smotius his methodus dignosc●n●arum syllabarum ex georg. fabricio , set before his prosodia . and rules of the quantities of syllables in m. butlers rhetorick , short and very plaine . chap. de metro . also the virgils printed with erythraus index , for authorities and vses of all words in virgil. . for imitation of the best poets , and further direction to attaine to more perfection in poetry , see sabines precepts decarminibi●s ad vete●um imitationem artificiose componendis ▪ ioyned with textors epithets . also buch●●rus his institutio poetica in the end of his thesaurus phrasium poeticarum . for the figures belonging to poetry , see butlars rhetoricke in his fourteenth chapt. de metro . for turning of verses diuers waies , m ▪ stockwood his progymnasma scholasticum is instar omnium ▪ to direct and to incourage young schollars . in which booke towards the end of it , you shall haue one disticke or couple of verses , varied . wayes . the verses are these : linque cupido iecur ; cordi quoque parcito : sivis figere fige alio tela cruent a loco . parce meo iecori ; intactum mihi linquito pectus : omnia de reliquo corpore membrapete . ca●epuer , &c. and in the shutting vp of all , this one verse is turned by transposing the words . wayes ; all the same wordes , and onely those wordes being kept : which might seeme impossible , but that there we may see it before our eyes , that nine wordes should serue to make a hundreth and foure verses , all of the same matter . the verse is this : est mea spes christus sol●s , qui de cruce pendet . est christus solus mea spes , qui de cruce pendet . est solus christus mea spes , qui de cruce pendet . solus de cruce , &c. a schollar of any inclination and fitnesse for poetry , cannot but receiue notable incouragement , hauing these , or but the principall of these bookes : this exercise of versifying will be found a most pleasant recreation vnto him after a time . lastly , in this exercise , as in all the rest , i holde daily practice and diligence ( following the best patternes ) to be the surest and speediest guide ; and which will bring in time much perfection , where there is aptnesse of nature concurring . spoud . but repeat mee in a word , which exercises you would haue daily put in practice . phil. turning the verses of the lectures , as was shewed ; chiefly by contraction in virgil , keeping strictly his phrase . before each breaking vp at noones and nights , to haue a theame out of the easiest of fl●res poëtarum in order , to bring verses of it at their entrance againe , or as is appointed to them . writing verses of their weekly theames . chap. xv. the manner of examining and correcting exercises . spoud . hauing thus gone through the principall exercises of writing ; i pray you let me heare your iudgment , for the examining of such exercises , and the best manner of performing it : for i finde it a matter very tedious and troublesome . phil. howsoeuer it be tedious , yet it is such a matter as would neuer be omitted , no more then the giuing of exercises ; nor to be slightly passed ouer , so much as time and oportunity will permit . for when the schollar knoweth that his exercise must be strictly examined , it will make him more carefull in performing thereof , and contrarily ; and it will be a great helpe to bring him sooner to perfection . for the manner of doing it ; the master ought heedfully to obserue those speciall faults , wherein his schollars doe most vsually slip ; and to acquaint euery one , not onely with the generall , but also with his particular , to warne them of them . for example ; i haue found my schollars to misse most in these : through want of dipthongs . incongruity in their concords . in the vse of the two chiefe rules of the relatiue qui , quae quod . ablatiue case absolute . apposition ▪ coniunctions to couple together like cases , moodes and tenses . nominature case after the verbe , &c. the accusatiue case before an infinitiue moode . also that they will oft haue a synchesis , or a disordered confusion of their wordes ; and sometimes they will vse hyperbaton : which is a further fetching or carrying of some wordes , whereby a sentence is obscured ; and the schollar forgets himselfe before he come to the end of his sentence , and so writes false latine . long periods are therefore to be auoyded as much as may be . the schollars are to be called vpon , to reade ouer their exercises in the naturall or grammaticall order , so as they construe : and then they may see presently how the wordes doe hang together , both for agreement , gouernement , and sense , and where the faults of grammar are . that besides their rules , they be able presently to parallele or proue each phrase and construction , by the like example in grammar , or by a like phrase out of tully , or other authours : and what they know not , to seeke out ; to the end that they may be able to iustifie euery word , euen where they haue read it , so much as may be . the higher schollars to looke to elegancie , and finenesse of phrase and composition ; and so to bee reading their exercises ouer and ouer , stil correcting and amending them , neuer thinking an exercise well enough , vntill no fault can be found , in latine , propriety , composition , matter ; no nor in the least tittle . the schollar is herein to imitate the curious painter , who is still amending and bettering his picture , to drawe all into admiration ; that his theames , verses , orations may be as the harpe of orpheus , to draw all the hearers or readers after them . to appoint aduersaries to take one anothers exercises , and to see whether of them can finde the moe faults : and if you will , to set vnderneath , how many faults either of them findes ; and so to giue them to the master , or to themselues first to correct , then to the master . afterall , the master is carefully to reade ouer euery ones exercise , so much as leasure will permit ; and by questions to make themselues to finde where the errour is : as but asking ; doe we say thus or thus ? and to cause them to amend it of themselues by giuing a like example ▪ and in the meane time , to make some little line vnder the phrase or word , or peece of the word or syllable wherein the errour is , that they may amend it after in their bookes . and for all correcting of translations in latine , to doe it by comparing their exercise with the authour ; and so exercises of imitation , to see who commeth next to the example . in examining exercises in the highest fourmes ( as in theames , declamations , verses , orations , and the like ) besides the faults against grammar , the diligent master should obserue , first , all barbarous phrases , or poeticall phrase in prose , or contrary : secondly , tautologies , or oft repetitions of the same thing or words : thirdly , want of transitions ; that is , of fit bonds or phrases , whereby to passe elegantly from one point to another ; so as they might be more easily vnderstood : fourthly ▪ harsh composition : fiftly , lacke of matter : sixtly , want of elegancy in tropes and figures ; and so like elegancies noted in grammar . to haue a diligent eye that the schollars do forthwith correct their exercises , so noted out vnto them : and to this end he is oft to looke in their bookes , whether they haue corrected their former exercises ; and to vse sharpe reprehension or correction for that carelesnes , to make them to looke to that aboue all . for there is nothing wherein their negligence is more intollerable , nor for which the master shal be more censured , when their parents , or others who be learned ▪ shall looke into their bookes , and reade ouer their exercises , and there to find them vncorrected . if at any time the masters occasions permit not so much time , yet to see that it be performed by the vsher or some of the highest schollars , and the number of faults noted . spou. but what if there should be . or . in a fourme ( as it may be in the greater schools ; especially amongst the lower fourmes ) how would you do to examine all their exercises in a morning , but you shal hinder your selfe & them frō many other things , w th you must of necessity performe ? ph. in such cases we must yeeld to necessity , & vse the best policy we can ; as in that exercise of translating into latin , to cause som . or . whom you most feare , to pronounce their exercises , or to reade or construe thē out of the translation ; you to looke vpon the exercises , as they are pronouncing , & cause them to shew how they must be amended : so al the rest to correct theirs , according as they heare those corrected : if any be found carelesse to correct so , that he be surely corrected : and this is the best helpe which i know in this behalfe . so likewise where you giue them a theame to make verses ex tempore : or vpon som smal meditation , as those which are to be brought each morning , or at one of the clocke , when time will not permit to peruse the writing of euery one ; yet to cause euery one to pronounce the verses which he hath made : and as they pronounce , to shew them their faults , and then cause them to correct them after . thus haue i shewed you my iudgement also for examining of exercises . chap. xvi . how to answere any needefull question of grammar or rhetoricke . spoud . well good sir , you see how bolde i am , to require your iudgment in euery mater , wherin i find difficulty : now to return to the brief again of those things which you affirmed might be done for learning ; this i remember was another point , which cannot but greatly commend a schollar : to bee able to answere any difficult question of grammar , euen beside those which are in the rules , which are commonly learned ; and also how to oppose or dispute schollar-like in latine , of any good grammar question ; as both what may be obiected against lillies rules , and how to defend them : i pray you let mee heare of you how this may be done , and what is the most speedy way which you know hereunto . phil. the plainest , shortest , and surest way , i finde to be this : see that they be very ready in all the vsuall and ordinary questions of grammar , by daily examining at parts . for most of the rest fit for young schollars , i haue gathered them for the vse of mine owne schollars , and set them together after the end of the accedence questions ; yet so ▪ as i haue sorted and referred euery question to the right place whither it appertaines : as to the noune , pronoune , participle , and so the seuerall heads thereof . when as young schollars waxe perfect in all the former , which are in the accedence ; then a little paines in teaching them these , making them plain vnto them , and examining them some halfe side at time ( in stead of the time spent before in examining the former ) will very soone make them as ready in these also . after these , you may ( if you please ) goe through the questions of grammatica , and make them plaine ; examining them in latin : and so through all the necessary questions which are scattered here and there , through the whole grammar : directing them to marke out the questions , or the speciall wordes wherein the questions are , and how to be propounded ; that they themselues may oppose one another , or one to oppose all as neede is . but this as you shall thinke necessary ; and so as it do not hinder better studies . you may runne through the questions in m. stockwoods disputations of grammar , as they are commonly noted in the margents , but onely propounding the question in few words , both english and latine , as need requires , and teaching them to answere in a word or two . by going through these , they may be able to answere all , or most of those which are set together in the end of his disputations ; wherein he hath with marueilous paines , and diligent obseruation , collected a very great part of the difficulties of all classicall authours , and in the last edition noted the words in the margents , in which the difficulty in each sentence is . what other are wanting in these , may be answered by them , being of like nature . to giue a further light , and that nothing may bee wanting for my children , i haue adioyned vnto the later end of all the accedence questions which i spake of , certain generall figures : vnto some of which , many of the difficulties of all auncient authours ( both those in stockewood and others ) may be referred , or else vnto those figures set downe in the grammar and rhetoricke . for answering the questions of rhetoricke , you may if you please , make them perfect in talaeus rhetorick , which i take to be most vsed in the best schooles ; onely to giue each definition and distribution , and some one example or two at most in each chapter ; and those of the shortest sentences out of the poets : so that they can giue the word or words , wherein the force of the rule is . and so to proportion all other questions accordingly . to this end , the wordes wherein the force of the examples consist , would bee marked as in the grammar ; and that not onely in some one or two examples in euery chapter , which they are to haue perfect without booke , but also in euery example through the booke , to be able to apply any . claudius minos commentary may bee a good helpe to make talaeus rhetoricke most plaine , both for precepts and examples . if your schollar after he hath read these , doe but vse to bee carefull to keepe a short catalogue in his minde , of the names of the tropes , and also figures ( and those both of grammar and rhetoricke ) hee shall with practice of examination and obseruation be able to tell any of them , but repeating the heads in his minde . or in stead of talaeus , you may vse master butlars rhetoricke , of magdalens in oxford , printed in oxford ; which i mentioned before : being a notable abbridgement of talaeus , making it most plaine , and farre more easie to be learned of schollars , and also supplying very many things wanting in talaeus . both it and the commentary together , are almost as small as talaeus alone , and not a much greater price , though the worth be double . it is a booke , which ( as i take it ) is yet very little knowne in schooles , thought it haue beene forth sundry yeares , set forth for the vse of schooles ; and the vse and benefit will be found to be farre aboue all that euer hath beene written of the same . finally , for answering the questions of tullies offices , m. brasbridge his questions therof , are as short and perspicuous as any of the former . spoud . sir , i haue not ( in truth ) so much as euer heard of eyther of those bookes : as neyther of any almost of those singular helps which you mentioned for poetry ; by which apt schollars cannot choose but become excellent poets . phil. thereby may appeare what a generall want here is amongst vs ; when god hath giuen so many worthy helpes , whereby we and our schollars may attaine so readily the excellency of all learning meet for vs , and make all our courses so full of al pleasant and alluring contentment , and yet we shall neglect to enquire after them . chap. xvii . of grammaticall oppositions , how to dispute schollarlike of any grammar question in good latine . spoud . it seemeth to be very euident , that by these means they may be able to answere any necessarie question , meete for them ; but for those schollar-like oppositions in grammar questions , i heare you to say nothing , although it cannot but be a maruellous profitable exercise . phil. it is indeed a profitable exercise : and i finde that it may be very easily attained thus ; . about that time when they begin to reade virgill or before , as they are able , when they begin to make theams , two of them may be appointed , insteed of their theam , or verses to be made for that mornings exercise , to dispute euery day by course . the manner of it thus : let them take m. stockwoods disputations , to direct them . and first for their greater ease and incouragement , to enter them ; appoint them to dispute in the very words which m. stockwood hath , and that of all the questions in order , about a side of a leafe at a time , or as they can well : so that following the words of the author , there needeth no more labour , but committing it to memory and vttering ; vnlesse they can meditate to doe it more shortly of themselues . . after this when they haue thus gone ouer the book or the greatest part of it , which they may doe in a short time , keeping a constant course : then cause them to practice to take a whole disputation at a time , or at least a whole question , and to bring only the substance of it as shortly as they can ; yet st●l obseruing as much as may be ▪ m. stockwoods phrase , his order and witty conceits , which he vseth both in obiecting and answering . for their better vnderstanding of their disputations , do as in their theams : vse at their entrance , to read them ouer vnto them : shew them the plaine meaning of euery thing ; and by examining the sum of it all , first in english after in latine , cause them to vnderstand so much as time will permit . what they are not able to vtter in latine , remember to cause them first to vtter in english , and then they wil easily do it in latine , as we said . when they haue beene well exercised in these that they are able thus to dispute with facility , and are acquainted well with stockwoods phrase and order ; they may haue other questions giuen to handle wholly of themselues , if you will. by these means of continuall disputing they shall reape these benefits : . they shall bee much helped for the perfect vnderstanding , and answering of any difficult grammar question , as was sayd before . . they shall bee very much furthered for deliuering their minds easily in latine . . they shal be notably fitted for disputations in the vniuersity , or any like opposition , mooting , or pleading in the innes of court. . it shall bring audacity , help , gesture , pronuntiation , memory , and much prouoke them to an ingenuous e●ulation and contention . spoud . but i haue seene in a schoole , where the schollars haue beene able to dispute ex tempore of any ordinarie morall question , which you should propound vnto them : which me thought did exceedingly grace them , and was a very rare commendation vnto the schoole . phil. though i doe grant with you that this deserued very great praise ; yet this seemes to me rather to belong to the vniuersities , then to the grammar schooles . for i take it not onely meet , but also most equall and necessarie , that euery place haue their owne priuiledges reserued vnto them ; and that one in no case should incroach vpon another . aboue all , that there be a chiefe regard of the vniuersities , as vnto which the grammar schooles are ordained principally , for training vp young schollars to furnish them ; and that they haue all their honours and prerogatiues , reserued most carefully vnto them . of which sort these disputations in logick and other philosophie are . notwithstanding i shall shew you my iudgement , how this may be performed also ; and as i take it in the most easie manner , and most surely , so farre as it may be . . i would haue my schollar well practiced in these grammaticall disputations , to haue phrase & order of disputation in readinesse , and to keep themselues within the compasse of that kinde of reasoning ; leauing logicall and strict concluding by syllogisms , vnto the vniuersitie . . to haue read ouer tullies offices , with vnderstanding ; which by the helpe of master brasbridges questions , and the grammatical translations they may the more speedily by farre . . to choose out of the easiest of those questions , and to appoint the schollars insteede of their disputations in grammar : when they haue gone thorough those , then to reply and answere an argument or two vpon some of these questions daily . it were worthy the labor of some ingenuous and good latinist , as m. stockwood , to handle some of the questions of tullies offices after the manner of his grammaticall disputations , to fit schollars the more for such witty and pleasant disputations , against that they should come to the vniuersitie . but i speak this as the rest vnder better iudgement , and so farre as these may be meet for the grammar schooles . . for inuenting reasons to replie , it may soone be performed , by the dullest capacitie , according to the manner of inuenting reasons for theames or verses , following the chiefe heads of reasoning . if the replier do but only meditate what can be sayd against the question or position , from some one of those chiefe places of reasoning , discoursed in his mind in order ; hauing the places euer in fresh memorie ( as i shewed before ) by the practice of the art of meditation , or the like : for then if one place will not presently afforde meete matter , another will. and commonly , the places from causes , effects , contraries , examples , testimonies , are most pregnant to bring reasons to our minde . moreouer , to helpe to answere the subtilties or ●allacies ; besides the perfect vnderstanding of the question , and the matter of it , by reading or meditating of it diligently , the wise obseruing by the aunswerer from what place of reasoning the argument seemes to be taken , will vsually answere the reason . for , the most ordinary fallacies or deceits in reasoning , are from a bare shew of causes , effects , contraries , testimonies , and the rest , mistaken or misalledged ; yet vrged as if they were true causes effects &c. when they are but fained or bare shewes : or else in wra●gling about words , not disputing to the purpose , and to the point ; but in some other sense mistaking the question . for those common places or heads of inuention , all schollars who come to any ripeness , are necessarily to be acquainted with them , as was touched before . these wil euer stand them insteed for making of all epistles theams , verses , declamations , oppositions . also to helpe them to resolue whatsoeuer they reade or heare in any continued speech ; and to remember it , by gathering all the matter vnto the seuerall heads of inuention . thus to be able to remember , and confute a position , or an oration , ex tempore , with much admiration . without these helps they shall neuer be able to do these things ; or at least not with that facilitie , and in so commendable a manner , though they haue otherwise very singular gifts , of nature and learning . but aboue all , as in all other exercises so in this chieflie , continuall practice of disputing is all in all ; when once you haue directed them how to attaine good order , or method , phrase , and matter . if you desire any more , cōcerning the difficult questions of grammar , reade goclenius his problems in the end of his obseruations of the latine tongue . spoud . i much approoue of all that you haue sayde in this matter ; and principally that the vniuersities should be honoured by all means ▪ and their dignities reserued inuiolable ; yet giue me leaue to tell you of one thing , which here may seeme to bee blame-worthy , which is this : that you would haue your enterers into this kinde of opposing , to bring the whole disputations of m. stockw ▪ to dispute in his very words ; this may helpe to make them truants , to trust only to their books and memory , and not to stirre vp their owne wits and inuentions . phil. nothing less : for you see how after that they haue bin exercised this way for a time , then i would haue them to trie their owne wits & inuentions also ; first abbridging their author , then bringing their owne : but ▪ for following this course , both experience and reason do shew it to be the surest ; as in all other learning , so in this ( like as we obserued in generall before ) to let them haue first the most excellent patterns , & neuer to rest vntil they haue the very patterns in their heads , and as it were euer before their eies ; for then they wil be able to go forwards of themselues with delight & cōmendations . wheras , otherwise to inforce them by feare , to vndertake such exercises , wherwith they are not acquainted , nor see the reason of them , it is a matter of ouer great rigor ▪ that i say no more of it , & which must needs worke a maruellous distast in the schollar , as i haue noted . besides , to cause such young ones to dispute without hearing or seeing such presidents , is al one , as to teach them to write only by precepts or some direction without copie . for euen as therin they shal both write very il fauouredly if any thing at all , and learn so bad a hand , as they shal be much troubled to forget , which they must doe before they can come to a good hand ▪ so is it here . . they shall dispute very weakly & childishly , both forwords & matter ▪ if any thing at all , & . they shal get barbarous phrase , to make them to be skorned , and which they shall hardly forget againe . but of the otherside , they being trained vp thus , shall make not onely the matter of their learned authour their owne , but also his phrase ; and be so furnished , that any man wil take delight to heare them . and that which i say of this , the same i affirm of all excellent patterns , whether for making theames , verses or whatsoeuer ; that the more absolute their presidents are , and the more cunning they are in them , the more singular they shall vndoubtedly proue . this is the very maine reason , why all would haue the children to learne each author so perfectly , as to say euery worde without booke , as much as is possible , that the verie phrase and matter of their author may bee their owne to vse perpetually . to conclude this point , triall and experience may teach vs. let two children be taken , one of a more pregnant and sharpe wit , the other of a slower and duller capacity : cause him of the sharpe wit , to do all only by precept and his own inuention in making epistles , theames , verses , disputing ; but let the other of the duller capacitie be trained vp , not only by precept and his own inuention ; but principally by being kept strictly to imitate the most excellent patternes in all things : then make the triall , whether he of the duller wit shall not expresse the sharpnesse , learning , grauitie , of the most learned and wise men , with certaine assurance to iustifie what hee hath done : whereas in the other ; shall be found by a learned and a iudicious examiner , nothing but froth , childishnesse and vncertaintie , in the greatest ouerweening of wit and learning ; and whether the duller and harder wit shall not do it with farre lesse labour . sp. i must needs yeeld vnto that which you say , for that euidēce of truth which cannot be gainsaid . for this indeed all men doe see by common experience , that in all trades and sciences , they who get themselues most excellent patternes to follow , and are the curiousest in expressing them most liu●ly , are euer found the most excellent workemen . and therefore i do content my selfe , as fully answered , intreating that we may still proceed . chap. xviii . of pronouncing naturally and sweetly without vaine affectation . phil. what will you that we come vnto next ? take it that wee haue gone thorough the most things , which concerne our function for teaching the latine tongue . spoud . there remaine yet two other matters , and those of no lesse difficulty nor waight then most of the former ; and without which , yet schooles doe lacke their principall ornaments , as i suppose : the one of them is pronouncing sweetly , the other speaking latine purely and readily . phil. these . are ▪ indeed worthy of our best thoughts . the first of them , that is , pronuntiation , beeing that which either makes or mars the most excellent speech . for al speeches are vsually esteemed euen as they are vttered or pronounced ; the finest schollar without this is accounted no bodie : and a mean schollar hauing attained this facultie , is ordinarily reputed and commended aboue the best . wherupō you know how that famous greek orator , when he was asked , what was the chief grace or excellēcy in rhetorick , what was the second and third ; he stil answered , to pronounce wel . and for the second , that is , speaking of latine , as in examinations and disputations , so in all other things , there would bee a perpetuall vse of it amongst all grammar schollars of any yeers . to the end , to fit them to answer any learned man in latine , or to dispute ex tempore : also to traine them vp to be able to speak purely when they come in the vniuersities ; as in some colledges they are only to speake latine : or to fit them , if they shall go beyond these as , as gentlemen who goe to trauell , factors for marchants , and the like . the readinesse in which facultie if it be in a good phrase , how much it graceth a childe in vniuersitie , citie , or countrey , we all of vs knowe . spoud . sir , you haue spoken very truely of these : therfore let vs come vnto them in order , i intreate you ; and first vnto pronuntiation . this i haue found passing hard to acquaint my schollars withall , to bring them to any ripenesse or commendable faculty , but still they will speake as a boy who is saying his lesson ; though i haue both directed them how to pronounce , vttering the sentences oft before them , and haue very much called vpon them for the same . phil. to bring your schollars vnto this sweetnesse of pronuntiation , this is the plainest and surest way , so farre forth as yet i can finde : and this i am assured will effect it in a commendable sort ; . you must remember that which was generally premised in the beginning . to acquaint your young schollar from the very first entrance , to pronounce euery lesson and each word audibly , leasurely , and distinctly , euer sounding out the last letter . . to pronounce euery matter according to the nature of it , so much as you can ; chiefly where persons or other things are ●ained to speake . as for example : in the confabulatiunculae pueriles , cause them to vtter euery dialogue liuely , as if they themselues were the persons which did speake in that dialogue , & so in euery other speech , to imagine themselues to haue occasion to vtter the very same things . . what they cannot vtter well in latine , cause them first to do it naturally and liuely in english , and shew them your selfe the absurdnesse of their pronuntiation , by pronouncing foolishly or childishly , as they do : and then pronounce it rightly , and naturally before them likewise , that they may perceiue the difference to be ashamed of the one , and take a delight in the other . so cause them to do it after you , vntill that they can do it in good sort , tuning their voices sweetly . when they can doe it in english , then cause them to doe it iust in the same manner in latine ; and thus they will vndoubtedly come vnto it very easily . also cause sundry of them to pronounce thus the very same sentence ; disgracing the speech of those who pronounce absurdly , by imitation of it , and gracing as much the speech of those who doe it most naturally and pleasantly : propounding such as patternes and markes to all their fellows , for al to emulate and imitate them ; as i haue aduised generally . cause them to doe the like in corderius , esops fables , or terence as they did in confabulatiunculae . for esops fables , we haue shewed before the manner , for making a report of each fable , first in english , after in latine , and the benefite thereof . so after when they shall come to virgils eclogues , cause them yet still more liuely , in saying without booke , to expresse the affections and persons of sheepeheards ; or whose speech soeuer else , which they are to imitate . of which sort are the prosopopeyes of iupiter , apollo , and others in ouids metamorphosis , iuno , neptune , aeolus , aeneas , venus , dido , &c. virgils aeneids . so in all poetry , for the pronuntiation , it is to be vttered as prose ; obseruing distinctions and the nature of the matter ; not to bee tuned foolishly or childishly after the manner of scanning a verse as the vse of some is . onely to tune it so in scanning , or getting it without booke , vnlesse you would haue them to pronounce some speciall booke , for getting authorities for quantities ; or others , onely to that same purpose . to helpe hereunto yet more , and that they may doe euery thing according to the very nature ; acquaint them to pronounce some speciall examples , set downe in talaeus rhetoricke as pathetically as they can : as examples of ironies , exclamations , reuocations , prosopopeyes , and those which are in his rules of pronouncing . let them also be taught carefully , in what word the emphasis lyeth ; and therefore which is to be eleuated in the pronuntiation . as namely those wordes in which the chiefe trope or figure is . thus let them take speciall pains to pronounce theams or declamations , striuing who shall doe best : and in all their oppositions to dispute , as if ex animo in good earnest , with all contention and vehemencie . finally , the practice of pronouncing emphatically , of some of tullies orations , which are most flowing in these figures of sentences ( especially in exclamations , prosopopeis , apostrophees , and the like : as some against catiline ) must needes much acquaint them with great variety of pronuntiation , to be fitted for all sorts . for more exquisite knowledge and practice hereof , i leaue it to the vniuersities , which are to perfect all those faculties which are but begun in the grammar schooles ; and do referre you for precepts , to the second booke of talaeus rhetoricke de pronunciatione : or rather of master butlars rhetoricke , as i said before . chap. xix . of speaking latine purely and readily . spoud . i pray you sir , go on to the last point : in this which you haue said for the maner of pronuntiation , i haue heard nothing which i can iustly except against , it doth all sound so pleasing and likely in mine eare . when i haue more tryall , i shall be able to say more . in the meane time let me craue the like , for the manner of learning to speake latine . if you can shew me so plaine a way of it , as this seemeth to be , surely you shall make mee much more to reioyce . for of this i may complaine yet more , then of most of the rest ; that though i haue laboured and striuen by ferula , and all meanes of seuerity , yet i haue not beene able to make my schollars to vtter their mindes in any tollerable manner , of ordinary things , but in very barbarous phrase , nor so much as to put it in practice amongst themselues ; much lesse to vtter their minds in latine easily , purely , and freely as it were to be wished , and as you haue shewed the necessity and commendation thereof . phil. i my selfe haue had long experience of the truth and griefe of this complaint likewise , though i also haue done what i could continually : and yet of late time i grow to this certaine assurance , that schollars may be brought to talke of any ordinary matter which can be required of them , both in good latine , and also most readily and easily . herein hath beene a great part of my errour and hinderance , that i euer thought as most doe , that children were not to be exercised to speake latin , for feare of barbarisme , vntill they came into the highest fourmes ; as at least vntill they were in the third , fourth , or fift fourmes : and hereuppon i could neuer attaine to that which i desired . but now i finde euidently , that this must be begun from the very first entrance into construction ; their first books being principally appointed , and read to them to this end , to enter and traine them vp in speaking of latine of ordinary matters : as confabulatiunculae pueriles , corderius , and other like colloquiums . and therefore they should then begin to practice to vse those phrases which there they learne . also for the grammar , i see no reason but it might haue beene all as well set downe in the english , like as the accedence is , and learned in one halfe of the time , & with much more delight ; but onely or chiefly to traine vp schollars to deliuer all their grammar rules , and matters concerning grammar , in latin. spoud . it standeth with very great reason , that it should be as you say , that in the learning of those bookes , the right foundation of speaking latine familiarly should be layed ; and the practice begunne ; and that indeede there is a generall mistaking about this : but i desire you to set downe the whole course and proceeding in it , how to bring it to perfection ; and then i shall bee much better able to iudge . phil. for the manner of effecting it , i find it to be most easie thus : you must remember that which i said , concerning the manner of the examining both of their grammar rules and lectures ; to pose euery peece of a rule , and euery part of a sentence both in english and latine , as leasure will permit ; and to cause them to answere both in english and latine , vntill they be able to vnderstand and answere in latine alone . and so both examining in the wordes of their authors , and causing them to answer likewise in the very same words of the authours , they will enter into it with great delight . for the particular manner . i referre you to the chapter of examining in latine , which i shewed you before at large , and set downe examples of it . what they are not able to vtter in latine , vtter you it euer before them ; that as the childe learneth of the mother or of the nurse , to begin to speake , so they may of you and of their authour . if you were not able so to vtter euery thing before them , as very many are to seeke this way , amongst others ( i meane in this , to speake in latine easily and purely , euen in ordinary matters ) ; yet this continuall practice of daily examining and teaching your schollars to answere out of the wordes of the authour ( as the manner was set down before ) and watchfulnesse to vse to speake latine , onely amongst all whom you would haue to learne it , shall bring you vnto it ; and much more by the meanes following . i doe finde the daily practice also of those grammaticall translations , which i haue so oft mentioned in reading the latine of the author out of the translation , to be a marueilous helpe heereunto ; especially the reading of bookes of dialogues : as of confabulatiunculae pueriles , corderius , &c. for if there they can presently expresse their mindes in latine , of any such matter as is there handled ; why shall they not be able to doe it likewise , of any such thing falling into their common talke . as they learne these dialogues , when they haue construed and parsed , cause them to talke together ; vttering euery sentence pathetically one to another ( as was shewed in our former speech of pronouncing ) and first to vtter euery sentence in english , as neede is , then in latine . so you shall be sure that they shall not goe by rote ( as we tearme it ) and as they may do soone , if they only repeate the latine so talking together . and moreouer , euer thus with the english , the latine will easily come to their remembrance , so often as they haue occasion to vse the same . the practice mentioned of turning euery morning a peece of their accedence into latin , for their exercise , shall much prepare them to parse and speake in latine . accustome them to parse wholly in latine , by that time that they haue bin a yeare or two at the most , in construction , and are well acquainted with the manner of parsidg in english , as we aduised before . this they will do very readily , if you traine them vp well in their accedence , and in the former kindes of examining and exercises , which i spake of euen now ; and more specially by the right & continuall apposing of their grammar rules in latine . moreouer , the dialogues in the end of the first booke of corderius dialogues , will much further them in this parsing , because they are principally written to this purpose ; as all his foure bookes are very sweete and pleasant for all ordinary schollars talke . next vnto these i finde the daily practice of disputing or opposing in latine ( following the order , and vsing the helpe of m. stockwood ) to be marueilously profitable , for witty and sweet speech . vnto these you may adde the practice of varying of a phrase , according to the manner of erasmus , riuius , or macropedius , de copia verborum : as the wayes of varying the first supine , of the imperatiue moode , the future tense , the superlatiue degree , and the like . but these onely as leasure will suffer not hindering the most necessary exercises . so also for copie of the purest phrases and synonimaes , besides the daily helpes of all their authours , manutius or master draxe his phrases , to see how many wayes they can vtter any thing in good phrase ; and so to turne to any phrase when they haue occasion . and more specially for that practice of the reading them ou● of the grammaticall translations in propriety ( as was shewed before of the dialogues ) any shall finde to be most easie , to furnish with store of the purest phrase for any purpose . besides , for the master to vse oft , at taking or saying lectures or exercises , or at their pronouncing or shewing exercises , to cause them to giue variety for anything ; who is able to giue a better word or phrase , or to giue the greatest copie to expresse their mindes , and where they haue read the wordes or phrase . where none can giue a fit word , there to turne their dictionaries , as to holyokes dictionary , and then to furnish them ; or to describe the thing by some periphrasis or circumlocution of words or the phrases mentioned . but to the end to haue copie of proper wordes , besides all other helpes spoken of , it were not vnprofitable to haue daily some few wordes to be repeated first in the morning ; as out of adrianus ●unius his nomenclator ; or out of the latine primitiues , or the greeke radices ; the vse whereof i shall shew hereafter : and euer for those wordes which they haue learned ( any one who can soonest ) to name where they haue learned them . thus by all meanes they should be furnished with propriety and copie of the best words ; which is a wonderfull helpe to all kinde of learning , especially to the knowledge of the tongues . to all these may be added for them who haue leasure enough the reading ouer and ouer of erasmus colloquium , castalions dialogues , or the like . lastly when you haue layed a sound foundation that they may be sure to haue warrantable and pure phrase , by these means or the best of them , and all other their schoole exercises ; then continuall practice of speaking shall vndoubtedly accomplish your desire to cause them to speake truely , purely , properly , and readily ; practice in a good way being here , as in all the rest , that which doth all . spoud . these things , or but the best of them , being constantly practiced cannot but effect marueilous much , and very surely ; chiefly if we could bring them to speake latine continually , from that time that they beginne to parse in latine : but this i haue had too much experience of , that without great seuerity they will not be brought vnto : but they will speake english , and one will winke at another , if they be out of the masters hearing . phil. it is indeed exceeding hard , to cause this to bee practiced constantly amongst schollars . that is a vsuall custome in schooles to appoint custodes , or asini ( as they are tearmed in some places ) to obserue and catch them who speake english in each fourme , or whom they see idle , to giue them the ferula , and to make them custodes if they cannot answere a question which they aske . but i haue obserued so much inconuenience in it , as i cannot tell what to say in this case : for oft-times , he who is the custos will hardly attend his own worke , for harkening to heare others to speake english. also there falleth our amongst them oft-times so much w●angling about the questions , or defending themselues , that they did not speake english , or were not idle , that all the whole fourme is troubled . so likewise when the custodes are called for , before breaking vp at dinner and at night , there will be so much contention amongst them , as is a disquieting and trouble to the master . moreouer , this i haue obserued , that euer if there be any one simple in a fourme or harder of learning then the rest , they will make him a right asinus , causing such to be the custodes continually , or for the most part , if they cannot answere : and to this end will be alwayes watching them ; wherby many such are not only notably abused , but very much discouraged for being schollars , when they see themselues so baited at by all : some others are made ouer malipart thereby . besides all these , i doe not see any great fitnesse , that one schollar should smite another with the ferula ; because much malicing one another , with grudges and quarrels do arise thereupon . so that the discommodities that follow the custodes , seem to me to be many moe then the benefits can be ; chiefly in losse of time , and hindering more in other learning , then can be gotten in that . spoud . i my selfe haue had experience of most of these inconueniences : but what way will you take then , to cause your schollars to speake latine continually ? phil. this is the best way that yet i can finde , & to auoid the former inconueniences ; first , to appoint the two seniors in each fourm ( of whom we shall speake after ) as to look to all other matters in the fourme , so to this more specially , that none speake english nor barbarous latin : & if they be found partiall or negligent , then to preferre others into their places ; besides the other censures to be inflicted vpon them which i shall mention to you , when we shall come to speake of punishments ; & so to haue their due rewards , being found carefull . secondly , the masters owne eye & eare in the schoole , to be continuall custodes so much as may be , both for monitors and others . thirdly , if they do vse to parse in latin ( & therefore must needs exercise themselues in that against that time that their master doth come to hearethem ) & secondly , if they be kept in their places , and strictly looked vnto for performing all exercises ; i doe not see but they may be made to speake latin in the schoole at schooletimes ; neyther that they shall haue any great occasions of the contrary . fourthly , for speaking latin in all other places , it must only be by monitours appointed weekly , as we shall haue occasion to speak more after , and some seuerely corrected who are found most carelesse herein . spoud but if any one alone , who hath some vnderstanding of latine , would learne to speake of familiar matters , to be able to talke with others , what course doe you thinke the speediest ? phil. euen the same which i would vse to help a whole schoole : which if i should take a course for a wager , amongst others , i would vse specially , to cause them daily to spend some quarter , or halfe an howre , each in his order , reading corderius first out of latine into english , after out of english into latine , euery one a little peece ; where one failes another to helpe ; and the booke or master where all faile : and also the master to cause them to vary each hard phrase ( and chiefly all which are of most common vse ) so many waies as they can , trying who can doe best ; himselfe to adde moe where they faile . after corderius gone ouer , to do the like in other easie authors , as terence , or terentius christianus , and the like . so i would haue the priuate learner to practice daily the same , reading corderius first out of latine into english , by help of the translation ; after trying how he can read it out of english into latine , and euer where he fails , to vse the help of the latine book lying by him . the continual exercise in this , if they labor to be perfect in the examples of nowns & verbs , and somwhat in knowing the rules of the accedence , as was shewed , shal most speedily effect this desire . for thus may any one soon learne to vtter all that booke : and in it is the substance of most things falling out in ordinary speech . after this , hee may do the like in other easie books by the same helpe of translations . and lastly , practicing to translate other books of dialogues ( as , erasmus colloquium , or the like ) and afterwards reading them forth of english into latine againe , any one may come on very fast . spoud . this stands vpon the former grounds . these seuerall points which you haue gone thorough , seeme to me very sufficient ( and to neede no addition ) for training vp schollars to attain to so good perfection in the latin tong . phil. these are but an entrance , meet for the grammar schooles ; but to attaine to the perfection of the latine tongue , for propriety , choise , elegancy , puritie , will require much and long reading , and exercise in the vniuersities . for further direction thereunto , i refer you to gocleninius his obseruations of the latine tongue : whom i take to be worthy the diligent reading of all schollars who are of iudgement , and who doe desire to come to the puritie and ripenesse of the latine . chap. xx. how to attaine most speedily vnto the knowledge of the greeke tongue . spoud . now that we haue gone thorough all the principall points of learning , which belong to the knowledge of the latine tongue ▪ so much as can be required in schooles , as far forth as i can conceiue or remember for the present ; let me ( i intreat you ) require your like helpe for the greek : for i desire now , to be directed in euery matter , which may concerne our calling and facultie . i doe perceiue by our former speeches , that you likewise haue trauelled and found much experience and assurance herein . phil. although i am onely a learner in the greeke , as in the latine , and my hope is chiefly for the time to come : yet this i haue found by experience , that the latine once obtained , the greeke may bee gotten with farre lesse labour , and euerything as certainly , and this also in a little time , so much as it shall bee requisite for the grammar schooles . spoud . surely sir , if but that one thing that i saw in the note , may be attained , concerning the tongues , the greek and hebrew , i doe not see what can be more required for the grammarschooles : that is ; that schollars may be able as they proceed , to reade the greeke of the new testament and the hebrew of the olde , first into latine , or english exactly , out of the bare text ; and after , out of a translation to reade them into the text , that is , into their owne wordes againe : and also to giue the reason of euery word , why it must be so , and to be able to proceed thus of themselues in the vniuersitie . the continual practice hereof , must needs make them worthy linguists , as was there sayd , and notable text men . i pra● you therfore let me heare of you , how this may bee effected , and i shall thinke my selfe sufficiently satisfied for all my trauell , though it were but in this one thing alone besides all the former . phil. nay rather , let vs goe thorough the whole course still , so farre as wee can , how the exact knowledge of this famous tongue may bee gotten most speedily . for when i do remember the worthy testimony , which our learnedest schoolemaster doth giue , concerning this greek tongue , i cannot thinke any paines ouer-much , for the finding out the readie waie to the perfect knowledge of it . hee in one place hauing mentioned sundrie of the renowned greeke authors , as plato , aristotle , zenophon , demosthenes , isocrates and others , whom he names there ( the matchlesse masters in all manner of learning ) addes these words in praise of the greeke tongue , and the learning in it . now let italian , sayth hee , and latine it selfe , spanish , french , dutch , and english bring forth their learning , and recite their authors , cicero onely excepted , and one or two more in latine ; they be all patched clouts and ragges in comparison of faire wouen broad cloathes . and truely , saith he , if there bee any good in them , it is either learned , borrowed , or stolne from som one of those worthy wits of athens . thus far m. askam . spoud . this is a high commendation indeed , to bee giuen by a man of such reading and estimation for learning , as m. askam was ; and which must needs incite all students to the reading of the principall greeke authors , to desire to heare these peerlesse masters to speake in their ovvne tongue . wherefore , i pray you let vs heare from you , how you thinke that the way may bee made so ready vnto it . phil. the way may be most short and easie to him , who is acquainted with the maner of getting the latine tongue , so as hath been mentioned ; because it is the very same with it in effect . . if your schollars who are to enter into it , be such as haue time enough before them ; let them get the grammar very perfectly , especially all the chiefe rules , by continuall saying and poasing , as in the latine . most exceptions or anomalies may bee learned after , or turned vnto presently , as they learne their authors . because rectum is index sui , & obliqui . and knowing the rule perfectly , they will soone know the reason of the change . more specially , make them very perfect in declining nouns & verbs , and giuing all the terminations of them : i meane the seuerall terminations of each declension , and euery case in them ; and so likewise the terminanations of euery coniugation , and each tense therein . in the coniugations , to giue the first person of euery mood and tense , in each voice together ( wherby they are the soonest learned , one directing another ) and also to bee able to runne the terminations as in the latine . for example , in the first declension . the terminations of the declension are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . terminations of the cases are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. so declining the example . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so in the rest : the terminations gotten first perfectly , the words are declined presently , as i sayd . in the verbs also , besides the terminations , to vse to giue the first persons together in euery voice . onely let them be perfect in the actiue voice , giuing all the first persons in order ; then the passiue and middle voice by comparing them to the actiue : as indicat●vus presens , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verbero , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . imperfectum , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verberabam , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . futurum pr●us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verber●bo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . so the terminations of them , if you will : as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. to this end , make them very perfect in the tables of the cognata tempora . and also , cause them to run the terminations in each voice thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . you shall finde they will be learned not onely very soon and surely this way , but also most profitably for vse . after these to bee perfect in pronowns , aduerbs , coniunctions , and prepositions ; giuing ( if you will ) latine to greeke , and greeke to latine , as i shewed before in the latine . because then all the labour is with the nowns and verbes onely . if your schollars who begin greeke , be of good yeeres and iudgement ; it may suffice to haue them perfect in the examples of the nownes and verbes , and some fewe principall rules , in such sort as i haue shewed : and to be well acquainted with the order of the grammar , by shewing how and where euery part of it stands ; that so they may learne the rules or the meaning of them , by turning to them ; as they shall haue occasion in euery lect●re . spoud . but what grammar woulde you haue them to vse ? phil. master camdens grammar , notwithstanding the faults in the print ( as indeede there are very many ; which thing would bee carefully amended in all our schoole authors ) and what other exceptions can be taken : because , as it is one of the shortest as yet , so it is most answerable to our latine grammar , for the order of it . wherby schollars well acquainted with our common grammar , wil be much helped both for speedy vnderstanding and learning it . also the words of art set downe in it in greeke , as well as latine , will bee a great helpe for reading commentaries in greeke : as vpon hesiode , and homer . to the end to make that grammar most plaine , and to supply and helpe whatsoeuer is defectiue ; i take it , that the strasburge greeke grammar , set sorth lately by golius ( which seemes to me to haue been made in an imitation of camden ) may be as a good commentarie , though the order be not euer directly kept : the first part of it seruing for a briefe sum of the etymologie , the second for an exposition at large . spoud . but with what author would you begin , to enter them into construction ? phil. i hold the greeke testament to bee most fit ; and that for these reasons : . because , that thorough the familiarnesse of the matter , ( in that children are so well acquainted with it , by daily hearing or reading of it ) the greek thereof which is easie of itselfe , will be made yet far more easie to the learner ; for that the matter will bring the words , as i haue oft sayd . . because all schollars who can haue meanes to come to any knowledge of the greeke , should indeauour aboue all other authors , to be well acquainted with this . first , for that this booke together with the hebrew of the old testament were written by the lord himselfe ; not onely the matter , but also euen the very words of them . secondly , for that eternall life is onely in these bookes , being truely vnderstood and beleeued . so that wee may rightly tearme these the bible , or book of books ; because all other bookes are but as seruants vnto these , and all other are nothing without these , for any true good , but only to condemnation by leauing men more without excuse . yea , euery one who can haue opportunitie , should labour to see with his owne eyes , for the fulnesse of his assurance , rather then to rest on others . and much more because there are so many and such malicious sl●unders against all our translations ; as that those shamelesse calumniations haue beene a principall meanes to turne many thousand soules , after sathan and antichrist , by causing them to reiect the sacred scriptures vtterly , to their endless perdition , and haue beene enough to shake the faith of gods elect. vnder this very pretence of false translations , and obscuritie of the scriptures , hath antichrist principally holden vp his kingdome ; keeping all in palpable ignorance to be drawen to dumb idols , to murther princes , to lying and all abhominations which himselfe listeth . and therefore in these respects it were to bee wished , that all schollars who haue any leasure , and may come to these studies of greeke and hebrew ( especially they who purpose in time to become teachers of others ) would doe their indeauours to be as perfect in these two bookes , and to haue them as familiarly as euer the auncient iewes had the hebrew . this cunning in the text should make them to speake as the words of god indeed , with facility , authority , and power . those also , who haue but a little time to bestow in the greeke , would bestow it here , for the former reasons ; and because they may haue good occasion & helpe to increase in this continually , by the daily vse which they haue of the scriptures : wheras they , hauing but a smattring insom other greek authors , and contenting themselues therewith , doe come in a short time vtterly to forget all ; and so all that labour which was taken therin , is altogether lost . if any doe preferre some other greek author , for the sweetnesse and purity of the greek , and so will spend their little time ●o that ; luke is inferior to none therein , by the iudgement of the learned . if they look to the excellencie of all wisdom , what light is there to the light of the sunne ? also , for them who haue a desire to trauel further , amongst all the famous greeke writers , for the surpassing humane wisedome to bee found therein ; this booke once perfectly knowen , will make the passage thorough all of them both very direct and plain , and also full of all delight and contentment , & to read al other authors without any danger . in the greeke testament , to begin at the gospell of iohn as being most easie ; and next vnto that to go through the gospell of luke , if you please . in which two euangelists most of the history of the gospell is contained : that by them the euangelists may be soone run thorough ; and also the acts : then all the epistles may be read with speed . spoud . i cannot but allowe and like of all these things ; and principally of reading the greeke testament in the first place , making it the entrance , and another foundation to all the greek studies . but if that could be brought to passe , that schollars , as they proceeded herein , might growe as perfect in the greeke testament , as it is sayde of the learned iewes , that they were in the bookes of the olde testament ; what a blessing might it bee to the church of god , and what a happinesse to all posterity ? phil. surely , i am fully perswaded of it , that very much may be done in it ; and after also , in the hebrew of the old , to come neere vnto them : except that , that was their natiue language . this perswasion i ground , partly from that little experience which i haue had in mine owne triall ; yet sufficient to confirme me by proportion . more specially , by that which is well knowen in a worthy schoole in london , ( to which i acknowledge my selfe much beholden for that which i haue seene in this behalfe , and some other ) where som of the schollars haue bin able in very good sort to c●strue and resolue the greek testam . out of the latine into greek , wheresoeuer you would set them , and to go verie neer to tell you , where they had read any speciall word or phrase in it , to turn to them . and lastly , for the euident reasons therof , and the agreement of it with som former courses in the latine , wherof i haue a full assurance . spoud . i pray you shew me the meanes how . phil. the means are these , most easie & plain , for euery one to teach who hath any greek , and for others to learne : . that they haue so much knowledge in the grammar , as i shewed chiefly in nowns and verbes . besides the greeke testament , i would haue euery one to haue his english testament , or latine , or both ; and euer in their entrance before they learne a lesson , to haue read it ouer in the translation , and to bee able eyther to say it without booke , or make a report of it in english or latine : but better to say it without booke , euen in the english ; which with a little reading ouer , especially before bedde time , those who are of good memories will get quickely . this same done with vnderstanding , will exceedingly bring the greeke with it : besides , that thus they shall haue much opportunity and furtherance , to get the english text almost by heart , as we tearme it . . in reading a lecture to them , euer tell them what example each noune and verbe is like vnto , and for pronounes , aduerbes , and the like : if they bee not perfect in grammar , tell them in a word , or point them where they are in the grammar ; iust after the manner as in the latine . shew them carefully al the hard words , & those which they haue not learned ; and for those which you thinke they cannot remember otherwise , or wherin there is need of speciall labour , cause euery one to write them in a little paper book , made for that purpose , with sundry columnes in each page , to write at least the greek word & latin or english in , in each chap. & the verse against them : to the end to take most paines in those , & to run oft ouer them : and so euer to see after where they haue had those wordes before . and thereby also to account how many new wordes they haue in euery lecture : for all the rest learned before in any place or which are very easie , are not to be accounted for any new wordes . thus shall you prouoke and encourage them to more paines ▪ when they haue not ouer fiue or sixe new words in a douzen or twenty verses , and in time happely not two in a chapter . so that they will haue the most of the hard words in a short time , and be able easily to proceed of themselues , without any reading , throgh these & other helps following . when they learne to construe , let them doe it by the helpe of the translation ; obseruing wherein the translation seemes to differ from the wordes of the greeke , and marking the reason thereof ; and after to trie of themselues how they can construe , looking onely vpon the translation , beating the greeke out of it , as formerly they did the latin. those who are of any aptnesse , will doe it presently . and thus by practice , euery day going a piece , and oft reading ouer and ouer , they will grow very much , to your great joy . spoud . but giue me leaue to aske of you two or three doubts . why you would haue them to write down their hard wordes in a booke : will not making some markes at the wordes serue as in their latine authours , according to the generall obseruation ? phil. this was obserued before , as i remember to mark their hard wordes eyther in their bookes , or setting them downe in a paper . but here i thinke it to be better , thus to write downe the principall ; first , because schollars now will be carefull to keepe their greeke testaments faire from blotting or scrauling , although a booke were well bestowed to make them perfect in it , though it were neuer so marked . secondly , be●●use when they are fit to reade greeke , they haue commonly good discretion to keepe their notes , and to make vse of them ; going oft ouer them . spoud . but might there not be some other meanes for the getting of the hard wordes aforehand ? for this must needes be some labour , and aske care and diligence thus to write them down . phil. yes verily , if it be looked to in time ; all these may be so prepared aforehand , that most of this labour now may be spared , and onely speciall difficulties to be obserued . the maner of it is thus : that wheras there is nothing in getting any tongue , but to get wordes , and grammar for framing and setting those wordes together , and afterwards practice ; i hold it to be farre the speediest course , to haue the schollars to haue learned the greeke radices or primitiue words , before that they goe to construction ; or at least to be well acquainted with them . this course some famous grecians haue taken : wee may doe it most easily , and without any losse of time , or very little , if any ; as i haue made triall : first , hauing gathered the greeke radices out of scapula , after the manner of that abbridgement , called voces primogeniae , i haue heretofore caused such as i haue thought fit , to write it out , and to bring me a side ( or so much as i thought good ) euery morning at my entrance into the schoole , or presently after ; and so haue vsed to examine those wordes amongst them all , once or twice ouer , and where they haue learned the principall latine wordes . ( of late i haue seene the greeke nomenclaton vsed , not without fruit ; though it be vnperfectly gathered . ) the manner of getting the wordes may bee most easie , thus : hauing these in this manner with the english adioyned : if you would make triall herein ; when you haue examined a side , reade them ouer as much more against the next day ; reading first the english word , then the latine , and greeke last : shewing them some helpe how to remember , by comparing the greeke with the latine , or english ; and so the english will bring the latine to remembrance , and both of them the greeke . and in examining them , to aske them the english word ; and to cause them to giue both latine and greeke together , both backeward and forward againe . as , posing thus : how say you , i loue ? he answereth , amo , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , amo , i loue : so they will be perfect each way . thus within the space of a twelue moneth they may goe through the whole ; spending not much aboue a quarter of an houre in a day or half an houre at most of schoole time . those who are diligent may get them in good sort , onely ( as i haue oft admonished ) making some little pricks or markes at the hardest to runne oft ouer them : and when they haue once gone ouer them , you may cause them to bring you a leafe at a time , or more ; as those who are apt will doe readily . by this meanes , besides that they shall learne very many latine wordes , chiefly most of the primitiues to further them greatly in the latine , and to counteruaile all the time and labour bestowed in them : they may also , when they come to construction , eyther haue euery radix in their head , or turne to it with a wette finger , and make it perfect in an instant ; and thereby haue such a light to all other wordes comming of these , as presently by them , to conceiue of and remember any word . and thus by them and their readinesse in the grammar , to goe on in reading by the helpes mentioned , faster then you would imagine . for hauing these radices perfect , they will conceiue presently by a little obseruing , of what roote euery word commeth , and ghesse neere at the significations of them . spoud . but how shall i teach my fourmes which haue not learned the greeke grammar , to reade these radices ? phil. nothing more easily : for i finde by experience that they will learne that presently , by knowing but the value and power of the greeke letters ; i meane what euery letter signifieth , or soundeth in the latine : and so calling them by their names , as a. b. g. d. or giuing them their sounds . although if you will , the names of the greeke characters are soone learned : but that former course , with continuall reading ouer to them before hand , so much as you would haue them to learne at once , will sufficiently effect it , vntill they learne the grammar . in learning these radices , call vpon them oft to marke carefully the accents of each word , with the spirits : for that will further them exceedingly to accent right , when they come to write in greeke , by knowing but the accent of the primitiue word , and a few other rules . right pronouncing of them , will make both their accents and spirits remembred . by some experience of the fruite of this booke , for the speedy getting of the greeke ▪ i haue endeauoured to make it more perfect , by placing so neere as i can , first , the most proper significations in the first place ; and onely one worde in each signification , lest the volume should proue ouer-great : though ( if the volume would beare it ) variety vnder euery one , being rightly placed , were the better , to vse as neede required ; and therby also to help to furnish with copie of synonimaes . secondly , by setting downe also the english in one proper word , or iust as the latine ; onely to expresse it , and without variety : except in some speciall things which haue diuers names in our owne tongue , not commonly knowne . thirdly , setting downe also the articles in the nounes , at least in all which are hard to distinguish . the future and preterperfect tenses of the verbes may be known by their figuratiue letters : anomalyes are set down in the grammar for most part . i also intend ( god willing ) to set in the margent of it all the hebrew radices , against euery radix in greeke ; at least so many as can be found : which i presume vpon good ground will be found a speedy introduction to the hebrew . thus young schollars , and all others who are desirous to get the tongues , may make a most easie entrance into them , and goe forward with much pleasure in all together : for hauing these , they shall lack nothing in effect , but some precepts of grammar , with practice in reading . spoud . but i would thinke , these radices should be very hard to remember . phil. not so : for there is such an agreement and harmony , betweene all the foure tongues , or some of them in many wordes , as will make the learners to take a delight in them , and much quicken and confirme the memory of the weakest ; if it be but by the very sounding of one word like another . those wordes which they cannot remember thus , direct them to remember them by some other name or thing which we know well ; being of a like sound : which so soone as they but conceiue , the greeke or hebrew wordes may come to their minde , or the significations of them . here must be remembred that maxime in the arte of memory , that the more we doe animate or giue life vnto the obiect , or thing wherby we would remember , the more presently will the word which we would remember come to our minde . but yet withall , we must alwayes looke to that diuine caueat , that we neuer helpe the minde by any filthy obiect , or whatsoeuer may any way corrupt it , or offend the lord : because we must neuer doe the least euill , that we may obtaine the greatest good . if we get any thing so , the more the worse ; for it cannot prosper , but to bring a curse with it . but for this point of the agreement of the tongues , it may be i shall haue more occasion yet after , and how to remember the wordes . and thus much shortly for remembring the radices . yet besides these , there might yet bee a shorter way for committing all the radices to memory , or exceedingly helping thereunto ; if all the principal of them were contriued into continued speeches , & diuided into certaine classes or chiefe heads ; and they translated verbatim into latine or english , or both : and the translation to be made in a booke separate , or in seuerall pages ; as in the one page the greeke , in the other ouer against it the latine or english , line for line , and so many words in a line : like as is the translation of theogius , and the other small poets adioyned , with sylburgius annotations ; that so looking onely on the greeke , they might learne first to construe into latin , and after looking onely on the translation they might beate out the greeke ( as i shewed before in the vse of the translations ) and onely vse the helpe of the greeke text where they could not finde it out otherwise . by this meanes , when they were able to reade these both wayes , both the greeke into the translation , and the translation into the greeke readily ( as they might soone doe , by oft reading ouer , and by vnderstanding the matter of them well ) it must needes make all other greeke very easie , being but the same wordes in effect . this work also is done in part : it perfected and adioyned as a praxis in the end of the radices , being so framed ( as was shewed ) the one might soone be learned by the helpe of the other . and finally for this matter of thus getting all the radices , or principall wordes in the tongues , if all the hard latine wordes , and specially whereof they may haue vse in good authours , and which they haue not learned in their former authours ( as namely in virgil , or the rest vnder him , or which were not to bee found in his nomenclator ) were set downe after all these radices , in a few leaues in the end , the schollars should be with all furnished for ordinary latine words . as for such wordes as are peculiar to some speciall artes , as to physicke or the like , they are to bee studied and lear●ed onely of them who apply themselues to those artes . spoud . well sir , to returne vnto the point again for making your schollars so perfect in the testament , by helpe of reading it out of the translation ; i would thinke that it must needes bee hard to learne to construe or reade it out of our translation , to doe it with iudgement on sure grounds ; because ours so oft doe expresse the sense and force of the wordes , for the better vnderstanding of the matter , according to the phrase in our owne tongue ; and not the wordes particularly . phil. indeede it is oft-times the more hard and vncertaine : and therefore the schollar must take the more paines to remember it . but to this purpose , for the exact getting of the greeke testament , if there were a perfect verball translation , according to the manner of the interlineall ( that so out of that the schollar might daily practice to reade the greeke ) this must needes make him exceeding readie , without danger of any missing , eyther of the phrase , or misplacing the wordes : or in steede of such a perfect verball translation , if you take the ordinary interlineall translation ; and where it doth not sufficiently expresse the force of the greeke wordes , there setting downe the different wordes in the margent , as they are in the best translations , you shall finde it very profitable . or if you will , you may take bezaes translation , and set the verball in the margent , where beza differeth from it . the difficult radices would be also be set in the margent . spoud . it is very like that this would make them very perfect in the wordes of the text : but yet this verball translation would not serue for the manner of construction , or the parsing of it ; like as the grammaticall translations did in the latine . phil. by this time , when they know the wordes , and the meaning , they will be able to cast them into the grammaticall order of themselues ; and so all that labour is supplyed for construing and parsing : for euen as they cast and dispose the latine into the naturall order ; so they may the greeke . spoud . then that must needes follow ▪ which you affirme ; that by daily practice of reading the greeke out of such a translation , they may be exceeding perfect in the testament ; and that after that they are a little entred they may goe on of themselues in it : and so likewise all others by the same reason , who haue any smattering in the greeke , as all such ministers who are desirous hereof , may grow to great readinesse and perfection in it by themselues , thorough such a translation . phil. it is most certaine : for there is the very same reason in it that is in the latine ; and this i finde that a child of . or . yeere old , being well entred , shall be able only by the help of the translation , to read of himselfe an easie author , as corderius , or tullies sentences , as fast out of latine into the english , or the english into the latine , as the latine is ordinarily read alone , after he hath read it ouer once or twice : to bee able to reade you thus , in the space of an howre , a side of a leafe or more , of that which he neuer saw before : and by oft reading it ouer , to haue it almost without booke , if he vnderstand the matter of it . spoud . but if they should vse the very interlineall of arias montanus , as it is : i meane the greeke and latine together ; might they not as well learne by that ; as hauing them so seuerally , the greeke in one book the latine in another ? phil. no in no wise . this will appeare most euidently to any who shall make triall , how much sooner and more surely they will learne , and keep that which they learne , by this meanes of hauing the bookes separate . the reason also is euident ; because when the bookes are so seuered , the mind it beates out the words , and makes them it s owne : yea , and also imprints them ; and doth vse the translation but onely as a schoolemaster , or a dictionary , where it is not able to finde out the words of it selfe ; and also to try after , that it haue gone surely . but when both are ioined together , as in the interlineall , the eye is as soone vpon the one as the other : i meane , as soone vpon the latine as vpon the greeke ; and so likewise vpon the greek as vpon the latine , because they are so close ioined one vnto the other . so that the booke insteed of being a master to helpe only where it should , where the mind cannot study it out ▪ it becommeth a continuall prompter and maketh the mind a truant , that it will not take the pains , which it should . how this euill can be preuented amongst schollars , hauing both together , i doe not possibly see . for , whether they be to get it themselues , or to be examined ; yet still will their eye be vpon the helpe , where it should not be . indeed this i grant , that the interlineall translation may bee a worthy helpe for a man of iudgement or vnderstanding ; who can so moderate his eye as to keep it fixed vpon either greeke or latine alone , when hee would beat the other out of it ; as vpon the greeke onely when hee would construe , or reade it into latine , or on the latine onely when he would reade it into greeke , and so can vse them as was sayd , without hindring the mind to studie and beat out , or to remember . though the wisest shall find it very hard to vse it in this sort , but the eye will be where it should not ; vnlesse hee vse this course , to lay a knife , or a ruler , or the like , on the line which he would not see , & so remoue it as neede is . thus hee may vse it both for the greeke and hebrew . spoud . it stands with great reason . well then , the way beeing so ready and plaine , they are vtterly vnworthie so great a benefit , who wil not take paines in so easie a course . but if i woulde haue my schollars to proceede in other greeke authors , what courses should i then take : though i cannot doubt , but being only thus entred in the testament , that they will be well accepted in the vniuersitie , and goe forward speedily . phil. if you traine them vp thus f●●st in the testament , they vvill goe forwards in others with the smaller helpes . but if you would haue them to begin in other greeke authors ; i take the very same help of translations , either verball or grammaticall , to be the most speedy furtherances , so that there bee a diligent care of propriety in translating , and of variety set in the margents ; to vse them in all things as in the greeke testament , and in the latine authors mentioned . spoud . but how shal we do for such translations of those greeke authors ? phil. insteed of reading lectures to them , you may thus translate them their lectures daily , either in latine or english ; and cause them then eyther to seeke them out of themselues by their translations , grammars and lexicons : or reading them first vnto them , cause them to make them perfect hereby . by this labour of translating , you shall finde your selfe to profit very much in this knowledge of the greeke , and be greatly eased in your paines . spoud . but be it so , that i am not able to translate thus ; as he had neede to be a good grecian who should translate in such manner : what then should i do ? phil. if you bee able to reade the author truely vnto them , and profitably ; then may you also translate it thus : you may haue helpe by such translations as are extant , to giue you much light . but it were much to bee wished , that to this purpose , some skilfull grecians would translate som of the purest authors in this manner . as namely , isocrates , xenophon , plato , or demosthenes , or some parts of them , which might seem most fit for schollars ; onely to be for this purpose of getting the greeke . to begin with the easiest of them first . all painfu●l students would be found to profit exceedingly , and to become rare grecians in a little time . thus they might goe on vntill they were able to reade any greeke author of themselues , with such helpes as are extant . in the meane time , you may vse such authors as are so translated , or which come the neerest vnto them ; of which sort are those fables of aesop translated in the argentine grammar , and others which i shall shew you in the manner of parsing . spoud . for the parsing then , what way may i vse ? phil. i haue shewed you this in part : as the noting and causing your schollars to write euery hard word , shewing what examples they are like , the speciall rule , & so the other helpes as they are in the latine , by casting words into the grammaticall order . more speciall helpes for them , who are not acquainted with camdens grammar . . they may vse the praxis praeceptorum grammatices of antesignanus , set downe in the end of cleonards greeke grammar ; wherein is both an interlineall verball translation , such as i spake of ; and also a parsing of euery word familiarly and plainely , much according to the manner of parsing of latine , which i shewed you ; which may be a good direction for parsing . . berkets commentary vpon stephens catechisme , parsing euery word according to cleonard in folio , is found to be a speedy helpe . . m stockwood his progymna●ma scholasticum : wherin is also a grammatical practice of sundry greeke epigrams gathered by h. stephens , hauing a double translation in latine ( the one ad verbum , the other in verse ) and also a varying of each epigr●● latineverse by diuerse authors . and lastly , an explanation or parsing of euery hard word set in the margent , or vnder each epigram in manner of a commentarie . in it also the greeke text is set downe both in greek characters , and also in latine letters interlineally , directly ouer the head of the greek words ; of purpose for the easie entering and better directing of the ignorant . the commentary in it for parsing , may be also a good direction , for parsing in the shortest manner by pen or reading . besides these , for poetry , wee may take these authors , which are easie and plaine by their helpes mentioned : . theognis his sentences with the other poets ioined with him : as namely , phocilides with the latine translation and notes , set forth by sylburgius ; which is verie notable to enter young schollars into poetry , for making a verse . . hesiode his opera and dies with ceporine and melancthons commentaries set forth by iohannes frisius tigurinus , and the new translation of it , adverbum , by erasmus schemidt , greeke professour at wittenberge , printed . . homer with eustathius greeke commentarie may easily bee read after these ( especially after the commentary on hesiode ; which may bee as an introduction to it ) by the help of the verbal latine translation of homer : and the words of art , belonging to grammar set down in greek in m. camdens grammer . moreouer , these directions following wil be most speedie helps for all the poets : to haue in readinesse some briefe rules of the chiefe figures , and dialects : as those who are in master camdens grammar ; so to be able to referre all anomalies in greeke vnto them . those with the verba anomala , and the particular dialects , according to each part of speech , set downe in the end of camden , may resolue most doubtes : for anomalies and speciall difficulties which you cannot find otherwise , you may find many of them set alphabetically together in the end of scapula his lexicon , where they are expressed fully , and particularly : which you shall proue to be a maruellous readinesse to you . spoud . here are indeed very many and singular helpes : most of which , i may truely say as before , that i haue not so much as heard of . but if i would haue my schollar to write in greek , what meanes should i vse then ? phil. if you mean for the tongue , to be able to write true and pure greeke , the sure meanes are euen the same , as for writing latine . . the continuall practice of construing , parsing , and reading forth of the translation into the authors , is making the greeke continually . . to come to the stile and composition , and so for orthography , to doe as for the latine . as i directed you to giue them sentences in english , translated grammatically out of tullies sentences , to turne into tullies latine , wherby both your selfe and they may haue a certaine guide for them to go surely ; so here to giue them sentences or peeces out of the testament , or out of isocrates , as ad demomcum , or out of xenophon to translate into greeke , and so to see how neere they can come vnto the author . or else , to aske them onely the latine or english of the greeke , and to trie how they can turne it into greek first grammatically , after in composition : or sometimes one way , somtimes the other . and to this purpose also , the translations of som excellent parts of the purest greek authors were most necessary . by these meanes they might come in time , to be as accurate in writing greeke for the stile and composition , as in the latine . for all other exercises in greeke , i referre you to that which hath been said concerning the latine , the reason and meanes being the like . or if you meant for writing the greek hand faire , most exquisite copies constantly followed , as in the latine and english , and practice , shal bring them vnto it . but for this , i likewise refer you to that which was sayd concerning the way of writing faire . spoud . but what say you for versifying in greeke ? for that you know to commend the chiefe schooles greatly . phil. as i answered you before , so i take the meanes to be in all things the same , as for versifying in latine ; except that this is more easie , because of the long and short vowels so certainely knowne . to be very perfect in the rules of versifying ; inscanning averse . to learne theognis , that pleasant and easie poet without booke , to haue store of poeticall phrase and authorities : which is the speediest and surest way . and so to enter by turning or imitating his verses , as in latine . but herein as in all the rest , i do stil desire the help of the learned , who can better shew by experience the shortest , surest , and most plaine waies . notwithstanding , let me heere admonish you of this ( which for our curiositie wee had neede to bee often put in minde of ) that , seeing wee haue so little practice of any exercises to bee written in greeke , wee doe not bestowe too much time in that , whereof wee happely shall haue no vse ; and which therefore wee shall also forget againe : but that wee still imploy our pretious time to the best aduantage in the most profitable studies , which may after do most good to gods church or our countrey . spoud . your counsell is good : yet repeate mee againe a briefe of the principall of these helpes for my memorie sake . phil. this was it ; . to make your schollars very perfect in the grammar , chiefly nownes and verbes ; that they may bee able to proue and parallel euery thing by a like example , or at least to turne to them readily . . to haue the greeke radices by the meanes mentioned . . continuall vse of most accurate verball or grammaticall translations ; and in the meane time to make them perfect in the testament daily vse of our ordinarie translations so as was shewed , by reading the greek out of them ouer and ouer . . helpe of the best commentaries and grammaticall practices in the books mentioned . . to be ready in the dialects and the common figures for the poetry . . noting all the difficulties , and running oft ouer them as in the latine ; and so all other helpes of vnderstanding the matter first , and the rest mentioned generally . chap. xxi . how to get most speedily the knowledge and vnderstanding of the hebrew . spoud . bvt what say you , for that most sacred tongue , the hebrew ? how , i pray you , do you think , that that may bee attained , which you mentioned , that students may come so soon to the vnderstanding of it ? phil. this may be obtained the sooner , because we haue it all comprised , so far as is necessary for vs to know , in that one sacred volume of the old testament . also because the principall rootes of it are so few , the matter so familiar , as which euery one of vs ought to bee acquainted with . the nowns haue so little varying or turning in them . and finally , for that wee haue such singular helpes for the vnderstanding of it ( as the interlineall verball translation , and the translations and labours of others which beat out the propriety , force and sense of euery word & phrase ) like as in the greeke testament , that nothing can be difficult in it to the good heart , who will vse the means which the lord hath vouchsafed , and will seek this blessing , from his maiesty . spoud . surely , hee is vtterly vnworthy of this heauenlie treasure , who will not seek & beg it from the lord , and dig deep for it : i meane , who wil not vse any holy meanes , for the obtaining of it ; and much more the course being so short , plaine & direct , as you say . but i intreat you to trace me out the shortest way . phil. the way , so far as yet i haue been able to learne , is wholly set downe already in the manner of getting the latine and the greek . but to make a brie●e rehearsall ▪ for them who would bee more accurate hebricians for the beating out of euery tittle , they are to haue the grammar very accurately ; and that by the like means euen as the greeke and the latine . but for those who onely desire the vnderstanding of it , and to be skilfull in the text , the chiefe care must be , that they be made perfect in some few principall rules of grammar of most vse . also in declining and coniugating the examples set down in the book , & in the seuerall terminations of declensions , numbers , moodes , tenses , persons , to be able in them in some good manner to giue hebrew to latine , and latine to hebrew , and to run the terminations in each ; at least to giue the latine to the hebrew perfectly . and so in the seuerall pronounes , aduerbes , coniunctions to do the like ; i meane , to giue latine to the hebrew , to haue them very readily , seeing they are but few , and sundry of them of continuall vse . spoud . but what grammar would you vse ? phil. martinius of the last edition , with the technologia adioyned to it , i take to be most vsed of all the learned , as most methodicall and perfect ; although blebelius is farre more easie to the young beginner , as much more answering to our latine grammar ; and made so plaine of purpose by questions and answeres , that any one of iudgement may better vnderstand it , and goe forward with delight : so as it may be a notable introduction or commentary to martinius , who had neede of a good reader , to learne to vnderstand him perfectly . both read together , must needs be most profitable ; martinius for method and shortnes , blebelius for resoluing and expounding euery obscurity : yet euery one who hath learned a grammar , may best vse the same , because that is most familiar to him . but for them who are to begin , or to teach others , they may take the easiest first , that the learner may no way bee discouraged ; and after others as as they shall thinke meete , or which shall be found most profitable , by the iudgement of the greatest hebricians . this i thinke to be the surest aduice ; and by comparing of grammars together , euer to beate out the sense and meaning . spoud . what is your next meanes ? phil. the getting of the hebrew rootes , together with the grammar , euery day a certaine number . hereunto the nomenclator anglolatmus-graecus-haebraicus , mentioned before , if it were so finished , might be a notable introductiō . for the maner of committing the radices to memory , i shewed it before : yet hereto speake of it a little more fully , first to helpe our remembrance by som of the chiefe helps of memory ; as by comparing in our meditation the seueral words in the hebrew , with what words they are like vnto , eyther in the english , latin , or greek , which words eyther do come of them , or sound like vnto them , or with some other roote in the hebr●w , wherwith they haue affinity . that so soone as we see the hebrew roote , the other word which we would remember it by , comming to our minde ; the vnderstanding or meaning of the hebrew roote may also come to minde with it . as for example , to begin in the first radices , & to giue som light in . or ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●uber or pubert as , may be remembred by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pubertas ; and by ephebe or ephebus , in latine comming of it , signifying the same : as postquam excessit ex ephebis . terent. also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be remēbred by the month abib in the scriptures , which was amongst the iewes mensis pubertatis , in quo seges terrae canaan protrudebat spicas . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perijt , may be remembred by abaddon in the apocalips , called in greek apollion , the destroyer , or destruction ; the angel of the bottomlesse pit . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 voluit , acquieuit , or bene affectus est in aliquid , vt pater in filios : it may fully be remembred by abba , father , comming of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pater : and so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greeke , or abbas an abbot , quia abbas erat pater totius societatis . and auus seemes to come of the same by any of these we may remember the roote . thus we may remember very many of them by the help of auenars dictionary ( as i shewed ) or by our own meditation , euen from the wordes comming of them indeede , or in shew , obserued according to certaine rules which auenarius giueth in the beginning of his lexicon . the reason hereof also is most euident ; for that this is the mother tongue of all tongues , & was the only tongue , vntil the confounding of the tongs at babel : in which confusion , som words were changed altogether , in others the significations were altered , & many haue bin depraued and corrupted by continuance & succession of time . therefore as this tongue is to be honored , so this diligence in comparing & deriuing other tongues , must needes be of exceeding great profit many wayes : & amongst other , for this very purpose of conceiuing or cōmitting to memory , & retayning the hebrew more surely , by other wordes better knowne to vs. other wordes which cannot be remembred thus , yet may be remembred by the learned , by some thing which they sound like vnto , in one of the three tongs ; so that we forget not to animate that which we remember by : that is , to conceiue of it in our minde , as being liuely and stirring ; like as we noted before in the greeke . the rest of the roots besides these , will be but few : and being noted with a line with a black lead pen ( as was said ) or any marke , and oft run ouer , they may soone be gotten . besides these , som mark would be giuen vnder euery deriuatiue , in each roote , which doth differ much in signification from the radix , and cannot be remembred well by the radix , nor how it may be deriued from it . spoud . such a nomenclator as you speake of , must needs be a rare and speedy helpe to all the tongues , if it were well gathered by some very learned and iudicious hebrician . but in the meane time , what abbridgement would you vse for getting these radices of the hebrew ? phil. the epitome of pagnine i take to be most common : but buxtorphius his abbridgement ( going vnder the name of polanus ) must needes be the best in all likelihood ; as hauing had the helpe of that and all other , and gathered by great iudgement . i haue seene a draught of another , much shorter then them both , collected by comparing pagnine , auenar , and others ; shewing also for most part how the hebrew deriuatiues , which are more obscure , are deriued from the radices , giuing at least a probable reason for them : and also in sundry , shewing the agreement and manner of the deriuation of the tongues , one from another , and the affinity of many of them ; to helpe the memory with the speedy and sure getting of all . spoud . it were great pitie , but that that should be perfected ; for the benefite of it must needes be very great . but might there not be such a deuise , of contriuing all the hebrew roots into continued speeches ; and so learning them by studying them out of verball translations , as you shewed for the greeke ? phil. yes vndoubtedly , it might easily be accomplished by some exquisite and painefull hebrician , to make this labour yet much more compendious : although i doe not doubt but any indifferent memory , might in the space of a twelue moneth or lesse , get all the hebrew radices very perfectly , by the former meanes of buxtorphius or pagnines abbridgement alone ; spending but euery day one houre therein . and when they were once gotten , they were easily kept by oft repetition , running ouer the hardest , being marked out ; and by daily practice in reading some chapters ; though much more easily , by hauing the heads reduced to such classes , and the oft running ouer them . i haue heard moreouer of all the radices , with their primitiue significations alone , drawne into a very little space ; which being well performed , must needes be a notable furtherance . spoud . what is your third helpe ? phil. the perfect verball translations written out of arias montanus , by conferring with iunius and our owne bible , specially our new translation , and setting the diuers readings in the margents with a letter , to signifie whose the translations are , and also euery hard radix noted in the margent , as now sundry of them are ; with references to them by letters or figures , as i shewed for the greeke : these being vsed as the english translations , for getting the latin , and as the latine or english for the greeke , will be found aboue all that we would imagine . and that after this manner : first , as i said for the others , by reading ouer the translations , to vnderstand the matter . secondly , learning to construe the hebrew into the latine exactly , and backe againe out of the translation into hebrew ; looking onely on the translation , to meditate and beate out the hebrew . this helpes vnderstanding , apprehension , memory , and all ( as i said ) to haue the text most absolutely . lastly , beginning with the easiest first ( as in the other tongues ) as eyther some part of the history ( as namely genesis , the bookes of samuell ) or else the psalmes ; and therin specially the hundred and nineteene psalme , as most plaine of all other : or rather to beginne with the praxis vpon the psalmes , the first , the fiue and twentieth , and the threescore and eight , set downe in the end of martinius grammar , printed by raphalengius , anno . which will both acquaint the learner with the vnderstanding of martinius , and set him in a most direct and ready way , by the other helpes . for the certainty of this , besides that the reason is the very same with the latine , and like as i said for the greeke also , i haue moreouer knowne this experience in a childe , vnder fifteene yeares of age ; who besides all kinde of studies and exercises , both in latin and greeke , as those mentioned before , and his daily progresse in them , had within the space of lesse then a yeare , gotten sundry of the principall and most necessary rules of grammar . also a great part of the radices in buxtorphius , though hee spent not therein aboue two houres in a day . and besides all this , hee had learned about foureteene or fifteene psalmes : wherein he was so readie , as that hee was able not onely to construe or reade the hebrew into the latine ; but also out of the bare translation , to reade the hebrew backe againe , to shew euery radix , and to giue a reason in good sort for each word , why it was so . of this hath beene tryall by learned and sufficient witnesses . the which experience with the daily trials of reading the latine so exactly and readily out of the english , and getting it ( as it were without booke ) by that practice , doefully assure me that by this daily exercise the very originals of the hebrew may be made as easie and familiar as the latine is ; yea , in time with continuall practice , to be able to say very much of it without booke : as i shewed before for the greeke . and what student , especially of diuinity , can euer bestow some part of his time in a more pleasant , easie and happy studie ? when there will be no more but reading ouer and ouer with meditation , and still to be reading the words and wisedome of the highest ; in whose presence he hopes to dwell , and to heare the same sweete voyce in the temple in heauen eternally . spoud . by these means , it seemeth to me that any tongue may be gotten speedily . phil. yea verily , i do so perswade my selfe . for seeing ( as i said ) that there is no more in any tongue , but wordes and ioyning of those words together ; therfore the words being first gotten , chiefly by being contriued into continued speeches , & those so learnd out of such verbal translations : secondly , some few rules of them being knowne : thirdly , continuall vse of such translations ; would make any tongue to be vnderstood and learned very soone , so farre as i can conceiue . spoud . how soeuer this be , which seemeth indeede most probable ; yet i take it , there can be no doubt of this , but that in euery country of the world , the latin , greek , & hebrew may be attained by the same meanes : which three are enough ( yea the two last alone sufficient ) to know god and iesus christ to eternall life : and that so by the knowledge of the originals , men may haue a certaine knowledge of the eternall worde of the lord. phil. i can see no reason at all to the contrary , but that these our latine classicall authours being translated grammatically into other tongues , by some who are learned amongst them , the latine may as well bee learned thereby by them out of their translations , in their own tongues , by such helps of rules as haue bin mentioned , or the like , as out of translations in our english tongue . secondly , the latine tongue being once gotten , the getting of the greek and hebrew are the very same vnto them which they are to vs. or otherwise , the greeke and hebrew but translated so alone , into the seuerall tongues of each nation ( i meane verbally ) they might as easily , if not more easily , be learned in each countrey out of them , as out of the english or latine ; and the sense or meaning also , if in euery difficult place , or where the wordes seemed to be out of order , it were set in the margents ouer against them . the same i say for our english ; into which the hebrew , in most places translated verbatim , doth keepe a perfect sense , and might bee learned out of it . also the most absolute fulnesse of vnderstanding of the matter in our heads , doth bring wordes , most readily to expresse it ; which i haue oft tolde you of . but remember this that i haue said ; that the verball translations , for these originals , shall make the learners most cunning in the text , and in the very order of the wordes of the holy ghost , without danger of any way deprauing , corrupting or inuerting one iotte or tittle : though for the latine , the grammaticall translations bee farre most profitable , as we haue shewed . spoud . are these all the directions that you would giue me herein ? phil. these are all which yet i know . spoud . by these then it seemeth that you are fully perswaded that this holy tongue may be obtayned . phil. yea vndoubtedly , so much as shal be requisit for vs , by obseruing withall those generall rules , set downe for the getting of the latine ; and chiefly that , of making markes vnder euery hard word in each page , without marring our bookes ; and to runne oft ouer those . but herein it is necessary that i put you in minde againe , of that which i admonished you of in the greek ; that your schollar learne so much onely , as eyther the present time requires : i meane , whereof he may haue good vse presently , or else when he shall proceede to higher studies in the vniuersities , or to other imployments . and for other speculatiue or more curious knowledge in quiddities , eyther to cut them off altogether from hindring better and more needefull studies , or to reserue them to their due time and place ; or to leaue them onely to them who shall giue themselues wholly to these studies , to be readers in the vniuersities , or for like purposes ; as , the learning of the musick and rhetoricall accents : the prosodia metrica , and the like . spoud . what is then the summe of all ? phil. for them who desire to be exact hebricians , to be very perfect in the grammar ; for them who desire but only the vnderstanding , to haue , some necessary rules , and principally examples of nounes and verbes very readily . the radices . continuall vse of verball translations , or others ; as in the greeke . oft running ouer the hardest wordes . but these , as all other things , i write vnder correction , and with submission and desire of better iudgement . chap. xxii . of knowledge of the grounds of religion and training vp the schollars therin . spoud . now that we haue thus gone thorough all the way of learning , for whatsoeuer can bee required in the grammar schooles ; and how to lay a sure foundation , both for the greeke and the hebrew , that they may bee able to goe on of themselues in all these by their owne studies : it remaineth that wee come yet to one further point , and which is as it were the end of all these . that is , how schollars may be seasoned and trained vp in gods true religion and in grace ; without which all other learning is meerely vaine , or to increase a greater condemnation . this one alone doth make them truely blessed , and sanctifie all other their studies . moreouer , they being taught herein in their youth shall not depart from it when they are old . i intreat you therefore to shew me so shortly as you can , how schollars maie bee taught all those things which were contained in the note : as , . to be acquainted with all the grounds of religion and chief histories of the bible . . so to take the sermons ▪ at least for all the substance both for doctrines , proofes , vses ; and after to make a rehearsall of them . . euery one to begin to conceiue and answere the seuerall points of the sermons , euen from the lowest formes . these are matters that i thinke are least thought of in most schooles , though of all other they must needes bee most necessary , and which our lawes and iniunctions doe take principall care for ; and that the schoolmasters , to these ends , be of sincere religion . phil. i feare indeede that it is as you say , that this is ouer-generally neglected . and herein shall the popish schoolemasters rise vp in iudgement against vs : who make this the very chiefe marke at which they aime , in all their teaching ; to poure in superstition at the beginning , first to corrupt and deceiue the tender minds . but to returne vnto the matter , how they may bee thus trained vp in the feare of the lord ; i shall set you downe the best manner , so neere as i my selfe haue yet learned , follovving the order of these particulars mentioned . . for beeing acquainted with the grounds of religion and the principles of the catechisme ; euerie saturdaie before their breaking vp the schoole ( for 〈◊〉 finishing their weeks labours , and a preparatiue to the sabbaoth ) let them spend halfe an howre or more in learning & answering the catechisme . to this end , cause euery one to haue his catechisme , to get halfe a side of a leafe or more at a time ; each to be able to repeate the whole . the more they say at a time and the ofter they runne ouer the whole , the sooner they will come to vnderstanding . this must be as their parts in their accedence . in examining , first your vsher or seniors of each fourm may heare that euery one can say . afterwardes , you hauing all set before you , may poase whom you suspect most carelesse . . whether they can answere the questions . . in demanding euery question againe , to stand a little on it , to make it so plaine and easie , as the least childe amongst them may vnderstand euery word which hath any hardnesse in it , and the force of it . let the manner of the poasing bee as i shewed for the accedence . the more plainly the question is drawen out of the very words of the book , and into the moe short questions it is diuided , and also examined backeward and forward , the sooner a great deale they will vnderstand it , and better remember it . herein also to vse all diligence to apply euery peecevnto them , to whet it vpon them , to worke holy affections in them ; that each may learne to feare the lord and walke in all his commandements . for , beeing in their hearts and practice , it will be more firmly kept . this also must be remembred for all that followeth . . for the sabbaoths and other daies when there is anie sermon , cause euery one to learn somthing at the sermons . . the very lowest to bring some notes , at least . or . if they can , to learne them by their owne marking ; if not to get other of their fellowes to teach them some short lessons after . as thus : without god we can do nothing . all good gifts are from god : or the like short sentences ; not to ouer-load them at the first . to this end , that the monitours see , . that all be most attentiue to the preacher . . that all those who can write any thing , or do but begin to write ●oining hand , doe euery one write some such notes , or at least to get them written , some . or . or moe as they can , as i sayde to bee able to repeate them without booke , as their other little fellowes . but herein there must be great care by the monitours , that they trouble not their fellowes , nor the congregation , in asking notes , or stirring out of their places to seek of one another , or any other disorder ; but to aske them after they are come forth of the church , and get them written then . . for those who haue been longer practiced herein , to set downe , . the text or a part of it . . to marke as neere as they can , and set downe euery doctrine , and what proofes they can , the reasons and the vses of them . . in the highest fourmes , cause them to set downe all the sermons . as text , diuision , exposition , or meaning , doctrines , and how the seuerall doctrines were gathered , all the proofes , reasons , vses , applications . i meane all the substance and effect of the sermons : for learning is not so much seene , in setting downe the words , as the substance . and also for further directing them , and better helping their vnderstanding and memories , for the repetition thereof ; cause them to leaue spaces betweene euery part , and where neede is to diuide them with lines . so also to distinguish the seuerall parts by letters or figures , and setting the sum of euery thing in the margent ouer against each matter in a word or two . as , text , diuision , summe . first obseruation or . doctrine , proofes , reasons . . . vses . . . so , the . obseruation or doctrine , proofes , reasons , &c. so thoroughout . or what method soeuer , the preacher doth vse , to follow the parts after the same maner , so well as they can . direct them to leaue good margents for these purposes : and so soone as euer the preacher quotes any scripture , as hee nameth it , to set it in the margent against the place , lest it slip out of memorie . and presently after the sermon is done , to run ouer all againe , correcting it , and setting downe the sum of euerie chief head , faire and distinctly in the margent ouer against the place , if his leasure will suffer . by this helpe they will be able to vnderstand , and make a repetition of the sermon , with a verie little meditation ; yea to doe it with admiration for children . after all these , you may ( if you think good ) cause them the next morning , to translate it into a good latine stile , insteed of their exercise the next day ( i meane , so many of them as write latine ) or some little peece of it according to their ability . or rather , ( because of the lacke of time , to examine what euery one hath written ) to see how they are able out of the english , to read that which they haue written , into latine , ex tempore , each of them reading his peece in order , and helping others to giue better phrase and more variety , for euery difficult word ; and so to runne thorough the whole . this i finde that they will beginne to do , after that they haue beene exercised in making latine a twelue moneth or two , if they haue beene rightly entred , and well exercised in sententiae pueriles ; especially in the diuine sentences in the end thereof , and in corderius with other bookes and exercises noted before , chiefly by the practice of reading out of the translations . spoud . but when would you examine these ? phil. for the reading into latine , i would haue it done the next day at . of the clock for their exercise , or at their entrance after dinner ; that so they might haue some meete time to meditate of it before : and for examining of it in english , to do it at night before their breaking vp , amongst them all shortly , or before dinner . herein also some one of the higher fourmes might bee appointed in order to make a repetitiō of the wholeserm on without book , according as i shewed the manner of setting it down ; rehearsing the seueral parts so distinctly & briefly , as the rest attending may the better conceiue of the whole , and not exceed the space of a quarter of an howre . after the repetition of it , if leasure serue , the master may aske amongst the highest som few questions , of whatsoeuer points might seeme difficult in the sermon : for by questions as i haue said , they wil com to vnderstand any thing . next to appose amongst the lowest , where he thinkes good , what notes they took of the sermons , and cause them to pronounce them ; and in appoasing to cause them to vnderstand , by applying all things to them in a word or two . thus to go thorough as time shall permit . spoud . this strict examining will be a good means to make them attentiue ? phil. it will indeed ; so as you shal see them to increase in knowledge and vnderstanding aboue your expectation : and besides it wil keep them from playing talking , sleeping and all other disorders in the church . to this end therfore poase diligently , all those whō you obserue or suspect most negligent ▪ as i haue aduised : then you shall haue them to attend heedfully . spoud . but how will you cause them to be able so to repeate the sermon ? mee thinkes that should bee very difficult . phil. the schollars will doe it very readily , where the preachers keep any good order ; when they haue so noted euerything as i directed before , and set downe the sum in the margent . for then , first meditating the text to haue it perfect : secondly , meditating the margents to get the sum of all into their heads , and the manner how it stands : thirdly , obseruing how many doctrines were gathered and how , what proofs , how many reasons & vses of euery doctrine ; they will soone both conceiue it , and be able to deliuer it with much facilitie after a little practice . but herein the principall helpes are vnderstanding , by getting the summes , and margents ; obseruing the order , and constant practice . vnderstanding will bring words : practice perfection . if those who are weaker or more timorous , haue their notes lying open before them , to cast their eye vpon them here or there where they sticke , it shall much embolden them , and fit them after to make vse of short notes of any thing : i meane of the briefe summe of that which they shall deliuer . spoud . these are surely very good exercises for the saturday for catechizing , and the daies after the sermons for repeating of the sermons : but would you haue no exercises of religion at all in the other daies of the weeke ? phil. yes . as there is no no day but it is the lords , and therefore it and all our labours to be consecrated to him by a morning & an euening sacrifice , i mean praier & thanksgiuing morning & euening ; so there would no day be su●fered to passe ouer , wherin there should not be some short exercise or lesson of religion : which is both the chiefe end of all other our studies , and also that , wherby all the rest are sanctified . and to this end , one quarter of an hower or more might be taken euery euening before praier , though they were kept so much the longer , that it might not hinder any other of their daily studies : although in this , no losse will euer be found , to any other studie , but the lord wil bless so much the more ; that also to be in such a course as none could any way dislike , & which of all other might be both most sure and profitable . spoud . what such a course can you find which is so profitable , and which all must needes so approue of , which might be so short ? phil. to go thorough the history of the bible , euery day a history , or som peece of a history : i meane , some few questions of it in order , as the time will permit . to this purpose , there is a little book called the history of the bible , gathered by m. paget : wherin if you cause them to prouide against euery night a side of a leafe , or as you shall thinke meet , of the most easie & plaine questions ; and to examine them after the maner of examining the catechism ; you shall see them to profit much , both for the easinesse of the history , and the delight which children will take therein . wherein also if first you shall shewe them or aske them what vertues are commended in that history ; what vices are cōdemned ; or what generals they could gather out of that particular ; or what examples they haue against such vices , or for such vertues ; and thus examine them after the same maner , so going ouer & ouer as the time permits , you shall see them to come on according to your desire . spoud . but me thinks that you would not haue them to take euery question in that booke before them . phil. no : i would haue only those histories which are most familiar for children to vnderstand , and most to edification ; and so those questions only to be chosen . there are sundry concerning the leuiticall lawes , which are beyond their conceit , and so in diuerse other parts . for that shuld euer be kept in memorie , that things wel vnderstood are euer most soone learned and most firmly kept : and we should euer be afraid to discourage our children by the difficulty of anything . spoud . it is true indeed . and moreouer , howsoeuer it is most certaine that all holy scripture is profitable , and all to be knowen : yet som parts are more easie and as milk , meet for the weakest and youngest children to be taught , and which they may vnderstand and conceiue of easily ; others are as stronger meate , and more obscure , wherewith they are to be acquainted after . but as in all other learning , so it is here , euery thing is to be learned in the right place . the more plaine and easie questions and places will still be expounders and masters to the more hard and obscure . but yet , howsoeuer i like very well of all this , you know that there are some who would not haue their children to be taught any religion , nor to meddle with it at all . phil. there cannot bee anie such who either loue or know the gospell of christ , or regarde their owne saluation , or the sauing of their children . the rest are to be pittied and praied for , rather then to be answered . the popish sort know the necessitie hereof : and therefore they labour principally to corrupt the youth , and offer their pains freely to that end . they shal be the iudges of all such . spoud . but it will take vp ouer-much time from their other learning . phil. i directed you how to cut off all such exceptions : i would take the time to that purpose ouer and beside their ordinarie . it is but mine owne labour , for a quarter or halfe an howre in the day at the most , keeping them a little longer . although if it should be part of the schoole time , there would neuer be found any losse therein . spoud . but how will you teach your children ciuility & good manners ? which is principally required in schollars . phil. religion will teach them manners : as they grow in it , so they will also in all ciuil and good behauiour . the word of the lord is the rule and ground of all , to frame their manners by ; that is therefore the first and principall meanes . secondly , out of their authours which they reade , you may still take occasion to teach them manners ; some of their treatises being written of purpose to that end : as qui mihi , sententiae pueriles , cato , tullies offices , &c. for the carriage of youth , according to the ciuility vsed in our time , and for the whole course of framing their manners in the most commendable sort , there is a little booke translated out of french , called the schoole of good manners , or the new schoole of vertue ; teaching youth how they ought to behaue themselues in all companies , times , and places . it is a booke most easie and plaine , meet both for masters and schollars to be acquainted with , to frame all according vnto it ; vnlesse in any particular the custome of the place require otherwise . spoud . how would you haue the children acquainted with this ? phil. the master sometimes in steade of the history , or if he will ( at some other times ) might reade it ouer vnto them al , a leaf or two at a time , & after to examin it amongst them . it is so plaine that they will easily vnderstand it . spoud . but if i could thus teach them religion , and latine all vnder one ; it were a most happy thing , and i should cut off all quarrell and exception . phil. i will shew you how you may doe it . cause your schollars to reade you a chapter of the new testament , or a peece of a chapter , as time will permit , about twentie verses at a time , in steed of the history mentioned . one night to reade it out of the latin into english ; reading first a verse or a sentence in latine to a comma , or a full point , as they can : then englishing that , not as construing it , but as reading it into good english ; so throughout : the next night to reade the same ouer againe forth of an english testament , into the same latine backe againe . thus euery one of those who are able , to reade in order , each his night ; all the rest to looke on their owne testaments , english , latine , or greeke , or to harken . let them beginne at the gospell of iohn , as was aduised for the greeke , as being most easie ; or at matthew if you please ; and you shall soone finde that through the familiarnes of the matter , they will so come on both wayes ( both in reading the latine into english , and english into latine ) as your selfe will maruell at , and their parents will reioyce in ; and acknowledge themselues bound vnto you for to see their little ones to be able to reade the testament into latine . besides that , it will be also a notable preparatiue to learne the greeke testament , when they are so well acquainted with the english and latine before . spoud . but what latine translation would you vse ? phil. such as my schollars haue : erasmus or beza ; but chiefly beza , as the more pure phrase , and more fully expressing the sense and drift of the holy ghost . therein your selfe , or your schollars marking the peculiar latine phrases , when they reade first forth of the latine into the english , they will be able of themselues ( when they reade them the second time forth of the english into latine ) to giue the same phrases againe , and to imprint them for euer . spoud . but what time should i haue then for the history of the bible , that little booke which you mentioned ; wherof must needes be very singular vse : would you haue me to omit it ? phil. no , in no case : one quarter of an houre spent in examining it before prayers in the forenoone , a side or a leafe at a time ( as i said ) may serue for that ; and another quarter or not much more , before prayers at the breaking vp at euening for this ; and so neyther to lose time , nor to omit any thing necessary for their happy growth herein . in this reading of the chapters so , you shall finde that they will get as much latine , and goe on as fast as in any other exercise whatsoever ; and also will doe it with ease , when they haue beene first well trayned vp in the grammaticall translations , and that each knoweth his night to looke to it aforehand . spoud . but at this kinde of reading the chapter , the lesser sort which vnderstand no latine , will get no good . phil. yes very much . if after that the chapter is read , you vse but to examine some two or three , as time will permit ; asking them what they remember of that which was read , or how much they can repeat without booke of it : you shall see that in a short time they will so marke , or so looke to it afore hand , as they will ( almost any of them ) repeate you a verse or two a peece . if you vse to appose ordinarily for example , some one whom you know can repeat a great deale , it will much prouoke the rest , to marke and take paines ; and especially if ( as in other things ) you vse to appose aduersaries , whether can repeate the more . and thus much for that , how they may get religion and latine together . chap. xxiii . how to vnderstand and remember any morall matter . spoud . yet one other point remaineth , which is of great vse , and very fit to bee asked here ; how children may be made to vnderstand , and conceiue of any ordinary matter meete for them ? as the points of the sermons , the history of the bible : for euen most of these things may seeme to be aboue childrens capacities ; and i see vnderstanding to be the life and substance of all . phil. this point hath been taught throughout in part : but this i say vnto you againe , and you shall finde it most true ; that for any one who would conceiue of any long sentence and remember it , let him diuide it into as many short questions as he can , and answere them ( though closely ) in his minde ; it shall giue a great light . so do with your schollars in any thing which you would haue them to vnderstand : diuide the long question or sentence into many short ones ; by the short they will vnderstand and conceiue of the long . i shewed the maner in examining young schollars , at in speech , and in sententiae pueriles . for other helpes ; as for marking the summe and drift of euery thing , and also for obseruing what goeth before , what followeth after , the propriety of words , those circumstances of examining and vnderstanding , casting the words into the naturall order , and the like : i referre you to the chapter of construing ex tempore ; where these things are handled at large . spoud . yet for my further direction , giue me one ensample in a sentence , in the storie of the bible , because wee were speaking of that last , and how to teach children to vnderstand that . i take it there is the like reason in the latin , and in all things . phil. there is indeede the same reason . i will giue you an instance in a sentence or two in the first chapter in genesis : and the rather because this is vsed by many , to cause children to reade a chapter of the bible , and then to aske some questions out of that . for example : in the beginning god created the heauen and the earth . and the earth was without forme and voyde , and darkenesse was vpon the face of the deepe , and the spirit of god moued vpon the waters . then god said ; let there be light , and there was light , &c. i would propound my questions thus , sundry wayes , out of the wordes , and that they may answere directly in the very wordes : q. what did god in the beginning ? a. he created heauen and earth . q. when did god create heauen and earth ? a. in the beginning . q. were not heauen and earth alwayes ? a. no ; god created them . q. what a one was the earth ? a. the earth was without forme or fashion . q. had it any thing in it ? a. no ; it was voyde or waste . q. was there nothing vpon it ? a. yes ; darkenesse was vpon the deepe . q. was there nothing else mouing ? a. yes ; the spirit of god moued on the waters . q. what said god then ? a. let there be light ? q. was there light as he commaunded ? a. yes ; there was light . q. was there no light before ? a. no ; god commaunding created it : there was nothing but darkenesse before : darkeness was vpon the deep . these questions and answeres arise directly out of the words ; & are the same in effect with those in the little booke , called the historie . spoud . these verely giue a great light , and are marueilous easie , and do cause that a childe may conceiue and carie away most of them ; whereas reading them ouer hee marked little in them . but yet here are some things darke , and ouer-hard for children to vnderstand : as , what is meant by created , by the deepe , and the mouing of the spirit vpon the waters , &c. phil. it is true ; but yet by this meanes a childe shal haue a great light and helpe for vnderstanding , conceit and memory in most . and for those things which remaine obscure , the learner is to marke them out , and inquire them of others , or of the notes & short commentaries vpon them ; and so by the other helpes mentioned : and especially considering the drift of the holy ghost , and comparing with more plaine places where like phrases are vsed . but here it shal be the safest , in posing to aske those things which arise clearly & naturally out of the words , & may be fully vnderstood ; to omit the rest vntil god shal make them as euident . the easiest being first learned perfectly , the rest will come in their time , and the fruite according to your desire . and let me tell you this for your owne benefite : in your priuate reading scriptures , or other bookes , where you would fully vnderstand and lay vp , vse thus to resolue by questions and answeres in your minde ; and then tell me what you doe finde . the benefit which i doe conceiue of it , makes me bolde thus to aduise you : but this by the way . spoud . thus you will binde me vnto you for euer , in directing me in euery thing , so plainly and so easily ; and not onely for my children , and how to doe them all this good , but euen for mine owne priuate . though i cannot requite you , yet the high god , who hath giuen you this heart , and who neuer forgets the least part of the labor or loue which any of his seruants shall shew to his name , he will certainely reward it . thus haue we gone through all the maine and principall matters concerning this our function , for all parts and exercises of learning , which i doe remember ; so farre as doe belong to our calling : so that now i should leaue off from hindering or troubling you any further . yet neuerthelesse , whereas i remember that you said , that god might direct this our conference , not onely to our owne priuate benefite , but also to the benefite of many thousand other ; and verely i see that hee may turne it to a perpetuall blesing : giue me leaue to propound some other doubts , to the very same purpose , to remoue whatsoeuer may hinder or bring scruple to any , and to supply what yet may seeme wanting or hard to be effected . phil. goe on i pray you : i shall resolue you in all , according to my poore ability , as i haue in the rest . now indeede we haue a fit time : and god knoweth whether euer we shall haue the like opportunity againe . therefore propound whatsoeuer may tend hereunto . chap. xxiiii . some things necessary to be knowne , for the better attaining of all the partes of learning mentioned . how the schoolemaster should be qualified . spoud . my first question shall bee this : how you would haue your schoolemaster qualified , to be able to doe all these in this manner : hee had not neede to be euery ordinary man. phil. i will answere you , how i thinke it necessary , that the schoolemaster should be qualified . to be such a one as is sufficient to direct his schollars in the things mentioned , or in better ; according as the learning of his schollars shall require : or at least such a one as is tractable , and not conceited , though his ability be the meaner ; and who will willingly vse any helpe or direction , to fit him hereunto . neyther is there any thing here , but that any one meere to be admitted to that place , may by his labour and diligence ( following but euen this direction ) attaine vnto in short time , through the blessing of god. he must resolue to be painefull and constant in the best courses ; of conscience , to do a speciall seruice to god in his place : to be alwayes vpon his worke , during schoole times ; neuer absent from his place or office more then vppon vrgent necessity . to cast aside all other studies for the time of his schoole , i meane in the greater grammar schooles : his eye to be on euery one and their behauiours , and that nothing bee wanting to them : his minde vpon their taskes and profiting ; not posting ouer the trust to others , for hearing parts or lectures , or examining exercises , so farre as his owne leisure will serue . for he shall sensibly discerne a neglect , euen in the best where they haue any hope to escape the masters own view . one day omitted shall make them worse two dayes after . the masters eye must feede the horse : therefore where he is compelled to vse the helpe of some schollars , he is to see that they deale faithfully , and to take some short tryall of them after . hee should be of a louing and gentle disposition with grauitie ; or such a one as will frame himselfe vnto it ; and to incourage his schollars by due praise , rewards , and an honest emulation ; who also dislikes vttery all seuerity , more then for necessity : yet so as that he be quicke and cheerefull ▪ to put life into all , and who cannot indure to see sluggishnesse or idlenesse in any , much lesse any vngratiousnesse ; and therefore can vse also not onely sharpenesse , but euen seuerity with discretion where neede is . hee ought to bee a godly man , of a good carriage in all his conuersation , to gaine loue and reuerence thereby . and therefore to auoyde carefully all lightnesse , and ouer-much familiarity with boyes , or whatsoeuer may diminish his estimation and authority . and also to the end that god may grace him with authority , to aime in all his labour , not at his owne priuate gaine or credite , but how he may most honour god in his place , doe the best seruice to his church , and most profite the children committed to him . to expect the blessing of his labours only from the lord , and to ascribe all the praise vnto him alone . thus to serue forth his time , so long as he remaines therein , that he may be euer acceptable vnto the lord , looking ( as was said ) for his chiefe reward from him . spoud . indeede sir , such a man cannot doubt of a blessing , and a reward from the lord : yet neverthelesse he had neede haue good helpe , and also to bee well rewarded and incouraged from men , at least by them with whose children hee takes these paines . you thinke it then necessary that he should haue an vsher : i pray you let me heare , your iudgement of this , and what a one you would haue his vsher to be . chap. xxv . of the vsher and his office. phil. to answere your questions , and first for an vsher. i thinke it most necessarie , that in all greater schooles , where an vsher can bee had , there bee prouision for one vsher or moe , according to the number of the schollars ; that the burden may be diuided equally amongst them . as iethro exhorted moses concerning the magistracie ; wherein he was ouertoiled , and the iudgement of the people much hindred for lacke of help ; that therfore there should be prouision of helpers made : so is it as requisite here . that so the master may imploy his paines principally amongst the chiefer ; as the vsher doth amongst the lower . for otherwise , when the master is compelled to diuide his pains both amongst little & great , he may much ouer-wearie himselfe , and yet not be able to do that good with anie , which he might haue done hauing helpe . hence also it shall come to passe , that another schoolemaster who hath but two or three of the chiefe fourmes onely vnder him , shall haue his schollars farre to excell his , who is troubled with all ; though the other neyther take halfe the paines , nor obserue so good orders . besides , that he who hath the care of all , can haue no leasure nor opportunity to furnish himselfe more & more for the better profiting and growth of the highest , nor for any other studie to answere the expectation of his place . it is in this case as we see in husbandrie ; where the meanest and most vnskilfull husband hauing but a little husbandrie to follow , which hee is able to compasse thoroughly , goeth ordinarily beyond the most skilfull beeing ouercharged , though hee toyle neuer so hard , and weary himselfe neuer so much . and howsoeuer wise order and policie may much help , to the supply of the want of an vsher , by meanes of some of the schollars : yet it shal not be comparable to that good which may bee done by a sufficient vsher , because of his stayednesse and authoritie ; neither without some hinderance to those schollars , who are so imployed . besides this , in the absence of the master ( which sometimes will necessarily fall out ) how hard a thing it is to keep children in any awe without an vsher ( when boyes are to bee gouerned by boyes ) euery man knoweth ; what inconueniences also come of it , and specially what discredit to the schoole . and thus much for the necessitie of an vsher . now for the sufficiency of the vsher , it would be such , as that hee should bee able in some good sort to supply the masters absence ; or that he be such a one , as who will willingly take any paines , and follow any good direction to fit himselfe for his place . for his submission , he should be alwaies at the masters command , in all things in the schoole , euer to supplie the masters absence , as need shall require ; and to see that there be no intermission , or loitering in any fourme , if the master bee away : but that euery one doe goe on in his place . yet awarie care must be had , that hee be vsed with respect by the master , and all the schollars , to maintaine and increase his authoritie , to auoide all disgrace and contempt . also , for the auoiding of all repining and malice against him , there would be this caueat ; that he doe not take vpon him the correction of those which are vnder the master ; without aspeciall charge , or some extraordinary occasion . and to speake further what i thinke in this case ; that although i would haue the vsher to haue authoritie to correct any vnder him , or others also , need so requiring in the masters absence , and all the schollars to know so much : yet he shold not vse that authoritie , no not in correcting those vnder himself , vnless very sparingly ; but rather of himselfe & in his own discretion , to referre or to put them vp to the master ; so to keepe the schollars from that stomaking and complaints which will be made against him to the parents and otherwise , do he what he can to preuent it : vnlesse it be where the vsher teacheth in a place separate from the master ; there he is of necessitie to vse correction , though with great discretion , and so seldome as may be . experience also sheweth , that the schollars will much more willingly and submisly take correction of the master without the least repining . neither need this correction to be so great , as to trouble the master very much , if right gouernment be vsed . all this must bee ordered by the discretion of the wise master , so as they may stand in awe of the vsher : otherwise little good will be done . the principall office and imploiment of the vsher , where there is but one , should be , for all vnder construction and the enterers into it , to prepare and fit them for the master , to lay a most sure foundation amongst them ; to traine them vp to the masters hand ; and so to make them exceeding perfect in all the first grounds , that they may goe on with ●ase and cheerfulnesse , when they come vnder the master . also to the end that the vsher bee not a meanes of the negligence of the master , but to preuent that , and a number of inconueniences , and also to tye both vsher and schollars , to perpetuall diligence and care ; and withall that the master may haue an assured comfort in the profiting of all his schollars , and boldenesse against the accusations of any malitious party , this shall be very requisite : that the master go ouer all once in the day ( if he can possibly ) to see what they haue done , and to examine some questions in each fourme of them vnder the vsher , to make triall in some part of that which they haue learned that day , how well they haue done it ; or at least amongst some of them where there are many . this account will inforce all , both vsher and schollars , to a very heedefull care . it may bee shorter or longer , as time and occasions permit . chap. xxvi . helpes in the schoole . spoud . bvt be it so , that you be destitute of an vsher ; or hauing an vsher , yet your number is so many , as you are not able to goe thorough them all , in that sort that were meete : what helpe would you vse then ? phil. my helpes are of two sorts ; generall or particular . my generall helpes which are common to all schooles , euen where there are vshers , are these : . that which was noted amongst the generall obseruations ; to haue all my schoole sorted into fourmes or classes , and those so few as may be : though twenty in a fourme or moe , the better , as was sayd ; and my fourmes diuided into equall parts . this shall gaine one halfe of time , for the reasons there mentioned . . in euery fourme this may bee a notable helpe , that the two or fowre seniors in each fourme , be as vshers in that fourme , for ouerseeing , directing , examining , and fitting the rest euery way before they come to say ; and so for ouerseeing the exercises . also in straights of time , to stand forth before the rest , and to heare them . the master to haue an eie and see carefully that they deale faithfully , and make some short examination after . and in all lectures those two seniors to be blamed principally for the negligence of their sides , and contrarily to be commended for their diligence . this may bee a second and a very great helpe : like as it is in an army , where they haue their vnder-officers for hundreths or for tennes ; as decuriones , centuriones , &c. for the speciall gouernment of all vnder them . these who thus take most paines with the rest , shall stil euer keep to be the best of the fourmes . a third might be added : which is authority and good gouernment , which indeed is aboue all . but of that it will be fitter to speake by it selfe . the particular help where either an vsher is wanting , or else is not sufficient , is by a subdoctor , one or mo , according to the number of the schollars . the subdoctor is to be appointed out of all your highest fourmes ▪ euery one to be his day insteed of an vsher , to do those things which the vsher should , according to their abilities ; and so to obserue the behauior of all vnder them . spoud . these cannot but bee very worthy helpes . but here i pray you resolue me a doubt or two , arising hereon . . how will you diuide your schoole thus , and especially your fourmes , for the appointing of your seniors , that euery one in a fourm may be placed according to his learning ? which i take to be very necessary ; so as they shall not thinke , that any are preferred by the fauour of the master : also that all may sit as aduersaries and fit matches , and so to haue sides equally diuided , to doe all by that emulation , and honest strift and contention , which you spake of . phil. for my fourmes i would put so many in a fourm , as possibly can goe together , as was noted : the better will be continuall helpers to the other , and much drawe on the worse . secondly , for the diuision of my fourms , and election of seniors , i finde this the only way to cut off all quarrelling , and to prouoke all to a continuall contention ; . by voices ; all of a fourme to name who is the best of their fourme , and so who is the best next him . those who haue the most voices , to bee the two seniours of the fourme . these they will choose very certainly . then to the ende to make equall sides ; let the second or iunior of those two so chosen , call vnto himselfe the best which hee can , to make his side . after that , let the first choose the best next ; then after , the second and his fellow , to choose the best next to them again : and thus to go thorough choosing vntil they haue chosen all the fourme . the two seniours , i say , to be chosen by electiō of the whole fourm : then they two to choose , or call the rest of the fourm by equall election ; the iunior choosing first and so to go by course : if the senior should choose first , then his side would euer be the better ; which by the iunior choosing first is preuented . by this meanes you shall find that they will choose very equally , and without partialitie , to the end that each may haue the best fellowes ; euen as gamesters will do at matches in shooting , bowling or the like : and euery match shal be very equall , or small difference amongst them . also hereby all mutterings shall be cut off , wherby some kind boyes will bee whispering to their parents , that their master doth not regard no● loue them , but preferres others before them . thus also the painefull shall be incouraged , when they find themselues preferred by the iudgement of all their fellowes ; and each made to striue daily to bee as good as his match or aduersary , and for the credite of their side : and finally , they wil labor that they may be preferred at the next election ; or at least , not bee put downe with disgrace . this election would be made oftener amongst the younger , as once in a moneth at least ; because their diligence and quicknesse will much alter : amongst the senior fourmes once in a quarter may suffice ; yet at the masters discretion . spoud . this election surely is most equall , and the benefits of it must needs be very great according to that which you haue sayd ; and chiefly to helpe as much as any one thing to make the schoole to be indeede a pleasant place of honest , schollarlike , sweete and earnest contention . but you spake of a third generall helpe , which might be added , which you sayd was aboue all ; to wit good gouernment : of this i do desire to heare . chap. xxvii . of gouernment and authoritie in schooles . phil. concerning the gouernment of the schoole , of which you so desire my sentence ; i do indeed account it the helpe of helps : as it is in all kinde of societies ; so principally in the schoole : out of which , all other good and ciuill societies should first proceed . to the end , that out of the schooles , and from the first yeares , children may learne the benefit and blessing of good gouernment , and how euery one ought to doe his duetie in his place : and so from thence this good order and gouernment may be deriued into all places in som maner . this gouernment ought to bee , . by maintaining authoritie , which is the very top of all gouernment ; and is indeed aspeciall gift of god. this authority must be maintained , as in the magistrate , by his so carying himselfe , as beeing a certaine liuing lawe , or rather as in the place of god amongst them ; i mean , as one appointed of god , to see the most profitable courses to be put in practice painfully , and constantly , for the speediest furnishing his schollars with the best learning & manners , to the greatest good of the schollars , gods church , and their countrey . . it must bee maintained by a most strict execution of iustice , in rewards & punishments . as solon said that the common-wealth , was vpholden by two things ; praemio & poena . that the painefull and obedient bee by all meanes countenanced , incouraged and preferred : the negligent , and any waie disobedient , be disgraced , and discouraged in all their euill manners , vntill they frame themselues to the diligence and obedience of the best . thus by the incouragement & commendation of vertue , and discountenancing of vice ; you shall in time ouercome the most froward nature , and bring all into a cheerefull submission : wheras of the contrary , dealing partially , or making no difference betweene the good and the bad , and much more discountenancing the painful and toward , and countenancing or fauouring the idle and vngracious , you shall see all ouerturned : for who will not frame himselfe to the lewdest , when it is all one vnto them , whatsoeuer they be ? our corrupt natures being so prone vnto the worst things . . that in all their gouernment there be a true demonstration of conscience and loue , to doe all as of conscience to god , and of loue to the children , for the perpetuall good of euery one ; and in an indeuor & study to draw them on by loue , in an honest emulation , with due praise and rewards ; abhorring cruelty , & auoiding seuerity ( as was said ) more then of necessity . . by beeing presidents of all vertue to their children ; and being as carefull in their owne places first , before the childrens eyes to do their dueties , as they would haue their children to be in theirs . and so finally , by their holy and faithfull cariage , to seeke that god may rule , and that the children may obey god : for then hee will both blesse all their labours , and maintaine their authority . spoud . surely si● these are worthy meanes to maintaine authority : which vnlesse it be preserued inuiolable , all gouernment goeth downe ▪ but i perceiue , you vtterly dislike that extreame seueritie whereby all things are done in verie many schooles , and the whole gouernment maintained only by continuall and terrible whipping ; because you haue so oft mentioned it as with griefe . phil. you shall find that m. askam doth as oft and more vehemently inueigh against it . for mine owne part i doe indeed altogether dislike it , more then necessity inforceth : and i take it that i haue better grounds for my dislike , then any one can haue to the contrary ; euen from those things which cannot be contradicted . we are to imitate the lord himselfe ; who though he be iustice it selfe , yet is euermore inclined vnto mercy , and doth not execute the seuerity and rigour of his iustice , when any other meanes can serue : who if he should smite vs , euen the most vigilant of vs all , so oft as wee offend , as many doe the children ; which of vs could liue ? what father is there ; nay which of vs is there who is a father , who would not haue our owne children rather trained vp by all louing meanes of gentle incouragement , praise and faire dealing , then with buffeting and blowes , or continuall and cruell whipping , scorning , and reuiling ? or which of vs could but indure to see that indignity done to our owne children , before our faces ? now our gouernement and correction ought to bee such , as which the very parent being present ( i meane the wise parent ) might approoue ; and for which wee may euer haue comfort and boldenesse , euen before the holy god. to this we are to striue and contend alwayes , vntill at length we attaine vnto it . which of vs is there that would willingly liue vnder such a gouernement of any sort , that our state should bee as the people , vnder their taske masters in aegypt , that we should bee smitten continually for euery little fault ? and labour we neuer so much to doe our duties , yet still we should be beaten . let euery mans experience teach whether extreamity or excesse of feare ( which must needes follow vpon such cruell and continuall beating and dulling ) doth not depriue and robbe the minde of all the helpes which reason offers . so as that the minde running about that which it feares so much , forgets that which it should wholly intend ; whereby in timorous natures , you shall see some to stand as very sottes , and senselesse through an apprehension of some extreame euil , or by extremity of feare ; wheras they are otherwise as wise & learned as the best . insomuch as all deuices are to be vsed to rid children of that kinde of ouerwhelming feare ; and sometimes correction for it , when this feare is without cause , and cannot be helped otherwise . for the schollars themselues ; because all things should be done in the schoole , so as to worke in the children a loue of learning , and also of their teachers : for that this loue is well knowne to be the most effectuall meanes , to increase and nourish learning in them the fastest ; and also that gouernement which consists in loue , is euer the firmest . now this extreame whipping , all men know what a dislike it breedeth in the children , both of the schoole , and of all learning as that they will think themselues very happy , if the parents will set them to any seruille or toyling busines , so that they may keepe from schoole . and also it workes in them a secret hatred of their masters ; according to the sayings , quem metuunt oderint : and , quem quisque odit perijsse expetit ; whom men doe feare with a slauish feare , them they hate , and wish in their hearts to see their death . in regard of the masters themselues ; because by this milde and louing gouernement , they shall both haue the hearts & commendations of the children presently , when they see in the masters the affections of fathers towards them ; and also they will euer keepe a sweet and thankefull remembrance of them , all their life long : that euer when they haue occasion to speake of their schoolemasters , they will doe it with reuerence , and praise god that euer they fell into the hands of such masters : whereas of the contrary , they shall be sure of the secret hate and complaints of the poore children presently , where they dare speake : and euer after when they come at their owne liberty , they will then report as they haue found , and it may be farre worse . so that they can neuer speake of their master , but as of a thing which they abhorre : his name is as a curse in their mouthes ; many wishing they had neuer knowne him . for that then they had beene schollars , if they had not falne into the hands of so cruell masters . and finally , because in this louing , equall , milde and tender gouernement , the masters shall euer haue boldenes and comfort before the children , their parents , in their own consciences , and before god himselfe : whereas in the cruell and vnmercifull tyrannie , they shall haue nothing but feare ; feare of the children , feare of their parents , feare in their owne consciences , feare for the lord who hath said , that there shall be iudgement mercilesse for them who shew no mercy ; and so the conscience being awaked , to haue nothing but feare round about , except the lord doe graunt vnfained repentance to escape thereby . spoud . i know not how to answere that which you say . the lord be mercifull vnto vs all who are in this calling , euen for this sinne : for it is no small matter to moderate our passion , and our correction . when the parents and others looke for great things at our hands , and we find little good , and oft-times those the worst , whom we would fainest haue to doe the best : which of vs can herein iustifie our selues ? but i pray you sir , how would you haue our authority maintained , and iustice executed , which you so commend ? you would haue correction vsed , and sometimes sharpness too ; as i obserued in your speech for your schoolemaster . how wold you haue the iustice , inpraemio & poena , in rewards and punishments ? set me downe shortly the meanes : and first for rewardes and incourageme●ts ; after for punishments . chap. xxviii . of preferments and incouragements . phil. for the rewardes of learning by preferments and incouragements ; thus i finde best to doe it : by often elections of euery fourme , in such manner as was shewed ; and so euer preferring the best thereby , to higher places as they grow in learning . by gracing all the seniors , all best in each fourme , both to incourage them , and to prouoke their fellowes to emulate them , to striue in all things to bee like vnto them : and also to cause all their fellowes in all things to reuerence , and preferre them , both by giuing place to them and otherwise . by preferring or putting vp those into higher fourms , who profite extraordinarily . also daily ( if you see good ) to giue higher places to them who do better , vntill the other recouer their places againe , by the election of the whole fourme , or by their diligence . to vse to commend euery thing in their exercises , which is well or painefully done ; passing ouer the lesser faults onely with a word , shewing our dislike : and that which is absurd , with some pretty speech ; sharpely reprouing or disgracing their absurdity , without further correction , if there doe not appeare in them extreame negligence . yet in praising them , you are to beware of making any of them wantonly proude , or letting them to be any way ouerbolde or malepart , or of vsing them ouer-familiarly : for familiarity will certainely breede contempt , and sundry inconueniences ; whereas a reuerend awe and louing feare , with these incouragements , shall continually nourish all vertue and diligence . this might be vsed also with much fruite , to incourage and prouoke : but this as shall be found meet ; to haue a disputation for the victorship once euery quarter of the yeare : as the last wednesday or friday of each quarter in the afternoone ; the manner thus : cause the two seniours of the two highest fourmes to sit together in the vpper end of the schoole ; and all the schollars from the lowest which take construction , vnto the highest ▪ to aske of eyther of them , each two questions in order ▪ of the best questions , which they haue learned in their grammar or authours : first the two seniour aduersaries of the highest fourme to answere , then two of the next . and then let those two of them foure , who answered best ( that is , one of either fourm who answered most questions ) bee the victours for that quarter . two other of their next fellowes , or moe , to take note , and set downe to how many question 's each answered ; and so the victorship to be decided . after this , some vse to cause the schollars euery of them , to giue something for a praemium , to the victours : as each one a point or a counter , or moe ; or else better gifts if they be well able , of such things as they may without their hurt , or the offence of their parents , and as euery one will himselfe . these to bee diuided equally betweene the two victours , as a reward of their diligence and learning ; to incourage them , and all the rest of them by their ensample to striue at length to come vnto the victorshippe ; because then besides the honour of it , each may come to receiue againe more then euer they gaue before . the practice of this disputation must needes bee very profitable ; though some good schoolemasters doe doubt of the expediency for schollars to giue any thing , but to honour them otherwise . the two victours in regard of this dignity , and the applause from their fellowes , should vse to make some exercises of verses , or the like , to get leaue to play on euery thursday , when there was no play day in the weeke before . and so they two continually to haue that day for their fellowes , as a further reward and honour of their learning ; i meane onely in such weekes when they had no play before , or at the masters discretion . but this ( as was aduised ) as masters shall finde it most expedient . aboue all these , this may be vsed as a notable incouragement and prouocation , both to masters and schollars , and very necessary ; that euery yeare , at least once in the yeare , there be a solemne examination by the gouernours of the schoole , or some specially appointed thereunto . against which time , all of any ability should prouide some exercises faire written ; as eyther translations , epistles , theames , or verses , according to the daily exercises of euery fourme : and withall some declamations where there are auncient schollars , an oration by the highest , to giue the visitours intertainement . that in these their exercises , all may see their profiting , at least in writing , and receiue some other contentment . also all to keepe their chiefe exercises faire written in bookes , to be shewed then ; that by comparing them together with the former yeares , both the masters diligence and their profiting may appeare , and haue due commendation . besides these also , for the full examination of the schollars in all their learning , the schoolemasters and vshers are to be appointed an order and course in their examination ; and themselues first to make a demonstration before the visitours , what the children can doe in euery fourme , both in their grammar and authours , and each kinde ▪ as shall be fit . it would be done first by themselues , because the schollars are best acquainted with their manner of examining , and will be most bolde to answere them . after them the visitours and others , who are not satisfied , to examine where , and as they please . then when all is done , as the visitours are to incourage all who doe well , with praise ; so those who doe best , would be graced with some praemium from them : as some little booke , or money ; to euery one something : or at least with some speciall commendation . it were to be wished that in great schooles , there were something giuen to this end , to be so bestowed ; fiue shillings or ten shillings . it would exceedingly incourage and incite all to take paines . this set solemne publike examination , will more inforce all , both masters , vshers and schollars , to take paines , and tye them to make conscience of their dueties , and to seeke to profite and increase daily in knowledge , that they may then answere the expectation of all men , and giue vp a good account ; then any augmentation of maintenance , or statutes , or whatsoeuer deuise can possibly doe : although all necessary prouision is to bee made , both for the best statutes and orders ; and chiefly for sufficient maintenance , and rewardes to giue all kinde of hartning and incouragement both to masters , vshers , and schollars . also if at such examinations , something were giuen by the visitors or other benefactors , to be allowed vpon some poore schollar of the schoole , who is of speciall painefulnesse and towardlinesse ; to the end he might be assistant to the vsher : it would much help both vsher and the younger schollars , and animate all such to take paines ; striuing who should haue that preferment . before such publique examinations , all the parents of the children should haue notice giuen them : that all of them may know certainely , the hopes of their children , and contrarily ; and all who will may take tryall . that so neyther the parents may bee abused , neyther schooles , nor schollars discredited , nor any lose their time , nor be wearied out , in that to which they are not fitted by nature ; but euery one to be imployed to that in due time , to which he is most apt . spoud . these meanes constantly obserued , together with that strift and contention by aduersaries , must needes prouoke to a vehement studie and emulation ; vnlesse in such who are of a very seruile nature , and bad disposition : but how will you deale with them ? you must needs vse extreame seuerity towards them , who regard neyther preferment , nor credite , nor feare ought but stripes . phil. for these and all the rest ( besides the former preferments ) to the end to auoyde this cruelty , which is so odious to all , we are to striue to this one thing following : aboue all , to labour to worke in them some conscience of their dueties , by planting grace in them , and the feare of the lord ; with childelike affections towards the lord , as towards their heauenly father . and that also , besides al other means of religion , spoken of before , by calling oft vpō all , to remember these things : that in their calling they serue not men , but god ; that they are gods children and seruants . as the very drudge is gods seruant : so they are much more , being imployed in so holy a calling , as to get knowledge and good nurture , for the good of the church of god , and their owne saluation ; and principally that they may be most seruiceable to god in all their liues after , in what calling soeuer . and therefore euer to bethinke themselues , that gods eye is vpon them , and he markes all their labour , and of what conscience to him they doe it ; and so will accept and reward them according to their faithfulnesse : so to be painefull and obedient , not for feare of their master , nor of the rodde ; but for the feare and loue of god , because hee hath appointed them so . and so herein to make a full demonstration , who they are amongst them that are truely wise , who feare and loue god indeede ; and who otherwise . . to call on them oft , to aime at this , to vse all their wit , their labour , time , and all their gifts , which are gods , to get the best learning that they can ; to doe the lord the greatest honour which they are able , whilst they shall remaine in the earth , and the best seruice to his church ▪ and thereby to walke towards eternall life . because , thus they shall be sure that god will honour them seeking to honour him ; & wil cast learning vpon them so far as shall be good . . to put them oft in mind of the reward of their learning , which they may looke for euen in this life . as those rewards which accompanie great learned men ; namely , riches , honours , dignities , fauour , pleasures , and whatsoeuer their hearts can desire ; and much more that rewarde which shal be eternall ; that if men should be vnthankfull , yet god wil reward al our labor & study aboundantly , euen euery thought & meditation that euer we had for his name . to this end , to inculcate oft vnto them som of salomons prouerbs , cōcerning the excellency of learning & wisdom . as , pro. . . blessed is the man that findeth wisdom , and the man that getteth vnderstanding . . for the merchandize thereof is better than the merchandize of siluer , and the gaine therof is better then gold . . it is more pretious then pearls ; and all things that thou canst desire , are not to be compared vnto her . and so forth , the . , & . verses . also prou. . . . & . . . . . . . . &c. & . . &c. these and the like , being indeed chiefly meant , of the diuine wisdom , comprehend also this learning , which is the way and meanes vnto that diuine and heauenly wisdome . by these meanes , and remembring well the generall obseruations to put them in practice ( as , to make all grounds exceeding perfect as they go , chiefly their accedence and grammar , and to keepe them by continual● repetitions and examinations , that they may goe on with ease , and feeling a sweetnesse of learning , and keeping a constant course in your gouernment ; obseruing wisely the nature and disposition of euerie one , and framing your selfe therto accordingly ) you shall vndoubtedly see the lord so bringing them in obedience by your prayers , as a very small punishment shall serue . spoud . it cannot he , but if we can plant the feare of the lord in them , to worke in them a conscience of their duties , it must needs be most auaileable ; and much more all these : but yet seeing that punishments also must needs be inflicted on some oft times and on all sometimes ( because otherwise as you sayd , iustice cannot be executed , nor any gouernment or authority maintained ) i pray you let mee heare , how you would proceed in the same . chap. xxix . of execution of iustice in schooles by punishments . phil. for inflicting punishments , we ought to come thereunto vnwillingly , and euen inforced ; and therefore to proceed by degrees : that who cannot bee moued by any of the former meanes of preferments , nor incouragements , nor any gentle exhortation nor admonition , may be brought into order and obedience by punishment . and therefore , first to beginne with the lesser kindes of punishments ; and so by degrees to the highest and seuerest , after this manner obseruing carefully the natures of euery one , as was sayd . . to vse reproofes ; and those sometimes more sharpe according to the nature of the offender , and his falt . . to punish by losse of place to him who dooth better according to our discretion . . to punish by a note , which may be called , the black bill . this i would haue the principall punishment , i meane most of vse : for you shall finde by experience , that it being rig●●ly vsed , it is more auaileable then all other , to keepe 〈◊〉 obedience ; and specially for any notoriously idle or stubborne , or which are of euill behauiour any way . the manner of it may be thus : to keepe a note in writing : or which may more easily be done ; to keepe a remembrance of all whom you obserue very negligent , stubborne , lewd , or any waie disobedient , to restraine them from all liberty of play . and therfore , to giue them all to know so much before hand , that whosoeuer asketh leaue to play , or vpon what occasion soeuer , yet we intend alwaies to except all such ; and that the liberty is granted only for the painfull and obedient , which are worthy to haue the priuiledges of schollars , and of the schoole , because they are such , and are an ornament to the schoole : not for them who are a disgrace vnto it . so alwaies at such playing times , before the exeatis , the master and vshers to view euery fourm thorough ; and then to cause all them to sit still , whom they remember to haue been negligent , or faulty in any speciall sort worthie that punishment , and to doe some exercises in writing besides ; either those which they haue omitted before , or such as wherein they cannot be idle . but herein there must be a speciall care , when they are thus restrained from play , that either master or vsher , if it can be conueniently , haue an eye to them , that they cannot loyter ; or some one specially appointed , to see that they do their taskes . also that they bee called to an account the next morning , whether they haue done the taskes inioined , vnder paine of sixe ierkes to be surely payed . moreouer , for all those who are notoriously stubborne , or negligent , or haue done any grosse fault , to cause them to sit thus , not only one day , but euery play day cōtinually , vntill they shew themselues truly sory for their faults , and do amend ; becomming as duetifull , and submisse as any other ; and vntill they do declare by good signes , their desire and purpose to please and obey their master . vnlesse they be released at very great suite , or vpon sufficient sureties of their fellowes , to incurre otherwise their penalty if they amend not . this course straightly obserued , partly thorough the shame of being noted in the ranke of disordered fellowes , and also lest their parents should knowe it ; and partly thorough depriuing them of play , and more also thorough this strict account to be giuen of their taskes , and seuerity of correction otherwise , will more tame the stubbornest and prowdest , thorough gods blessing , then anie correction by rod : and this without danger to the schollar , or offence to their friends . and therefore , when rod and all other meanes faile , let vs looke carefully to this , not to leaue one stubborne boy , vntill hee be brought as submisse and dutifull as any of the rest . for , those beeing brought into obedience , the rest may easily bee kept in order , with very little correction : whereas one stubborne boy suffered , will spoile , or at leastwise indanger all the rest . . sometimes in greater faults , to giue three or fowre ierkes with a birch , or with a small redde willow where birch cannot be had . or for terror in some notorious fault , halfe a dozen stripes or moe , soundly laied on , according to the discretion of the master . some doe only keep a bill , and note carefully their seuerall principal disorders ; and now and then , shew them their names and faults mildly , how oft they haue been admonished ; and when they take them in hand pay them soundly , and by this policie keepe them in great obedience . in this correction with the rod , speciall prouision must be had for sundry things . . that when you are to correct any stubborne or vnbroken boy , you make sure with him to hold him fast ; as they are inforced to do , who are to shooe or to tame an vnbroken colt . to this end to appoint . or of your schollars , whom you knowe to bee honest , and strong inough , or moe if need be , to lay hands vpon him together , to hold him fast , ouer some fourme , so that he cannot stir hand nor foot ; or else if no other remedy will serue , to hold him to some post ( which is farre the safest and free from inconuenience ) so as he cannot any way hurt himselfe or others , be he neuer so peeuish . neither that he can haue hope by any deuise or turning , or by his apparell , or any other meanes to escape . nor yet that any one be left in his stubbornness to go away murmuring , pou●ing , or blowing and puffing , vntill he shew as much submission as any , and that hee will lie still of himselfe without any holding ; yet so as euer a wise moderation be kept . although this must of necessitie bee locked vnto ; because besides the euill ensample to others , there is no hope to doe any good to count of , with any vntill their stomacks be first broken : and then they once thoroughly brought vnder , you may haue great hope to work all good according to their capacity ; so that it may be , you shall haue little occasion to correct them after . moreouer , a very child suffered in his stubbornnesse , to scape for his strugling , will in a short time come to trouble two or three men to take him vp , and to correct him without danger of hurting himselfe , or others . . to be very wary for smiting them ouer the backes , in any case , or in such sort as in any way to hurt or indanger them . to the end to preuent all mischiefes , for our owne comfort ; and to cut off all occasions from quarrelling parents or euill reports of the schoole . and withall , to auoid for these causes , all smiting them vpon the head , with hand , rod , or ferula . also to the end that we may auoid all danger and feare for desperate boyes hurting themselues , not to vse to threaten them afore , and when they hane done any notorious fault , nor to let them know when they shall be beaten ; but when they commit a new fault , or that wee see the schoole most full or opportunity most fit to take them of a sodaine . . that the master do not in any case abase himselfe , to striue or struggle with any boy to take him vp : but to appoint other 〈◊〉 the strongest to do it , where such need is , in such sort as was shewed before ; and the rather for feare of hurting them in his anger , & for the euils which may come therof , & which som schoolemasters haue lamented after . . that the masters and vshers also , do by all meanes , auoide all furious anger , threatning , cha●ing , fretting , reuiling : for these things will diminish authoritie , and may do much hurt , and much indanger many waies . and therefore of the contrary , that all their correction be done with authority , and with a wise and sober moderation , in a demonstration of duety to god , and loue to the children , for their amendment , and the reformation of their euill manners . finally , as god hath sanctified the rod and correction , to cure the euils of their conditions , to driue out that folly which is bound vp in their hearts , to saue their soules from hell , and to giue them wisdome ; so it is to be vsed as gods instrument to these purposes . to spare them in these cases is to hate them . to loue them is to correct them betime . do it vnder god , and for him to these ends and with these cautions , and you shall neuer hurt them : you haue the lord for your warrant . correction in such manner , for stubbornnesse , negligence and carelesnesse , is not to be accounted ouer-great seueritie , much lesse crueltie . spoud . but how hard a matter is it to keepe this moderation in correcting , and thus to temper our anger ! surely , it must bee a greater worke then of flesh and blood : how may wee attaine vnto it ? it is a matter which hath often times troubled me , but i haue not been able to ouercome it . phil. i doe not condemne all anger in vs : nay , anger in the schoole-master is as necessary as in any other , to be angry at the negligence and other vices of the children ; for god hath ordained this to be a meanes , to whet vs on to do our duties , & for the reformation & good of our schollars , to keepe them euer in a holy awe by the feare of it . yea , sometimes in more grieuous offenses , god is wonderfully pleased with it , though it be more vehement ; as we may see in the anger of moses & phineas , so that we tēper it in such sort , as that we sin not in it . that it do not cause vs to break out to reuiling , fretting , chafing , blowes on the head , or otherwise to any cruell or vnmercifull dealing with the children , to vse them worse , then wee would vse a dogge , as we say : but that wee euer remember , that they are children , gods children , heires of his kingdome ; we are to nu●ture them onely vnder him , to traine them vp for him , and for his church ; nor to correct nature but vice ; to do all to the end to make them men . now the helpes of repressing this our anger , are the wise consideration of those things which i haue mentioned , or the like . as to keep a continuall memory , whose the children are ; what they are ; for whom we bring them vp ; vnder whom and in whose place ; whether we would haue god angry at vs , & to smite vs , as we do the children , for euery fault which wee do : how we would haue our owne children dealt withall : and also gods iustice to measure to vs or ours , with what measure we mete to others . besides , to remember , that anger will blinde our mindes , that we cannot see to correct or vse any right moderation . moreouer , to haue euer in mind , the mischiefes that come of anger ; how it will diminish our authority , and disgrace vs extremelie in the eyes of the children , when it is immoderate , and without iust cause . also that in our anger , we may do that euill in a moment , which we shall repent all our liues long . and the rather , because sathan watcheth to get aduantage against vs , to bring vs to some notable euils in our anger . into whose hand , it is iust with god to leaue vs , because we would not watch ouer this passion to keepe it in temper ; when we know that of all other our affections we mostly open to his malice in this , by reason of our continuall occasions of anger . therefore to conclude this point , as wee are to vse all wisdome to preuent these euills ; so principally , a constant course in obseruing all orders , shall preuaile maruellously , by cutting off most occasions of anger . and finally , when all other meanes faile of conquering this vnruly passion : let vs call to mind the means , which the lord hath sanctified to bring euery thought into obedience ; to wit , his heauenly word and praier . to this end it shall bee necessary , to haue euer in minde , some speciall places of holie scripture against anger ; as these and the like : be angry but sin not , let not the sunne goe downe vpon your wrath : neyther giue place to the diuell . bee slowe to wrath : for , the wrath of man doth not accomplish the righteousnesse of god. cease from anger , leaue off wrath : fret not thy selfe also to do euill . a foole in a day is knowne by his anger . be not of a hastie spirit , to be angrie : for anger resteth in the bosome of fooles . the angry man is said to exalt folly , to set vp his folly to be seene of all . a man of much anger shal suffer punishmēt : and though thou deliuer him , yet wil his anger come againe . in a word , that seuere denuntiation of our sauior for this vndiscreete anger , breaking out into euill speeches , may humble vs continually and make vs afraide of this sinne : that whosoeuer is angry with his brother vnaduisedly , shall be culpable of iudgement [ or subiect to punishment . ] and whosoeuer shall say vnto his brother racha , shall bee worthy to be punished by the councell ; and whosoeuer shall say foole shal be worthy to be punished with hell fire . by all which words it is most euident , that our vndiscreete and hastie anger which ouertakes vs too oft in our places , making vs to breake out ( vnlesse wee bee more watchfull ) not onely into reuiling speeches , but also to blowes , and to great seueritie , is highly displeasing to the lord ; and it dooth exceedingly indaunger vs for his wrath and vengeance , vnlesse we be daily humbled by vnfained repentance for it : and yet so , as that we cannot looke to escape some like measure from him , that we or ours shal surely feele his hand , vnlesse we preuent and amend it . spoud . these are worthy places of holy scriptures ; and able to stay vs , if we could keepe them in memory . but yet euen in the most moderate , the very desire to do good , and to answer our places , moued by the vntowardnes and carelesnesse of many of our children , doth cause vs sometimes to forget our selues , and to breake out ouer-much . phil. god hath left this to our calling , as a meanes to trie vs , and to humble vs continually ; and also to haue matter wherin to exercise vs to striue against , and to make vs more watchfull in our places . but if wee could learne but these three lessons , wee should wonderfully preuent sathan in these occasions of our anger , wherein wee are so ouertaken ; so much as euer we are able , to haue our eye continually round about the schoole vpon euery one ; and namely the most vnruely , to keepe them in awe : and that we keepe order strictly in euerything at all times ; as specially in all examinations and taskes , and our times for euery thing most precisely , that they may looke for it : for omitting them somtimes , makes the best too carelesse , & some bolde to offend , in hope that they shall not be seene , or not called to an account : wheras by the contrary they grow into a habite of painefulnesse and obedience . studying to put on a fatherly affection and to deale so with them as a good father amongst his children . this shall also bring them or many of them to the affections and dutifulnesse of louing children , to doe all of cons●ience . labouring to be enocks , to walke in our places with god , as euer in his presence , his eye alwayes on vs ; that hee obserues all our wayes and will reward and blesse vs , according to our conscience herein : thus to walke before him , vntill he translate vs hence , being as little absent from our place and charge , as possible may be ; cutting off wisely all vnnecessary occasions . oft absence of the master is a principall cause of the schollars negligence and not profiting , with the griefe and vexing of the master , arising thereon ; vnlesse he haue very good supply . spoud . happy men were we if we could attaine to this . but i pray you sir , what thinke you of this , to haue ever the rodde or ferula in our hand , at lesser faults to giue them a blow or a ierke on the hand ; and so when wee see any of them idle ? phil. if we will striue earnestly , according to the former meanes , we shall by little and little attaine to that ability , to cut off those occasions , and come to this good gouernement , so farre as the lord shall be well pleased with vs ; and that he will passe by our weakenesses . but for hauing the rodde or ferula alwayes in our hands , if we be of hastie natures , i take it to be , as for a furious man to carie euer a naked sword in his hand . it will make vs to strike many a time , when wee will bee sory for it after , if it fall not out worse . for these lighter faults , proceeding from lacke of time , yeares , capacity , discretion , or the like , would rather be corrected by words , and reformed louingly , then by this continuall whipping and striking : neyther will any good and wise father smite his childe for euery fault . i would therefore haue neyther of these to be continually holden vp ; but rather some little twigge , if you will needes : i meane a small twigge something more then a foote long ; that if you a little rap them on the heads , you can no way hurt them , neyther their head , eyes nor face . but i account this farre the best , for a schoolemaster by his graue and wise carriage , and his faithfulnesse in his place ; and also by carefully obseruing , and surely and soundly correcting the negligent and disobedient , when other meanes faile ; to striue to come to this , that his owne presence , or at least his eye & speech , may sufficiently preuaile to keepe all in a submisse obedience ; and that he may vse the rodde very sparingly , but onely in greater faults , and on the principall offenders for example and terrour . this shall be a fatherly and worthy gouernement indeede , when the children thus obey of conscience ; striuing who shall be the best , and each way most dutifull . and thus in a short time , when your schollars are so inured to your gouernement that they know what to looke for , you shall finde that very seldome correction will serue . spoud . i like your aduice wonderfull well herein : but when would you haue the time , of common punishment to be inflicted ; as namely that for their misdemeanours in the church , or other grosse faults noted by the monitours ? phil. i would haue this done commonly at the giuing vp of the monitours bils , some day before prayer ; sometimes one day , sometimes another : and when the master findes the greatest company present , then to call for the monitours of that weeke ; lest keeping a settime , any absent themselues by fained excuses or otherwise , or cry vnto their parents , that they dare not go to the schoole , because they must be beaten . but for extreame negligence , or other faults in the schoole , the very fittest time is immediately before the breaking vp , vpon the play-dayes ; then if need● so require , first to whip all the stubborne and notoriously negligent , as also those who haue done any grosse fault : and after to cause them to sit , and do some exercises , wherof they are to giue a strict account , as i said . this will surely by gods blessing tame the proudest of them in time , & bring them to be as submisse as the least childe ; as experience will manifest . spoud . but what if you haue any , whom you cannot yet reforme of their vngratiousnesse or loyt●ring , and whom you can do no good with all , no not by 〈◊〉 these meanes ? as some there are euer in all schooles extreamly vntoward . phil. these i would haue some way remoued from the schoole ; at least by giuing the parents notice , and intreating them to imploy them some other way ; that neyther other be hurt by their example , nor they be a reproach to the schoole , nor yet we be inforced to vse that seuerity with them which they will deserue . but keepe these courses strictly , and you shall see that they will eyther amend , or get away of themselues , by one meanes or other ; i meane , by some deuice to their parents , to leaue the schoole , and to go to some other imployment . chap. xxx . of schoole times , intermissions and recreations . spoud . now that you haue thus curteously gone through this point concerning the schoole-gouernment , by rewards and punishments ( which being rightly put in practice , must needes bring a great blessing with them ) let me craue your iudgement also for the times of schoole and intermissions ; with recreations to be vsed therein . phil. to giue you my iudgement in all these briefly , according to that which by tryall i finde best ; the schoole-time should beginne at sixe : all who write latine to make their exercises which were giuen ouernight , in that houre before seuen , vnlesse they did them the night before , to get parts or the like . spoud . would you then haue the master and vsher present so early ? phil. the vsher should necessarily be there , to be present amongst them ; though hee follow his owne priuate studie that houre , yet to see that all the schollars doe their dueties appointed , and that there be no disorder : which will be , vnlesse he or some other of authority be amongst them . for otherwise the best children , left to their owne liberty , will shew themselues children . if the master bee present at seuen , it may suffice , where there is any in his place , whose presence they stand in awe of . spoud . but it is hard for the little children to rise so early , and in some families all lie long : how would you haue them come so soone then ? you would not haue them beaten euery time that they come ouer-late , as the custome is in some schooles . phil. that i take farre too great seuerity , and whereby many a poore childe is driuen into wonderfull feare , and eyther to play the truant , or make some deuice to leaue the schoole ; at least to come with a marueilous ill will , and oft to be dragged to the schoole , to the reproach of the master and the schoole . the best meanes that euer i could finde to make them to rise early , to preuent all this feare of whipping , is this ; by letting the little ones to haue their places in their fourmes daily , according to their comming after sixe of the clock : so many as are there at sixe , to haue their places as they had them by election or the day before : all who come after six , euery one to sit as he commeth , and so to continue that day , and vntill he recouer his place againe by the election of the fourme or otherwise . thus deale with them at all times , after euery intermission , when they are to be in their places againe , and you shall haue them euer attending who to be first in his place ; so greatly euen children are prouoked by the credite of their places . if any cannot be brought by this , then to be noted in the blacke bill by a speciall marke , and feele the punishment thereof : and sometimes present correction to be vsed for terrour ; though this ( as i said ) to be more seldome , for making them to feare comming to the schoole . the higher schollars must of necessity rest to doe their exercises , if their exercises be strictly called for . thus they are to continue vntill nine , signified by monitours , subdoctour , or otherwise . then at nine i finde that order which is in westminster to bee farre the best ; to let them to haue a quarter of an houre at least , or more for intermission , eyther for breakefast , for all who are neere vnto the schoole , that can bee there within the time limitted , or els for the nece●sity of euery one , or their honest recreation , or to prepare their exercises against the masters comming in . after , each of them to be in his place in an instant vpon the knocking of the dore , or some other signe giuen by the subdoctor or monitors , in paine of losse of his place , or further punishment , as was noted before ; so to continue vntill eleuen of the clocke , or somewhat after , to counteruaile the time of the intermission at nine . to be againe all ready , and in their places at one , in an instant● to continue vntill three , or halfe an houre after : then to haue another quarter of an houre or more , as at nine for drinking and necessities ; so to continue till halfe an houre after fiue : thereby in that halfe houre to counteruaile the time at three ; then to end so as was shewed , with reading a peece of a chapter , and with singing two staues of a psalme : lastly , with prayer to be vsed by the master . for the psalmes , euery schollar should begin to giue the psalme and the tune in order , and to reade euery verse before them ; or euery one to haue his booke ( if it can bee ) and reade it as they doe sing it : where any one can not begin the tune , his next fellow beneath is to helpe him , and take his place . by this they will all learne to giue the tunes sweetely , which is a thing very commendable ; and also it will helpe both reading , voyce and audacity in the younge● . spoud . but these intermissions at nine and three , may be offensiue : they who know not the maner of them , may reproch the schoole , thinking that they do nothing but play . phil. we are so much as may be in all things to auoyde offence : but when by long custome the order is once made knowne , it will be no more offensiue then it is at westminster , or then it is at noone and night ; so that it be done in a decent order . the benefits of such intermissions will be found very great , and to preuent many inconueniences . by this meanes neyther masters nor schollars shall bee ouer-toyled , but haue fit times of refreshing . for there is none ( no not almost of the least ) but being vsed to it a while , they will sitte very well in their places , for two houres together , or two houres and a halfe ; without any wearinesse or necessity , obseruing duely those times . by this meanes also the schollars may bee kept euer in their places , and hard to their labours , without that running out to the campo ( as the tearme it ) at schoole times , and the manifolde disorders thereof ; as watching and striuing for the clubbe , and loytering then in the fields , some hindred that they cannot go forth at all . but hereby all may haue their free liberty in due time ; and none can abuse their liberty in that sort , nor haue their minds drawne away , nor stirre abroad all the day at schoole times : except vpon some vrgent necessity , to be signified to the master or vsher ; and so leaue to be gotten priuately , to returne presently againe . and also in those cases to lose their places for that day , vnlesse the case be approued very necessary and sure ; to the end to cut off occasions from such as will pretend necessities . if any one be catched abusing his master or his liberty , without necessity onely , vpon desire of idlenesse or play , he is to be corrected sharpely , for ensample . by this meanes you shall bring them to that order and obedience in a short time as they will not thinke of stirring all the day , but at their times appointed , or vpon very vrgent and almost extraordinary necessity . besides these benefits , this will also gaine so much time euery day , as is lost in those intermissions ; because there is no day but they will all looke for so much time or more , to the campo : especially the shrewdest boyes , who vse to waite for the club , and watch their times ; these will be sure to haue much more then that . besides all the time which they lose in wayting for that idle fit ; and that they will , if they can , be away at lectures , and shewing exercises : and likewise they will exceedingly trouble the master in asking three or foure sometimes together , what businesse soeuer he be about . spoud . i haue been well acquainted with these disorders of the campo , and vexed with them many a time : i shall be most glad ▪ if i may thus reforme them , and finde these benefites in stead thereof . but what say you for their recrea●ions ? let me also hea●e your iudgement in them : for i see that you would haue in like manner a speciall regard to be kept thereof . phil. i would indeed haue their recreations as well looked vnto , as their learning ; as you may perceiue plainely , by their intermissions , at nine and at three . besides those , and all other their intermissions , it is very requisite also , that they should haue weekely one part of an after-noone for recreation , as a reward of their diligence , obedience and profiting : and that to be appointed at the masters discretion , eyther the thursday , after the vsuall custom ; or according to the best opportunity of the place . that also to be procured by some verses , made by the victors , as was shewed : and then onely , when there hath bin already no play-day in the week before , nor holy day in all the weeke . before their breaking vp also , it shall not bee amisse to giue them a theamto make som verses of , ex tempore , in the highest fourmes , after they haue beene for a time exercised therein : or if time permit , sometime to cap verses . in capping verses the way to prouoke them the most , and to haue most variety of good verses , is , to appoint some one or two of the best , to challenge their fellowes to come one after another ; and euer as any one but sticketh or misseth in a syllable , the other to tell him , and another to come in his place : or els to trie aduersaries or fourmes together . this exercise will much helpe capacitie and audacitie , memorie , right pronuntiation , to furnish with store of authorities for poetrie , and the like ; so as that they may bee very cunning in their poets by it . therefore it may also be vsed in regard of the benefits at some other fit times besides , insteed of some other examination . hee that brings the most sweete verses , out of ouid and virgil or cato amongst the yongest , and so out of other most approued poets , is to haue euer the greatest commendations . absurde verses , such as most are of those called carmina prouerbialia , are to be hissed forth : namely , those which are tearmed versus leonini . as that first verse , si canis ex hilla religatur mordet in illa . and so all other of the same mould . though euen amongst those of that booke there are some tolerable verses , if good choise be made . this exercise may well goe before play : for it is nothing but a pleasant schoole recreation , & will exceedingly whet on the schollars to an ingenuous contention . all recreations and sports of schollars , would be meet for gentleman . clownish sports , or perilous , or yet playing for money , are no way to be admitted . the recreations of the studious are as well to be looked vnto , as the study of the rest : that none take hurt by his study , either for minde or bodie , or any waie else . yet here of the other side , very great care is to be had , in the moderating of their recreation . for schooles , generally , doe not take more hinderance by any one thing , then by ouer-often leaue to play . experience teacheth , that this draweth their mindes vtterly away from their bookes , that that they cannot take paines , for longing after plaie , and talking of it ; as also deuising meanes to procure others to get leaue to play : so that ordinarily when they are but in hope thereof , they will doe things very negligently ; and after the most play they are euermore farre the worst . and contrarily , when they are most holden to it , without looking for any play , in such a course , as wherein they may take delight , and goe on with ease ; then will they do farre the best , without any daunger of taking hurt thereby ; for that thē their learning is for most part as a play to them who are ingenuous . therefore masters are to vse great wisdom in auoiding this ▪ and answering with mildnesse , all those who are euer importunate in asking leaue . and whereas such suiters are wont to be instant thus , that the schollars will learne the better after ; we may say truly , that they will learne fa● the worse after . also , whereas they think that they do them good ; they do both them , their friends and the schoole very great hurt , for the reasons mentioned . it is continuall applying which brings learning , and the credit of a schoole . and for this cause it were not amisse , nor inconuenient ( neither for the schoole , nor the master himselfe who hath a regard of the profiting of his schollars ) if in such places where both master and schollars are hindred hereby that there were some statute for the helpe of the master , that he could not giue leaue of himselfe aboue once in the weeke , without consent of the minister , or some man of authority in the towne ; vnlesse very seldome , and vnto some chiefe parties to be yeelded vnto of necessity , in regard of some speciall dignity or desert . spoud . many masters would count this a bondage . phil. they should yet finde it a profitable bondage , and which would bring no small freedome and comfort to themselues , or benefit and credite to their schooles in the end . chap. xxxi . inconuenience growing by diuersitie of teaching , and of grammars . spoud . bvt what think you of diuersities of grammars , and of diuers courses in teaching ? do you not take them to be very inconuenient ? phil. yes indeed : for by this means they younger schollars comming at new schooles , or vnder new masters , are new to begin ; or are hindered , and do lose much time , when they must after asort begin againe . many of great towardnesse and hope are thought to haue nothing in them , because they are not acquainted with the newe courses . also their former masters are discredited , which happely had taken the best and most profitable paines with them : the children are vtterly or very much discouraged . besides that many schoolmasters are extreamly ignorant , and insufficient , not knowing any good course of teaching at all . spoud . but how might these be helped ? phil. only thus : the best courses being once foūd out by search , conference , and trial , with directions & helps for the practice therof ▪ & the same vniuersally receiued or at least known ; these inconueniences should be for most part preuented , & both masters & schollars go on with cheerfulnes in euery place . in the meane time this is the safest course ; to make them perfect in our ordinary grāmar , by the vse whereof alone so many excellent schollars haue been : then they shall be sure to goe forward in any schoole or course , and to be well liked by euery one . chap. xxxii . euils by ordinarie absence of schollars . spoud . although i haue been troubled by that diuersitie , yet much more by the absence of many of my schollars , when some of them are away , two or three dayes in a weeke , and sometimes happely a moneth together , or almost a quarter of a yeere , as in the haruest time , and it may be they haue no bookes neither ; and yet the parents will expect , that they should profit as much as if they were there daily , and as if they had al necessary bookes . also they will bee ready to raile vpon me that their children do no good : whereby both my selfe and my schoole are much traduced ; when the fault is wholly in themselues or principally , neither can i tell how to helpe it . phil. i knowe this to bee a common grieuance . the best waie to redresse it , is this , so farre as i know : . parents are to bee admonished , either to keepe their children to schoole daily , or to keep them away continually . for by such absence , though it bee but now and then , the mindes of the best and most studious will bee much drawen away , or they discouraged , and made vnable to go with their fellowes . other their fellowes also , are often much hindred for them ; schooles and masters discredited by them : besides that in their absence they commonly learne much euill ; and chiefly stubbornnesse to corrupt themselues and others therefore this would bee looked vnto specially , to be auoided so much as may be : and order to be taken by the gouernours and ouerseers of schooles , that all such should be sent home againe , who are kept awaie aboue a certaine number of daies ; as thirteene in a quarter ( as the statute is in some schooles ) or a like number : vnlesse in case of sicknesse , or such necessary occasion to be approued by the master or ouerseers . those most seldome absences , to be punished by losse of their places , and correction too , if the fault be found to be any way in themselues ; or at least to sit still on the play daies to learne when their fellowes plaie , to recouer that time againe , and to make them more carefull to come ; or by all these meanes together . this will make the parents to amend it . chap. xxxiii . discouragements of schoolemasters by vnthankfulnesse of parents . spoud . this is good counsell , if i could get our ouerseers to put it in execution ; i my selfe will trie what i can doe to redresse it by these helpes : yet there is one other discouragement , whereby i haue bin very much troubled in my selfe , many times ; that is , the great vnthankfulnesse that i finde , and haue euer found in many whose children i haue had ; that some , if they think they haue any little priuiledge by the place , they will not so much as giue me thanks for all my labours , nor it may be afford me a good word , though their children do neuer so well vnder me . others who haue no priuiledge in the place , will giue little or nothing , in regarde of my paines , or to my meete maintenance , according to my place , to incourage mee to take paines : and besides , they will run behind with me two or three quarters , and then they will seek some occasion to take away their children , to set them to other schooles , finding some quarrell that their children did not profit , or the like ; and thus not onely defraude me of my due , but also raise such slaunders against me , for the recompence of all my paines . phil. we must look for thankes , and the rewards of our labours from god , where the world is vnthankfull . but for the help of this , my aduise is , that first we labour to be faithfull in our places , in the best courses and kindes ; chiefly to make our schollars good grāmarians : and then we may be bold to cause them who are of abilitie to paie accordingly in some sort , for the instruction of their children . they will better esteem the worth of learning , and of the seruice we performe to them ( in those in whom they are to liue after their time ) and also to the church & common-wealth . and if god doe blesse vs , that our schollars profit indeede , we shall in time haue schollars enow ; such as will be willing to pay well , how basely soeuer learning be esteemed of . moreouer , to preuent all such shifting and detraction , it is wisdom euer to cal for our due at the quarters end ; and to see that our cariage & gouernment be such in our place , as that we may stand in the face of any such vnthankful detractour . also , that gods blessing on our labours , may euer answere for vs ; which following but these directions we may certainly expect . finally , that in our places we labour to serue the lord faithfully : and then wee may bee sure to receiue the full reward of all our labour , from him ; let men , as i said , be neuer so vnthankfull . chap. xxxiiii . what children are to be kept to learning . spoud . sir , if i should not take heart and courage to set to my calling afresh , i were much to be blamed , hauing all my doubts thus answered , and being thus heartened in euery part . but yet , that i may both returne vnto it cheerefully ; and also goe forward , and continue happily to the end : i pray you let me haue your iudgement in these two points : . what children you would haue set to learning , and incouraged to goe on in the same . . which you would haue sent to the vniuersity , & how qualified . phil. to both these i shall aunswere you vvhat i hold . to the first : i would haue those who after good time of triall shall be found the fittest amongst a mans children , to be applied vnto learning ; as being the meetest to be offered to god in a more speciall maner , to the publick seruice of his church or their countries . and so those onely of them , to be incouraged to goe on in the same , whom you find most ingenuous , and especially whom you perceiue to loue learning the best ; which also do witnesse the same by their painfulnesse and delight in their books . the rest to be fitted so far as may be conueniently , for trades , or some other calling , or to be remoued speedily . . to the second i answere : that such onely should be sent to the vniuersities , who proue most ingenuous and towardly , and who in a loue of learning , will begin to take paines of themselues , hauing attained in some sort the former parts of learning ; being good grammarians at least , able to vnderstand , write and speake latine in good sort . . such as haue good discretion how to gouerne themselues there , and to moderate their expenses ; which is seldome times before . yeeres of age : which is also the youngest age admitted by the statutes of the vniuersity , as i take it . some of chiefe note for learning and gouernment , and of long experience in the vniuersitie ( as namely , some worthy heads of colledges ) would haue none sent nor admitted into the vniuersitie , before they be full fifteen yeers olde at least ; for these reasons specially amongst others : . because , before that time , they will commonly require more bodily helpe , then can be there afforded . . the vniuersitie statute forbiddeth to admit any vnder this age . . because that daily experience doth teach how inconuenient it is in diuers respects . finally , all generally of whom i can heare in the vniuersitie , doe assent hereunto . many would haue them . or . yeere olde before ; because then commonly they haue discretion to sticke to their studies and to gouerne themselues . spoud . i doe much approue their iudgement . i would haue them good schollars , before they goe to the vniuersitie ; and namely sound grammarians , that the tutors need not to be troubled with teaching them to make or to construe latine ; but that they may goe forward in logick or other studies meet for the vniuersitie . for such a schollar as is able to vnderstand well what hee reades , or what is read vnto him there ( i meane in regard of the latine ) shall doe more good in a yeere , then a weak schollar shall do in two or three ; chiefly , if hee haue discretion to gouerne himselfe , and abide close to his booke . for when as the schollar is faine to turne his dictionary for euery word , or hearing a lecture read doth come away as he went ; vnlesse he be placed vnder a most painefull tutor , how is it possible that he should profite any thing , in respect of him who goeth a good schollar thither ? how many euils doe come vpon the sending of schollars so rawly thither , both vniuersity and countrey doe fully know and ●ue . now you haue so louingly and fully answered me in euery doubt , and so largely laide open your minde vnto me , as indeede i cannot desire any more of you : onely let me tell you this , that the points are so many , as i feare that i shall neuer be able to put them in practice . phil. you may make triall of all , or the most likely of them ; and constantly practice those which you finde most profitable : the shorter that you can be in euery thing , the better shall you do ; so that all be done with vnderstanding , as i said before . spoud . i trust you will giue me a copie of them : for otherwise i shall neuer be able to remember them ; besides that they will require to be oft read ouer and ouer , vntill i shall grow perfect in them . i doe not doubt , but you haue set them downe . phil. i haue ; though as yet very imperfectly , for lacke of meete leasure . such as i haue i shall impart ( seeing your earnest desire to doe good ) and more as god shall adde more helpe and experience by your selfe , and by others ▪ chap. xxxv . a briefe rehearsall of the chiefe points and helpes mentioned in this booke . spoud . how much shall you make me more indebted by that fauour , aboue all your other kindnesse hitherto ! yet in the meane time before we depart , to the end to helpe my weake memory , and to cause me to goe on more cherefully , let me request onely these two things of you further : to repeat the principall heads of those things which should be as it were in the masters remembrance alwayes , to be continually put in practice . to set me downe a short catalogue of the bookes and helpes which you haue mentioned belonging hereunto , for the better accomplishing of all these seuerall parts of learning . phil. for those principall heads , though most of them were named in the obseruations ; yet sith such little briefes doe much helpe memory , i will rehearse them so neere as i can . these were of the chiefe : to cause all to be done with vnderstanding . to cut off all needlesse matters , so much as may be , and passe by that which is vnprofitable . to note all hard and new wordes : to obserue matter and phrase carefully . to learne and keepe all things most perfectly , as they goe . to haue few fourmes . to discourage none , but to draw on all by a desire of commendation . to stirre vp to emulation of aduersaries , and to vse all good policy for one to prouoke another . continuall examining ( which is the life of all ) and chiefly posing of the most negligent . right pronuntiation . some exercise of memory daily . to haue the best patternes for euery thing ; and to doe all by imitation . the master to stirre vp both himselfe and his schollars to continuall cheerefulnesse . constancy in order . these were generally premised . to these we may adde ; to get an idea or short summe and generall notion of euery treatise or chapter . to parallel all by examples , or to giue like examples for each thing , and where they haue learned them . to see that they haue continually all necessaries . to countenance and preferre the best , to be markes for the rest to aime at , and that all may be incouraged by their example . maintayning authority , by carefull execution of iustice in rewards and punishments , with demonstration of loue , faithfulnesse and painefulnesse in our place , with grauitie ; working by all means a loue of learning in the schollars , and a strift who shall excell most therein , of a conscience to do most honour and seruice vnto the lord , both presently , and chiefly in time to come . in a word ; seruing the lord with constant cheerefulnesse , in the best courses which he shall make knowne vnto vs ▪ we shall vndoubtedly see his blessing , according to our hearts . m. askam hath these steps to learning : first , aptnesse of nature : secondly , loue of learning : thirdly , diligence in right order : fourthly , constancy with pleasant moderation : fiftly , alwayes to learne of the most learned ; pointing and ayming at the best , to match or go beyond them . philip melanchton also , in his preface before hesiod , aduiseth after this manner ; to striue to make schollars exceeding cunning in euery authour which they reade . doe this by oft reading and construing ouer their authors ; causing them to note euery thing worthy obseruation , with some marke , to run ofter ouer those : not regarding how many the authours are , but how exactly they learne them ; chiefly all their sentences & speciall phrases , that the speech of the children may euer sauor of them : for thus he saith ; vt quisque author optimus , it a saepissimè relegendus ad imit ationem : and that thereby they may alwayes haue of a sudden a patterne or president in their minde , whereunto to run , as the painter hath . and so much for the chiefe points : for the seuerall books and helps , i referre you rather to the seuerall chapters ; where you may soone see them together , as you shal haue occasion to vse them for their seuerall purposes . spoud . but it is a great charge to poore men , to prouide so many bookes as may seeme necessary . phil. it is true indeede ; yet one yeare gained in their childrens learning , will recompence abundantly all charge in bookes which they shall neede : and much more , if by them they shall gaine sundry yeares , and be furnished with all kinde of excellent learning meet for their yeares ; which without the best bookes , it is no more likely to do , then for any to proue exquisite in other trades and sciences , without the most fine instruments seruing thereunto . and this one certaine assurance of the obtayning this treasure of learning , by following the right meanes and courses , may counterpoize all labour and charges whatsoeuer can be furmised , for attayning of the same . spoud . sir , i rest fully satisfied ; praysing the lord , and acknowledging my perpetual debt for this our conference . phil. let vs giue god all the glory ; to whom of due it appertaines : and let vs euer intreate him , that as he hath thus begun , so he will perfect his owne worke , for the euerlasting praise of his owne name , and the perpetuall good of all his people , vntill christ iesus shall come . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the severall chapters , with the particular contents of them . chap. i. a discourse betweene two schoolemasters , concerning their function : in the end determining a conference about the best way of teaching , and the manner of proceeding in the same . herein these particulars : the schoolemasters place , ordinarily , wearisome , and thankelesse . they , who haue felt the euils of labouring without fruit , will neyther spare trauell nor cost to helpe the same . many honest hearted & painful schoolemasters vtterly discouraged , and liuing in continuall discontentment , through lacke of knowledge of a right course of teaching . some few god much blesseth in this calling , thogh rare . more true contentment to bee found in this calling , rightly followed , then in any recreation . the fruits of this , most sweet in the remembrance . knowledge and practice of the best courses will much augment the blessing of our labour , and fill our liues with contentment . how the way of all good learning may bee made more easie , then euer in former ages . many worthy helpes lie hid from the greatest part , only through neglect . a briefe rehearsall of the chiefe contents , for the better entring into the conference , & for giuing more light and life to all that followeth . the manner of proceeding in this conference . chap. ii. when the schollar should first be set to the school . branches ; the time of the first entrance in countrey schooles , at seuen or eight yeare olde . the child of any ordinary towardlines , to begin to learn about fiue yeare olde . reasons and benefit of it . two or three yeares may be gained hereby , to fit them sooner for the vniuersity . parents ought to labour to see their childrens good education before their eyes , so soone as may be . obiections against setting children so young to the schoole , answered . chap. iii. how the schollar may be taught to reade english wel and speedily , to fit him the sooner and better for the grammar schoole . herein these things handled ; the inconueniences of hauing the grammar schooles troubled with teaching a. b. c. how this might be remedied by some other schooles in each towne for that purpose . the redresse hereof to besought . to be borne with patience , where it cannot be auoyded ; and the burden of it to be made so light as may be . the first entring of children to be looked to heedily . to teach to reade wel , a matter of good commendation . griefe & discredit to the schoolemaster for want of this . to teach to call and pronounce each letter right . how to know their letters the soonest . to spell , and take a delight therein . some of the hardest syllables and words set downe , for the practicing children in spelling of them ; to helpe by them to spell any other speedily , and for writing true orthography . of ioyning syllables together . bookes to be first learned of children . in what time children well applyed , may learne to reade english. diuiding and distinguishing syllables . the pleasantest way to teach the little ones , to pronounce their letters , and to spell before they know a letter ; and how to doe it . any one who can reade , may thus enter children , if they wil follow the directions ; and so a poore body may make an honest liuing of it , and free the grammar schooles . complaints for children for getting to reade english , when they first enter into latine ; and how to auoyde them . the iust complaint of want of care in our schooles , for proceeding in our owne tongue , as in the latine or greeke ; wheras our chiefe care should be for our owne language : and reasons for it . how schollars may increase continually , as fast in our own tongue as in the latine . the chiefe fault of children going backe in english , when they begin to learne latine , is in the parents . an ordinary fault , that schollars are to seeke in matters of common numbers ; and how to redresse it . chap. iiii. of writing . how the master may direct his schollars to write faire , though himselfe be no good pen-man . herein these particulars : faire writing a great benefit and ornament to schooles . the opinion is fond , that a good schollar cannot be a good writer . the trouble of schoolemasters , for want of this skill to teach their schollars how to write . when the schollars should begin to write . to haue all necessaries thereunto , and books kept faire . each to learne to make his owne pen , and how . holding the pen , and carrying it lightly . in stead of setting copies , to haue little copie-bookes fastened to the tops of their bookes ; and those of the best which can be procured . manner of their copie-bookes and copies . inconuenience of following diuers hands . euils of the want of such copie-bookes . faire writing to be practiced by all the schollars once euery day . general rule in writing , to make all like the copie . how to keepe euen compasse in writing , not ouer-high not too low . benefit of ruling-pens for each , and what ones . the bookes of the young beginners to bee ruled with crosse lines . the compasse in greatnes and neerenes of the letters . ioyning the letters in writing . writing straight without lines . speciall furtherances for the first enterers , when they cannot frame any letter . leisurely drawing the letters as the painter , a chief help . to obserue ornaments of writing . to make all the letters most plaine . mischiefes of getting a bad hand first . what the master is to doe , to the end that he may learne to teach his schollars to write faire . to walke amongst the schollars , to see that they obserue their directions , and to marke all faults in writing . this skill is to be gotten , to auoyde the euils by wandring scriueners . the vse of scriueners in grammar schooles , what . the summe of the principal directions for writing , to be euer in memory . chap. v. certaine general obseruations to be knowen of schoolmasters , and practiced carefully ; chiefly in all grammar learning . . that schollars bee taught to doe all things with vnderstanding , and to haue a generall knowledge of the matter before . to do all things by reason with vnderstanding , brings almost double learning , besides ease and delight . reading without vnderstanding , is a neglect of learning . triall of difference betweene learning with vnderstanding and without . verses of horace to this end , worthy to bee written in letters of golde , to be imprinted in the memories of all . how some writers haue so far gone beyond others in eloquence , thorough their ripenesse and vnderstanding . how to teach all to be done by vnderstanding . . to learne onely such things as whereof they may haue good and perpetuall vse . . to note all hard words or matters worthie obseruation , and the manner of marking them . . to learne all things so perfectly , as the former may be insteed of a schoolemaster to the later . . that the whole schoole be diuided into so few forms , as may be ; with reasons for the same . to haue a great care that none be discouraged , but all to be prouoked by emulation and desire of praise . a sentence of tully to this purpose worthie to be euer before the masters eye . strift for victories the most commendable plaie and a chiefe meanes to make the schoole ludus literar●us . . each to haue his aduersary : and they to be so matched and placed as all may be done by equall strift . . to vse euer to examine the most negligent . . continuall care of pronouncing . . to haue some exercise of memory daily , for making excellent memories . . to haue the best patternes of all sorts that can bee gotten . . the masters to incourage themselues and their schollars continually . . constancie in good orders , with continuall demonstration of loue , to doe all for the greatest good of the schollars . chap. vi. how to make children perfect in the accedence . herein these particulars : the vsuall manner of learning to reade the accedence . the ordinary manner of getting the accedence without booke . the best meanes , for learning to reade the accedence . generall rule in learning without booke , or getting whatsoeuer seemeth hard , to take but a little at a time . to cause them first to vnderstand their lectures and how . admonition to masters , desirous to do good ; to be as the nurses with little children . example how to make children to vnderstand , by shewing the meaning , and by asking questions . in what points of the accedence , the chiefe labour would be bestowed to make young schollars very perfect ▪ viz. in all kinde of declining . how to be most speedily perfect in the verbs ; which are a mean foundation , and wherin the greatest difficulty lieth . no paines can be too great in nownes and verbs vntill they be exceeding perfect . two generall obseruations in the english rules : what parts of the english rules , to be made most perfect in . helpe for examination of the accedence : viz. the questions of the accedence , called the poasing of the english parts . other needfull questions adioined to the end of the same . chap. vii . how to make schollars perfect in the grammar . what is done ordinarily in schooles in teaching grammar . what things are requisite in learning grammar . how to get the grammar with most ease and fruite . benefit of lillies rules construed . learning the rules without booke . construing the rules without booke . how to do where leasure is wanting . how to examine so as to make your schollar to answer any question of his grammar ; with an example thereof . to appose only in english , where children are too weak to answere in latine . examining in the latine nownes and verbes . examining the syntaxis , and helpes thereunto . repeating titles and margents , or the beginning of the rules , in a continued speech , to keep the rules perfectly . helpe for hearing part in straights of time . helps for further vnderstanding the rules . the sum of all , wherin chiefe care would be had . a perfect saying euery rule , not so absolutely necessarie . to turne to each hard rule in parsing , a helpe to make schollars perfect in the grammar . grammar to be made as a dictionary to the schollars . chap. viii . of construction , or of construing authors , how to make all the way thereof most easie and plaine . herein these particulars : things seeming difficult in construction . the ordinary toile of masters about giuing lectures , & making their schollars able to construe . difficulty in taking lectures , in propriety of words and sense . griefe of the masters for their schollars forgetting that which they haue learned . the waie of construing most plaine , by practice of the rule of construing , and of grammaticall translations . the rule of construing vnheard of to the most . the rule set downe by sundry learned grammarians . the rule according as master leech hath set it downe . the rule according to crusius . the rule expounded more at large , though the curious handling of it be left to some others . the sum of the rule briefly . an example of construing and of grammaticall translations according to the rule : wherin may be seene the generall benefits therof , for resoluing latine into the grammaticall order , construing , parsing , making latine , and trying it . the chiefe reason of the benefits . benefits of translatiōs according to the rule , set down more particularly . things specially obserued in the translations of the schoole authors . how to vse the translations , so as to attaine the former benefits . obiections against the vse of translations in schooles , answered . the vses and benefits mentioned , cannot be made of any other translations of the schoole authors , except of the grammaticall : and the reason of it . som exampls of other translations , to manifest the truth hereof . grammatical translations separate from the latine , cannot indanger any to make them truants . how to preuent idlenesse or negligence in the vse of the translations . these no meanes to make masters idle , but contrarily to incourage them to take all paines . the account to be iustly made of such translations . schoole authors translated grammatically . other bookes also translated grammatically for continuall helps in schooles . what helpes to be vsed for construing higher authors , and so for construing ex tempore . the higher fourmes to practice to goe ouer so much as they can , construing ex tempore . chap. ix . of parsing and the seueral kinds therof . how children may parse of themselues , readily and surely . the particular branches are these ; the vsuall manner of teaching to parse . the certaine direction for parsing . to parse as they construe , marking the last word . to obserue carefully , where they haue learned each word , what exāple euery word is like ; so to parallel by exāples , each thing which they haue not learned in their rules . an example of parsing , set downe at large for the rudest . manner of hearing lectures amongst the lower . how to knowe by the words what part of speech each word is . how a childe may knowe , of what coniugation any verbe is . much time and toyle in parsing , thorough examining each word by the master , how helped . the surest , shortest & speediest way of parsing , to parse as reading a lecture . how to helpe to prepare the children for parsing at taking lectures , by shewing them onely the hard words , that they may take most paines in them . example of marking the hard words amongst the first enterers . marking the hard words helpeth much , and preuenteth many inconueniences . how to oppose so as children may get both matter , words and phrase of each lecture , with examples of it in the first authors : and how to make vse of each author . parsing in the higher fourmes , and to do all in latine . the sum of all for parsing . chap. x. of making latine . how to enter children to make latine , with delight and certainty ; without daunger of false latine , barbarous phrase , or any other like inconuenience . particular points ; to enter children to make latine , a matter ordinarily extreamly difficult and full of toyle , both to master and schollar . the vsuall manner in country schooles , to enter children to make latine . the shortest , surest , and easiest way , both to master and schollar , for entring to make latine . making first the latine of their lectures , and giuing a reason of each word . example of it . continuall construing , parsing , and reading their authors out of grammaticall translations , is continuall making pure latine , to cause children to come on in it very fast . choosing fit sentences out of authors , for the children to make of themselues . the maner of the entrance of children to write latine , so as to profit in english , latine , writing faire and true , all vnder one labor . how to haue their bookes ruled to this purpose . manner of dictating the english to schollars , when they are to learne to write latine . making and setting downe the latine , by the schollars . benefit of it for , certaine direction both to master and schollar . further vse to be made of the latine so set down , to make it fully their owne . composing the latine into the order of the author . tullies sentences , the fittest book to dictate sentences out of . an example of the manner of dictating , and writing downe both english and latine . translating into pure latine , and in good composition of themselues , trying who can come neerest vnto tullie . how to preuent stealing , and writing after one another . how to goe on faster , and dispatch more in making latine . translating into english of themselues , after m. askams maner ; and after , reading the same into latine again , or writing it . the most speedy and profitable way of translating for young schollars . how to translate an authour into latine , or any peece thereof . such translating onely for schollars well grounded . summe of all for making latine . chap. xi . of the artificial order of composing , or placing of the words in prose , according to tully , and the purest latinists . herein these particulars : pure composition a matter of difficulty . the error of young schollars , displacing sentences , in an imagination of fine composition . composition generally belonging to all latine . rules of composition , as they are set down by macropedius , in the end of his method of making epistles . more exquisite obseruation in placing and measuring sentences . chap. xii . how to make epistles imitating tully , short pithy , sweet latine and familiar , and to indite letters to our friends in english accordinglie . herein these things ; difficulty of making epistles purely , and pithily . the ordinary meanes of directing schollars to make epistles . difficulty for children , who haue no reading , to inuent variety of matter of themselues . helpes for making epistles , by reading tullies epistles , and imitating them . making answeres to epistles . examples of imitating epistles , and answering them . chap. xiii . of making theames full of good matter , in a pure stile and with iudgement . herein these branches ; the ordinary manner of directing schollars how to enter to make theames , according to apthonius precepts . the inconueniencies of that course for yong schollars ; and that it is hard enough for many teachers . difficulty in making theames , because schollars are not acquainted with the matter of them . the schollar is oft beaten for his theame , when the master rather deserueth it . to consider the end of making theames . the meanes to furnish the schollars for theames . presidents or examples for theames . presidents for matter , to furnish schollars with store of the best matter . reusneri symbola , a booke meete to this purpose ; and chiefly for trayning vp young gentlemen , and all of chiefe sort and condition . how to vse reusner for theames . an easie direction for theames , to be handled according to the seuerall parts thereof . imitation of exordiums and conclusions . other authours for matter . helpes for inuention of matter . the knowledge of the ten grounds of inuention , the readiest way . the art of meditation most profitable and easie for help of inuention . presidents for the forme and manner of making theames . declamations and patternes for them . declamations fit for the vniuersities , or for the principall schollars in grammar schooles . manner of writing down theams by schollars of iudgement . making of theames ex tempore , a matter of great commendations , if it be done schollar-like . the way to make theames ex tempore . a most easie and profitable practice , to helpe to make theames ex tempore . whereto be stored with matter and words for each part of the theame . helpe for supplying wordes and phrases . common-place bookes , a singular helpe . orations . orations belong specially to the vniuersities . examples of orations . orations ex tempore . summe for theames . chap. xiiii . of versifying . how to enter to make verses with delight and certainty , without bodging ; and to traine vp schollars to imitate and expresse ouid or virgill , both their phrase and stile . herein these particulars : poetry rather for ornament then for any necessity . there may be commendable vse of poetry . the ordinary difficulty of poetry . the folly of some in this kinde . the most plaine way how to enter to make verses , without bodging . turning the verses of their lectures into other verses . of contracting or drawing seuen or eight verses into foure or fiue ; and the certaine benefit of this exercise . to make verses of any ordinary theame . to versifie ex tempore . helpes for versifying . chap. xv. the manner of examining and correcting exercises . herein these particulars : examining exercises neuer to be omitted . generall faults wherein schollars doe commonly slip . to reade ouer their exercises first in naturall order . to parallel each thing by examples . to looke to elegancy and finenesse of composition . neuer to thinke any thing laboured enough . aduersaries to note faults in one anothers exercises . the manner of examining exercises by the master . speciall faults in the highest fourmes . care that they doe correct their exercises presently . chap. xvi . how to answere any needfull question of grammar or rhetoricke . herein these things ; to answere any grammar question , a thing commendable . how to answere any difficult grammar question . most of the difficulties of the auncient classicall authours , collected briefly by m. stockwood . how to answere the questions of rhetoricke . how to answere the questions of tullies offices . chap. xvii . of grammaticall oppositions . how to dispute schollar-like of any grammar question in good latine . herein these branches : to vse the helpe of master stockwoods disputations of grammar . benefits of such scholasticall oppositions . disputations of morall philosophy belong rather to the vniuersities . how these may be done , and how farre . obiection answered , for disputing out of master stockwood . euils of inforcing schollars to exercises , with the examples whereof they are not acquainted first . benefite of hauing the best paternes . chap. xviii . of pronouncing naturally and sweetly , without vaine affectation . herein these particulars : the excellency of pronuntiation . pronuntiation ordinarily hard to bee attained in schooles . how schollars may bee brought to pronounce sweetelie . children to be trai●ed vp to pronounce right from the first entrance . to vtter euery matter according to the nature of it . what they cannot vtter in latine , to learne to doe it first in english , then in latine . to cause sundry to pronounce the very same sentence in emulation . to be carefull , chiefly for pronuntiation , in all authors wherein persons are fained to speake . poetry to be pronounced as prose , except in scanning . further helpes in pronouncing . to marke in each sentence , in what word the emphasie lyeth . care in pronouncing exercises . the more exquisite knowledge and practice of pronouncing , left vnto the vniuersities . chap. xix . of speaking latine purely and readily . complaint of the difficulty to traine vp schollars to speake latine . the generall errour , for the time when schollars are to begin to speake latine . to learne to speake latine should be begun from the first entrance into construction . the surest course for entring young schollars to speake latine . how the master himselfe may doe it easily before them . the daily practice of grammaticall translations , and chiefly of reading bookes of dialogues out of english into latine , is a continuall practice of speaking latine . difficulty to cause schollars to practice speaking latine amongst themselues . inconueniencies of custodes for speaking latine . inconuenience of one schollar smiting another with the ferula . the best meanes to holde schollars to speaking latine . how any one may by himselfe alone , attaine to speake latine in ordinary matters . for them who desire to come to ripenesse and purity in the latine tongue , goclenius his obseruations of the latine tongue , is of singular vse . chap. xx. how to attaine most speedily vnto the knowledge of the greeke tongue . herein these branches ; the greeke may be gotten with farre lesse labour then the latine . one benefite of the perfect knowledge of the greeke testament alone , worthy all our labour to be taken in the greeke . m. askams testimony concerning the greeke tongue , and the excellent learning contained in it . the way to the greeke , the same with the latine . how schollars of vnderstanding and iudgement may take a shorter course . to vse m. camdens grammar . grammatica graecapro schola argentinensi per theophilum golium , may serue in steede of a further exposition of camden . to begin construction with the greeke testament , and why . to striue to haue the scriptures as familiarly in the originals , as the iewes had the hebrew . those who purpose to haue any smattering in the greek , to haue it in the testament , and why . the testament compared to other greeke authours . the testament a notable entrance to all other greeke authours . how schollars may be made most perfect in the greeke testament . the speediest way to the greeke , to get the radices first . the easiest way , how to learne the greeke radices . how any may soone learne to reade the greeke , before they learne the greeke grammar . how the nomenclator of the greeke primitiues might be made of singular vse . helpe for committing wordes to memory . caueat in remembring . the greeke radices contriued into continued speeches , may be gotten soonest of all . the readiest and surest way of getting the testament ▪ by a perfect verball translation , separate from the greeke . how by the help of such a translation , any who haue but a smattering in the greeke may proceede of themselues in the testament . this cannot be so done by the interlineall , or hauing the greeke and latine together , and why . how schollars of iudgement may vse the interlineall . how to proceede in other authours . the benefit of such translations of some of the purest greeke authours . parsing in greeke . helpes for parsing in greeke . helpes for knowledge of the poets . how to write in greeke purely . how to write faire in greeke . versifying in greeke . summe of all for the greeke . chap. xxi . how to get most speedily , the knowledge and vnderstanding of the hebrew . herein these branches ; the knowledge of the hebrew may be the soonest gotten , and why . manner of learning the grammar , and what grammar to be vsed . the getting the hebrew radices , a chiefe helpe . manner of committing the radices to memory . examples of helping the memory in learning the hebrew radices . the benefit of comparing the tongues . the best epitome for learning the radices . the way might be more compendious by the rootes reduced to classes . continuall practice of perfect verball translations , a singular helpe . a student hauing opportunity cannot be better imployed , then in getting perfectly , and imprinting the originals in memory . the latine , greeke and hebrew , may bee the soonest gotten by such perfect translations in each tongue . how much and what to learne in all things . chap. xxii . of knowledge of the grounds of religion , and trayning vp schollars therein . herein these heads ; schollars are to be trained vp in religion . religion most neglected in schooles . the popish schoolemasters shall rise vp in iudgement against all who neglect it . teaching the catechisme , and when . examining the catechisme . taking notes of sermons . setting downe all the substance of the sermons , in the higher fourmes . manner of noting , for helping vnderstanding and memory . to translate the sermon into latine , or to reade it into latine ex tempore . examining sermons . repetition or rehearsall of the sermons . benefit of strict examination of sermons . how the repetition may be done readily . how to goe through the history of the bible , and the manner of examining it . obiections answered . how to teach the schollars ciuility . chap. xxiii . how to vnderstand and remember anie morall matter . herein these things ; a principall helpe of vnderstanding , to cause children to vnderstand and remember by questions . an example hereof . helpe in priuate reading , by questions . chap. xxiiii . some things necessarie to be knowen , for the better attaining of all the parts of learning mentioned before : as , . how the schoolemaster should be qualified . herein these branches ; the schoolemaster ought to be sufficient to direct his schollars , or tractable and willing to be directed . the schoolemaster must be painfull and constant , of conscience of god. he must cast off all other studdies at schoole times . he must not post ouer the trust to others . the schoolemaster must be of a louing disposition , to incourage all by praise and rewards . he ought to be a godly man , and of good cariage . to seeke to gaine , and maintaine authority , and how . chap. xxv . of the vsher and his office . herein these particulars ; an vsher necessary in all greater schooles . euils of lacke of an vsher. the master burdened with all , is , as the husbandman ouercharged with more then he can compasse . supply by schollars , not sufficient . sufficiency of the vsher. the vsher to be at the masters command . to be vsed with respect . the vsher not to meddle with correcting the highest schollars . the vsher to vse as little correction as may be , vnlesse in the masters absence . the vshers principall imployment with the younger , to traine them vp for the master . to preuent all inconueniences by the vsher. chap. xxvi . helpes in the schoole besides the vsher. seniors in each fourme . particular helpe , a subdoctor in place of the vsher , or where one vsher is not sufficient . sorting the fourmes , so many into a fourme as may be . choise and matching each forme equally , that all may sit as matches . benefits of this election . this equall matching all , a chiefe meanes to make the schoole ludus l●terarius . chap. xxvii . of gouernment and of authority in schooles . herein these branches ; gouernment , the helpe of helps . authority , the top of gouernment . authority how to be maintained . the masters and vshers to be as liuing laws , to maintaine their authority . authority maintained by most strict execution of iustice , by rewards and punishments . incouraging vertue , discouraging vice , to maintaine authority . the euils of neglect hereof , and of partiality . authority to be maintained by a continuall demonstration of conscience , and loue to the schollars . by being presidents of all vertue . extream seuerity , & whipping , to be auoided in schooles ; and all meanes vsed to preuent it . reasons . difficulty for the master to moderate his passions oftentimes , if he striue to doe good . chap. xxviii . of preferments and incouragements . herein these particulars : incouragements to be by these meanes ; often elections . countenancing and gracing the seniors , and all the best and most painfull . putting vp into higher fourmes . giuing places . commending euery thing well done . caueat in commending . disputation for the victorship . praemia to be giuen to the two victors . office of the victors for their praemia . solemne examination to bee made once euerie yeere . exercises to be prouided against that time . to keepe their daily exercises faire written in bookes , to try their profiting ▪ by comparing with the former . a course of examination to be appointed : and the same first to be performed by the masters and vshers ; after by others not satisfied . all dooing well to bee praised , the best specially graced . benefits of this set solemne examination . all parents to haue notice before such examinations . to labour by all meanes to worke a conscience in all the schollars , to do all of dutie and loue to god , and how . some excellent sentences to be oft inculcated , to worke in the schollars a loue of learning . chap. xxix . of execution of iustice in schooles , by punishments . herein these particulars : to punish vnwillingly . to proceede by degrees in punishing . a note which may be tearmed the black bill , of principall vse , and most auaileable in punishing & reforming . manner of the blacke bill , to depriue all chiefe offenders of the benefit of play daies . to cause all such to knowe aforehand , what to looke for . to view the formes before play , and to separate all the disobedient and vnworthy , to be left to their taskes . care that their taskes be strictly exacted . notorious offenders , or stubborne boies , to sit so many dayes , vntill that they shew good tokens of amendment . benefit of this punishment , strictly obserued , and why . correction with rodde to be vsed more seldome , and chiefly for terror . caueats in correcting . manner of correcting the stubborne , and vnbroken . not to suffer any to goe away in their stubbornnesse . to be wary to auoide all smi●ing or hurting the children . caueat of threatning . that the maister doe not abase himselfe , to struggle with any stubborne boy . to auoide all furious anger and cha●ing . how correction should euer be taken . sparing the rodde where necessitie requireth , is to vndoe the children . assurance of safety in correction , when it is done aright . anger necessary in schoolemaisters , so it bee tempered aright . meanes to represse furious and raging anger . places of scripture to bee euer in our mindes , for the repressing and moderating our anger . danger of rash anger when it exceeds . occasions of anger , left to the calling of the schoolemaisters , to humble and exercise them . three lessons for preuenting anger . the danger of hauing the rod , or ferule euer in the hand of the maister or vsher. the surest way to haue nothing ordinarily , but grauitie and authoritie . the time of inflicting common punishments . such as in whom is no hope of reformation , to bee sent from schoole in time . chap. xxx . of school-times , intermissions , and recreations . school-time to begin at sixe . the vsher to be euer present at sixe of the clock , though onely to ouersee all . how to make children to striue vvho shall bee first at schoole without correction . daily intermissions at nine , and three of the clock , for a quarter of an hower or more . to sing part of a psalme before breaking vp at night , and each to begin in order , and to giue the tune . intermissions at nine of the clocke and three , not offensiue , when they are once knowne . benefits of intermissions . none to stirre forth of t●eir places at schoole-times , but vpon vrgent occasions . the time of the intermissions may be gayned dayly , and sundry inconueniences preuented . weekely recreations . before breaking vp to play , to make verses ex tempore , or to cap verses . the best manner of capping verses . the greatest commendation in these . manner of their recreations . the recreations of the studious to be regarded . ouermuch play to be carefully auoided . chap. xxxi . inconueniences growing by diuersity of teaching and of grammars . how this helped . chap. xxxii . euils by ordinary absence of schollars . chap. xxxiii . discouragements of schoolemaisters , by vnthankefulnesse of parents . remedies against such discouragements . chap. xxxiiii . what children to be set and kept to learning . what schollars to be sent to the vniuersities . none to bee sent to the vniuersities before fifteene yeares of age at least . the best courses to be practiced . chap. xxxv . a briefe rehearsall of the chiefe points and special helps , mentioned through the whole booke . the principall heads of those things , vvhich vvould bee euer kept in memory by the maister , to bee continually put in practice . mt. askames steppes to good learning : with a briefe direction of melanchtons . finis . studious reader , i thought meete to giue thee notice , that my translation of sententiae pueriles , and of cato , are now vnder the presse ; and the former of them , within a day or two , ready to come forth . expect the other , shortly after . postscript . page . line . reade by that . p. . l. . for declension read gender or declining . p. . l. . for euer reade a●way . p. . l. . put in so far as i know p. . after the . line , put in so mothers for most part . p. , l. ● . put out ●ound . p. . l. for of grammatica , read at grammatica . p. ● . l. ▪ put out secondly . p. . l. . for most , read many . p. . l. . put out kinde . . l. . for rest , read : rise . faults escaped by the printer . in page . line the alphabet should haue beene distinguished by threes , thus ; a b c. d e f. g h i. and so for the rest . page line false true. thus this long longest a booke bookes m. i t. m c.t. without or without third a third of or manuifoelicis manuifoelici parsed poased parsing poasing more most goe truely goe surely speedily specially que que virtutem . virtutum weapon weapons must will àscio ascio . & vincit vincet fittest fit●●est curiously cursorily in manner in good manner so great great nomenc●aton nomenclator th●ogius theognis his this be also also who which oderint oderunt . page . in the margent against line for yongest ▪ read highest : notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e in the true watch and rule of life , made farre more perfect and plaine in this . editiō . notes for div a -e tubal-cain . notes for div a -e mr askame . booke page notes for div a -e the schoolemasters place ordinarily wearisome , thankelesse . they who haue felt the euils of labouring without fruit in their calling , wil neither spare labor nor cost to help the same . if for to gain a little politick experience or to see fashions , many will aduēture both by sea and land , into enemies countries , to the hazarding ofttimes both of body and soule ; how much more ought we to trauel at home , amongst our friends , to gain lasting comfort in our labours ? many honest and painefull school-masters weary of their places , liue in continuall discontent , thorow lacke of knowledge of a good cour●e of teaching . some few god much blesseth in this calling though they be very rare . more true contentment may be ●ound in this calling rightly followed , then in any recreation whatsoeuer . the fruit of this trauel is euer the sweetest in the remembrance of it after . knowledge & practi●e of the best courses will much augment the blessing of our labours , and fill our liues with contentment . feeling of the griefe and want of others , will make vs more compassionate . wee are but stuards of gods gifts & to bee accountable for euery talent . what our affection and resolution should be in receiuing any speciall blessing from the lord : as namely direction how to walke more fruitfully in our calling . how the way of all good learning may be more easie then euer in former ages . many most worthy helps lie vtterly hid from the greatest part , only thorow neglect . all the things mentioned in the contents may be effected through diligence , constancy & gods blessing . see the particulars in the contents set before the booke . the most easie and profitable manner of procee●ing in this conference ▪ the first point . how soone the childe is to bee set to the schoole . the time of the first entrāce in countrey schooles , at . or . the childe of any ordinary towardlinesse , to begin to learne about . yeere olde . reasons . . because they are then meete to conceiue of learning and to delight in it . . for that they are apt much sooner to learn shrewdnesse , & those things which are hurtfull . . to auoide much rudeness , and that too much sweetness which they feel in play and idlenesse . this age is most easily bēded , and ac●ustomed to good things . two or three yeeres may be gained by this meanes , to fit thē sooner for the vniuersitie or other imploiments , which is no small benefit . parents ought to labour to see their childrens good educatiō before their eyes , so soone as may be . ob. it will hinder their growth . a. the schoole being rightly vsed will not hinder any more thē their plaie . ob. . it will cause them to hate learning . a they will rather loue it better . ob. it is a small matter to lose a yeere or two then . a the losse of a yeere or two will be found in the end . ob. . they will learn the faster . a so in higher learning at those yeeres . the inconuenience of hauing the grammar schooles trobled with teaching a. b. c continuall applying in a right course is aboue al means how this might be remedied by some other schoole in each towne for this purpose . the redresse of it to be sought . to be borne with patience where it cannot be remedied . the first entring of children to be looked to carefully . to teach to read well in a short time is of great profit griefe & discredit of the want of this . . to teach children how to cal and pronounce their letters right . and first the . vowels . the consonants . right calling the letters before the children doe know them . . how to teach children to know the letters the soonest . to cause them to finde out any letter . the surer way is to learne but one letter at a● once . . how to teach to spell . m. coots english schoolemaster might bee profitable to this purpose , in which booke are syllables & words of all sorts . to make children to take delight in spelling . some of the hardest syllables to practice children in the spelling of thē . these would be written in some little table to poase them oft . note in spelling . right pronoūcing makes right spelling . further direction for spelling after . . ioyning syllables together . vnderstanding the matter . bookes to bee first learned of children . abcie , primer . second reading of a booke . psalmes in metre . testament . schoole of vertue . schoole of good manners , . in what time children well applyed , may easily learne to reade english. diuiding and distinguishing syllables . . to teach little ones to pronounce their letters , and to spell before they know a letter , is the pleasantest way how little ones will presently pronounce their fiue vowels . to put the cōsonants in order before the vowelles pronoūcing them . to teach to spell these thus , putting the consonants first . repeating th letters of thee alphabet , by roate . to teach them to know their letters as before . to cause them to knowe the matter by questions or oft repeating to thē . any one who can read , may thus enter children for reading english . the inconuenience of childrē forgetting to reade english , when they enter first into latine , and how to auoid it . complaints of parents for childrē forgetting english. complaint of want of care in our schooles for growth in our owne tong is in the latine . our chiefe indeauor should be for our own tongue . reasons . few scooles which haue any regarde for our english tongue meanes to obtaine this benefit of increasing in our english tong , as in the latin. . daily vse of lillies rules construed . . continuall practice of english grammaticall translations . . translating and writing english , with some other schoole exercises . the chief fault of the children going backewards in reading english , when they first learne latine , is in the parents themselues . an ordinary fault , that most schollars are to seek in matters of common numbers , which they may bee taught in an hower or two . numbers by letters knowen easily , yet oft neglected . numbers by figures . why this dialogue is so long faire writing a great benefit & ornament to schooles . it hath beene a receiued opinion a ●ong many , that a good schollar can not be a good writer . the trouble of schoolemasters , for the want of this faculty to teach schollars to write . the ordinary course in schooles to teach to write . . when schollars should begin to write . . to haue all necessaries . . inke and paper , of what sort . writing books kept faire . . euery one to learne to make his owne pen. the manner of making the pen. cleft of the penne . the neb of the pen. the surest way for making the pen. how to holde the pen. to cary the pen so lightly as to glide on the paper . copies . in stead of setting copies to haue copie bookes fastened to the top of their books . maner of the copie bookes . examples of copyes contayning all the letters in one line of ioyning . the hardest sylables and principall numbers to be set in the end of the copy bookes . the copy books to bee printed & how , with the benefit of them . inconuenience of following diuers hands . the best written copies to be procured . inconuenience of the lacke of such bookes . faire writing to be practiced by all the schollars once euery day . general rule in writing ; to make all like vnto the copy . to keepe euen compasse . how to write of euen height . each to haue his ruling pen , and what on●● . the neb of the ruling pen , and how to rule with it . ☜ euen writing to be streightly looked to , by the help of a ruling pen. ruling the bookes of the young beginners with crosse lines thus . benefit of this ruling . the compasse in greatnesse or neernesse of the letters . writing straight without lines . ☜ speciall furtherances for the first enterers in writing . when they cannot frame a letter . to follow a letter with a dry pen. leasurely drawing as the painter . to learne to make one letter wel first , then another . to helpe to write cleane , fast and faire together . making florishes , gliding vpon the paper . to obserue ornaments of writing . ☞ to make the letters most plaine . ☞ mischiefs of getting a bad hand . ☜ to procure the most excellent copies from the beginning . that the master may teach his schollars to write faire , what to be don . ☜ to walke amongst the schollars , to see they obserue these directions ▪ to obserue all the bad letters and faults in writing . any schollar may helpe the master . the meanest writers may bring many of their schollars to be good pen-men . to auoyde the euils by wandring scriueners . things necessarily required in commendable writing . the vse of scriueners in the grammar schooles , what . ☜ the sum of the principall and most necessary directions for writing , to be euer remembred : and therefore here shortly repeated that we may haue a briefe notion of them . this maketh nothing against the honest scriueners , but to preuent the abuse of shifters , and hurt to schooles . schollars are to be taught to do all thing , with vnderstanding , and to know the matter before in generall . the common course to doe all things without vnderstanding the reason of them or how to make vse of any thing . the defect hereof exceeding great . to doe all things by reason , brings almost double learning . to read without vnderstanding and knowledge how to make vse , is a neglect of all learning . triall of the difference between learning with vnderstanding & without . in schollars examined together , whereof one vnderstandeth , and can giue reasons of things , the other not . . in getting a lesson , how to do it soonest , & in the best manner . . in our owne experience construing or studying out any difficult place in any author or tongue . one chiefe cause why virgil and others writ so eloquētly , because they were so ripe in vnderstanding , and had such store of matter . trie . they who find experience will be desirous to make others partakers . it seemeth great difficulty for masters to teach their schollars to do all things with vnderstanding . the second generall obseruation . to learne only such things , as whereof they may haue good and perpetuall vse . filthy places in poets omitted . . to note all hard words , or matters worthy obseruation . manner of marking . this general in getting all learning . the bookes of the best students thus noted . to note books of dailyvse with inke . others with blacke leade thrust into a quill . how to rub it for●h againe . . to learne all so perfectly , as the former may be in stead of a schoolmaster to the later . not to neede to teach the same things twise or thrise ouer . to tell where they haue learned euery hard word . . that the whole schoole be diuided into so few fourmes as may be . reasons : . it is for most part the same labour , to teach twenty in a fourme , as to teach two . . the fewer fourmes , the more labour may be bestowed in examining euery title . examination , a quickner of learning . euery one of a fourme shall some way prouoke the others by this means . and euery one may helpe others . those who but reade , to be put together so many as can be . , to haue a great care that none be discouraged . but all to be prouoked by emulation and desire of praise . commendation the whet-stone of the wit. a sentence of tully worthy to be euer before the masters eye . cic. . de finib . this strift for masteries is the most commendable play , and a chiefe meanes to make the schoole ludus literarius . . all to haue their aduersaries , and so to be matched and placed , that all may be done by strift . . to vse euer to appose the most negligent . . continuall care of pronunciation . . to haue some exercise of the memory daily . reason of it for making excellent memories . . to haue the best patternes , of all sorts . the masters continually to incourage themselues , and their schollars . . constancy in good orders , with a continuall demonstration of loue to the schollars , to do all for their good . the vsuall māner of learning to reade the accedence . the ordinarie manner of getting the accedence without booke . the wants in this course . the best means for learning to read the accedence . euer one to be reading , all the rest marking & helping . ☞ learning the accedence without book , to take but a little at once . this rule must be generall of all learning that seemeth hard & of things to be gotten perfectly ; but here specially . ☞ to make them first to vnderstand their lectures & how . ☜ to let them answer the questions vpō their bookes . admonition to masters desirous to doe good , to be as the nurses with little children . exāple how to make the child to vnderstand by shewing the meaning . how by asking questions . ☞ in what points of the accedence the chief labour would be bestowed with the children , to make them perfect in them . articles . declining english before latine , latine before eng●lsh . ☜ benefit of this declining . genders . ☞ seuerall terminations of the declensions . declining the examples in each declension . ☞ declining all the examples of all the declensions together . giuing th● bare terminations , the shortest way . the like i● bonus . declining of substantiues and adiectiues together . chiefe examples in the pronownes of most common vse . persons of the pronownes . how to come most speedily to be perfect in the verbes , which are a meane foundation ▪ and wherin the greatest difficulty lyeth . these may be added if we wil● to make them more ready . the manner of apposing here . knowledge of the terminations . comparing them together for memory sake , though they come not one of another . for vnderstanding this table . ☞ the shortest way of all to repeat and keepe these . no paines can be too great for perfect getting nounes and verbes . yet children not to stay ouerlong in these . participles . aduerbs , coniunctions , prepositions , interiections . a want in the aduerbs to be supplied . rules of deriuing aduerbs necessary ; and of the latine in the accedence englished . english rules . benefit of them well gotten . generall obseruations in the english rules . . to construe the examples . . to tell in what wordes the force of the examples doth lie . see this more plainly , in examining the syntax in latine . to make them most perfect in the rules of the principal verb. concordes . relatiue qui. gouernments . manner of examining in them other helpes to make scholars ready in the accedence . ● . daily repetitions and examinations . ☞ manner of hearing parts . . the spending of a moneth or two to make the accedence perfect , after it is learned ouer . . some time separate daily to examine nownes and verbs . constancy in poasing till vse bring surenesse . what is done ordinarily in schooles in teaching grammar . what things are requisite to be done in learning grammar . to get the grammar with most ease and fruite . to learne euery ordinary rule perfectly . with titles and summes . manner for enterers . . reading their rules to them . . construing and shewing them the meaning . ☜ how they may soonest learne to construe them . each schollar to haue his cōstruing booke , and learne to construe by that . benefit of the vse of lillyes rules construed . to gain one halfe of time in cōstruing them . and free their masters from much trouble , and the schollar from much feare and toyle . also some recouer their selues hauing forgot . increase in reading english. masters freed from clamors wherein the construing bookes , vnder correction , may be much helped & made more profitable . this i thinke is in hand or finished . necessary words to bee englished in their proper significations . learning the rules without booke . ☜ helps for getting without book all things which they learne in verse . so repeating the rules in verse . construing without book . benefit of construing without booke . where leasure is wanting how to doe . and in the elder ☜ the surest way for young beginners . ☞ at saying of rules how to examine , to cause them to answere any question . manner of appoasing . exāple of making the rules 〈…〉 . propria quae maribus . title of it . appo●sing after the same manner , to help the weakest teacher : for whom i haue set down the moe examples . ☜ this poasing in latine if it be ouer-hard to the enterers at first , may be vsed after a time in examining their parts . examining out of the margent . examining out of the words of the rule . manner of appoasing the examples of the rules . ☞ fewest words best . ☞ to oppose only in english if children be too weak to answer in latine . manner of the questions in english , at propria foemineum . appell , arborū . examining of the speciall rules . examining the exceptions . posing by asking first the examples . ☞ the shortest course . examining the adiectiues . how to make schollars perfect in the genitiue cases . to appose the hardest oft-times . examining in the heteroclites . making the verbes plaine . examining in them . ☜ ☜ good vse of the syntax in latine . examining the syntax for help of the weakest likewise . all who wish well to poore countrey-schooles , will pardon my indeauour to be so plain , thogh in so many examples . examining in the rules of gouernement . helpes to speedie examining and applying the force of the examples . in saying their rules , after each example repeated , to repeate those words , in which the force of the example heth . benefit of this kinde of repeating . difficulty hereof , vnlesse they be thus taught . the trouble and inconuenience in marking the books , chiefly by schollars . the grammars are procured ●o be thus printed , as to be most easie and profitable for schooles , without inconuenience . ☜ other helpes to examine and vnderstand the rules . how to make them to vnderstand and answere any question in latine . to giue english rules to the latine . ☜ other helps to get the rules easily , and to keepe them perfectly ; repeating the titles and margents in a continued speech . ☜ to repeate the beginnings of the rules in a continued speech . benefits of these . idaea . ☞ shorter examination and repetition . summes to be perfected . this is reported to haue his master bruns-words order . ☞ helpe in hearing parts in straights of time . to vse the most profitable the profite of rules thus learned . ☜ the summe of all : wherein chiefe care would be had . difficulty of keeping the grammar rules perfectly without booke . how helped . ☞ such a perfect saying euery rule , not so absolutely necessarie . ☞ other helpe to haue the grammar perfect , to turne to each rule as they parse . note in examining lectures . grammar to be made as a dictionary . seldomer repeating rules in the higher formes may serue . readinesse of schollars in accedence and grammar , will helpe to make the schoolemasters life most pleasant . a most plaine m●nner of examining accedence & grammar , collected , to help to make al schollars perfect therein ; called , the posing of the parts . things seeming difficult in cōstruction . the ordinary toile of m●sters about giuing lectures , and to cause their schollars to const●ue . difficulty in taking lectures in proprietie of words & sense . hardnesse for schollars to remember how they were construed , and the trouble therein . griefe of the masters for their schollars forge●●ing of that which they haue learned . ☜ all th●s may be done by the practice of the rule of construing & of grammatical translations . the rule of 〈◊〉 vnheard of to the most . this rule is set downe by sundry learned grammarians . the rule , as m. leech hath it , the rule , according to crusius . crusius in his latine grammar , pag. , ☞ the rule expounded more 〈◊〉 . the ●urious . 〈…〉 . generall obseruations for the better vnderstanding of the rule . . that the schollar reade before he construe . . to mark the sentence well , and all the points in it . ● to marke words beginning with great letters , and included in a parenthesis . . to vnderstand the matter . . to marke if there be any voca●iue case . . to seeke out the principall verbe , and obserue that wel , as directing all . to giue euery clause his right verbe . . to supply all words wanting . . to giue each word his due signification and proper signe . . to ioyne substantiue and adiectiue , also preposition and case . . to marke if the sentence haue not an interrogatiue point . the order of the rule : to take . the vocatiue case , or whatsoeuer is in place of it , or hangeth of it . . the nominatiue case , or whatsoeuer is in place of it , or dependeth of it . . the principall verbe , and whatsoeuer dependeth on it . . the case which the verb properly go●erneth . . all the other cases in order . other cautiues in the rule . to take so many words as there are in the same order . the order is changed by relat. interrog . indef . partit . wordes of dependence and connexion . to take for the nominat . case whatsoeuer is put in place of it , or includeth it . participles , gerunds and supines , follow the order of the verbes . new coniunctions and wordes of dependence serue to ioyne new sentences . aduerbs to be placed to the best sense . to obserue latinismes , and ioyne phrases . the reason of the rule . the wordes to be placed in naturall order . gouernours before the gouerned . declarers to follow the declared . the principall words going before , direct the wordes following ; except the interr . relat. ind. part. the summe of the rule of construing . a briefe of the rule of construing for euery childe to be able to answere . an example of construing , and of grammaticall translations according to the rule . the artificiall placing , according to t●lly . 〈◊〉 senectu●e . the grammaticall placing . . translation according to the 〈…〉 grammaticall order . a are the very fittest weapons , verb aptest . b wonderfull fruits , or benefits . c very long d neuer leaue vs. e not indeede . f in our last age . verb loued or adorned . g the chiefe . h the inward testimony . verb in all age . . construing according to the grammaticall translation . or , que cultae afferunt , &c. . parsing according to this translation . scipio . et. laeli. artes. quae. exercitationes . virtutem . sunt . omninò . arma. aptissima . senectutis . . making latine according to this rule . example . ☜ vse and benefit of grammaticall translations , set downe in generall . ☞ chief reason of the benefit of translations according to the rule , for the cōtinuall vse of analysis and genesis . three speciall parts both of analysis and genesis . benefits of the translations and the rule set downe particularly . . resoluiug grammatically . construing . . parsing . . making latine . . prouing ▪ . composing . . vnderstanding . . t●king lectures of themselues . . construing and parsing out of the english. . correcting their authors . . keeping all learned in their authors perfectly . . saue getting authors without booke . ten notes more 〈◊〉 . . to proceed in english as in latine . . to learne the propriety of the latine tong , to iustify words and phrases , and also to attaine the purity of the latine tongue . . to enter & traine vp schollars iu poetrie with ease and delight without bodging . . to be insteed of m●ster or vsher amongst the schollars for giuing and preparing lectures . to free children from feare of so oft asking , and the masters from that trouble & hindrance . . to be able to proceed in other authors of themselues by some helpe of master and cōmentaries . . a helpe to weaker masters . . to helpe weaker schollars , to proceed in latine in their priuate studies in the vniuersities . . so to helpe any who haue lost their latine or haue but a taste . . to haue daily much practice of analysis and genesis ; which is all in all , in getting all learning . things obserued in the translations of the schoole authours . naturall order . english alone . the english answering the latine in propriety . where any phrase is somewhat hard , how it is expressed . where any phrase seemes ouer harsh in our english tongue . where there may be two senses . no varying but on necessity . the order of some wordes changed . obseruation in the lowest authours . the manner of vse of the translations . to see that euery one can giue the summe of the rule of construing . in the lower fourmes one to reade ouer the translation , to giue some light , and look on the translation . to construe according to the rule , of themselues . he who hath the translation onely , to direct where they goe false . to doe as the cunning hunts-man . ☞ the assistance of the master or vsher herein ☞ to construe & parse out of the translation , is the surest and most profitable way . how to keepe all their authors perfectly . ☞ to construe or reade oft all which they haue learned , out of the translations ; to make and keepe all perfect , by oft repetions . manner hereof . ☜ to reade ouer other authours after the same manner . ☜ so in higher authours translated . practice will make them very prompt , both in english and latine . the fruit hereof . these vses and benefits cannot be made of any other translation of the schoole authors , but the grammatical , and why . what the translator , haue aymed at . the translations of our schoole authors extant do perform● none of the benefites which these grammaticall translations doe aime at chiefly . examples of the translations extant , to manifest the truth hereof . try all to construe by these . grammaticall translations separate from the latine , cannot indanger any to make them truants , if they be rightly vsed . there is great difficulty to vse an interlineall translation , or latine ioined to the english ▪ how to preuēt idlenes or negligēce in the vse of the translations , so that one cannot be idle while they are in hand with these . ☜ these , no means to make masters idle , but contrarily to incourage them to take all paines . the account to be made iustly of these translations . triall to make all this euident . schoole authors translated gramatically . other bookes also translated grammatically for continuall helpes in schooles . translations as other things defectiue . what helpes to be vsed for higher authors . remembring euer to cast each sentence into the natural order . . commentaries of the hardest authors . bonde vpon horace . murmelius printed at paris . lubin on persius and iuvenal . helps for virg. virg. with melancht . annotations printed at witeberg . . ☜ . vnderstanding the argument , matter & drift in general . ☜ to consider the common cirrcumstances of places . this verse comprehending the chief circumstāces of places to be euer in mind . it is a principal rule for the vnderstanding of authors or matter . . to search out euery hard word & phrase . or to haue each a little paper booke to note all n●w & hard words in . the sum of all , for construing without commentary or or helpe . ☞ seuerall kinds of construing or expounding . ☜ a most profitable exercise , to cause the schollars , daily to construe some things ex tempore , besides their ordinary lectures . the vsuall manner of parsing . how to teach children to parse of themselues most surely and readily . the certaine direction for parsing . to parse as they construe , euer marknig the last word . to remember if they haue not learned the words before . to marke in nounes , verbs , participles , what examples they are like , the rest are in the booke . paralleling by examples in the syntax likewise an example of parsing set downe at large , to direct the rudest . first construe truely . parse as they construe . examining in parsing . puer . qui. es. discipulus . mihi ▪ atque . cupis . doceri . ades . huc . concipe . dicta . haec . animo . tuo . manner of hearing their lectures . ☜ how to know by the wordes what part of speech each word is . substantiues , and how to know them . how adiectiues . by the latine adioyned . in us or er like bonus , in ans , ens , x , rs , like foelix . in is , ior , ius , like tristis . how verbes may be known . gerunds . supines . participles . present tense preter tense . future in rus . future in dus . how to know other aduerbes besides those in the bookes . of comparison . qualitie . a child may know of what coniugation any verbe is . a direction to know the coniugations of verbs . verbs of the second coniugation easily knowen . verbs of the . coniugation . verbs of the . coniugation . this direction for finding out the coniugation receiued frō m. coot● ▪ much time and toile in parsing thorough examining each word by the master , how helped . the surest shortest and speediest way of parsing . some account to be by pen and characters . put this will be found most short and easie . to parse euerie one his peece , as reading a lecture . example . ☜ example . ☜ to help to prepare the children for parsing , at taking lectures ▪ to marke out hard words . see more of this marking before in the . generall obseration . ☞ to cause them to turne to the rules . noting in the higher fourm . the ends of marking their bookes . marking the hardest wordes for remembrance , is no meanes to make them truants , but helpeth and preuenteth many inconueniences . euils of the want hereof . how to appose so as the children may get both the matter , words , and phrase of each lecture . example . ☞ manner of propounding the questions . example of examining english and latine together . examining for the vse in cato . examining the fables in esop for the vse . making a report of their fables . the vse according to the quality of the bookes . ☜ the surest way to make both latine and matter our owne . vse in tullies offices , and ouids metamorphosis . ☞ parsing in the higher fourms . ☞ all in latine in the higher fourmes . the summe of all , principally necessary for parsing . to enter children to make latine , a matter ordinarily extremely difficult , and full of toyle both to master and schollar . the ordinary manner in countrey schooles , to enter schollars to make latin. the butcherly feare of making latines . the shortest way to enter schollars to make latine easily and surely . . to be exceeding perfect in their rules ; chiefly in nownes and verbes . . each day to make the latine of their lectures , and giue a reason why each word must be so . example repeated . these insteede of all vulgars . . continuall reading lectures , and repeating what they haue learned out of the grammaticall translations , is continuall making latine , to cause children to come on very fast . . shewing fit sentences to turne into latine out of the booke which they learne , or others . the manner of their entrance to write latine , to profit in english , latine , writing faire , & true , and all vnder one . their bookes how ruled . manner of dictating the english which they are to turne into latine . a principall practice for writing true orthography both in english and latine . repeating or construing without booke that which they haue written . ☞ benefit heereof for certaine direction to master and schollar , and to get writing , english latine , all at once . to imprint it by repetition the next morning together with their euening exercise . how to enter young schollars for composing , or right placing their latine . tullies sentences the fittest to dictate sentences out of . a hath euer bin . b at any time ( verb ) inspiration some diuine c afflatus , breathing into . d bring to passe . e ignoro . f in what mind or with what minde . ☜ how to learne to compose the latine otherwise . translating into pure latine , and composing it of themselues ; trying who can come neerest vnto tully . for preuenting stealing . and writing after one another . ☜ how to go o● faster , and dispatch more in making latin. ☞ translating into english after m. askams manner . vse hereof . here you must be sure that they haue no translation to help them secretly . ☞ the most speedy and profitable way of translating and composing . for translating an author into latine . one good vse of holyokes dictionarie . things to be considered in translating . best direction for translating . translation for the sense & meaning . this kinde of translating into latine is for schollars well grounded . summe of all . composition a matter of difficulty . the error of young schollars in displacing sentences . composition generally belonging to all latine . oblique case● first . nominnatiue in the midst . verb in the end except in obliques of denying . adiectiues before . words placed between the adiectiue and substantiue . . genitiue case . word gouerning the genitiue . verbe . a●●erbe . coniunction . preposition . aduerbes and prepositions . . obseruation . word gouerned first . . obseruation . person doing first . the end of these precepts how to attain to right composition . obseruation in placing and measuring sentences in prose . butlers rhetor. chap. . prose must be vnlike verse . no verses to be made in prose . verses cited in prose . beginning and ending of sentences most obserued : endings chiefly , not to to bee like a verse . endings of sentences to be carefully waied . this neede not be aboue sixe syllables . the same feete not to be continued in the ends . tempering cōmonly long & short syllables . the sweetest sentence ending in . trochees . tullies ending . the art of placing to be hid . sounds to be respected principally , in words or letters . words of the best sound . insolent words to be ●uo●ded . that all words may 〈…〉 & distinct sound . ☞ no 〈◊〉 to be pas●ed without some little exercise against mo●●ing . of making epistles . difficulty of making epistles , purely and pithily . inditing english letters little exercised in schooles . the ordinary meanes of directing schollars to make epistles hard for children who haue no reading , to inuent variety of matter of themselues . helpes for making epistles . reading tullies epistles ▪ ☞ making thē very perfect in euery epistle . ☞ to cause them to make another epistle in imitation thereof . to do this first in english , then in latine . to set the epistles after the manner of the translations . ☞ making answers to epistles . examples of imitating epistles . tullies epistles to be imitated . the manner of the report of the summe of the letter . * letter carriers . tullies epistle . the first example of imitation of the former epistle . the second imitation . the rule in imitation . the ordinary manner of directing schollars how to begin to make theames . according to apthonius rules . the inconueniences of this course . this way hard enough for many schoolemasters . difficulty in making theams , because schollars are not acquainted with the matter of them . the master oft deserues to bee beaten rather thē the schollar . . to consider the principall end of making theams . the principall end of making theams . the means to furnish them . . making them very perfect in all their first school authors . reasons . ☜ . reading ouer & ouer tullies sentences . . presidents or examples . presidents for matter . ☞ reusneri symbola . reusner worthy to traine vp young gentlemen , and all of any good sort and condition . ☞ how schollars may vse reusners symbola for theames . * the words or mottoes . pronouncing their theam● . benefit of reusner so vsed , & of daily theams out of it . ☞ these theams to be limited according to leasure and oportunitie . the best and most easie direction for theams to be written at large , with iudgement according to the parts therof . to take the theams out of apthonius , and how to make them to vnderstand them fully , and prepare matter . parts of the theame . exordium what one . if the theame be of persons . theame of some matter . narration . confirmation . confutation . conclusion . ☜ imitation of exordiums and conclusions . authours for matter . lycosthenes of the last edition to be taken heed of , as it is augmented and corrupted by the iesuites , printed coloniae , sumptibus lazari zetzueri an. m. d.c.iii . helpes for inuention of matter . the knowledg of the ten grounds of inuention , the readiest . ☜ the arte of meditation most profitable for inuention . ☜ presidents for the manner of theames , and out of which to take their theames first ; or out of reusthner , or others as we wil ☞ ☞ tullies paradoxes for more excellent patternes . declamations and pattrnes for them . examples of inuectiues . examples of praise and dispraise . declamations fit for the vniuersities , or for principall schollars in the grammar schooles . manner of writing downe the theames by schollars of iudgement . ☜ one theame thus in the weeke may suffice , and to spend their odd times in making verses , as more sharpening the wit. making theames ex tempore , a matter of great commendations if it be don schollar-like . the way to make theames ex tempore . a practice most easie and profitable to helpe to make theames ex tempore . to follow a patterne of a theame , made familiar vnto them by the grammaticall translations . to see how each is able to better his authour , in vttering euery part of themselues , both english and latine . ☞ to practice to discourse of themselues . where to be stored with matter : and wordes for all parts . helpe for supplying wordes or phrases . to think how to vtter it in other words in english. ☜ helps of dictionaries and bookes of phrases . to meditate the chiefe phrases before . helpe by the master . common-place bookes a singular help . how to get store of phrases other helps . orations . orations belong specially to the vniuersities . examples of orations . orations ex tempore . ☜ sum of all for theames . ☜ poetry rather for ornament then for any necessity . yet there may be commendable vse of it . the ordinary difficulty of this faculty . the folly of some in this kinde . the most plain way how to enter to make a verse without bodging . . to write true latine . . to haue read some poetry . ☞ . practice of turning them out of the grāmaticall translations into verse . ☞ giuing poeticall phrase . . to be very cunning in the rules of versifying . . to be perfect in scanning . . to keepe frō bodging in their entrance . ☜ to vse the like practice in flores po●tarum for verse , as in tullies sentences for prose . to do this without pen. ☜ the most easie way of turning verses out of flores poetarum to note hard words quātities epithets . ☜ . to turne the verses of their lectures . ☞ . contracting their lectures . the certaine benefit of this exercise . to expresse their poet most liuely . caueat in contracting . ☞ to make verses of any ordinary theam . ☜ to versifie ex tempore . benefits of this practice . the vse of versifying ex tempore . ☜ imitation surest further helps for versifying . for store of m●tt●r to haue cōmon place books or books of references to to the most excellent places in poets . ☞ . 〈…〉 〈…〉 . for epithets , textors epithets of the last and largest . abb●idgement of textor . ☞ . for qua●iti●s and authorities smet●● prosodia 〈…〉 ☞ 〈…〉 〈…〉 figures of rhetoricke . for turning verses poetically : stockewood his progymnasma s●●olafticum . one disticke varyed . wayes . one verse turned . waies , the same words being kept . practice still all in all . daily and easie exercises . examining exercises neuer to be omitted . though tedious yet profitable . neglect of exmining brings carelesnesse in schollars . masters to obs●rue generall faults . wherein schollars do most commonly slip . synchesis . hyperbaton to be auoided . ☜ to reade ouer their exercises first in naturall order . ☜ . to parallele each thing by examples . ☜ to looke to elegancy and finenesse of composition . neuer to think any exercise laboured enough ▪ ☜ aduersaries to note faults in one anothers exercises . ☞ the maner of examining by the master . ☞ special faults in the youngest fourmes . ☞ care that they do correct their exercises forthwith . this to be ●o●e by others 〈◊〉 of ☜ how to do for correcting where there are very many in a fourme ; and where time will not permit to correct all . in exercises of translations . verses ex tempore . how to answer any difficult question of grammar . to be perfect in all ordinary questions of accedence . in those set together in the end of the accedence questions . in the latine questions dispersed through the grammar , not learned vsually . caueat . ☞ stockwoods questions . ☜ most of the difficulties of the auncient classicall authors collected into one by m. stockwoods last edition , printed anno. . certaine generall figures to answere many difficulties by . in talaeus rhetoricke to giue definitions , diuisions and one short example . talaeus examples would be noted as grammar . minos commentary to helpe for vnderstanding talaeus . ☜ butlars rhetoricke , a notable abbridgement of talaeus , and farre more easie and profitable . brasbridges questions on tullies offices . generall want in the ignorance of the best helpes . two to dispute each day insteed of their theam or verses . . to follow m. stockwood and to vse his very words . . after to take only the substance of his disputations , & go thorough a whole question at a time . helpe for the vnderstanding of the disputations amongst the enterers . benefits of such scholastical oppositions . disputations of morall philosophy belong rather to the vniuersitie . the priuiledges & prerogatiues of the vniuersities by al means to bee preserued . ☜ how these may be done and how farre . . by practice in the grāmaticall disputations . . to bee acquainted with tullies offices and the questions of it . . to oppose of som of those questiōs insteed of the grammaticall . som of tullies offices questions handled after the manner of m. stockw ▪ grammaticall disputations worthy the labour ▪ . how to inuent reasons by the helpe of the places of inuētion . ☞ helps for the answerer . ☞ all the chiefe schollars are necessarily to be acquainted with the heads of inuention . for inuenting , resoluing , remembring . continuall exercise all in all . goclenius problemes . ob. that this may seem to make them truants to dispute out of the words of the booke . necessity of being well acquainted with the best examples . the euils of in forcing schollars to exercises , wherof they are not acquainted with the examples first . benefits of the contrary ; viz of hauing the best patternes . triall by experience . following cōstantly 〈◊〉 excellent patterns doth 〈…〉 euery calling . the excellency of pronuntiation . the necessity and estimation of being able to speake latine readily and purely . pronuntiation ordinarily hard to be attained in schooles . how schollars may be broght to pronou●ce sweetly . ☞ . children to be trained vp to pronoūce right from the first entrance . ☞ to vtter euerie matter , according to the nature of it . ☞ what they can not vtter in latine , to learn to do it in english , then after the same manner in latine . to cause sundry to pronounce the very same sentence in emulation . in all authors wherein persons are fained to speak to be carefull for this . ☜ poetry to be pronounced as prose , except in scanning . further helpes as they proceede . practice of oft pronouncing 〈◊〉 e●ically , some speciall examples in t●l●us . to marke in each sentence in what word the emphasis is . ☞ butlars rhet. li. . cap. . de voce in singulis verbis . care in pronouncing all exercises . the curious pronouncing some of tullies orations or the like . more exquisite knowledge hereof left to the vniuersities butleri rhet. lib. . de proment . complaint of the trouble and difficulty to traine vp schollars to speake latine . the generall errour for the time when schollars are to begin to speake latine . to learne to speake latine , must be begun from the first entrance into construction . ☞ the surest course for entring young schollars to speake latine . examining and answering euery peece of a rule or sentence in latine , to make them their owne . so in their authours . to vtter before them what they cannot . how the master himselfe may do it easily before them . the daily practice of grammaticall translations ; chiefly reading bookes of dialogues out of english into latine , which is nothing but such talking . ☜ to talke together in the wordes of the dialogues , each sentence first in english , then latine . translating and vttering euery morning a peece of their accedence in latine . custome to parse wholly in latine , and how to doe it . corderius lib. ● . colloq . . . . . . . daily practice of disputing . practice of varying a phrase into diue●s ●oimes . copie of synonimaes , & the ●urest phrases , & how to get them . this noted before . ☞ exercising the schollars oft to giue variety for euery difficult matter . holyokes dictionary , describing things by periphrasis or circumlocution . to giue dai●y certaine proper wordes , and where they haue read them . reading ouer erasmus colloquium . continuall practice , when they haue learned a pure phrase . difficulty to cause schollar● to practice speaking latine amongst themselues . ☜ inconueniences of custode● . ☞ of one schollar smiting another with the ferula . the best means ☞ seniours of each fourme to looke to the whole . ☞ the masters eye and eare . ☞ parsing in latine . weekely monitours abroad . ☜ how any one may by himself alone attaine to speake latine of ordinary matters . ☞ goclenius his obseruations for them who seeke to come to puritie and ripenesse in the latine tongue . the greeke may be gotten with farre lesse labour the● the latine . one benefit worth al our labour in the greek . to go through the whol course of the greek . m. askams testimony concerning the greeke tongue ▪ schoolemaster p. . . the way to the greek the same with the latine . getting first the chiefe rules . ☜ to be very perfect in nownes and verbs . ☞ terminating nownes . coniugating & terminating verbs . to giue the first person in euery moode & tense in each voice together . to bee very perfect in pronowns , aduerbes , coniunctions , prepositions . how schollars of vnderstanding & iudgement , may take yet a shorter course . ☜ to make it plai●e : grammatica graecapro schola argentinensi per theophilum golium . ☞ to begin construction with the greek testament . reasons . . for the familiarnesse of it . . because that booke with the hebrew of the old testament are the books of books . being only written by the lord. hauing life in the● . all who may , are to labor to see with their owne eyes , and why . ☜ ☜ to striue to haue these books as familiarly as the iewes had the hebrew . ☜ if any purpose to haue but a smattering in the greek , to haue it here , and why . ☜ the testament compared to other greek w●●ters . this is a not●ble entrance to read all other greek authors ☞ in the testament to begin at the gospell of iohn . how schollars may be made most perfect in the greeke testament . ☞ meanes parti●ularly . why to haue the hard words written downe . ☞ the speediest way , to get the greeke ra●ices first . how it may be done easily , without losse of time . manner of learning them . manner of examining them for speed and memory . benefit hereof . hauing scapula in the school to run to , they shall presently haue any thing . ☞ how children may soone learne to reade the greeke before they learn the greeke grammar . in learning the radices to obserue right pronuntiation for accents and spirits . this booke laboured in for the common good . helpe for committing wordes to memory . ●aueat in remembring . the greeke radices contriued into continued speeches . strange latine wordes . learning the greeke out of our translations ☞ the readiest and surest way by a perfect verball translation , or the verball●et in the margent ▪ where it differeth from that we vse . how to east the greeke into the grammaticall order . ☞ how any who haue but a smatering may proceed of themselues in the greeke testament . this cannot be so well done , by the interlineall or hauing the greeke and latine together as by hauing them separate . experience . the interlineal is continually a prompt● to the schol●ar , and a deceiuer of the mind insteed of a master , vnlesse it be vsed with great wisdome . this euill cannot be preuented amongst schollars . ☞ how men of vnderstanding may vse the interlineall . how the schollars may proceed in other authors . the benefit of such translations of some of the purest authors performed by skilfull grecians . as the fables translated in the strasburge grammar . parsing in greek ▪ ☞ helps ●or construing and pa●fing . praxis praeceptorum grammatices antesignani . berket on stephens catech , printed by wechelus an . ☞ m ▪ stockw . progimnasma scholasticum ex anthologia hē●ici stephani . ☞ the best & fittest authors ●or poetry , & most easie : theognis . phocili●es . hesiode with c●po●ine and m●lanchthon . homer with eustathius . to haue in readinesse a short briefe of all the dialects and figures , a speedy help for the knowledge of the poets . a principal help for all anomalies and difficulties in greeke . how to write purely in greek ☜ how to write faire . versifying in greek . ☞ theognis may be easily learned without booke by the helpe of the translation ▪ ☞ a caueat for the time bestowed in such exercises of writing in greek● . summe of all . the knowledge of the hebrew may be the soonest gotten and why the grammar to be gotten most exquisitely of them who desire to come to perfection in the hebrew . some chiefe parts for others who onely desire the vnderstanding . grammars to be vsed . martinius with his technologia . blebelius accounted most plaine and easie the seuerall points in martinius you may finde in blebelius by the table in the end of blebelius . the second principall meanes , the perfect getting of the radices . manner of committing the radices to memorie . examples of helping memorie in the hebrew . ☜ the hebrew the mother tongue most auncient and worthy . others deriued from it . the benefit of diligence in comparing the tongues . how other words may be remembred , which cannot be so deriued . the hardest rootes which seeme to haue no affini●y . to marke out also the harder deriuatiues in the hebrew . the best epitome for getting the radices . this is not fully finished . the way might be more compendious by the rootes reduced to classes . by the dictionary alone they might be gotten in a short time . the third help , perfect verball translations , and continuall practice of them . the manner of vsing these repeated . experience of this for assurance . a student cannot be better imployed then in thus imprinting the originals in his hart , if he haue leasure . ☞ it seemeth that any tong may be gotten thus . these tongues , latine , greeke , and hebrew may be gotten in each nation , by these means of translations in their owne ●ongues . greeke or hebrew most easily learned by perfect translations in each tongue . ☜ of the vse of perfect verball translations for getting the originals . obseruation re● eated how much and what to learne in eu●ry booke ▪ schollars to be trained vp in religion . this most neglected in schooles . the popish schoolemasters shall rise vp against vs. ☞ how to teach them the catechisme and when . ☞ manner of examining catechisme . taking notes or writing sermons . . all who can write to take notes . ☜ caueat of any noise or disorder in gathering notes . . the higher to set downe parts of the sermon more o●derly . . in all the highest fourm● to set downe the substance exactly . ☞ manner of noting for helping vnderstanding & memorie . ☞ helps for memory in the margent , & for vnderstanding . ☞ to leaue good margents . to set downe quotations as they are spoken . to set downe the heads of all in the margents after . benefit of this . to turne it after into latine for the next daies exercise . ☞ or to read it into latine ex tempore . experiēce how soone they will do this . examining the sermons . one to make a short rehearsall of the whole first . to aske questions of all things difficult . to cause the least & all sorts to repeate their notes . benefit of this strict examining . how they may be able to repeat the whole sermons without booke . principall helps for it . ☞ helpe of notes for assurance . euery night to go thorough a peece of the historie of the bible . manner of examining the history . not to trouble them with euery question . obiection , cōcerning them who would not haue their children taught any religion . how to deale that this may not hinder any other learning how to teach the schollars ciuilitie . the schoole of good manners , or the new schoole of vertue for ciuilitie . ☜ how to teach religion and latine all vnder one , by reading each night a peece of a chapter . practice this constantly and carefully , and trie the experience of gods blessing in it . when the history to be repeated . how all the least may profite by reading of the chapters ▪ a principall helpe of vnderstanding , how to make children to vnderstand any thing and remember . examples of asking questions , to helpe vnderstanding . these short questions giue a great light to harder points , how they are to be vnderstood . helpe in priuate reading . how the schoolemaster should be qualified . sufficient to direct his schollars . or tractable . painefull and constant , of conscience to god. to cast off all other studies for schoole times . not to post ouer the trust to others . of a louing disposition to incourage all by praise and rewards . a godly man and of good carriage . to seeke to gain and maintaine his authothority , & how . an vsher necessarie in all greater schools . to diuide the burden . euill of lacke of an vsher. the master burdened with all , is as the husbandman ouercharged with more then hee can compasse . supply by schollars not sufficient . sufficiency of the vsher. to be at the masters command . to be vsed with respect . ☞ not to meddle with correcting the highest . it were the best if the vsher medled with no correction at all , vnlesse in the masters absence . the vshers principall imployment with the younger , to traine them vp for the master . to preuent all inconueniences by the vsher. helpes besides the vsher. . helpe in schooles , fewnesse of the fourmes . . seniors in each fourme . . authority . particular help . subdoctor in place of the vsher , or where the vsher is not sufficient . sorting the fourmes so many together as may be . choise & matching each fourme . ☞ benefits of this election . this a chiefe means to make the schoole ludu● literari●● gouernment the help of helpes . authority the top of gouernment . authority how to be maintained . . by being a liuing lawe . . by most strict execution of iustice in praemio . poena . incouraging vertue . discouraging vice . the euils of the contrary , or of partialitie . obserue this and be warned . . by a demonstration of conscience and loue in all . . by being presidents to the children , of all vertue . extreame seuerity and whipping to be auoyded in schooles , and all meanes vsed to preuent it . by the example of god. by the generall desire of all wise parents , hauing naturall affections . by that which euery one of vs would haue done vnto our selues . for the mischiefes which follow excesse of ●eare , taking away all vnderst●nding and sense from the wisest . for the schollars to worke in them a loue of learning . in regard of the masters , to gaine hearts of children and parents . that masters may euer haue boldnesse and comfort . it is hard for the master striuing to do good , to moderate his passion . incouragements to be by these meanes ; often elections and preferments therein . countenancing and gracing the seniours , and all the best and most painefull . putting vp into higher fourmes . giuing places . commending euery thing wel done . caueat in praysing . disputation for the victorship . manner of the disputation . praemia giuen to the two victours . ☜ office of the victours for their praemia . ☞ solemne examination to be made once euery yeare . exercises to be prouided against that time . to keepe their daily exercises faire written in bookes for tryall then by comparing . a course of examination to be appointed , and to be performed first by the masters and vshers . after by others not satisfied . all who do wel to be praised . the best specially graced . some praemia giuen . ☜ benefit of set and solemne examination . something giuen to some painefull poore schollar to help the vsher. all parents to haue notice before su●h examination . to labour euer to worke conscience in al to do all of conscience to god. by calling on them to remember these things : that in their calling they are gods seruants . his eye is vpon them . . to study to get le●rning to honor god with , & do seruice to his church . . to put them in mind of the rewards which follow learning excellent sentences to be oft incu●cated , to worke in the schollars a loue of learning . pro. . . to keepe groūds perfect . ☜ to 〈◊〉 the nature of each 〈◊〉 , and fra●●● our selues thereto accordingly . to punish vnwillingly . to proceed by degrees in punishing . . reproofes . . loss of place . . black bill of principall vse & most auaileable manner of the blacke bill to depriue them of the play-daies . to make them all to knowe what to looke for . to view the fourmes before play , and to separate all the disobedient and vnworthy to be left to their taskes . care for their taskes to be performed faithfully in their restraint . notorious offenders to sit vntill they shew geod tokens of amendment . benefit of this punishment strictly obserued , and why . to look to this strictly . . correction with rod more seldome , and chiefly for terrour . custome of some in the vse of the blacke bill . c●ueats in correction . . manner of correction of the stubborne and vnbroken . to hold them fast . ☜ not to let any to goe awaie in their stubbornnesse . to be wary to auoide all smiting or hurting the children . caueat of threatning . that the master do not abase himselfe to struggle with any schollar . to auoide all furious anger . how correction ought euer to be giuen . sparing the rod where necessitie requireth is to vndoe the children . assurance of s●fety in correction when it is done ●right , such correctiō is no cruelty . ☞ anger necessary in schoolemasters , so it be tempered aright . meanes to represse furious and raging anger . places of scripture to be euer in our minds for repressing and moderating our anger . eph. . . iam. . psal. . . pro. mat. . danger of rash anger when it exceedes . occasions of anger left to our calling to humble and exercise vs. three lessons for preuenting of anger . constancy in obseruing order , and our eye euer on all . fatherly affections . to walke i● our places with god as enock . the danger of hauing the rod of ferula euer in our hand . rather a little twigge if any thing at all . for the surest , to haue nothing ordinarily , but grauity and authority . the time of inflicting common punishments . such as of whom is no hope of reformation to be sent from schoole in time . schoole time to begin at sixe . the vsher to be present at sixe , only to ouersee all . how to make all children to striue who shall be first at schoole without any correction . intermission at nine and three for a quarter of an houre , or more . to sing part of a psalme before breaking vp at night ; and each to begin in order and giue the tune . intermissions at nine and three a clocke not offensiue . benefits of intermissions . none ouer-toyled , but wits euer fresh . the least will soone learne to sit two houres together . kept euer in their places at schoole time . leaue to be graunted vpon vrgent occasions besides . the time may be gained daily , and sundry inconueniences preuented . weekely recreations . before breaking vp to play , to make verses ex tempore . or cap verses . the best manner of capping verses . benefit of capping verses . the greatest commendation in these . manner of their recreations . the recreatiōs of the studious to be regarded . ouer much play to be carefully auoided . inconuenience by diuersity of grammars and courses of teaching . how helped . euils by absence of schollars . how redressed . discouragement of schoolemasters by vnthankfulness of parents . thanks to be expected at gods hands . remedies against discouragements by vnthankfulness of parents . ☞ . what schollars to be set to learning . most apt & of greatest hope . . what schollars to be sent to the vniuersities . ingenuous and louers of learning . good grammari●ns . of discretion . none to be sent to the vniuersities , be●ore . yeeres of age at least . to practice the most profitable a briefe rehearsall of the chief points mentioned in this booke . a rehearsall of the bookes and helps mentioned . the principall heads of those things which would be kept euer in memory , to be put in practice by the master continually . master askam his steps to learning . philip melanchtons direction . a continuation of mr. john-amos-comenius school-endeavours, or, a summary delineation of dr. cyprian kinner silesian, his thoughts concerning education, or, the way and method of teaching exposed to the ingenuous and free censure of all piously-learned men ... : together with an advice how these thoughts may be succesfully put in practice / translated out of the original latine, transmitted to sam. hartlib, and by him published ... comenius, johann amos, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing c ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a continuation of mr. john-amos-comenius school-endeavours, or, a summary delineation of dr. cyprian kinner silesian, his thoughts concerning education, or, the way and method of teaching exposed to the ingenuous and free censure of all piously-learned men ... : together with an advice how these thoughts may be succesfully put in practice / translated out of the original latine, transmitted to sam. hartlib, and by him published ... comenius, johann amos, - . kinner, cyprian. [ ], , , [ ] p. printed for r.l. ..., [london] : [ ] "published by authority" place and date of publication from wing. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng education -- early works to . a r (wing c ). civilwar no a continuation of mr. john-amos-comenius school-endeavours. or a summary delineation of dr. cyprian kinner silesian his thoughts concerning kinner, cyprian b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a continuation of m. john-amos-comenivs school-endeavours . or a summary delineation of dr. cyprian kinner silesian his thoughts concerning education : or the way and method of teaching . exposed to the ingenuous and free censure of all piously-learned men . the which shal shortly be seconded with an elucidarium or commentary to open the sense of whatsoever is herein contained , chiefly of what is paradoxall and obscure , ( if any such shall appear to be . ) together with an advice how these thoughts may be succesfully put in practice . translated out of the original latine , transmitted to sam. hartlib : and by him published , and in the name of many very godly and learned men , recommended to the serious consideration , and liberall assistance , of such , as are willing to favour the reformation of all christian churches and common-wealths : but more especially the good and happines of these united kingdoms . published by authority . printed for r l. in monks-well street . a brief information concerning doctor kinner and his vndertakings . when we look upon the ways of most men now adays we see , that although many have a speciall esteem of learning , and cry it up highly in those who have attain'd thereunto : yet few there are that have any great zeal to propagate it unto others : and of those few whose affections may lye somewhat that way , in a whole age , hardly shall wee find one or two , who are willing to neglect themselves to doe service unto others , or casting themselves upon divine providence , to postpose wholy their private and single interests , unto the publike good of many , therefore when it pleaseth god to raise up and put forth such publike spirits , as sometimes he doth offer , for a blessing to the society of mankinde ; all others , that have any true love to vertue , and esteem of learning , or with uprightness favour publike enterprizes : should appear on their behalf , to give them that encouragement , which may bring the works whereunto god hath fitted them , unto some perfection . for hereunto god doth call us , by the offer of such opportunities , namely , that in the communion of saints we should appeare for the advancement of his kingdome , that the things , which neither we nor any one can do by himself alone , all of us according to our ability , should joyntly promote , as members of each other ; to shew that we have a love to the body of christ , and would gladly be helpers unto the truth , and the manifestation of the glory of our god therein . such an opportunity is now afforded unto us in the person of one doctor cyprian kinner , a man of singularly eminent gracious and naturall parts , and of a very publike spirit , who by birth being of very honest parents , and well educated in silesia , hath had from his youth , a speciall inclination to advance that part of learning , which is the foundation of all the rest , and without which all the other parts will be obstructed and remain imperfect both in church and common-wealth ; that is , the right education of children , to bring their scholasticall studies unto some regular course and perfection . a work which every where to the great prejudice of christianity , and the whole state of humane felicity , is much neglected , which for this very cause ought so much the more to be minded by generous and noble spirits , who seek not themselves , but the glory of god in all their wayes . and although at first , the aforesaid doctor kinner , did meet with the ordinary difficulties , which attend publike undertakings ; namely , little encouragement from any ; and no support for livelihood in following these studies ; yet he left not off his designe to prosecute the same ; but that he might have a subsistence with more comfort then by the way of schooling could be obtained : he did betake himself unto the studies of law and physick , which ordinarily in those parts , yield a plentifull livelihood unto those that follow them . and having soon by the eminencie and vigour of his naturall abilities , made himself perfect therein , he took the degree of doctor in both those faculties , and in processe of time through gods blessing upon him in those ways ; hee was in great esteem amongst all that knew him : and especially honoured by the duke of brieg and lignits , who made him one of his privy counsellors : and by his favour and his own merits having married a lady of great wealth : he did reassume his designe of advancing the reformation of schools , and the education of children , and having an extraordinary zeal for that publike work : he did set apart of his ladies estate , with her consent , the sum of rixdollers ( which doth amount to more then and li. sterling ) which was dedicated to entertaine a correspondency with learned men on that subject , & to ripen and pub●ish his thoughts to the world concerning the same , but hee had not been long upon that course , when it pleased god to disappoint those purposes , by the comming in of the imperiall army into silesia , by whose cruelty he being dispoiled of his whole estate , was driv●n out of his countrey into exile with his lady , and family where he hath wrestled many yeers with the difficulties incident to that state : hardly maintaining himself , sometimes by being employ'd in civill affaires , sometimes by applying himself unto the practice of physick . amongst other places he did passe sometime of his exile in transylvania and hungaria ; where his acquaintance with master alstedius , and master bisterfeld , and other learned men of chief note , and his constant zeal to promote the reformation of schooling ; did cause many upon the report of their esteeme of his thoughts & endevours on that subject , to take speciall notice of him ; and amongst others m. comenius ( who was by the liberality of a private gentleman maintain'd , and set apart to further the same designe ) having gotten information of him : and what his inclinations and abilities were to be helpfull in the work , which he had in hand , did invite him to come unto him in prussia , that they might joyne their thoughts and endevours together for the advancement of their common aimes : which doctor kinner did readily condescend unto , and after a yeare or two , when by their mutuall communications and joint labours , they had ripened severall matters ( which will shortly come to light ) master comenius was called away by the moravian-bohemian church at lesno , where now he is , and doctor kinner being taken off from his private way of subsistence , and engaged upon the object of his publike thoughts , is left alone in prussia at dantzick , to depend upon providence . whiles mr. comenius was with him he had a share in that which was allowed unto him for his maintenance , but he now being gone , doctor kinner is left in a great straight ; on the one side , his zealous affection and love to so necessary a work , wherein he hath made so great progresses , draws him to apply himself wholly unto it ; on the other side , his want of necessary means to subsist , and to be able to publish that which he already hath done , doth draw him from it to employ himselfe to other private employments . between these two extremities , not knowing what the providence of god will finde out and ordain for him , he hath cast himselfe upon it , and offering his endeavours before all to the publike , hee hath engaged himselfe by a vow unto god ( which is the strongest assurance he can give of his faithfulnes ) to dedicate his whole time to the prosecuting of the designe , whereof the summary is herewith adjoyned ; if god will be pleased to continue , for a yeare or two , his life , and procure him assistance therein ; which desire of his doth deserve so much the more encouragement from all such as love to have a hand in publike works of so great use and importance , by how much it is modest and reasonable , for he wisheth onely for subsistence , so long till the commentary or some larger exposition of the heads of matters contained in the summary can be published , that the godly-wise who favour such publike enterprizes , may be able to judge how serviceable his worke and abilities may be to the ways of reformation , and whether or no the rest of his life should not be set apart for the full accomplishment thereof . if this much onely at first may be obteined by the publike heartednesse of such which wish well to the advancement of gods glory , and are not unwilling to contribute some liberall help which they can spare towards the most likely and effectuall wayes , which as yet have been offered for the right framing of childrens studies to the readie attainment of vertue and knowledge . if ( i say ) this way be obtained , it will be a great advantage unto a further propagation of christs kingdom , and a speciall comfort in these evill times , unto faithfull souls that shall not withdraw their hands from giving assistance thereunto , for they shall have a share in the honour of repairing the walls of our desolate jerusalem , and be registred amongst those that have laid the foundations of many generations . the summary delineation of doctor cyprian kinner , to the courteous reader . how these aphorisms cōcerning the method of instruction were begotten in me , thou shalt shortly know , when they shall again be exposed to thy view in a new habit , and cleered of all strangenesse , obscurity , and impossibility by a peculiar commentary or elucidarium . there ( thou reader that lovest the studie of education whosoever thou art ) shalt be inform'd of that , and many other things besides , and shalt be also entreated to give thy free censure upon them . the reason why i forestall with this apart , the edition of those other things , is , that ( forasmuch as the commentary when perfected will be of a larger bulke then i hoped , and hath also met with unexpected hinderances ) i might in the meane time have copies to communicate to such friends as desired them , and that this , ( how little soever it be ) may by giving thee notice of the designe , by little and little prepar● thee for a more mature censure thereupon . for having once published the said commentary it is not my intention to attempt any thing else of this nature , till i shall be confirmed by the votes of piously-learned men , that it will be worth the while to proceed . for whatsoever i have done , must according to it's deserts either stand or full , yea perish , by the censure of such persons . but be pleased to understand these few things before-hand , viz. that the drift of my invention for teachiug is , that all things necessary to be known may be instilled into learners without the troublesome getting of things by heart , without the usuall confused multitude of books , and without the ill custome of dictations , by the only meer help of sensible objects , and by talk , and exercise both serious and by way of sport and pastime , with so much firmnesse ( as i believe ) that nothing thereof shall easily be forgotten , with that soundnesse and certainty , that no man shall easily refuse it , and in that fulnesse and plenty that nothing either necessary or usefull ( especially of things domestick and usefull ) can be further desired , moreover , with that simplicity and plainnese , that all ages , wits , dispositions and sects may be indifferently admitted unto this method . for it propoundeth nothing , but what every man may with his owne senses truly and properly conceive as an ens or a thing in being ; and apprehend it as true , by his own mother knowledge , and also by inbred instinct , desire it as good . the convenience , possibility , and every processe of this method , i shall as shortly as i said before , more fully represent in that elucidarium or commentary . in the mean time these lines i hope may suffice , to the more apprehensive judges of things , and such as are pleased , with a succinct , compleat brevity . for those men understanding beyond what they read , will looking through the whole designe , easily see what is behinde , and without any difficulty , know the lion by this print of his paw . farewell . in the name of god . in my way of teaching school , i aime at three marks piety , learning , and civill prudence . to the hitting of each mark ( or obtaining of each end ) i assigne certain steps , to every step , certain tasks , each of which task 's , comprehends certain lessons . i intend also herewithall a directory how to order the formes in my schools , how to speak to my scholars in each lesson , and how to facilitate the impression or remembrance of them . for the implantation of piety , i make three steps . viz. the taking men off from the love of the world , resignation of their own love , and exercise in the love of god . under the love of the world are contained pleasure , riches and honour , under self-love , wisdom , strength and life : under the love of god , faith , hope , and obedience . my scholars therefore by and by after their first admittance must be taught , led and accustomed to avoid the former , to disesteem the other , and to make much of the latter . in the practice whereof the degrees thereof being still observed , they are to be held and kept , not only , during the whole course of their instruction ; but their whole life also . towards the obtaining of learning . i appoint three steps ; viz. three for the knowledge of things , three for the framing of words , and three for directiou of the thoughts and conceptions of the minde . having first ranked all things into proper classes i teach their marks or signatures , their frame or structure , with their vertues and operations that every novice-learner may understand what every thing is , what they contain , and what they do , ( that is whereunto they serve . ) having taught to pronounce the words first in the mother tongue signifying each thing , i shew next how to shape the character or letter signifying those words , then their setting together so as to make a compleat language , and lastly , the use of this language towards the learning of any other . that the learner hereby may know , how to communicate his thoughts to the absent , and partake of theirs , and to draw out of both ancient and modern authors , whatsoever of humane and divine knowledge is contain'd in their writings . touching the conceptions of the minde ( which are to be knowingly applyed to things ) i teach how to guide the proceedings of the invention , judgement upon , and order of them ; that my auditors may know how to finde out unknown things , to distinguish the doubtfull , and to put in order the confused and distracted . in the first step or degree to learning ( as i said before ) i expound the marks or signatures of things , first naming them when brought to our sight in our mother tongue , then describing the outward habit as well totall as particular of each , and that by its threefold accidents : lastly , teaching them to apprehend them distinctly , by some one or more differentiall characters . i shew naturall things in the living book of nature ; things artificiall in the shops and work-houses of their makers , & both of them in the repositories of their figures , & representatiōs wch belong to our school , where i shew them either living or carved , ( yet as neere the life as may be ) or at least painted . as for things divine ( so many of them as are expedient to be known ) i fetch them , and explain there of out of holy scripture . lastly , i compare the marks of one thing with those of another , shewing what things do altogether , what do more or lesse according to some particular respects , and what do not at all agree in their said marks or signatures . so as their outward likeness or unlikeness , may be more cleerly knowne , may stick more fast in the memory , and that the way may be laid , to look into the conformity and deformity of their fabrick or structure . in the second step , i explicate the frame and structure of things , and first analytically , or by taking them in pieces , wherein i divide them ( first known by their outward marks ) into their integral parts , as also things naturall into their parts , essentiall and accidentall ; so that in the former , the artifice of their mechanicall connexion , and in the other the proportion of elements mixt , wherof they are made , and so the very ground and species of their outward marks , may be set before our eyes and the causes of their subsistance durability and operations , may be rightly rendred . then synthetically or by way of composition , where i shew to the very eye how nature , art and god himself , produce their works ( each of them his own ) by designing them , doing and undoing them , that the learner may know how to imitate , make or change any thing , that is lawfull , profitable or necessary . at length syncritically , or by comparing the structure of things together , and shewing what things doe agree , either in their , active or passive principles , or in their organicall parts , either throughout , partly , or not at all , so that there inward likenesse , or unlikeness may appeare also , and the way laid by these structures of things to know their vertues , as before by the signatures to know their structure . in the third step i teach the vertues and operative faculties of things , and first of all i teach in generall , how by their signature and structure ( found out as before and considered together ) to know their strength and powers ( viz : of things naturall , as they are quickned by such or such a spirit , of things artificiall , as they are so or so used , by the work-men ; of things divine as they are thus or thus applied by men ) as also the motions , arising from their said powers , their effects from their motions , and lastly their uses and service in the world . then i expound in speciall what effects all things worke upon their countercopy man in particular , who is the ruler , conqueror , and moderator of them all , and how they conduce either to food or medicine , to clothing or housing or to delight or information . then in a yet more especiall manner , i shew how that man and only him , containes within himself , the vertue of all other things in the world , and that he is furnished with various abilities , to understand , imitate or change any of them , so that he is a true microcosme , and an expresse image of the macrocosme , yea of god the creator himselfe . in the fourth step i teach the way of representing by characters , the words of our mother tongue , and how to pronounce them , so represented , teaching my scholars how first to fashion lines , whereof afterwards letters are made , then the whole letters themselves , lastly , syllables arising from the composition of letters , and then they are to pronounce , or sound those letters and syllables , and to find them up and down , in books of severall prints , always proceeding from the more simple and easie lines , letters and syllables , by the more compounded , to the most compound , and complexed of all . then i set my scholars so long exercised in spelling , till they can do it extempore , to write and pronounce whole words , still observing the former graduall way of proceeding from the most simple to the most compound ; and i make them dwell so long upon this exercise , till they can readily read and write any word not only by copying it , but without any copy by heart also . and because arithmeticall cyphers are numbring words i teach to write and to pronounce them also , and to tell the valew of many of them , placed in a certaine order , which we call numeration . in the fift step i teach how to draw all these words so known a part , into a compleat language , either to be written or spoken , and that materially , formally , or contextually , by putting all words of a kind into classes by themselves , then he wing those classes til they become fit to lye in a well ordered fabrick , and lastly , by erecting an edifice of these so prepared materials . for the materiall constitution i have designed an exemplary dictionary , wherein are first placed all words radicall , whether declinable or not , as also additionall particles , whether to be joyned , either before or behind with any of them . this i intend shall be done parissyllabically , so as all the monosylables shall goe before the by syllables , or words of two syllables follow , and after them the trisyllables if any be . among the declinable , the nounes shall lead the van , the verbes be in the middle and the particles partaking of both , bring up the reare . moreover , of the declinables , those of the same declension shall stand by themselves in order , according to the divers prerogatives of their terminations , genders and other relations . after this i lay down rules how almost an innumerable number of words may be derived from and compounded out of the primitive and simple : so far as to reach and expresse all things and conceptions , and how their radicall signification , may be fitted to them : lastly , how these derivatives may be disposed in classes answerable to their primitives , for the future use of declining them . for the forming and setting together of words i intend a gramaticall directory , wherein i expound by short exemplified rules , every tribe in the classes of my dictionary , and also the differences and other accidents of all words , whether declinable or undeclinable and additionall , or under one , shewing how each tribe of declinables ( whether nouns , verbs or particles of this or that classis ( each according to his kind ) ought to be declined , how they ought to be joined together , to make up a phrase , how out of phrases sentences , of sentences periods , and of periods sections ought to be composed , and that either in proper aequivocall or figurative expressions , as may be most for the embellishing of the context . for the contextual constitution i intend an historical text or discourse , wherein i present all the words , aswell primitive as derivative of an whole language , with all the ways of declining , connecting and transnominating them , under the form of one continued history or discourse . that all the reall tasks for exercises from the beginning hitherto scatteringly set down , may be repeated , together with a true understanding of the co-ordination of the things ranked in each classis . having always an eye to the gradation , proportion & accurate choice of sentences , periods and the style it self , so as the first part of the said discourse may consist of short sentences and periods , and be written in a low and proper style , the next part of sentences , &c. neither very short nor very long , but between both , and in a mean style , but that the third may be of more full sentences , and in a style more sublime and flourishing . in the next step i teach the use of the mother-tongue , in order to the obtaining of more languages , shewing how the mother-tongue of each nation , ( which whether wee will or no , doth use to obtrude it selfe upon us ) as a mistris and law-giver in the terming of others ) may be made the rule and guide to perfect any forreign tongue , so that the emulation now among them may thereby cease , to make them all able to expresse any thing or thought , and lastly , to learn them all speedily , shewing how easie it is to one that knoweth his own tongue , the terms of art belonging to all ( as what a radicall word is , what a derivative or compound , what a termination , declension , syntaxis , and what a phrase , sentence , period , &c. are ) to learn any other language whatsoever , and what devise in particular this may be done upon the latine tongue , and consequently upon other learned and popular languages , in present esteem . to these purposes therefore ( premising information and instructions both by speech and writing , wheresoever they are needfull ) i fit the same instruments . viz. a dictionary , directory , and discourse , the first in the course and order of the same classes , the second of the same kinde of rules , the third of the same words , setting the latine first , and those of other languages afterwards ; and if there be any idiome , or property in any of them , them , which my rules will not beare , as in deriving , declining or connecting them , &c. i note them all along by way of exception or observation , instilling any language by this way of paralleling or comparing them , even ten times more easily then otherwise . in the seventh step i exercise my auditors about thoughts , shewing how they ought to enquire after a thing unknown whether it be or not , to search after it , if it lie hid , where it is , or where it is not ? and if it be not as yet , then to finde out the means , that it may either be , or be in a possibility of being . for the eight step , i employ them upon thoughts or conceptions judicative , teaching them how they ought to examine a thing of whose existence , and being they are already satisfied , that is , how they ought to approve of it , or disallow ; enquiring what is it , or is not ; as well in it selfe , as in relation to other things . also why or how the same is or is not , that which it seems to be , and so whether it be true or false . then enquiring what that thing contains , or whether it contains nothing , and why and how it contains , that it doth contain . moreover whether it doth or acteth or not , whether it suffereth or not , and consequently whether it be simply honest , or necessary profitable or pleasant , possible and easie , to be desired and done . or on the contrary whether it be dishonest or needlesse , unprofitable or unpleasant , impossible or difficult , and so to be avoided or neglected . then lastly , whether yea or no , and in what part and regard , a thing , containeth any other thing more or lesser whether it so doth or suffereth not . and so whether in respect to another thing it be more or lesse honest , profitable , pleasant , possible , easie , to be desired , or practised , or the contrary of all or any of these particulars . in the ninth step i verse them in thoughts ordinative , for the orderly disposing and methodizing of things , teaching what is to be first or last thought , said , or written , of any thing . if any thing shall occur that is confused , how it ought to be reduced into order ; in speciall in what course those inventive and judicative thoughts , ought with discretion to be brought into the form , either of an epistle , discourse or oration , of a disputation , consultation , or systeem , or entire body of an art or science , and that in such a method , as the nature of the thing requires ; whether analyticall , syntheticall , or according to the modern authours syncriticall . and that there may appear a notable proof or example of this tripartite method , and all the exercises of learning , reall , verball and notionall , may be viewed together at one cast of the eye , wee shall represent the concords and disagreements , and other relations of all the things , which we have considered apart in their differences in three continued columns running parallel , or side by side from top to bottom both by first and second notions , and consequently in their terins of art . shewing how all naturall things do like a tree concur and meet in the root , and partake all of the same sap , and do differ from each other , onely as boughes spreading severall ways , and consequently that they were all at first , and may yet be made by one generall idea : and furthermore that artificials , and even things mysticall themselves , may likewise be squared by the same rule . and if there appeare any difference in particulars of this or that classis ; we shew that it either proceedeth from the different concurrence of substantiall principles , or from a different fashion of the organs ; or from a different intention of the agent , and so that there is nothing seen in things naturall , whereunto there may not be found some one or more of things artificiall and mysticall to answer , or if not , such as yet are found that such ought by their track to be sought after . in which harmonicall one-triple , viz. naturall , artificiall , mysticall systeem , or body , all arts and sciences that ever were yet invented , or shall ever be hereafter , are as ( to their generall idea's ) implicitly imbosomed , and may be explicitly inserted and subordinated thereunto , that it may appeare , which are parent , and which coozen faculties , which of them spring from others , & which have the same common originals ; which exceed in perfection , worth and dignity ; how many and what in quality , may yet be invented , and according to what speciall idea's , they ought to be ordered and distributed ; to make the analogy or correspondency of naturall operations compleat and perfect . towards the acquisition of civill prudence , there are also three steps , a comely carriage in outward manners , a choice of a fit course of private life , and the skill of duly managing a publike office or employment , if any such shall be offered . in all and each of which things my scholars are to be thoroughly instructed . their manners or carriage ought to be neat , comly & grave , as well in their countenance and gestures as in their speech , which are to be diversified according to age , sex , way of life , publike charge , deserts and relations to superiours , equals and inferiours . their way of life ought be accommodated and fitted to their genius and disposition , and sometimes to occasions of the common-wealth , and when publike exigence requires it , let there be heed taken in the choice of ministers . for mercury is not made out of every block . the execution of a publike office ( whether it be for teaching either in the school or church , or in taking care of the affaires and health of other men , or in defending their lives and estates in courts of justice , or equity ) ought to be dextrous and expeditious , faithfull and conscientious , cleer of ignorance , deceit , or any other faults whatsoever . finis . doctor cyprian kinner's vow to the almighty god , sent from dantzick the fift of aug. , to samuel hartlib . translated out of the originall latine . to thee ( eternall god ) that first inspired mee with these thoughts concerning the education of youth , do i again most humbly resigne them ( imperfect though they be ) as the free gifts of thy holy spirit . thou that searchest the heart and reins , knowest how much i desire they should be perfected , and what with ardent zeal i endeavour the reformation of all these school-disorders . but it is not hid from thee , that i want means answerable to my desires , being now a sojourner in a strange land , without estate or subsistance , which the barbarisme of souldiers by thy permission , hath depriv'd me of , and to this houre detain from me . thou know'st also that for this whole yeere last past , i have laboured to obtaiu a poore subsistence , whereby i might finish but a bare elucidarium or commentary . o pitty youth miserably brought up in schools , which the bloud of thy son hath redeem'd , and stir up some one that may soundly and christianly lead them in the ways ( especially ) of true piety , good letters , and sober prudence , least that innocent part of thy flock may be any further sednc'd and led away . and eternally blesse those few ( whose names are best known unto thee ) their children and childrens children , that have any way been pleased to accept and favour my weak endevours . but for me doe as it seemeth good in thine own eyes . and that i may reassume and compleat my former thoughts , let the beams of thy wisdom shine upon me , and by thy power raise up for me such patrons , as my weaknesse alone could never else have procured . if thou wilt not , thy will be done . an advertisement to the noble and generous lovers of learning . if any such ( after the favorable perusal of this generall draught and information ) shall be desirous to be more fully informed , concerning either those works of master comenius , which are to be published , or doctor kinner's further vndertakings and continuation of them ; as also how their assistance & favours may be best conveighed vnto the aforesaid doctors hands , they may please to send or repair to master hartlib's house in the great open court in dukes-place , and satisfaction shal be given to all their desires . the most natural and easie way of institution containing proposals for making a domestic education less chargeable to parents and more easie and beneficial to children : by which method, youth may not only make a very considerable progress in languages, but also in arts and sciences, in two years. ainsworth, robert, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the most natural and easie way of institution containing proposals for making a domestic education less chargeable to parents and more easie and beneficial to children : by which method, youth may not only make a very considerable progress in languages, but also in arts and sciences, in two years. ainsworth, robert, - . p. printed for christopher hussey ..., london : . caption title: proposals of a method of institution, &c. attributed to robert ainsworth. cf. bm. advertisement: p. . reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng education -- england -- early works to . free schools -- england. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the most natural and easie way of institution : containing , proposals for making a domestic education less chargeable to parents , and more easie and beneficial to children . by which method , youth may not only make a very considerable progress in languages , but also in arts and sciences , in two years . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . plutarch . london , printed for christopher hussey , at the flower-de-luce in little-britain . . to sir william hustler , a member of the honourable house of commons . sir , your honour , some considerable time ago , being much concern'd about the best method in the education of your children , was pleas'd to ask my opinion therein : but my thoughts concerning it , at that time , being but in the embryo , conceiv'd upon the reading a treatise of education , writ by the learned and ingenious mr. lock , to whose opinion fearing i might be too partial by the satisfaction his other writings gave me , and knowing how unsafe and invidious it is to oppose inveterate customs , i , as handsomly as i cou'd , declin'd the matter . only i ventur'd upon your pressing me further , to tell you i should prefer a domestic to a public institution . your honour was pleas'd to inform me , you were of the same mind , and desir'd me to enquire out a tutor , proposing such a sallary as i believe few gentlemen in england give , and which might have invited into your family a man of sobriety , parts and learning . but tho' i durst not then venture my callow thoughts abroad , after they were fledg'd and confirm'd by time and mature advice , at the instance of your worthy brother , * ( a gentleman of that piety and vertue , that i dare not write his character ; and if i durst , of such modesty , i shou'd be afraid to lose a friendship , which has been so many ways to my credit and advantage ) i sent them to you in a few proposals , tending to make a domestic institution less chargeable to the parent , and more useful and easie to the child . upon the reading of which , some objections arising , i was desir'd to answer them , and subjoyn the reasons of the said proposed method , which i purpos'd to do with all the brevity i cou'd , and send them to you the same day . but beginning to think what method to use therein , it seem'd necessary to shew there was a general male-treatment of children ; and this i conceive to be not only the most proper , but most useful way of proceeding in cases of this nature . for if i can prove a reformation is necessary , i have gained a considerable point ; and having no ambition my diminutive name shou'd stand in the catalogue of reformers , shall be satisfy'd in the hopes of seeing some other more happy and successful proposals , in order to the effecting thereof . an honest and ingenuous man ought not to be concern'd , that his methods for reformation , of any grievance in church or state , are rejected , if he has been so happy to convince that some or other were necessary . sir , i humbly desire your pardon for prefixing your honour'd name to these papers , assuring you i don't pretend to make a present , but beg a patronage . and if you will please to do me these two favours , first , to think i meant honestly , and nextly , to pardon the failures of the management to the candour and ingenuity of the design , i will ( in return ) do you the only one that lies in my power , in superseding wretched panegyrics and fulsome flatteries , the usual furniture of modern dedications , being sensible that persons of known honour and worth , are abus'd by having their names taken in vain by every trifling scribbler ; and only add that i am , honour'd sir , your obliged humble servant , r. ainsworth . proposals of a method of institution , &c. the advantages of giving children an ingenuous and liberal education , are so well known in england to all ranks and degrees of men , we need no lacedaemonian edict , by which those parents were depriv'd of the freedom of their city , who were negligent in this particular , being look'd upon fit for nothing but to cleanse shoars , and carry burdens , who condemn'd their sons never to be fit for any better employment . but tho' we are sufficiently convinc'd of the usefulness and excellency thereof , we are very negligent and careless of the methods whereby to effect it , and so more blame-worthy than some of the ignorant lacedaemonians , who possibly saw no such real benefit thereby . to be solicitous about the end , and neglect the meaens , betrays i know not whether more levity or imprudence . we generally think to give our children education is but in other words , to send 'em to school ; to whom , or for what , is not much material . it may be , about six or seven years after , 't is expected a lad shou'd understand latin ; if he does , all is well , if not , cries the parent he 's a blockhead , i 'll ne'r trouble my head further about him . if he is a gentleman , may be he adds , he had as good play at home as at school ; and so the youth being fit company for none but servants , familiarly converses and saunters away his time with ' em . and now having told you his company , you may guess at his manners , uva conspectâ livorem ducit ab uvâ , but if a tradesman , away with the dunce , i 'll put him to 'prentice forthwith ; so this often occasions that too , to be done precipitately , and so he is little better for serving a tedious apprentiship , in a whipping bridewell , under a flogging orbilius . the better did i say ? nay , generally worse , being habituated there to several vices , which often keep him company as long as he lives . but , if after all , the parent is resolv'd , in spight of the muses and apollo , his son shall be a scholar , after a sound chastisement , he is sent to another school , or years longer , to make his verse end — berecynthius atys , and read a little — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without knowing any thing of arts and sciences , and perhaps common sense . to reform these , and such like abuses , in childrens common treatment , several worthy persons have taken great pains , ( as mr. walker , monsieur fleury ; but above all , the learned and ingenious mr. lock , ( whom i have not the honour to know but by his excellent pen ) and treated this subject so well , that they will always be reckon'd as our best and chiefest reformers . not have they miss'd of success amonst discerning and impartial readers ; but most being otherwise , and the heresies overgrown , and slubborn , a thorow reformation cannot be expected on a sudden . having often highly extoll'd the method of learning latin , as a native of rome , being convinc'd both by great reasons , and great authorities it must be the best ; and being accus'd by some of singularity , tho' following so great authors , because i had made proposals to some gentlemen by which i suppos'd the design might be best answer'd , i thought my self concern'd to give a publick account of my so doing ; in the performance whereof , i shall insist in this order : . enquire into the manner of our childrens general treatment , both by parent and master , and make some animadversions on both . . lay down a method , in proposals , whereby i conceive it easie to teach them to understand a roman author very well , write latin elegantly , speak it properly and easily , gain a considerable knowledge in logic , rhetoric , geography , history , &c. in the space of two years . . assign the reasons of the said proposals , and answer objections . and lastly , leave the whole to the iudgment of the candid and iudicious reader . the reasons of the slow proficiency , and careless institution of our children , are such as either the parents , or master , is chargeable with . first , the parents , who don 't ordinarily take care to have their children taught to read , till they are so habituated to vice and idleness , that their teacher must have as much labour to bring 'em into love with their book , as otherwise wou●d have taught 'em to read ; from whence also various inconveniencies arise both to the parents and children ; the enumeration whereof not being my province , i leave to those who write the whole series of education . no doubt , as soon as they can speak , they may be taught to read either by father or mother , with case and pleasure , without ever imposing it as a task upon ' em . the ingenious mr. lock tells us of a person of great quality and worth , who by pasting the six vowels on the six sides of a die , and the remaining consenants on the sides of three other dies , has play'd his son into spelling and reading with the greatest eagerness imaginable ; and i doubt not but the said worthy patriot may teach him arithmetic , history , music , with but a little deviation from that his so excellently contrived method . facile est inventis addere . this very method , for fear of bad consequences afterwards , may not be so well , but from it we have an hint for an hundred very harmless inventions to teach children to read. . if they do take care to send 'em to school , perhaps 't is to some woman who never knew any thing of orthography , tho' she may make a shift to read her prayers , or murder a gazette , confounding one period with another , which she must needs do , having never been acquainted with the rules of pointing . hence it comes to pass , that vulgar people , who only have learn'd to read and write at this rate , commit such horrible blunders in spelling , and making no points , are at the hazard of having no one , that writes true , to understand what they mean. i admire that parents , that design their children a liberal education , shou'd commit them to such ; they had better let all alone , for they contract such ill habits , as will cost their master afterwards double the trouble to unlearn 'em , as were requisite to learn 'em to read , and i shou'd scarce undertake to teach 'em for a double reward : for to teach has a great deal of pleasure , to unteach has none at all to recommend it . to which i may add , that it not only discourageth the pupil , but is apt to create in him an aversion to his tutor : and thus both the master and scholar labour in vain . — ista felix nullo mansuescit aratro . pers. and this i am sure of , by many experiments , that an adult person , who has had the misfortune to be taught english at this rate , cannot be so great a proficient , in months time , in learning latin , as another , happy in his first english rudiments , may be in two ; and besides , must take a great deal more pains . parents , when their children are fit in their accounts to be put to a master , think it sufficient to put them to a good scholar , ( as they phrase it ) whether a good man or no , is not much material . and what is this good scholar ? he understands latin and greek . as tho' this were accomplishment enough ! this is so far from it , that 't is undoubtedly but one qualification , and that one of the least too , of a good school-master to little children , whose tender years are to be imbu'd with piety , and principles of right reason : he ought to be a vertuous , modest , and humble man , and very patient ; his chief business ought to be to dissipate by soft and gentle means , those passions that would over-cast the early dawnings of infant reason , that it may shine out bright and glorious ; and with a gentle hand , to weed out the tares which perhaps were sown when the parents slept , before they are grown so high , as to choak the culture of an ingenuous and liberal education , to cherish the principles of kindness , and good nature , till they are grown into habits ; to settle a reverence to their parents and masters , and a love and respect for all , and they will soon enough afterwards learn to exert them in a fashionable mein , and decent comportment , which , when they have learn'd with a dancing-master , will more admirably become them , when their bows and honours , not forc'd by modes and fashions , not ap'd and mimick'd , but found to be real by the divine sweetness of their looks , which no art can teach , will not only challenge from all persons an high commendation of their parts and breeding , but also gain 'em every where an admiration and love for their virtue . he ought not only to have these qualifications , but a reasonable knowledge of arts and sciences , as logic , rhetoric , history , geography , &c. to speak latin well and promptly , and understand the greek tongue ; neither too young , nor too old , a proper well-made person , and of a good presence . what shall i say ? he must be — qualem nequeo monstrare & sentio tantum . but you will say , all these qualifications seldom meet in one man , especially who will vouchsafe to be a tutor . i confess it . and therefore get in one , as many as you can , and be content to abate him some of these last , ( i mean as to accuracy ) but never any of the first ; for in those that are to study as gentlemen , this age looks upon it a greater accomplishment to have a taste of all arts and sciences , so as to be able to discourse , and give some tolerable account of each , as occasion shall offer , than to stick close to any particular study , neglecting the rest , provided that when they are called to any office or imployment in the common-wealth , they then apply themselves close to that study , which may best qualifie them for it , and make all their other knowledge as much as they can subservient thereto : but if design'd for scholars , in whatsoever their master is deficient , they may perfect themselves by their industry , and a tutors assistance , in the university . many parents think 't is well enough to send their children to a publick school : those that are not able to give them a domestic , or more private education , i censure not ; but such persons as have good estates , and some of quality and worth , who perhaps have taken great pains to form their childrens mind , and manners , with piety and vertue , till they are come to or years of age , and then for the sake of a little latin run so great an hazard to have the beautiful image spoild , and the whole work effac'd , some will be apt to arraign of either levity , incogitancy , or both . here children of good , and bad education , and good , and bad tempers , being huddled promiscuously together , it may be rather fear'd the bad may infect the good , than hoped the good may reform the bad . — quoniam dociles imitandis turpibus ac pravis omnes sumus . but further , would publick school-masters ( as 't is next to an impossibility they should ) take care of their morals , and be never so sollicitous of cultivating their early years with piety and vertue , yet at noon or night , when dismiss'd from school , they would be apt to saunter about , and loyter in the streets , where they wou'd see various objects to divert their thoughts , hear several common , if not impious sayings , of porters , car men , and kitchen-wenches , which much abhor from that phrase and diction they ought always to be accustom●d to ; whereby barbatos licet admoveas mille inde magistros , hinc totidem , their virtue and innocency would be difficulty secur'd . i profess i shou'd hardly run the risque were there no better , no other way , whereby my son could come at the understanding of a language . i am sorry i shou'd have occasion to subjoin my next reason : many of good estates , and i fear some of quality , do give their children a very mean and ordinary education , because they are loth to be at any extraordinary charge about it : of this , plutarch vehemently complains , in his time , in these words ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 many people are grown so covetous , and ( i will not translate my authors word ) so slighting of their children , that for fear of paying a greater price for their tuition , they chuse men of no account for their childrens tutors , purchasing for them a cheap ignorance . and tells us a biting reply of aristippus , who being ask'd by one of these fathers what he would ask for his sons education , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , said he . o hercules ! cry'd the other in a great astonishment , why , i can buy a good slave for that money : why , and so you may , reply'd the philosopher , then you will have two slaves , the slave you have bought , and the slave you have begot . but to set aside all arguments drawn from the usefulness , excellency , and ornament of learning , since these are no topicks to insist on with such a reader , we will endeavour to convince him that the laying out his money in his sons education , is not incompatible with his own maxims . if he had a piece of land that were very barren and stony , but with a little agriculture wou'd be as good as any of his neighbours , wou'd he spare his money here , where there was a prospect of a considerable advantage ? wou'd he not rather order his bailiff forthwith to manure and cultivate it ? and is the cultivating of his son , a matter of lesser moment , from whence probably , in the very letter , more profit may come into his pocket than from his field ? or when he has a considerable stock of money by him , is he not apt to be uneasie , till he has put it out to interest , hearken'd out a mortgage , or wisely transmuted it into good terra firma ; because , says he , let fires , losses at sea , change of government , any , or all of these happen , this will stay upon the spot , i shall still have this to leave my son , yet tho' the land , as he saith , will still abide on the spot , he knows how moveable a skin or two of parchment is . one would think now , if he could light of a purchase more secure , and more advantageous too , for his son , he should not grudge to lay out his money upon it . if he ask me what that is , i answer : a vertuous and learned education ; and that too , ( if he be as careful as he generally is ) he may have a very good penny-worth . only let him remember , the best is the best cheap . the fondness and indulgence of some parents , who can scarce endure their children out of their sight ; for ( say they ) we are not sure they will be so indulg'd , and treated with that care and tenderness , they are at home . and what then ? suppose they should not , where would be the harm of it ? perhaps , nay probably , the inuring them to a little more hardship , may in a great measure contribute to their health , by confirming , and fortifying their constitution . this the lacedaemonians , romans , and other wise , and warlike nations , knew ; and therefore were far enough from bringing up their children with that softness , and niceness , as our cocker'd citizens are . and certainly , whether we respect their bodies or minds , this nice and over-tender treatment of children , must be very pernicious to them ; it makes their constitutions weak and infirm , subject to catch cold with every little breath of air , and their health often various , and uncertain all their life long . then as to their minds , they must not be cross'd , nor contradicted , they must have their humour in every thing . what a piece of barbarous cruelty is it in parents to suffer those passions to get strength in the pretty creatures , the breaking of which will cost them so dear , and dearer if never broken ! and certainly , a wife and sober tutor may manage a child to his advantage both ways much better , who 't is probable will never suffer those irregularities in his meat , play , or sleep , which the ill-tim'd and pernicious indulgence of many parents often winks at , and oftner sees not ; and too great , or too little a weight , too quick , or too slow a motion , often put this delicate movement out of order . he will sooner see the first rising of any disorder or tempest in the passions , even ( like the prophets servant ) when no bigger than a man's hand , and so may dissipate , and scatter them with more case , that so they may not over-cloud the sky of their dawning reason , before the bright sun of their vertue can well be perceiv'd to be risen in their horizon . the next charge i have against parents , is their frequent removing their sons from one school to another , upon the slightest reasons , and sometimes none at all ; then which , nothing is more apt to rebate the masters diligence , who cannot tell but another may reap the fruit , and have the credit of his care and pains , and the child , by this means , is most certainly balk'd , for being put into one method by his first master , into another by the second , and perhaps into the first again by the third , or it may be into a new one , he loseth some years , and is not at last so good a proficient as if he had been intrusted , or continued with any of the three . they ought to be very great and cogent reasons , which oblige a parent to remove his child , if he has been a considerable time under a master , especially when the pupil respects him , and makes , tho' but a flow , proficiency under him . parents ought to say so to their sons as tully does to his : quamobrem disces tu quidem a principe hujus aetatis philosophorum , & disces quam diu voles , ' tamdiu autem velle debebis , quoad to quantum proficias , now paenitebit . some persons neglect to enquire into their childrens proficiency , even sometimes , tho' very learned themselves , perhaps , thinking it too mean a thing , or not their province , to concern themselves in examining school-boys exercise ; but marcus cato thought not so , who , tho' he kept a tutor at home for his sons , would notwithstanding himself , even in the tutors presence , give them not only precepts of virtue , but grammar too , exciting at once both the diligence of tutor and pupil . but the great augustus , tho' labouring under the weight of years and empire , thought not so , who constantly taught his two grandsons , lucius and caius . but tully thought not so , who , tho' of consular dignity , and a great states-man , supporting , as it were , with his own shoulders , a tottering common-wealth , made account he had not yet discharged his duty to his son , by sending him to athens , the most learned city and university of the world , to be instructed by cratippus , one of the greatest philosophers of the age , unless himself also wrote him a treatise of ethics , by which to form and regulate his manners . these examples i do not produce , because i would persuade learned parents to toil and labour at the oar , like these great personages , ( tho' perhaps , if they shou'd , their fere wou'd often make them amends ) but that they wou'd think it not so mean an employ , now and then at leisure hours , to inquire into their sons proficiency , that if either tutor or pupil be remiss , they may admonish him , or diligent , incourage him . these are the reasons of the great obstacles and remoras in childrens education , occasioned by the parents , some being tardy in one particular , and some in another . now come we to those , which on the masters part lie against their improvement in learning languages . some masters have a standing method , not only in teaching their pupils a language , but also in the motives , by which they propose to raise and fix their attention . this may proceed from a want of reflection , that chiidrens passions , as well as of elder people , are excited by different methods and motives . now whilst a master continues ignorant of the particular motives by which he must raise attention in every particular scholar , he must needs be often at a loss , let his general method be never so good , and let him take never so much pains . he had as good talk to the wind , and plough the shoar ; the one would as soon learn , and the other be cultivated , as several of his pupils . certainly therefore , the knowledge of his scholars temper must be the theory , and the proceeding by that knowledge , the practick of the most useful and excellent science any school-master can study , whether respecting his own ease , or his pupils advantage . some again ( i would hope not many ) preferr'd ( magis , ambitu quam merito ) having annual stipends in free-schools , in the erection and endowment whereof our ancestors have been very liberal , make no conscience of suffering their pupils to lose their time , their duty and credit being small motives to their diligence , where the main stake , their sallery , is secur'd . but i have not time to declaim against one of these , and if i had 't were lost labour . — caret culpâ , nescit quid perdat & alto demersus , summâ rursus non bullit in undâ . pers. others , tho' otherwise learn'd and conscientious , whether indeed approving their own method , or taking it from custom , without ever calling it to the touchstone of their better iudgment , enjoyn the herculean labour of getting lilly's grammar without book , perhaps two or three times over , and after that a long word-book of two or three thousand words jumbled together at a strange rate ; and it may be , should children , with prodigious labour and courage , conquer these , the hydra bubbles up again with more heads , their lessons out of their authors are to be learn'd memoriter too , which baffles our valiant champions to that degree , they dare encounter no longer , but slink away , and are not a pin better for all their former victories . i wou'd ask one of these gentlemen , should he set about the learning of the arabian tongue , carrying along with him an earnest desire , a firm resolution , and the terms of art , ( which are common to all languages ) and desiring his tutor to show him the most expeditious way of attaining it , should only receive this answer , sir , you must get erpenius's grammar perfectly without book , and afterwards fix in your memory two or three thousand words out of an ardbian lexicon , would he not be discourag'd at this ? would he not be apt to think there might be some more expeditious way of learning it found out ? undoubtedly he would , especially if the rules of erpenius's grammar were arabic as lilly's are latin. and does he think that which discourageth him , a man , with all these advantages , shou'd not have the same effect upon a child , without them ? not that i go about to depreciate lilly's grammar , especially with the oxford notes ; no , perhaps it is the best that ever was writ , but several rules , and many more exceptions , seem rather to be calculated for the meridian of riper iudgments , than to the latitude of childrens capacities . nor did the learned compilers ever design a fourth part of them to be learn'd without book by children ; they only propose a boy should learn his declensions and conjugations very well , which when he understands , not by rote , but reason ( as they phrase it ) , and is more cunning in understanding the thing , than rehearsing the words , which is not above a quarter of a years diligence , or very little more , to a painful and diligent man , if the scholar have a mean capacity : then they advise to let him pass to the concords , to know the agreement of parts among themselves , thence to the syntax , but not to learn the rules as they follow in order , but as occasion shall offer it self reading and persing some author , wherein not only the eloquence of the tongue , but some plain lesson of honesty and godliness is contain'd . and after some time of turning english into latin , and vice versa a little below , they add , if to this were adjoyn'd some use of speaking , ( which must also necessarily be had ) he shall be brought past the wearisome bitterness of his learning . this method seems to me so rational , that i am almost tempted to believe some school-masters have never read the preface to the grammar they daily teach , or if all have , i wonder ( tho' some learned and ingenious men may ) others should have reason to think they have found out a better way of teaching their grammar , than the compilers themselves had . in my iudgment , those masters who take a different method to their prescriptions , ( except as before excepted ) walk a tedious round ; but especially such as teach all the rules and exceptions as they follow one another , before their pupil reads an author . for if children should by the masters diligence , and continual beating their brains about the sence of this , or that particular rule , or exception , be brought to some little notions about them , 't is ten to one , but being forc'd to summon all their thoughts to understand the next , the ideas they had conceiv'd about the former are quite obliterated ; by this means it often comes to pass that one poor exception , which perhaps might not occur above once in an author , at last is understood at the loss of two or three general rules , and some leather in at the bargain . sure i am , that the learning this line , tartara taygetus sic taenara massica , &c. stood me in the latter , if not in the former , which had i never learn'd , had not been a pin of matter , since no word is of one gender in the singular , and another in the plural number . nor would i , by what i have said of lilly's grammar , be understood as if i thought that a perfect model . it 's greatest admirers have confess'd , there are many deficiencies to be supply'd , but more redundancies to be retrench'd ; and the modest compilers themselves thus preface it . wherefore it is not amiss , if one seeing by tryat , an easier and readier way than the common sort of teachers do , would say what he hath prov'd , and for the commodity allow'd , that others not knowing the same might by experience prove the like , and then by proof reasonably iudge the like , not hereby excluding the better way when it is sound out , but in the mean while forbidding the worse . this i believe i may venture to say , it may be easie for any master , on half a sheet of paper , to extract out of this grammar what is sufficient for any lad to know before he reads an author . but i proceed : the harshness and severity of others , is a great obstacle to childrens improvement . were they to perform their hard task , and carry burdens like slaves , and not for every little omission , or peccadillo , to be thump'd like them , i shou'd think their condition something different . nay , i fear they are beat sometimes for not performing impossibilities , for not making brick without straw ; i mean , for not finding matter as well as words . and is not this an aegyptian slavery ? if these gentlemen , whom a body would scarce take for romans , unless by their fasoes , pretend a liberty to scourge them , in order to their manumission , i should be rather content my son should be no denizen of rome , than pay so dear for his freedom . indeed , when ill principles , long indulg'd , are grown to ill habits , and a master has in vain , a long time , attempted to weed them out gently with his hand , there may be occasion for a spade or a mattock , to dig them up at once , but that being once done , i can see no occasion afterwards , in any case whatsoever . when boys , as quintilian has observ'd , facile sanabilibus labor ant malis , why should we always have recourse to the extreamest remedy ? correction , like physick , where it has no operation , commonly doth harm , and the often repetition of it either spoils the part , or at best fortifies it against it . few , i believe , have been whipp'd into virtue and learning , but many , to my knowledge , have been whipp'd from them ; and then it is the worse for them that ever they were sent to school , for either the severity of their treatment makes them have an utter aversion for their book as long as they live , or if they retain a love for it still , they commonly lard their discourses in common conversation with such scraps , and serve it in with such bombast , that i must needs think he has a strong stomach that does not nauseate it . i declare it , when i hear this horrid iargon , i know not which is greater , my pity or indignation . certainly , nothing is more unbecoming a gentleman , nothing more silly and ridiculous , than this pedantick humour . if the company be learn'd , nothing can grate their ears more harshly ; if unlearned , 't is an unmannerly abuse . this i take to be a worse plague than the former , and both of them are generally the effects of a rod. 't is strange to me that persons of qvality , nice enough of their honour in other points , should suffer their children to be whipp'd and abus'd by every little fellow , whose understanding a little latin and greek is the only title he has to the birchen scepter , wherewith he tyrannizes like the abdicated dionysius . curtius tells us , that the power of scourging the children of the macedonian nobility resided only in their kings , and a beating even by their command was look'd upon to be so disgraceful , that alexander the great , for executing it , had almost paid his life for satisfaction to the disgrac'd youth . but tho' our noblemen sometimes may indulge them this power , i wonder our strabo's should so willingly forfeit the favour and respect of their pupils in time to come . the reason of our obligation to our physicians , and schoolmasters , is not ( as seneca reasons very well ) because we have received health of the one , and erudition of the other , tho' both things unvaluable , because both of them set a value upon them , and that value we paid . quid ergo ? quare medico & praeceptori plus quiddam debeo , nec adversus eos mercede defungor ? quod ex medico & praeceptore in amicos transeunt , & nos non arte quam vendunt obligant , sed benignâ & familiari tractatione . what then ? what is the reason i am still oblig'd , and not out of my physicians and school-masters debt ? because of a physician and school-master they become friends , and do not oblige us by the art , which they sell , but by their kind and obliging devoirs . lastly , some both publick and private school-masters , being more devoted to their own interest , than to the good of their pupils , undertake more than they have time to manage ; so by taking in more pupils they send out fewer scholars . but this , indeed , is equally the fault of the parent , who sending his son to a master , whose time and labour being to be divided amongst so many , can hope for little of either to fall to his sons share . having thus gone thro' my reasons of , and animadversions upon the obstructions in childrens institution , let me beg of parents to beware of those failings for the future , wherewith i have charg'd 'em , by taking an especial care of the first or years the little ones are under their wing , and i hope i shall propose the best method to manage them afterwards ; for i don't doubt , if vertuous and ingenious men be encourag'd , they can ever want fit tutors , either in the following manner of teaching or together , or , ( which is next best ) in their own families . let them but take care of the main matters in their infancy , and they need not fear but languages will be had afterwards easie and cheap enough . childrens minds are soft and moist clay , such as may be easily thrown on the wheel even how you please , but age hardens it , and custom confirms it , and then your vessel , whether honourable or dishonourable , cannot be alter'd ; therefore be sure to fashion it right , and season it well . i admire to see several parents treat their children like bruits , till or years of age , which is the ready way to keep them so much longer . next to the care of forming their minds , succeeds that of teaching them to read ; and , methinks , this might be done without sending them out of doors , as is usual to a mistress , where , besides the inconveniences i have before recounted , among children of worse education , they often learn ill words , and ill things . since childrens minds are pure virgin parchment , is it not a thousand pities to suffer it to be scrall'd over with foolish and senceless characters , much more to be blotted and blurr'd with anger , envy , pride , and sullenness , when it may so easily be prevented ? when they read english very well , 't is time to dispose of them to a master , not only to teach them latin or french , as is usual , but enjoyn him to perfect and polish that work which you have begun with so much success , to take care they be instructed in piety and morals , in arts , sciences , and languages . but some will be apt to think , the perfecting of all this will be a matter of great difficulty , and many years ; and that the learning of latin alone taking up so much time , when will the rest be perfected , which are usually the studies of men , not children ? i answer : i do not mean they should be separate , and successive acts , but all carried on at once ; and that i believe the latin tongue may be learn'd so far forth as to understand very well a roman author , to write latin correctly , and speak it fluently , and a considerable knowledge attain'd in arts and sciences , by little children , by the proposals following , in two years time at most , and that with ease and pleasure , both to master and scholar . that a convenient house be taken , a small distance from london , with a large garden , and other conveniencies . that there be two masters , whereof one to be capable of teaching latin , greek and hebrew : the other , at least , to understand latin , and speak it fluently ; to be well skill'd in logic , rhetoric , geography , and history ; and that he write a good hand . that latin be made a living language in the family ; i.e. that no other language be us'd in presence of the boys . that one or both the masters continually be present with the pupils , whether reading , writing , translating , or playing , from in the morning till at night . that there be no rods , or any kind of punishment , but that a generous emulation be carry'd on by rewards ; to which use the parents shall allow per annum , of which they to have an account monthly in a latin epistle , by which they may be inform'd both of their proficiency and diligence from time to time . that the number of pupils exceed not twelve . that they read english well ; and that their master take care to improve it . that they be not younger than six , nor older than eleven years of age. that their authors , and masters , be their grammar , dictionary , and phrase-book . that nothing be impos'd on them as a task . here follow the reasons of each particular proposal , with obiections answered . to this i see not what can be objected : i think it ought not to be propos'd in london , because the air is not so good . and how much a good air contributes to the health of the body , and that to the health of the mind , no person can be ignorant ; nor far from london , because it not being convenient the pupils should ever be suffer'd to go home ; and , as i said before , requisite parents should frequently enquire into their sons proficiency , they may do it in summer , when they have a mind to divert themselves with a walk , and in winter by coach , at a small expence . their garden ought to be pretty large , and to have some choice plants and flowers , not only for the pleasure and use , but such a collection ought to be made , from which the argument of some useful discourse , as it were occasionally , may be treated of . hence they may not only be told the names which not often occur in their authors , or if they did , the name only being known , and not the idea , would easily ship out of their memory , and whilst it was there , was of no use . their use and natures also will be of great advantage to them hereafter . to which i may add . that from their very names they may learn a good part of the heathen mythology , as of daphne , narcissus , hyacinthus , &c. i cannot suppose any person can think the undertaking can be ( so commodiously ) perform'd by one . because it might grow tedious to any man never to have an hours liberty , either to mind his private studies , or enjoy a friend . because those qualifications which are requisite in these proposals , are more easie to be found in two than one . because there seem to be two distinct parts ; the one ought , tho' never strange nor angry , very to be so cheap as the other should necessarily be , his province is to take especial care of their morals , to give them the sense of their authors , which ought to be such , from whence with ease , and pleasure , he might draw instructions of more useful knowledge , to distribute rewards , to carry it with a certain coldness to such as are guilty of a fault , and with much kindness and affection to those that do well : the other 's with all sweetness and affability , to infinuate himself into their favour , to invent for them plays and exercises , tending to the institution of their minds , and health of their bodies ; and that i may express it in tacitus's elegant words , non studia modo curáque sed remissiones etiam lususque puerorum , sanctitate quadam ac verecundia-temper are . nor ought he only to invent such plays , but often to make one in the sport , and show himself very much pleas d and delighted in it ; also to teach them to write a good hand . not that i would have these two parts so separate , but that either of them might perform the others part , if one should happen not to be well , or have some earnest vocation for a whole day . the learning of languages being in it self , as consisting of hard , and uncouth words , unpleasant , or at best insipid , ought to be well cook'd , and made pleasant , before it is serv'd up to children . the recipe may easily be had , a little utile dulci , the one to season it , the other to make it palatable , for children we know love sweet things ; history and geography , especially with fine maps , and pictures , as falling under the sense of seeing , afford both these ; and their natural inquisitiveness and curiosity will give their master a large , and apt occasion to instruct them , for their whole instruction ought to be as it were occasional , and not design'd . the master ought to study their accessus & idone a tempora fandi . these , and several other arts and sciences , might easily be made so palatable , that the children would hang at their masters lips , and , as it were , devour his words , to have the better account of things ; so they might be brought to love the language for the art , and afterwards , yet more dearly , love the art for the language . their play hours , i mean , their absence from their books , ( for their whole institution ought to have no other name ) ought to be made as beneficial as any other . hear what the pious and learned author of the whole duty of man saith on this head : methinks it might very well be contriv'd , that their recreations might sometimes consist of such ingenious exercises , that they might at once both play and learn. if any one ask how latin is to be made a living language , i answer : their master , who is always to be present as before , shall ( after three months spent in learning so much grammar as may be necessary for them ) never speak any other language to them , nor suffer any other to be spoke before them . the mistress of the house , in some measure , should understand and speak latin , at least such forms as will suit her occasions , which are about dressing and undressing , and serving them with meat ; and no servant , at any time , be suffer'd to speak to any of them but before the master , and that in a prescrib'd form . but tho' i were assur'd my son may learn latin the same way he learn'd english , by conversation , in two years time or less , yet you mean , he shall only then speak latin as he now speaks english , i.e. improperly . if he now speaks english improperly , there is a proper reason to be assign'd for it ; because he has convers'd most with those that spoke improperly , his nurse or servants , than which conversation nothing can be more pernicious either to a childs language , or manners ; but now his conversation is to be with such as speak proper . but , it is not propos'd that he should learn the latin tongue purely by conversation , he ought , i think , to have thus much grammar : . to distinguish the parts of speech one from another . . to learn to decline a noun , and conjugate a perfect verb very well . . he ought to be acquainted with the terms of art , as number , case , gender , declension ; active , passive , mood , tense , conjugation , person . . to learn his praepositions . . his concords . . and since there are cases , to have about general rules of regimen . and a body would think all this might as well be done in three months as three years . he ought also to be instructed in the analogy of the tongue , that he may better understand , and fix his rules in memory . but how can the masters playing with them be so beneficial ? because he may teach them more there , than the other at their books , since ( as the ingenious mr. lock hath observ'd ) ` learning any thing as they should , may be made as much a recreation to their play , as their play to their learning . how many curious fabricks may be built on their natural curiosity , and busie humour ? and when sufficiently weary'd with those diverting plays , he may invent for them ; i question not but their natural activeness , ( for they hate to be idle ) will carry them to the equally diverting , tho' less useful play , their book . but many men will think it too great a condescention to play away above half their time with little children . i see no reason any one should ; especially since his imployment being to invent sports , and plays for the children , to introduce them into the per 〈…〉 of more useful knowledge , he may lightly hit upon some thing that will aboundantly recompence his pains . but if sometimes they should out-vote him , ( for i would not have him insist upon any thing too much ) and have a mind to play at nine-pins , cherry-stones , or cok-nut , he needs not be asham'd of that , which the greatest personages have delighted in witness augustus caesar. modo talis aut ocellatis nucibúsque ludebat cum pueris minutis quos facie et g 〈…〉 conquerebat . the noble pair of friends , scipio and ielius , even in their old age , wou●d , in the company of little children , gather shells , and pretty smooth round * stones at cajeta and laurentum , and play with them , and sometimes at ball. socrates himself , with children in his retinue , would publickly ride up and down on an hobby-horse . for my part , i should take this to be the most pl 〈…〉 life in the w●●●d to spend my life in a garden with such company . if any one thinks that children cannot be govern'd unless by the discipline of the rod , and the severity of reprimands , i am sure he only thinks so , and has never try'd the experiment , and i doubt not but thousands can inform him better . that pedants so often joyn together the idaea of a red and book , i have always conceiv'd to be the cause of their ill success in teaching . can such imagine , children should conceive any other of the latter than of the former ? can they think children should not do things much worse under dread ? i am apt to believe , few of these could have been perswaded to declain ad aram lugdunensem , tho' great orators themselves , and great rewards promis'd to such as came off with applause . and why ? because the punishment inflicted in case of failure , being so great , might have possibly so busied , and taken up their thoughts , as to have spoil'd the eloquent harangue . but a boy has rarely any reward in a school ; nay , scarce extorts an euge from his task-master if he doth well , and is certainly whipp'd if he doth not : can he blame him then if he withdraws his hand from the ferula , when himself , in such a case , would do the same ? himself knows how fear so often praecludes the thoughts , as to leave room for nothing else ; and will he expect from a child , whose passions are stronger , and reason much weaker , that fear should not have the same influence over him , which it has upon adult persons ? but the giving them frequent rewards tends to make them vain , proud , or covetous . some , perhaps , it may , but that the masters prudence ought to prevent , and he may do it several ways ; i will instance in one . it may be propos'd , when their praemiums amount to such a sum to buy this or that pleasant book , near and delicately bound ; this or that fine map or picture ; and when one has made up the money , and bought the book , an emulation will be excited in all the rest till another has got it . after which , every one will strive the more to ingratiate himself into the masters affection , the more have been serv'd before him , when he perceives his praemiums are purely the reward of merit . only the master ought to take care , that two or three of the last have their monies made up at the same time , least any should be discouraged . i hope none will object this number is too many , where there are two diligent and careful masters . certainly , so many may as well ( some of my friends have thought better ) be instructed in this method than two . and as the ingenious mr. walker has observ'd , is neither so tedious to master nor scholar . besides , a generous emulation will be more easily promoted than amongst two or three only . and lastly , the matter may be manag'd at lesser charge to the parents . nor ought the tutors , through covetousness , to think it too few . for having so small a complement , they need take none in but children very well descended , and such as have had a vertuous and sober education . and these proposals being perform'd , they will deserve the respect of persons of quality , whose interest may stand them in good stead . but not being perform'd , i think it too many , and their reward , if any thing , too much . i could wish that such as are negligent in this important matter , as they are accountable in foro conscientiae , might be severely animadverted upon by humane laws . certainly the cynic was in the right on 't , who trounc'd the master because the scholar was a naughty boy . this proposal seems very necessary . because all their discourses and authors being latin , it might be fear'd through a total disusc they might be at a loss to express themselves handsomly and properly in their mother tongue . the master ought to be very careful in this particular , and , as the aforesaid method of conversing with latin people , latin authors , and earefully observing latin analogy , will certainly prevent anglicisms in their writing latin , he ought to take heed that no latinisms creep into their translations , or english phrase , and diction . and this i take to be the most proper time for it , viz. when he begins to find they had rather speak latin than english ; ( which by the use of the one , and disuse of the other , i suppose may be a little more than a year ) then the scholar ought to be put upon comparing them both together , by heedfully minding their particular phrases , idioms and proverbs , and by almost an equal use of both the styles , to render them both equally easie and familiar , and yet so as neither of them may smell of the other , the analogy of both the tongues being carefully observed . for this reason a foreigner cannot be fit to undertake this charge , unless exactly acquainted with our phrase and indiom , which few are . the reason of this proposal is , lest a disparity in their age should cause the same disparity in their improvement . not that i fear the elder should get the start of the younger , but on the contrary ; for without doubt , the younger we put children into this method the better . the masters will have most trouble with the oldest ; yet when he is once manag'd , tho' he should exceed the age in this proposal , if he be a youth of a sweet and loving temper , and studious withal , ( but in this great care should be taken ) he may lead the younger whither he pleaseth , and do his master a great deal of service . but children are generally thought incapable of learning latin at this age. if people wou'd consider how soon they learn english , i dare say they wou'd be of another mind . these pretty little mimics , with a sweet and natural delight , listen to all our sounds , and very well understand them in a few months , so far ( at least ) as they any way concern themselves , as may be observ'd by many of their actions , and desire to be understood themselves . nay , they are so concern'd their little mimicisms cannot be conceiv'd , that they make a thousand signs to shew their meaning , which is as pleasant , and delightful a rhetoric , to such as have but the leisure , and curiosity to observe them , as the quaintest diction , and most celebrated haranguel children have , by nature , no greater aptness to imitate one tongue than another ; the children of iews , arabians , french , and english , come to speak much at the same time , and need not any particular rules and directions about the matter , nor indeed ever understand they are learning , and yet they all arrive at a tolerable proficiency in two years . the consequence is therefore , they would equally understand latin in that time , for none will think the roman children did not understand their , mother-tongue till or years of age. but some will say , tho' this be demonstrably true , yet they may not , perhaps , at or years of age , be so capable of foreign languages . yea , much more capable ; for if before that age they learn'd , their mother tongue , notwithstanding their weakness , frowardness , contraction of their faculties , and their want of assistance from art , and that purely by hearing their mother , or nurse , lisp a little broken english , what shall we expect from them , when their bodies are more firm , their poevishness abated , their faculties more dilated , when they may be assisted by art , and converse with men that speak fine and properly ? but what need these collections , when daily experience tellsus , that children , after having learn'd english , are in a years-time ordinarily taught french , or italian , and that with ease and pleasure , both to themselves and master ? nay , i am credibly inform'd of a child , of ten years of age , who speaks five languages very fluently by conversation only , of which latin is one : and undoubtedly , the learning of latin the same way as they learn other languages , must be most easie and natural . if authorities were wanting , where reason and experience speak so loud , 't were easie to accumulate them . 't was partly by this method , but since better improv'd , that roger ascham taught his royal scholars , elizabeth , edward , and the lady iane grey , latin , greek , french and italian , in three or four years time , to the accomplishment of those great personages , and to his own eternal honour . 't was this way , tho' not so happily propos'd , that our admirable cowley , almost by his own indefatigable industry , learn'd the latin and greek tongues , as is observ'd by the gentleman that writes his life in these words : his teachers never could bring him to learn the ordinary rules of grammar , but [ he ] chose rather to converse with the books themselves , from whence the others were taken . this , no doubt , was the better way , tho' more difficult ; and he found afterwards the benefit , that having got the greek and latin tongues , as he had done his own , not by precept but use , he practis'd them not as a scholar but a native . and this very consideration was the occasion of my for by making his authors and masters his grammar , dictionary , and phrase-book , he will better come to know the genuine significations from the translated , fee how the latter come from the former , with pleasure , and learn as a native of ancient rome to write , and speak , without encumbring himself with rules , or conceiving his sense in english , before he speaks , or writes . and here i cannot but observe the cause our learned gentlemen of england , whom all foreigners own to write latin very politely , attempting to speak it , do it so awkwardly , and ( as it were ) unnaturally ; because they have not learn'd it in this natural way : they must needs speak it slowly , who having been taught by multiplicity of rules , their mind is imploy'd in three different things at the same time : . thinking of the rules by which they learn'd it . . thinking of the english sense which they carry along with them . and . of the latin diction and idiom , ( which how troublesome it is , themselves knowing , can seldom be prevail●d with to speak it , and all others , who consider it , may easily conjecture ) whereas a man in speaking latin ought not to be concern'd about the two former , ( for what signifies the scaffold when the building is finish'd ) and , forgetting what country-man he is , imagine himself a citizen of old rome . the reason of this is , because children finding no restraint upon them but acting freely , act much more vigorously and to the purpose . when impos'd , they oft have an utter aversion to that , which otherwise they freely chusing , wou'd take a great delight in . bring but children into love with a language , art or science , and when that point is gain'd , and some of them desire to be taught it , you may tell them , a great many men do not understand it , and that it wou'd be the way to make them wiser than most men , and you will find they will yet have the greater inclination . when their desire is sufficiently heightned , you may pretend notwithstanding 't is so great a privilege , yet you love such an one ( your favourite ) so dearly for his diligence , and attention , that you could almost find in your heart to give him a little insight into it ; then proceed as tho' you were unwilling the rest should be admitted to this favour , and such a proceeding , i question not , will oblige some of the rest quickly , by their attention and diligence , in their own studies , ( when they find those are the only ways to recommend 'em ) labour to ingratiate themselves into your favour , to enjoy the privilege of your favourite . so by degrees you may wind up their inclinations to what heighths you please , and bring them all by degrees , with submission and thankfulness , to accept the favour . thus i have , as short as i cou'd , given the reasons of the proposals , and answer'd such objections as i cou'd think of , or have been made to me by parents , when i have desird them to tell me their opinion of mr. lock 's method in learning latin , which ( because upon the reasonableness thereof these proposals are grounded ) i shall transcribe from the learned and ingenious author . if therefore a man cou'd be got , who himself speaks good latin , who would be always about your son , and talk constantly to him , and make him read latin , that wou'd be the true , genuine , and easie way , of teaching him latin ; and that i cou'd wish , since besides teaching him a language without pains or chiding , which children are wont to be whipp'd for at school six or seven years together , he might , at the same time , not only form his mind and manners , but instruct him also in several sciences , such as are a good part of geography , astronomy , chronology , anatomy , besides some parts of history , and all other parts of knowledge of things that fall under the senses , and require little more than memory . but hold — i had like to have forgot the grand objection , not levell'd at any particular part , but at the whole design . the method is singular , i dare not venture upon it for my son. i hope 't is a singular good one , and then no matter . is it reasonable ? if so , it ought to be try'd . if this were any argument , there never would have been , nor never would be , any improvements in the world. christian religion wou●d never have gain'd ground in the world at first , nor its reformation since . philosophy , medicine , law , and all arts and sciences , had been thousands of years ago put out of a possibility of being improv'd ; nay , to speak more properly , not so much as the names themselves had been heard of . but if , for all that , any will think singularity an argument , i will beg of them to accept of it against our general method of education in england , as being different from that of all learned nations , and ages , that have been before us . i never heard that the iews , aegyptians , phaenicians , persians , graecians , romans , ever study'd languages , or if they did , that they were ever denominated learned from thence , much less order'd their children to spend ten or twelve of their best years in learning words and sounds , as tho' they were not only the vehicles of knowledge , but knowledge it self . no , no , their masters gave them a quite different institution , they admonished them to study themselves , and the universe , to converse with nature , to observe the heavenly influences ; were continually preaching to them iustice , fortitude , and temperance , in their tender years , and afterwards , oeconomics , and politics , to know how to steer and guide themselves first , and then the ship of the common-wealth , if they were to be public men : they made them acquainted with the constitutions of other governments , not by reading books , but sending them abroad , where their having learn'd languages , was reckon'd as one of the least benefits of their travels . nay , by many 't was look'd upon a disadvantage , and such as had them were always cautious of intermixing them with their own . and were not these better institutions of youth , than purely language and words , which our school-masters hunt after with such earnestness , neglecting the sense ? in which matter i could heartily wish a reformation ; when a boys lesson is that of persius . discite & ô miseri , causas cognoscite rerum , quid sumus & quidnam victuri gignimur , ordo quis datus , & metae quam mollis flexus , & unde , quis modus argento , quid fas optare , quid asper utile nummus habet , patriae charisque propinquis quantum elargiri deceat , quem te deus esse iussit , & humanâ , quâ parte locatus es in re ; would not any parent think it far better his son knew the meaning of this divine poem than the syntax ? were not a fair occasion given the master to read his pupil lectures of physics , ethics , oeconomics , politics ? &c. and by insisting a good while upon it , the child , perhaps , would remember it as long as he lives . nay , we are not only singular in our manner of education to former ages , but this too , in those countries which are more concern'd to admire latin than we , because the service of their church is in that tongue : for they take greater care about their childrens morals , and institutions of piety , than latin , but we postpone these matters of infinitely more concernment , or if we have taken any care in them , are willing to run the risque ; latin they must have , tho' at the expence of their vertue and innocence , and six or seven years of their best time , to be instructed in useful knowledge to boot . and does not this look like the proverbial purchase , pro thesauro carbones ? nor do they learn it as we do , confounding themselves with unncessary rules , and exceptions of grammar ; but chiefly by conversation , and the authors from whence they were taken , and by this method can often speak and write it tolerably well in a year , and , perhaps , have at the same time profited in some useful knowledge . and admit they do not understand it so well , as who have spent seven or eight years about it , yet well enough for their occasions , to read an author , and converse with strangers , ( which last we seldom , after all , can do ) ; and how gentlemen , tradesmen , and all persons , who do not design their children for scholars , shou'd think so many years in learning a language ( tho they were sure they would be critics in it ) which , after all , would be but of very little use , well spent , i cannot easily imagine , when to understand it , as abovesaid , may do as well to all intents and purposes ; nay , better for conversation , and may be attain'd so easily . here 't is proposd , because unexperienc'd in this way to take two years to do that , which the scots , french and germans , often do in one ; and yet to save a child four or five years , which wou'd have been spent at school in learning latin , which may be imploy'd to a far greater advantage , in writing a good hand , reading the best english writers , polishing and perfecting his english style , learning merchants accounts , studying the mathematics , improving those rudiments of arts and sciences , which he had so good a taste of in reading latin , learning the art of a decent carriage and comportment with a dancing-master , conversing with gentlemen of sense and experience in the world , whose conversation will be much more advantageous to him , than of any scholar : and are not all these accomplishments preferrable to the being a critic in a tongue , which existing only in books , can never perfectly be understood ? witness several things in cato of husbandry , ennius and plautus , which are not understood ; upon which , notwithstanding , people will comment and criticize in infinitum . but such as their parents design for scholars , in this method , after one year , their master may put upon reading sanctius's minerva , with scioppius's notes , and other pieces of criticism upon grammar ; or which , i take to be much better , to teach them from their observations upon authors , to make a critical grammar themselves , and when they have done it , they will not need so many rules of grammar before they read a greek author , as they had occasion for , before they learn'd a latin one ; and so the tutor may proceed much after the same way as before , reading lectures upon authors , and still improving the rudiments of useful knowledge . this is the method i think best , in the treatment and institution of children , which i hope , by the blessing of god , and careful endeavours of able and vertuous men , may be of use to the common-wealth . i shall leave the whole to the readers iudgment , desiring his candour and favourable opinion of this proposed method of institution ; and if he will vindicate the common method , or propose another he thinks better than that , or this , i will repay him , with thanks . finis . advertisement . such as desire to discourse the author upon these proposals , may hear of him at the booksellers , or at the marine coffee-house in birchin-lane , after change , who can inform them of undertakers . an idea of geography and navigation . containing easie rules for finding the latitude and difference of longitude of places by observation of the sun , moon and stars . the demonstration and use of the logline . the variation of the compass . the doctrine of plain triangles . the construction and use of all manner of maps and charts . to keep a iournal , and to work a traverse both by plain and mercators sailing . the solution of all nautical questions , geometrically , arithmetically , and instrumentally . also tables of the sun's declination and right ascension for ever . a table of the most eminent 〈◊〉 stars in both hemispheres , rectified for the year , with their use , and other tables necessary for navigation● by samuel newton , master of the math. school in christ●● hospital● london . printed ●● christopher hussey , at the flower-de-luce in little-britain . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * mr. iames hustler . notes for div a -e reason . reason . . obj. a. reason . reason . reason . cic. de offic. lib. . reason . reason . reason . reason . see the preface to lilly's grammar . reason . curtius , lib. . lib. . de beneficiis , cap. . reason . obj. answ. prop. . prop. . . . . . . . . . proposal . prop. . reason . reason . tacit. dial. de orat. prop. . obj. answ. obj. answ. obj. answ. suet. in vit . aug. cap. . * umbilicos val. max. prop. . obj. answ. prop. . frop . . prop. . obj. answ. obj. obj. . th prop. prop. . pag. . pr. ed. obj. answ. to all fathers of noble families and lovers of vertue gerbier, balthazar, sir, ?- . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason .f. [ ]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing g thomason .f. [ ] estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; : f [ ]) to all fathers of noble families and lovers of vertue gerbier, balthazar, sir, ?- . sheet ([ ] p.) printed by robert ibbitson, london : [ ] date of publication from wing. an advertisement for sir balthazar gerbier's academy, which "was to give instructions in all manner of subjects, from philosophy, languages, and mathematics, to riding the 'great horse', dancing and fencing. it was opened on july at gerbier's house at bethnal green"--cf. dnb. at foot of text: at robert ibbitsons house (in smithfield, neer hosier lane) shall be had constantly in print, the publique lectures, after they shall have been first read at the academy, where they are composed for the good of the publique. annotation on thomason copy: "october ". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng education -- england -- early works to . a r (thomason .f. [ ]). civilwar no to all fathers of noble families and lovers of vertue gerbier, balthazar, sir a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to all fathers of noble families and lovers of vertue sir balthazer gerbier desires once more that the publique may be pleased to take notice of his great labours , and indeavours , by the erection of an academy on bednall green without algate ; and as he conceives that he hath at large informed the publique that in the said academy the chiefe , famous forraigne languages , sciences , and noble exercises shall be taught . that all lovers of vertue , of what age soever , shall be received , and instructed , and that every one of them may select such studies , exercises , and sciences , as are most consonant to his genius . that publique lectures shall be there read gratis , on the said languages , and sciences ; and that every wednesday in the afternoone , in summer at three , and in vvinter at two of the clock , and that also a competent number of decayed families children , shall be there taught gratis : so that as at present there remaines nothing more to be declared on the same , but to represent how that all lovers of vertue are bound both for honours sake the cherishment of vertue , their own profits and improvements , now to imbrace that which is so really and sincerely proffered unto them , as well for the glory and honour of this nation ; as that by this meanes all lovers of vertue may be freed from al those dangers , and inconveniences insident to travellers , who repaire unto forraign parts to improve themselves , leaving the honour of their education unto strangers , both with the hazzard of being shaken in the fundamentall points of their religion , and their innate loyalty to their native country . that also the maine motives which caused the said sir balthazar gerbier to present unto the publique all those languages , and sciences , which are to be taught in his academy , are these , viz. that no forraign parts may have just cause to glory ( to the disparagement of this nation ) that they solely possesse these above-mentioned qualities . so that it now proves a matter of great concernment to this nation ; not only seriously to reflect on these proffers ; but to imbrace them vigorously , and constantly to countenance and promote them ; since that the languages declared to be taught in this academy are , viz. hebrew , greeke , latine , french , italian , spanish , high dutch , and low dutch , both ancient and modern histories , joyntly with the constitutions and governments of the most famous empires and dominions in the world ; the true naturall and experimentall philosophy , the mathematicks , arithmetick , and the keeping of bookes of accounts by creditor and debitor . all excellent hand-writing , geometrie , cosmography geography , perspective , architecture , secret motions of scenes , fortifications , the besieging and defending of places , fire-works , marches of armies , ordering of battailes , fencing , vaulting , riding the great horse , musick , playing on all sorts of instruments , dancing , drawing , painting , limning , and carving , &c. at robert ibbitsons house ( in smithfield , neer hosier lane ) shall be had constantly in print , the publique lectures , after they shall have been first read at the academy , where they are composed for the good of the publique . october london , printed by robert ibbitson . a proposition for the advancement of experimental philosophy. by a. cowley. proposition for the advancement of learning cowley, abraham, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c thomason e _ thomason e _ estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; :e [ ] or :e [ ]) a proposition for the advancement of experimental philosophy. by a. cowley. proposition for the advancement of learning cowley, abraham, - . p. p. [ ], , [ ] p. printed by j.m. for henry herringman; and are to be sold at his shop at the sign of the blew-anchor in the lower-walk of the new-exchange, london : . dedication signed: p.p. the last leaf is blank. a reissue of "a proposition for the advancement of learning", with title page cancelled by a² (new title page and dedication). annotation on thomason copy e. [ ]: "march "; imprint date crossed through. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng royal society (great britain) -- history -- early works to . science -- history -- early works to . philosophy -- early works to . education -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - pip willcox sampled and proofread - pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proposition for the advancement of experimental philosophy . by a. cowley . london , printed by j. m. for henry herringman ; and are to be sold at his shop at the sign of the blew-anchor in the lower-walk of the new-exchange , . to the honourable society for the advancement of experimental philosophy . the author of the following discourse , having since his going into france allowed me to make it publick , i thought i should do it most right by presenting it to your considerations ; to the end that when it hath been fully examin'd by you , and receiv'd such additions or alterations as you shall think fit , the design thereof may be promoted by your recommending the practice of it to the nation . i am , your most humble servant , p. p. a proposition for the advancement of learning . by a. cowley . virg. o fortunati quorum jam maenia surgunt ! london , printed by j. m. for henry herringman , and are to be sold at his shop at the blew anchor in the lower-walk of the new-exchange , . the preface . all knowledge must either be of god , or of his creatures , that is , of nature ; the first is called from the object , divinity ; the latter , natural philosophy , and is divided into the contemplation of the immediate or mediate creatures of god , that is , the creatures of his creature man. of this latter kind are all arts for the use of humane life , which are thus again divided : some are purely humane , or made by man alone , and as it were intirely spun out of himself , without relation to other creatures , such are grammar and logick , to improve his natural qualities of internal and external speech ; as likewise rhetorick and politicks ( or law ) to fulfill and exalt his natural inclination to society . other are mixt , and are mans creatures no otherwise then by the result which he effects by conjunction and application of the creatures of god. of these parts of philosophy that which treats of god almighty ( properly called divinity ) which is almost only to be sought out of his revealed will , and therefore requires only the diligent and pious study of that , and of the best interpreters upon it ; and that part which i call purely humane , depending solely upon memory and wit , that is , reading and invention , are both excellently well provided for by the constitution of our vniversities . but the other two parts , the inquisition into the nature of gods creatures , and the application of them to humane vses ( especially the latter ) seem to be very slenderly provided for , or rather almost totally neglected , except onely some small assistances to physick , and the mathematicks . and therefore the founders of our colledges have taken ample care to supply the students with multitude of books , and to appoint tutors and frequent exercises , the one to interpret , and the other to confirm their reading , as also to afford them sufficient plenty and leisure for the opportunities of their private study , that the beams which they receive by lecture may be doubled by reflections of their own wit : but towards the observation and application , as i said , of the creatures themselves , they have allowed no instruments , materials , or conveniences . partly , because the necessary expence thereof is much greater , then of the other ; and partly from that idle and pernicious opinion which had long possest the world , that all things to be searcht in nature , had been already found and discovered by the ancients , and that it were a folly to travel about for that which others had before brought home to us . and the great importer of all truths they took to be aristotle , as if ( as macrobius speaks foolishly of hippocrates ) he could neither deceive nor be deceived , or as if there had been not only no lies in him , but all verities . o true philosophers in one sence ! and contented with a very little ! not that i would disparage the admirable wit , and worthy labours of many of the ancients , much less of aristotle , the most eminent among them ; but it were madness to imagine that the cisterns of men should afford us as much , and as wholesome waters , as the fountains of nature . as we understand the manners of men by conversation among them , and not by reading romances , the same is our case in the true apprehension & judgement of things . and no man can hope to make himself as rich by stealing out of others truncks , as he might by opening and digging of new mines . if he conceive that all are already exhausted , let him consider that many lazily thought so hundred years ago , and yet nevertheless since that time whole regions of art have been discovered , which the ancients as little dreamt of as they did of america . there is yet many a terra incognita behind to exercise our diligence , and let us exercise it never so much , we shall leave work enough too for our posterity . this therefore being laid down as a certain foundation , that we must not content our selves with that inheritance of knowledge which is left us by the labour and bounty of our ancestors , but seek to improve those very grounds , and adde to them new and greater purchases ; it remains to be considered by what means we are most likely to attain the ends of this vertuous covetousness . and certainly the solitary and unactive contemplation of nature , by the most ingenious persons living , in their own private studies , can never effect it . our reasoning faculty as well as fancy , does but dream , when it is not guided by sensible objects . we shall compound where nature has divided , and divide where nature has compounded , and create nothing but either deformed monsters , or at best pretty but impossible mermaids . 't is like painting by memory and imagination which can never produce a picture to the life . many persons of admirable abilities ( if they had been wisely managed and profitably employed ) have spent their whole time and diligence in commentating upon aristotles philosophy , who could never go beyond him , because their design was only to follow , not grasp , or lay hold on , or so much as touch nature , because they catcht only at the shadow of her in their own brains . and therefore we see that for above a thousand years together nothing almost of ornament or advantage was added to the vses of humane society , except only guns and printing , whereas since the industry of men has ventured to go abroad , out of books and out of themselves , and to work among gods creatures , instead of playing among their own , every age has abounded with excellent inventions , and every year perhaps might do so , if a considerable number of select persons were set apart , and well directed , and plentifully provided for the search of them . but our vniversities having been founded in those former times that i complain of , it is no wonder if they be defective in their constitution as to this way of learning , which was not then thought on . for the supplying of which defect , it is humbly proposed to his sacred majesty , his most honourable parliament , and privy council , and to all such of his subjects as are willing and able to contribute any thing towards the advancement of real and useful learning , that by their authority , encouragement , patronage , and bounty , a philosophical colledge may be erected , after this ensuing , or some such like model . the colledge . that the philosophical colledge be scituated within one , two , or ( at farthest ) three miles of londòn , and , if it be possible to find that convenience , upon the side of the river , or very near it . that the revenue of this colledge amount to four thousand pounds a year . that the company received into it be as follows . . twenty philosophers or professors . . sixteen young scholars , servants to the professors . . a chaplain . . a baily for the revenue . . a manciple or purveyour for the provisions of the house . . two gardeners . . a master-cook . . an under-cock . . a butler . . an under-butler . . a chirurgeon . . two lungs , or chymical servants . . a library-keeper who is likewise to be apothecary , druggist , and keeper of instruments , engines , &c. . an officer to feed and take care of all beasts , fowl , &c. kept by the colledge . . a groom of the stable . . a messenger to send up and down for all uses of the colledge . . four old women , to tend the chambers , keep the house clean , and such like services . that the annual allowance for this company be as follows . . to every professor , and to the chaplain , one hundred and twenty pounds . . to the sixteen scholars l a piece , l for their diet , and l for their entertainment . . to the baily l besides allowance for his journeys . . to the purveyour or manciple thirty pounds . . to each of the gardeners twenty pounds . . to the master-cook twenty pounds . . to the under-cook four pounds . . to the butler ten pounds . . to the under-butler four pounds . . to the chirurgeon thirty pounds . . to the library-keeper thirty pounds . . to each of the lungs twelve pounds . . to the keeper of the beasts six pounds . . to the groom five pounds . . to the messenger twelve pounds . . to the four necessary women ten pounds . for the manciples table at which all the servants of the house are to eat , except the scholars , one hundred sixty pounds . for horses for the service of the colledge , thirty pounds . all which amounts to three thousand two hundred eighty five pounds . so that there remains for keeping of the house and gardens , and operatories , and instruments , and animals , and experiments of all sorts , and all other expences , seven hundred & fifteen pounds . which were a very inconsiderable sum for the great uses to which it is designed , but that i conceive the industry of the colledge will in a short time so enrich it self as to get a far better stock for the advance and enlargement of the work when it is once begun ; neither is the continuance of particular mens liberality to be despaired of , when it shall be encouraged by the sight of that publick benefit which will accrue to all mankind , and chiefly to our nation , by this foundation . something likewise will arise from leases and other casualties ; that nothing of which may be diverted to the private gain of the professors , or any other use besides that of the search of nature , and by it the general good of the world , and that care may be taken for the certain performance of all things ordained by the institution , as likewise for the protection and encouragement of the company , it is proposed . that some person of eminent quality , a lover of solid learning , and no stranger in it , be chosen chancellour or president of the colledge , and that eight governours more , men qualified in the like manner , be joyned with him , two of which shall yearly be appointed visitors of the colledge , and receive an exact account of all expences even to the smallest , and of the true estate of their publick treasure , under the hands and oaths of the professors resident . that the choice of the professors in any vacancy belong to the chancellour and the governours , but that the professors ( who are likeliest to know what men of the nation are most proper for the duties of their society ) direct their choice by recommending two or three persons to them at every election . and that if any learned person within his majesties dominions discover or eminently improve any useful kind of knowledge , he may upon that ground for his reward and the encouragement of others , be preferr'd , if he pretend to the place , before any body else . that the governours have power to turn out any professor who shall be proved to be either scandalous or unprofitable to the society . that the colledge be built after this , or some such manner : that it consist of three fair quadrangular courts , and three large grounds , enclosed with good walls behind them . that the first court be built with a fair cloyster , and the professors lodgings or rather little houses , four on each side at some distance from one another , and with little gardens behind them , just after the manner of the chartreux beyond sea. that the inside of the cloyster be lined with a gravel-walk , and that walk with a row of trees , and that in the middle there be a parterre of flowers , and a fountain . that the second quadrangle just behind the first , be so contrived , as to contain these parts . . a chappel . . a hall with two long tables on each side for the scholars and officers of the house to eat at , and with a pulpit and forms at the end for the publick lectures . . a large and pleasant dining-room within the hall for the professors to eat in , and to hold their assemblies and conferences . . a publick school-house . . a library . . a gallery to walk in , adorned with the pictures or statues of all the inventors of any thing useful to humane life ; as printing , guns , america , &c. and of late in anatomy , the circulation of the blood , the milky veins , and such like discoveries in any art , with short elogies under the portraictures : as likewise the figures of all sorts of creatures , and the stuft skins of as many strange animals as can be gotten . . an anatomy chamber adorned with skeletons and anatomical pictures , and prepared with all conveniencies for dissection . . a chamber for all manner of druggs , and apothecaries materials . . a mathematical chamber furnisht with all forts of mathematical instruments , being an appendix to the library . . lodgings for the chaplain , chirurgeon , library-keeper and purveyour , near the chappel , anatomy chamber , library and hall. that the third court be on one side of these , very large , but meanly built , being designed only for use and not for beauty too , as the others . that it contain the kitchin , butteries , brew-house , bake-house , dairy , lardry , stables , &c. and especially great laboratories for chymical operations , and lodgings for the under-servants . that behind the second court be placed the garden , containing all sorts of plants that our soil will bear , and at the end a little house of pleasure , a lodge for the gardener , and a grove of trees cut out into walks . that the second enclosed ground be a garden , destined only to the tryal of all manner of experiments concerning plants , as their melioration , acceleration , retardation , conservation , composition , transmutation , coloration , or whatsoever else can be produced by art either for use or curiosity , with a lodge in it for the gardener . that the third ground be employed in convenient receptacles for all sorts of creatures which the professors shall judge necessary for their more exact search into the nature of animals , and the improvement of their uses to us . that there be likewise built in some place of the colledge where it may serve most for ornament of the whole , a very high tower for observation of celestial bodies , adorned with all sorts of dyals and such like curiosities ; and that there be very deep vaults made under ground , for experiments most proper to such places , which will be undoubtedly very many . much might be added , but truly i am afraid this is too much already for the charity or generosity of this age to extend to ; and we do not design this after the model of solomons house in my lord bacon ( which is a project for experiments that can never be experimented ) but propose it within such bounds of expence as have often been exceeded by the buildings of private citzens . of the professors , scholars , chaplain , and other officers . that of the twenty professors four be always travelling beyond seas , and sixteen always resident , unless by permission upon extraordinary occasions , and every one so absent , leaving a deputy behind him to supply his duties . that the four professors itinerant be assigned to the four parts of the world , europe , asia , afrique , and america , there to reside three years at least , and to give a constant account of all things that belong to the learning , and especially natural experimental philosophy of those parts . that the expence of all dispatches , and all books , simples , animals , stones , metals , minerals , &c. and all curiosities whatsoever , natural or artificial , sent by them to the colledge , shall be defrayed out of the treasury , and an additional allowance ( above the l ) made to them as soon as the colledges revenue shall be improved . that at their going abroad they shall take a solemn oath never to write any thing to the colledge , but what after very diligent examination , they shall fully believe to be true , and to confess and recant it as soon as they find themselves in an errour . that the sixteen professors resident shall be bound to study and teach all sorts of natural , experimental philosophy , to consist of the mathematicks , mechanicks , medicine , anatomy , chymistry , the history of animals , plants , minerals , elements , &c. agriculture , architecture , art military , navigation , gardening ; the mysteries of all trades , and improvement of them ; the facture of all merchandizes , all natural magick or divination ; and briefly all things contained in the catalogue of natural histories annexed to my lord bacon's organon . that once a day from easter till michaelmas , and twice a week from michaelmas to easter , at the hours in the afternoon most convenient for auditors from london according to the time of the year , there shall be a lecture read in the hall , upon such parts of natural experimental philosophy , as the professors shall agree on among themselves , and as each of them shall be able to perform usefully and honourably . that two of the professors by daily , weekly , or monethly turns shall teach the publick schools according to the rules hereafter prescribed . that all the professors shall be equal in all respects ( except precedency , choice of lodging , and such like priviledges , which shall belong to seniority in the colledge ) and that all shall be masters and treasurers by annual turns , which two officers for the time being shall take place of all the rest , and shall be arbitri duarum mensarum . that the master shall command all the officers of the colledge , appoint assemblies or conferences upon occasion , and preside in them with a double voice , and in his absence the treasurer , whose business is to receive and disburse all moneys by the masters order in writing , ( if it be an extraordinary ) after consent of the other professors . that all the professors shall sup together in the parlour within the hall every night , and shall dine there twice a week ( to wit sundays and thursdays ) at two round tables for the convenience of discourse , which shall be for the most part of such matters as may improve their studies and professions , and to keep them from falling into loose or unprofitable talk shall be the duty of the two arbitri mensarum , who may likewise command any of the servant-scholars to read to them what he shall think fit , whilst they are at table : that it shall belong likewise to the said arbitri mensarum only , to invite strangers , which they shall rarely do , unless they be men of learning or great parts , and shall not invite above two at a time to one table , nothing being more vain and unfruitful then numerous meetings of acquaintance . that the professors resident shall allow the colledge twenty pounds a year for their diet , whether they continue there all the time or not . that they shall have once a week an assembly or conference concerning the affairs of the colledge and the progress of their experimental philosophy . that if any one find out any thing which he conceives to be of consequence , he shall communicate it to the assembly to be examined , experimented , approved or rejected . that if any one be author of an invention that may bring in profit , the third part of it shall belong to the inventor , and the two other to the society ; and besides if the thing be very considerable , his statue or picture with an elogy under it , shall be placed in the gallery , and made a denison of that corporation of famous men. that all the professors shall be always assigned to some particular inquisition ( besides the ordinary course of their studies ) of which they shall give an account to the assembly , so that by this means there may be every day some operation or other made in all the arts , as chymistry , anatomy , mechanicks , and the like , and that the colledge shall furnish for the charge of the operation . that there shall be kept a register under lock and key , and not to be seen but by the professors , of all the experiments that succeed , signed by the persons who made the tryall . that the popular and received errours in experimental philosophy ( with which , like weeds in a neglected garden it is now almost all overgrown ) shall be evinced by tryal , and taken notice of in the publick lectures , that they may no longer abuse the credulous , and beget new ones by consequence of similitude . that every third year ( after the full settlement of the foundation ) the colledge shall give an account in print , in proper and ancient latine , of the fruits of their triennial industry . that every professor resident shall have his scholar to wait upon him in his chamber and at table , whom he shall be obliged to breed up in natural philosophy , and render an account of his progress to the assembly , from whose election he received him , and therefore is responsible to it , both for the care of his education , and the just and civil usage of him . that the scholar shall understand latine very well , and be moderately initiated in the greek before he be capable of being chosen into the service , and that he shall not remain in it above seven years . that his lodging shall be with the professor whom he serves . that no professor shall be a married man , or a divine , or lawyer in practice , only physick he may be allowed to prescribe , because the study of that art is a great part of the duty of his place , and the duty of that is so great , that it will not suffer him to lose much time in mercenary practice . that the professors shall in the colledge wear the habit of ordinary masters of art in the universities , or of doctors , if any of them be so . that they shall all keep an inviolable and exemplary friendship with one another , and that the assembly shall lay a considerable pecuniary mulct upon any one who shall be proved to have entered so far into a quarrel as to give uncivil language to his brother-professor ; and that the perseverance in any enmity shall be punish'd by the governours with expulsion . that the chaplain shall eat at the masters table , ( paying his twenty pounds a year as the others do ) and that he shall read prayers once a day at least , a little before supper-time ; that he shall preach in the chappel every sunday morning , and catechize in the after-noon the scholars and the school-boys ; that he shall every moneth administer the holy sacrament ; that he shall not trouble himself and his auditors with the controversies of divinity , but only teach god in his just commandments , and in his wonderful works . the schòol . that the school may be built so as to contain about two hundred boys . that it be divided into four classes , not as others are ordinarily into six or seven , because we suppose that the children sent hither to be initiated in things as well as words , ought to have past the two or three first , and to have attained the age of about thirteen years , being already well advanced in the latine grammar , and some authors . that none , though never so rich , shall pay any thing for their teaching ; and that if any professor shall be convicted to have taken any money in consideration of his pains in the school , he shall be expelled with ignominie by the governours ; but if any persons of great estate and quality , finding their sons much better proficients in learning here , then boys of the same age commonly are at other schools , shall not think fit to receive an obligation of so near concernment without returning some marks of acknowledgement , they may , if they please ( for nothing is to be demanded ) bestow some little rarity or curiosity upon the society in recompence of their trouble . and because it is deplorable to consider the loss which children make of their time at most schools , employing , or rather casting away six or seven years in the learning of words only , and that too very imperfectly : that a method be here established for the infusing knowledge and language at the same time into them ; and that this may be their apprenticeship in natural philosophy . this we conceive may be done , by breeding them up in authors , or pieces of authors , who treat of some parts of nature , and who may be understood with as much ease and pleasure , as those which are commonly taught ; such are in latine varro , cato , columella , pliny , part of celsus , and of seneca , cicero de divinatione , de naturâ deorum , and several scattered pieces , virgil's georgicks , grotius , nenesianus , manilius ; and because the truth is we want good poets ( i mean we have but few ) who have purposely treated of solid and learned , that is , natural matters ( the most part indulging to the weakness of the world , and feeding it either with the follies of love , or with the fables of gods and heroes ) we conceive that one book ought to be compiled of all the scattered little parcels among the ancient poets that might serve for the advancement of natural science , and which would make no small or unuseful or unpleasant volumn . to this we would have added the morals and rhetoricks of cicero , and the institutions of quintilian ; and for the comoedians , from whom almost all that necessary part of common discourse , and all the most intimate proprieties of the language are drawn , we conceive the boys may be made masters of them , as a part of their recreation and not of their task , if once a moneth , or at least once in two , they act one of terences comoedies , and afterwards ( the most advanced ) some of plautus his ; and this is for many reasons one of the best exercises they can be enjoyned , and most innocent pleasures they can be allowed . as for the greek authors , they may study nicander , oppianus ( whom scaliger does not doubt to prefer above homer himself , and place next to his adored virgil ) aristotles history of animals , and other parts , theophrastus and dioscorides of plants , and a collection made out of several both poets and other grecian writers . for the morals and rhetorick aristotle may suffice , or hermogenes and longinus be added for the latter ; with the history of animals they should be shewed anatomy as a divertisement , and made to know the figures and natures of those creatures which are not common among us , disabusing them at the same time of those errours which are universally admitted concerning many . the same method should be used to make them acquainted with all plants ; and to this must be added a little of the ancient and modern geography , the understanding of the globes , and the principles of geometry and astronomy . they should likewise use to declaim in latine and english , as the romans did in greek and latine ; and in all this travel be rather led on by familiarity , encouragement , and emulation , then driven by severity , punishment , and terrour . upon festivals and play-times they should exercise themselves in the fields by riding , leaping , fencing , mustering and training after the manner of souldiers , &c. and to prevent all dangers and all disorder , there should always be two of the scholars with them to be as witnesses and directors of their actions ; in foul weather it would not be amiss for them to learn to dance , that is , to learn just so much ( for all beyond is superfluous , if not worse ) as may give them a graceful comportment of their bodies . upon sundays , and all days of devotion , they are to be a part of the chaplains province . that for all these ends the colledge so order it , as that there may be some convenient & pleasant houses thereabouts , kept by religious , discreet , and careful persons , for the lodging and boarding of young scholars , that they have a constant eye over them to see that they be bred up there piously , cleanly , and plentifully , according to the proportion of their parents expences . and that the colledge , when it shall please god either by their own industry and success , or by the benevolence of patrons ; to enrich them so far , as that it may come to their turn and duty to be charitable to others , shall at their own charges erect and maintain some house or houses for the entertainment of such poor mens sons whose good natural parts may promise either use or ornament to the common-wealth , during the time of their abode at school , and shall take care that it shall be done with the same conveniences as are enjoyed even by rich mens children ( though they maintain the fewer for that cause ) there being nothing of eminent and illustrious to be expected from a low , sordid , and hospital-like education . conclusion . if i be not much abused by a natural fondness to my own conceptions ( that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the greeks , which no other language has a proper word for ) there was never any project thought upon , which deserves to meet with so few adversaries as this ; for who can without impudent folly oppose the establishment of twenty well selected persons in such a condition of life , that their whole business and sole profession may be to study the improvement and advantage of all other professions , from that of the highest general even to the lowest artisan ? who shall be obliged to imploy their whole time , wit , learning , and industry , to these four , the most useful that can be imagined , and to no other ends ; first , to weigh , examine , and prove all things of nature delivered to us by former ages , to detect , explode , and strike a censure through all false monies with which the world has been paid and cheated so long , and ( as i may say ) to set the mark of the colledge upon all true coins that they may pass hereafter without any farther tryal . secondly , to recover the lost inventions , and , as it were , drown'd lands of the ancients . thirdly , to improve all arts which we now have ; and lastly , to discover others which we yet have not . and who shall besides all this ( as a benefit by the by ) give the best education in the world ( purely gratis ) to as many mens children as shall think fit to make use of the obligation . neither does it at all check or enterfere with any parties in state or religion , but is indifferently to be embraced by all differences in opinion , and can hardly be conceived capable ( as many good institutions have done ) even of degeneration into any thing harmful . so that , all things considered , i will suppose this proposition shall encounter with no enemies , the only question is , whether it will find friends enough to carry it on from discourse and design to reality and effect ; the necessary expences of the beginning ( for it will maintain it self well enough afterwards ) being so great ( though i have set them as low as is possible in order to so vast a work ) that it may seem hopeless to raise such a sum out of those few dead reliques of humane charity and publick generosity which are yet remaining in the world. finis .