A discourse concerning Puritans. A vindication of those, who uniustly suffer by the mistake, abuse, and misapplication of that name. A tract necessary and usefull for these times. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88100 of text R15236 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E204_3). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 132 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 31 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88100 Wing L1875 Thomason E204_3 ESTC R15236 99859827 99859827 111926 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88100) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 111926) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 36:E204[3]) A discourse concerning Puritans. A vindication of those, who uniustly suffer by the mistake, abuse, and misapplication of that name. A tract necessary and usefull for these times. Ley, John, 1583-1662, attributed name. Parker, Henry, 1604-1652, attributed name. [2], 58 p. Printed for Robert Bostock, [London] : 1641. Variously attributed to Henry Parker and John Ley. Annotation on Thomason copy: "by Henry Parker a cou[n]sellor". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Puritans -- England -- Early works to 1800. Dissenters, Religious -- England -- Early works to 1800. A88100 R15236 (Thomason E204_3). civilwar no A discourse concerning Puritans.: A vindication of those, who uniustly suffer by the mistake, abuse, and misapplication of that name. A tra [Ley, John] 1641 23125 3 10 0 0 0 0 6 B The rate of 6 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-06 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-06 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DISCOVRSE CONCERNING Puritans . A vindication of those , who uniustly suffer by the mistake , abuse , and misapplication of that NAME . A Tract necessary and usefull for these Times . Printed for Robert Bostock , 1641. A DISCOVRSE CONCERNING Puritans . IT is a common Maxim amongst Politicians , that a State is mayntained by Accusations , but ruined by Calumnies : and therefore ( says Marquis Malvezzi ) happy shall the Subjects be of that wise Prince , which countenances Accusations , and checks Calumnies : for the suffering of Accusations to goe lesse in repute , and Calumnies to get footing , hath beene the encrease of manslaughter , and the continuance of enmity in all ages . Many believe that nothing which is done would be knowne , if this means of dispersing privy calumnious speeches were not used , whereas little is known because it is used : for falshood constantly affirmed for truth sometimes deceives , and when it does not , but is knowne to be falshood , yet it forces to some suspension of judgment , and makes us yield some way even to that which we believe not . This is most apparent at this day in this Kingdome in the Case of Puritans , for did accusation and legall processe take place , few crimes would be proved against Puritans , and did not malicious calumny prevaile , as few men would be proved Puritans , whereas now nothing is so monstrous , which is not branded upon Puritans , and no man is so innocent as to escape that brand . So great also is the audacitie of those which lacerate the fames of Puritans , & with so much confidence doe they vent their obloquies , that they which know the falsity thereof , & easily perceive that the same aspersions are more truly due to the Autors and raisers of them , yet they are dazeled , and driven to some doubtfull admittance thereof . Neither could this audacity be so prevalent amongst the vulgar , but that Scholars , and the greatest of the Clergie are now become the most injurious detesters & depravers of Puritans , having taken up in Pulpits and Presses , almost as vile and scurrilous a licence of fiction and detraction , as is usuall in Play-houses , Taverns , and Bordelloes . Some men divide generally all Protestants into Puritans , and Antipuritans , but I shall admit of subdivisions in both , for all men are not alike , which either affect or disaffect , either Puritans or Antipuritans . Antipuritans I shall thus divide . Some Antipuritans are so termed meerly because they are no Puritans , but such I dislike not , for I my selfe am neither the one nor other , I neither merit the name of Puritan , neither doe I hate them so as to professe my selfe a Antipuritan . Others are accounted Antipuritans , because they are of the Romish Religion , and so professe themselves , but their enmity is but a due antipathy , and as a necessary consequence of their Religion , and such I take no notice of , I think Puritans expect no other from them . Others againe there are which are very averse from some Puritanicall Tenets , and hold Puritans in very many things erroneous , but yet they meane well themselves , and beare no hatred to the Persons of Puritans , they allow Puritans sound in the most and waightiest matters of faith , they hold dissent in disputable things no ground of malice , and they attribute no infallibility to themselves in those things wherein they dissent : from these men I am but little removed . The worst sort of Antipuritans , and they which ought only to be so called , are they which bitterly hate and persecute many good men under the name of Puritans , and many good things in those which are Puritans , whose antipathy is to mens persons , as well as opinions , and in opinions those which are sound , as well as those which are erroneous . These are the Antipuritans which I shall now strive to detect , whom I hold to be of great number and power in the State at this day , whom wee may account the chiefest causers , and procurers of all those mischiefs and plagues which now incumber both Church & Commonwealth , and to be guilty of all those crimes , which falsly they charge upon Puritans , being therein like Caesars enemies , which therefore only hated him , because they had deserved hatred from him . By such Antipuritans is all love to goodnesse and zeal to the Protestant Religion , and all hatred of vice , and dislike of Popish Superstition , brought into contempt . For as they admit all true of Puritans which Papists object against Protestants , so they account all Protestants almost ( besides their own faction ) Puritans . By such is the Religion of the Scots made ridiculous ; by such is the amity of the two Nations , and therein the Honour and safety of the King his Crowne , and Progeny much indangered . By such is Calvin , and the Reformers of our Religion for hearkning therein to Calvin , traduced , and another reformation attempted , by such is Antiquity preferred to obscure Scripture , Uniformity in Ceremonies to the disadvantage of unity in hearts ; by such is the outside and walls of Religion trimmed and decored , whilst the soule thereof is neglected , or defaced ; by such is the Kings heart stolne from his Subjects , and the Subjects estranged from the King : by such is the Name of Royalty pretended whilst a Papall Hierarchy only is intended ; by such is dissention nourished in the State , that they may fish in troubled waters : by such is truth in other men styled faction , and faction in themselves styled truth ; by such are innovations preached and printed for necessary points , whilst necessary doctrines in other men are prohibited . In the power of such it now remayns to teach and publish all things consonant to their owne ends , and to quash and silence all gainsayers , and either to promote or detrude all Suiters for preferment at their discretion being absolutely possessed of Presses , Pulpits , and the eares of great men ; by such are many good men reviled and oppessed for their constancie to the true Religion , whilst many factious , semipopish Dunces are unduly preferred every where for neutrality in Religion , or some worse innovation ; by such are Puritans made as Sinkes and Sewers to unlode and discharge their own filth into , whilst their black railing tongues expume nothing against Puritans , but what is true of themselves . These things ( if I am not deceived ) will appeare in this ensuing Discourse . In all ages true Religion hath been odious amongst Heathens , and true devotion amongst Sensualists , Judaisme appear'd to Painims meere Superstition : Christianity seemed to the Jews grosse blasphemy : and now amongst Christians Protestantisme is nothing else but Heresie : and amongst Protestants Zeale is misnamed Puritanisme ; But in this word Puritanisme is a greater mystery of defamation then ever was before , it may well bee called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , it is a word , of depravation , fit only for these times wherein the shine of the Gospell is at the brightest , and the malice of Satan at the highest . This word sprung up almost with the Reformation , no sooner had the woman brought forth , but the Serpent pursued her to devoure her issue , and she being fled into the Wildernesse , this streame of infamy was spued forth after her to overtake her . The Bishop of Downe in Ireland , in his Visitation speech 1638 , endevours to make it credited , that Puritans have increased since the Reformation by degrees , both in number and malice : but the contrary is most apparently true . Dissent in Ecclesiasticall Policie about Ceremonies and other smaller matters , being not of the substance of Religion , first gave occasion to raise this reprochfull word Puritan in the Church : but since that time mens minds being better satisfied , & peace being more firmly setled about those indifferent things , the more few Puritans remayned , and the more moderately those few became inclined , the more furiously their enemies raged against them . Bastwick , Prin , and Burton , the only men which Law can take hold of , are Names now as horrid in the World , as Garnet , Faux , Ravilliack , Precisians have now wonne the Scene from Jesuites : Poysoning of Emperours , massacring of Provinces , blowing up of Parliaments are all now growne into oblivion , and drown'd in the stories of Ceremony-haters . Howsoever as amongst Antipuritans , so amongst Puritans ( it must be confessed ) there are some differences to be observed . Some Puritans thinke all Puritans alike to be loved , and all Antipuritans alike to be hated , but sure there is truer affinity in minde betweene some which are Puritans , and some which are not , then between some Puritans and others , or some of the contrary opinion and others . Paul unconverted equally opposes Peter as Simon Magus does , and in regard of this joynt opposition , both are unanimous , but even in this opposition both have their opposite ends . Magus opposes maliciously for ambition and lucres sake , but Paul ignorantly seeking thereby the same Gods Honour whom Peter serves in a truer way . Therefore in regard of the mayne end , there is more unity and consent betwixt Paul the persecuter , and Peter the persecuted , then betwixt Paul and Magus , though both persecuters of the same cause . The like is now visible in England , for every man which is an Antipuritan , is not so for the same Reasons , some have more of malice , others are more ignorant , some are pestilent Engineers , and through the sides of Puritans knowingly stab at Purity it selfe , others are but Engines misimployed , or by their own blind zeale misled , and these perhaps whilst they persecute Gods children , imagine they doe God a gratefull service therein . In Samaria , from an unkindly mixture of Israelites and Syrians , a strange heterogeneous of-spring different in Religion from both did arise ; and the like is now in England , nay , it may be said here ( as it was in Constantines dayes ) There are almost as many Religions as Opinions , and as many Opinions as Men . Papists have their differences , Protestants theirs , therefore needs there must be many more differences where Papists and Protestants live so confusedly blended together . For examples sake , how many differences have we even about indifferent Ceremonies ; and that meerly amongst Protestants ? Some men loath Ceremonies out of antipathy to Popery , which too superstitously extols them ; others again admire them for Antiquities sake , which before Popery innocently ( yea , and perhaps profitably for those infant times of the Gospell ) used them . These two sorts of men , though different , are not dangerous . Again , some men are thought to disrelish Ceremonies out of stomack to that autority which commands them ; but if there be any such , I think they are very few , and scarce visible to the eye of man . Others on the contrary give reverence to them for Poperies sake , which depends so much upon them ; and I feare there are many such amongst us . Againe , some men stand devoted to Ceremonies , as they are the lightest things of the Law ; like the Tythers of Mint and Annis in the Gospell , embracing them instead of weightier matters , and none are more unmercifull then these to scrupulous minded men . Others in the meane while account all things of the same moment , both great and small , pretending to spie some faults , and some truths on either side , and therefore they hold it indifferent to assent to either , or dissent from either in any point whatsoever . But the wisest sort conceive there may be errours on both sides , but not alike grosse and pernicious , and therefore such eschew the wrong , and apply themselves to the right in either side , yet neither honour , nor despise either side alike . And these instances shew that all men doe not professe , or condemne Puritanisme alike , or from the same ends , and yet in the Chaos of this Country , as things now stand , Frigida cum calidis pugnant , humentia siccis , Mollia cum duris , sine pondere habentia pondus . I could wish therefore that all well meaning men would take notice of these things , and affect by reason , not passion ; for since some good men are Puritans , and not all , and since some ill men are Puritans , and not all , this ought not to be a rule of love and hatred in all cases alike . That which is most objected to Puritans , is fury , faction , and hypocrisie : if I see these in a man reputed no Puritan , yet to mee Hee is a Puritan : and if I see not these in a man reputed a Puritan , as to mee He is no Puritan . If Gracchus be invective against Sedition , I censure him by his actions , uot by his words , and if Cato be accused of mutiny , I censure him by himselfe , not by his accusers , I condemne none meerly because condemned by others ; for it is usuall for the Wolfe to sit on the bench & condemne the Lambe at Bar , for that which is most proper to the Wolfe most unnatural to the Lambe , and yet this proves the Wolfe the more a Wolfe , and the Lambe the more a Lambe . I cannot but professe it , there is nothing more scandalizes me at this time , then to see Puritans being so few in number , so despicable in condition . so harmlesse in example , so blamelesse in opinion , yet sentenced and condemned in judgment , as if they were the greatest Incendiaries , and the only Innovators in the Christian World . Doctor Heylyn a violent pamphleter against Puritans , calls Burton the great Dictator of Puritans , and the Law hath past upon him with great severity , yet Burtons crime was that Hee wrote against Altar-worship , and it was adjudged that his style was seditious . It is not manifest that his intention was seditious therein , and if it was so , it is manifest that He was most vaine and absurd therein as our State is now establisht , and as our King is generally revered . They which pretend great danger to the King likely to ensue out of such paper machinations as these , may have three mischievous ends therein . First , that they may be thought the only solicitous men of the Kings safety . Secondly , that they may disparage the common peoples loyalty . Thirdly , that they may crush their adverse Puritanicall party ; but , it is thought , they which pretend most danger hereby to the King : doe least believe themselves , and therefore they doe spin that disaffection and division out of the sufferings of Burton , which his attempts could never have effected . Let us then a little farther search into the mysterious abuse , and misapplication of this word Puritan . Those whom we ordinarily call Puritans are men of strict life , and precise opinions , which cannot be hated for any thing but their singularity in zeale and piety , and certainly the number of such men is too small , and their condition too low , and dejected : but they which are the Devils chiefe Artificers in abusing this word , when they please can so stretch , and extend the same that scarce any civill honest Protestant which is hearty and true to his Religion can avoid the aspersion of it , and when they list againe , they can so shrink it into a narrow sense , that it shall seem to be aimed at none but monstrous abominable Heretickes and Miscreants . Thus by its latitude it strikes generally , by its contraction it pierces deeply , by its confused application it deceives invisibly . Small scruples first intitle mee to the name of Puritan , and then the Name of Puritan intitles me further to all mischiefe whatsoever . The Scots rise up against Episcopacie , it is questioned by some , whether they so rise up , for the good of Religion , or for the overthrow of wholsome Discipline . Answer is soone made , that Episcopacie cannot be unpleasing to any but Puritans , there is no opinion can smell sharper of Puritanisme , then that of a Church parity , and of Puritans what good can be expected ? but the Scots also desire redresse in other grievances , and here their intention is againe question'd . Answer is as soone made again , That the Scots being declared open Puritans , they must needs be enemies to Monarchicall government , and that no redresse can ever satisfie them , but such as shall debase royall dignity , and establish a popular rule amongst them . But some of the Scots in some actions doe very much misdemeane themselves , and here it 's thought by some , that this ought not to redound to the prejudice , or blame of the whole Nation : but strait the Antipuritan steps in againe with answer to the former purpose , that the same faction which makes them all Puritans , makes them all mutiners , and that there is no trust to be given , nor favour shewed to any whose very religion is disobedience . Other the like examples may be instanced in . Parliaments of late in England have beene jealous of religion , this laudable zeale made them at first come into contempt as Puritanical , and then the imputation of Puritanisme made this laudable zeale contemptible ; and so by degrees , as any thing else might be charged upon Puritans , as disobedience , and disaffection to Monarchy , so nothing could bee charged but proceeding from Puritanisme . Some scrupulous opinions make Say , Brooks , Puritans , Puritanisme inferres them mutineers , mutinie makes all that they can doe or say , all that they forbeare to doe , or say , it makes their very thoughts wicked and perverse . Thus wee see what a confused imposture there is in this infamous terme of Puritan : but we will yet further evidence by plaine instance how broad the devils net is in the vast application of this word , and how deepe his pit is by its abominable sense , and the nature of its importance , that we may the better discover that net which intangles so many , & shun that pit which ingulphs so sure . Puritans ( as I said before ) were at first Ecclesiasticall only , so called because they did not like a pompous or ceremoneous kinde of discipline in the Church like unto the Romish : but now it is come about , that by a new enlargement of the name , the world is full of nothing else but Puritans , for besides the Puritan in Church policie , there are now added Puritans in religion , Puritans in State , and Puritans in morality . By this meanes whole Kingdoms are familiarly upbrayded with this sinne of Puritanisme : As for example , All in Scotland which wish well to the Covenant , though some Papists , some Courtiers , and almost all the whole body without exception have now declared themselves for it , yet all these are manifest Puritans . So also in England , all the Commons in Parliament , and almost all the ancient impartiall temporall Nobility , and all such as favour or rellish the late proceedings of both the houses , which is the mayne body of the Realme , Papists , Prelates , and Courtiers excepted , nay , and its likely all Scotland , and more then halfe Ireland , all these are Puritans . They which deprave this great Councell of the Kingdome , suggest to the K. that the major part is gull'd and dorde by the Puritan party ; but this is only because they are ashamed to speake it out openly in grosse termes , that all the major and better part in the Court of Parliament is Puritanicall . But this suggestion is utterly false and impossible , for such as the major part in Parliament is , such are those that chose them and sent them thither , and such are those that now approve their actions there , and both in the elections of Parliament men , and in the consultations of Parliament affaires , the Kings party is as wise , cautious , and vigilant ( if not more ) as the other party , and no subtilty could circumvent or cheat them out of their votes , if the Puritans were so small and inconsiderable a side , as now they make them . No man of what capacity so ever can admit this , it is to all undeniable , that the blame of a parliament , is the blame of the whole Kingdome . But I returne to my Ecclesiasticall puritan . Though it be true that Ecclesiasticall puritans are fewes now , then heretofore they have been , yet it is as true that Ecclesiasticall puritanisme is made a larger thing by farre then it was , being now spread abroad like a net to ensnare the more , as our many late additions and innovations testifie , which have crept into the Church ( as may be scared ) for the vexation and molestation of such men as were not disquieted with former ceremonies . It is generally suspected , that our prelates have aymed at two things in the novelties which they have lately induced into the Church ; first , the suppression of those which are enemies to their pride , avarice , and ambition , by them termed puritans : secondly , their owne further case , promotion , and advantage . Both these ends seeme to be leveld at in sanctifying the Altar , and unsanctifying the Lords day , in advancing auricular confession , and corporall penances by externall mortifications , and crying downe lecturing , and preaching ; for if we marke it , these new Doctrines doe not only serve to terrifie and scandalize tender consciences , and thereby to deprive , and silence many painfull good Ministers , and to scare away into forreigne Plantations , whole troups of Laymen , and to enwrap the rest in opposition : but each of these doctrines besides hath a further reach in it of benefit to the Clergie . The Communion Table hath lately gained a new Name , a new Nature , a new Posture , a new Worship that Emperours and Kings may be brought again to take notice how far the persous and offices of Priests excell in sanctity the persons and offices of Princes . Theodosius within one hundred yeares after Prelacie began to arrogate to it selfe was presently taught this lesson , for taking his seat in the Chancell according to the Easterne and ancient fashion , a Deacon was sent to him in great state , to let him understand that none but men in holy Orders might presume to set their feet on that sacred ground . This was then the Bishops Law , not the Emperours , nor knowne in any other of his Dominions , but Italy only , but sure it was fit discretion , that much should bee ascribed by Bishops to that place , from which they were to derive much , and which wonld be sure to repay their homage with so great an advantage of homage back againe . Preaching is now also grown too burthensome , and the Lords Day to Priests according to that sanctity which Puritans allow it , it requires too much praying , preaching , singing , which are not only to them tedious but also apt means to encrease , and foment Puritanisme amongst the people . Auricular Confession also is a godly devise to bring the Laity into subjection , and to make the people bow before the power of the Keyes , and it may aptly force the consciences of Kings themselves to feare the scourges of gowned men . Adde lastly Mr. Wats his bodily mortification to Mr. Sparrows confession , and then Laymen will be soone inured againe to finde out the fittest penances , especially Praesbyteris , & ars advolvi , and so in time their purses , their bodies , their consciences shall all bee made sensible of the spirituall Scepter of Priests . It s no great wonder then if our Court Divines , and their dependents doe what they can to draw us neerer daily towards Popery , under shew of Antiquity , Uniformity , and Charity , for ( without all doubt ) of all Religions , Popery is the most beneficiall to Priests , most tyrannous to Laymen . Neither is it strange that they pretend so much zeale to devotion to the Kings Crowne and Prerogative , as things now stand in England , as if none truly affected the same but themselves , for its cleare , that they cannot subject the people but by the King , nor the King without the people : and so long as they stand possessed of the Kings good opinion , no man shall have power to confute them . King Jawes is a great instance for Antipuritans , and a great prop to the Episcopall Cause , it s alleadged of him that Hee hated Puritans for their hatred to Episcopacie , and loved Episcopacie for its amity to Monarchie : His Aphorisme was , No Bishop , no King : Let us therefore appeale from King James in their words to King James in his owne . In his Preface before his Basilicon Doron his words are : The style of Puritans properly belongs to that vile Sect of the Anabaptists only called the Family of love . Such were Browne , Penry . Howbeit there are others which participate too much with Anabaptists contemning civill Magistrates , &c. It is only this sott of men which I wish my sonne to punish in case they refuse to obey Law , and cease not to stirre up Rebellion . But I protest upon mine Honour , I meane it not generally of all Preachers or others , which like better of the single forme of Policie in our Church of Scotland , then of the many Ceremonies in the Church of England , which are perswaded that Bishops smell of a Papall supremacie , that Surplices , Caps , &c. are outward badges of popish errours . No , I am so farre from being contentious in these indifferent things , that I doe equally love and honour the learned and grave of either opinion . It can no wayes become mee to pronounce sentence so lightly in so old a controversie . Since wee all agree in grounds , the bitternesse of men in such questions doth but trouble the peace of the Church , and give advantage to Papists by our division . These were the golden words of that peacefull , just Prince upon his second thoughts : ô that they were now duly pondred , and taken to pieces word for word ! ô that they were esteemed and understood in their own weight amongst us , that they might reconcile our present differences , and that the same peace which followed him to his glorious Urne , might still blesse these our times ! O how contrary are these milde words to the unnaturall suggestions of Antipuritans ! Such as daily accuse all good men for Precisians , and all precise men for Puritans , and all Puritans for the only Firebrands of the World , thus arming the King against his Subjects , and by consequence raising Subjects against the King : Puritans here are described both what they are , and what they are not , the King had been misinterpreted before , writing generally of Puritans , now to avoid all mistake , hee expresses himselfe plainly and definitely . A Puritan positively in King James his sense , is He which imitates Anabaptists in rebellion , turbulence , and opposition to Law , and such are liable to Law ; but negatively a Puritan in the acception of King James , is not Hee which dislikes Episcopacy , or the Ceremonious Discipline of England . This King James protests upon his Honour , though to his great dishonour Hee be now often cited to the contrary . As for those which rellish not Bishops and Ceremonies or the English Policie , He wishes them to be at peace only with those of the opposite opinion , Hee himselfe vowing equall love and honour to the grave , and learned of either side , and not taking upon him to bee a Judge in so old , and difficult a controversie ; He only like a sweet arbitrator perswades both parties to peace and amity . I wish our Bishops would now stand to this arbitration , I wish they would neither condemne the Scotch discipline , nor urge the English ; I wish they would put difference betweene seditious and scrupulous Puritans , and not inferre the one out of the other ; I wish they would either disclaim King James as a manifest favourer of Puritans , or else imitate him in the same definition , and opinion of them . K. James further takes notice , that the reformation in Scotland was far more disorderly , then in England , Denmark , &c. whilst the mayne affaires there were unduly carried by popular tumults , and by some fiery-spirited Ministers , which having gotten the guiding of the multitude , and finding the relish of government sweet , did fancie to themselves a democratick forme of policy , wherein they were likely to be Tribuni plebis . That the Crown might be disincombred of these usurping ringleaders , the King advises the Prince to entertaine and advance godly , learned , and modest Ministers , promoting them to Bishopricks , but restrayning them heedfully from pride , ambition , and avarice . These things then are hence observable . 1. Scotland differs from England in turbulent Ministers : Secondly , this is imputed to the iniquity of the times , not to Puritanisme , as if by nature the Scots were more enclining to Puritanisme then other Nations . Thirdly , notwithstanding that iniquity of those times , there was a number sufficient of worthy Ministers fit for preferment . Fourthly , King James erects Bishops Sees in Scotland for peculiar reasons , and therefore He speaks not of Denmark &c. Lastly , notwithstanding that peculiar reason . Hee advises the Prince to be indifferently at war with both extreams alike , as well to represse Papal Bishops , as to curbe proud Puritans . For ( sayes the King ) the naturall sicknesses which have ever troubled and beene the decay of all Churches since the beginning changing the Candlestick from one to another , have beene pride , ambition , and avarice : and these wrought the overthrow of the Romish Church in divers Countries . K. James knew well how apt Church-men had ever beene to abuse their power and pomp , what enemies they had beene to our Saviour , and what a tyranny they had erected over all Christendom ever since Constantine almost , and therefore though Hee dislikes a democracie in the Church , ( as Hee had reason ) yet Hee so limits and circumscribes his Bishops both in power and honour , that they might be as sensible of their chaines and fetters , as of their Miters and Crosiers . I wish K. Iames had particularly signified what bonds and bounds Hee thought fit to prefix to Episcopacy , to preserve it from corruption , and what his opinion was of a Prelacy so active in secular affaires as ours is now in England , and how it would have pleased him to see a Metropolitan amongst Protestants almost a rivall to the French Cardinall . The world , in my opinion , hath little reason to dote upon a gowned Empire , we have all smarted long enough under it , men of meane birth commonly beare preferment with little moderation , and their breeding having beene soft and esseminate , in their malice & cruelty , they neerest of all approach to the nature of women : and by the advantage of learning they extend their power , and win upon others more then they ought . When the Church was at first under Heathen or Jewish Governours , which sought as enemies to ruine it , not as Fathers to protect it , they which were within could not live in peace and unity without some Politicall bonds , so at that time there was a necessity of some coercive power , within besides that which was without . The world is now unsatisfied what kinde of power that was , whether Episcopal or Presbyteriall , or what Episcopacy , or Presbytery was in those dayes . Yet me thinks what government so ever then was , it is not necessarily precedentary to us now . The Episcopal faction at this day takes advantage by the abuses of the Presbyter al , & the Presbyterial by the Episcopal , and most men think either the one power or the other necessary , and some more favour the Episcopal as K. Iames , some the Presbyterial as M. Calvin ; but sure the Presbyterial is lesse offensive then the Episcopal , and yet neither the one nor other of necessity . Kings may grant usuram quandam jurisdictionis either to Bishops or Elders , but the jurisdiction it selfe is their owne property , from which they ought not to depart , nor can without wrong to their charge committed to them . For the power which God gives the Prince , is not given for his use alone , but for the peoples benefit , so that since He cannot let it fall to decay without making it insufficient for good and entire government which is mischievous to the people , he cannot justly lessen it at all . And it is manifest that except one supream head be alone in all causes as wel Ecclesiastical as civill , humane nature must needs be destitute of those remedies which are necessary for its conservation , since power cannot be divided , but it must be diminished to him which suffers that division , and being diminished it proves insufficient . All confesse some government necessary for men in holy Orders , to whom the power of the Keyes belongs , but some account Princes but as meere temporall or Lay persons , and therefore conclude against their authority over sacred Ecclesiastical persons as incompetent , especially in cases meerely ecclesiasticall . For this cause spirituall Governours have ever beene in the Church to whom some have attributed a divine right depending from none but God , and subordinate to none but God , but this hath beene controverted by others , and no little debate and strife hath followed hereupon . But it seemes to me , that princes doe receive from God a spirituall unction , whereby not only their persons are dignified , and their hearts prepared and enlarged with divine graces fit for rule ; but their functions also innobled and sanctified above any other whatsoever , and higher advanced then the sense of Laick or Secular will beare . To Princes an assistance of counsell is requisite in spirituall as in civill affaires , but that , that Counsaile ought to bee composed onely of persons Ecclesiasticall , or that those persons ought to bee invested with all those Ensignes of Honour and Authority which our Bishops now claime as of divine right , seemes not necessary . Clergy-men are not alwayes the most knowing in all Ecclesiasticall cases , neither are they at all indifferent and impartiall , in many which concerne their owne honour and profit , ( as the world feeles to its regret ) therefore for jurisdiction they are not the most competent . But be they of what use soever , they may still remaine subordinate , and at the Princes election , and admitted of ad consilium solum , not ad consensum : and it had beene happy for all Christians these many hundred yeares by-past if they had not been further hearkned to . The Sacerdotall function is not at all disparaged by this subordination , for whether the order of Princes be more sacred then that of Bishops , or not , it is all one to Priests , for an obedience they owe , and must pay , be it to the one Order , or the other . Our Bishops at this day stand much upon their Divine right of Jurisdiction , and they refer their style to the providence of God immediately , not to the grace of the King : and though in words they acknowledge a Supremacy of power to remain to the King ; yet indeed I think they mean rather a priority of order . Whatsoever Supremacy they meane , if it be not such as makes them meerely subordinate , and dependent , so that the King may limit , alter , or extinguish their jurisdiction , as far as He may to his civil Judges , they derogate much from his Kingly office . Bishops for their claim of Jurisdiction ought to prove , that they alone did exercise it over all in all causes from our Saviours dayes , till the entrance of Christian Princes : and that being cleared , they must further prove , that those times also are leading , and precedentary to ours . In both these their proofes are lame , especially in the latter ; for neither is the power of the Keyes the same thing as Iurisdiction , nor is jurisdiction now as it was in the Apostles dayes , nor is the State of the times , now the same as then . In those dayes either Christians were to implead one another before Infidel Magistrates whatsoever the case were , criminall or civill , spirituall or temporall , or else they were to erect some tribunall in the Church , or else they were to await no justice at all : and because some judicature within the Church was most fit , therefore Christ himselfe according to the exigence of those times , did indow his Church with a divine Oeconomy , which was partly miraculous , & of use then , but not now . The Spirit of God did then internally incite such and such men at such times to reside & preside in such & such places ; and some of the Apostles at some times could judge by inspiration without proofes & allegations , and could execute sentence of death or other spirituall punishment upon secret hypocrites , not intrenching upon temporall authority , but in these times this discipline is uselesse , & therfore decayed . Whatsoever the offence then was , what injury or trespasse soever betwixt brother and brother , ( the only remedy was Dic Ecclesiae , and yet that precept serves as strong for temporall as spirituall trespasses , so that it cannot be enforced now to continue , unlesse wee meane to drowne all temporall authority . As for the extent also of spirituall power in those dayes I will onely cite a learned Politician of the Popish religion : who admitting ( it seemed ) that the keyes of heaven were given to Saint Peter alone , and his Successours , and not to all Bishops and Ministers whatsoever , thus proceeds . By the keyes given to S. Peter many Holy Fathers mean , the one of knowledge , & the other of power , and that that power ought not to be understood universally , but only concerning the Kingdome of Heaven which is spirituall : for the Civill , Royall , and Temporall power is expresly forbidden him by Christ . Even so that also of knowledge , it is not to be understood of natural , politike , or morall things , but as Saint Paul saith , of Christs mysteries only . Wherefore in matters of faith Ecclesiasticall authority may approve , and Secular cannot condemne , but in matters or policy what all the Prelates in the World approve , temporall authority may condemne . It is a great wrong to pretend , because Christ hath given Saint Peter the cognizance and power of the Kingdome , and forbidden him the earthly , contrary to this precept to extend spirituall things to temporall . Saint Augustine often saith , That Grace doth not destroy any thing in Nature , but leaveth her all her owne ; adding moreover divine perfection . The Temporality hath of its own nature , power , to forbid all things repugnant to publike quietnesse and honesty ; and Christ came not to take away this authority from Magigistrates , He only adds power to his Ministers in matters of faith , not knowne by nature , but revelation . For ought wee know , this power of opening or shutting Heaven , of binding and loosing sins was miraculous , and so but temporary : but admit it in this Catholike Writers sense , yet we plainly see , it is no prejudice at all to limit Secular Princes thereby . The same learned Papist writes : That the Easterne and Westerne Churches continued in unity and charity for the space of nine hundred yeares after Christ , and this peace was easily kept , because the Supream power was then in the Canons , to which all Churches acknowledged themselves equally subject . Ecclesiasticall Discipline was then severely mayntained in each Country by its own Prelates , not arbitrarily , but absolutely according to Canonicall rigour , none of them intermedling in anothers government . No Pope of Rome did pretend to conferre Benefices in other Bishops Diocesses , or to get money out of others by way of Dispensations and Buls : but when Rome began to shake off all subjection to Canons , then notwithstanding any ancient order of the Fathers , Councels , or Apostles themselves , instead of her ancient Primacy she brought in an absolute Dominion , free from any Law or Canon & this made the division . Neither could any re-union bee brought to passe within these 700 yeares , because this abuse which caused the Division is not remedied . Whilst the union held , Saint Pauls doctrine was joyntly observed , that Every one should be subject to Princes , no man pretended to be free from punishment . Nay , and after the division , the same opinion remayned , that every Christian in temporall businesses is subject to the Prince . And nothing is more temporall then offence , because nothing is more contrary to the Spirit . Amongst the Greeks also it is still held that Bishops ought to judge what opinion is found , what Hereticall , but to punish those of hurtfull opinions belongeth to the Secular . The State of Venice , as well as other Catholike Kingdomes , walks between two extreames , betweene Protestants , which have no other ayme but to diminish Ecclesiasticall authority , and the Court of Rome which hath no other ayme , but to increase it , and to make the Temporall her servant . Those of the Court of Rome , making use of Religion for worldly ends and respects under a spirituall pretense , but with an ambitious end and desire of worldly wealth and honour would free themselves from obedience due to the Prince , and take away the love and reverence due by the people to draw it to themselves . To bring those things to passe , they have newly invented a doctrine that talks of nothing but Ecclesiasticall greatnesse , liberty , immunity , and jurisdiction . This doctrine was unheard of , till about the year 1300 , then it began to be written scatteringy in some books , but till 1400 , there were not written above two Bookes which treated of nothing else ; after this such Writers increased a little , but after 1560 , there were scarce any Books printed in Italy , but in diminution of Secular authority and exaltation of the Ecclesiasticall . And now the people have scarce any other Books to read , nor have the Confessors any other doctrine , or need any other learning . Hence comes this perverse opinion , that Magistracy is a humane invention , and to be obeyed for policy only , not for conscience : but that every intimation of Ecclesiasticall persons is equivalent to a divine precept ; there want not in Italy , pious , learned men which hold the contrary , but they are not suffered to write , or print . Neither are forraine Books permitted , or ancient Authours left ungelded of all which serves for Temporall authority : as appeares by a book printed 1607 , called Index Expurgatorius : and Clement the Eighth in 1595 , published a rule in his Index , that all Catholike Writers Books since 1515 , might be corrected , not only by expunging but also by interlining , and this hath beene practised though not publikely above seventy yeares . Thus we finde the Court of Romes , but not the Authors meaning , and finally , wee are sure to have no book true . I have hitherto cited this egregious Politician , for these purposes . First , That we may see how easie it is for Clergie-men to wrest all authority out of the Temporalties hands , if Princes will be so easie to be hood-winkt , and deluded by them , and to resigne their judgments to them in such cases as concern their profit , and advancement . Secondly , That we may take notice how far the learnedst of Papists themselves doe discover , and detect the errours and tyranny of the Court of Rome , and that mysticall way of deceiving , whereby all hope of remedy is cut off . I observe this also the rather because our Prelates in England at this day assume to themselves almost as vast and unquestionable a power of shifting and repressing all adverse disputes , and of authorizing and publishing all arguments whatsoever savouring their cause , as the Court of Rome does . Thirdly , that I might produce the same Author against himselfe in those points wherein he taxes Protestants . We will yield that for the space of nine hundred yeers the See of Rome did not usurpe over other Sees , but did acknowledge equall subjection to the Canons , and that the division and separation of the Easterne Churches happened , when Rome arrogated above Canons ; but withall we must have it yielded to us , that those Canons had been composed only by Clergy-men , and that in too much favour of Clergy-men , and too much abridgment of Temporall Rights and Priviledges , and that they did concerne matters more then meerly spirituall , and speculative , and things known by meere revelation . So that though one Prelate did not usurpe over another , yet all Prelates had usurped over the Laity from the times of Constantine almost . It is true , the Church had Bishops before in its times of persecution , but of what power or pompe ? It is said of Calvin , that in regard of his sway in Geneva , he wanted nothing but the Name of Bishop ; and it may be as truly said of the Bishops before Constantine , that they wanted all but the Name . The power of Bishops before the installment of Christian Princes , was rather like that of Arbitrators then of Judges , and that held in all cases alike , Civill and Spirituall , but in case of disobedience they did not intrench so far upon the Lay power , as to inflict any pecuniary , or corporall punishment , but they did deny the Sacrament , and eject delinquents out of the Congregation , and this was then an abscission from Christ , being done Clave non errante : that is , whilst God did inspire ( according to his promise ) a miraculous power of binding and loosing infallibly . The Priestly function was then an Office , not a Jurisdiction , of sacred dignity , not Power : but the Function of a Prince was ever sacred both for honour , and power , for dignity and command . Constantine the Great was the first Prince which tooke upon him the care and protection of the Church , after that it had suffered contempt and poverty for 300 yeares : and now did even that authority and protection cease , and devolve into his hands , which the poore persecuted Bishops had but feebly managed before ; but such was the extraordinary indulgence of this pious Emperour , as well to religious persons , as to Religion it selfe , that taking little notice what the Church had gaine by him as its Head and Governour , He heaped up greater Titles and Honors upon Bishops , Archbishops , Patriarchs , and Popes , as if some other supreme Ruler more sacred and competent then himselfe were necessary . Neverthelesse it is thought , that this was as poyson poured into the Church , and not Balme , for from that very time Clergy men began to be more glorious , but lesse gracious , more rich outwardly , but more poore , and vile inwardly . Within a little space after Constantine there was just cause of complaint that excessive Honours had corrupted the Church , and that Religion had prospered better in former times , when it had wooden Chalices and golden Priests , then now , when it had golden Chalices , but wooden Priests . It is remarkable also , that soon after Constantine the temporall power being too much restrained , and abased , and the spirituall as much inlarged and exalted , the whole face of Christendome began to be imbroyled with wars , and poysoned with heresies , so that the Historians of those times have almost nothing else to write of but the forcible investing and devesting by armes of such Bishops and Patriarchs , and of the oppositions of such and such Councels and Synods , and of the Appeals , Jars , Schismes , Excommunications , and Commotions of such , and such Priests , and Monks . Nay , such were the ill effects of those ages which were certainly more zealous then politike , that they cannot yet be wholly rectified , and purged in these our latter times , which are growne too too contrary , being more politike then zealous : Thus did the Church fare for 900 yeares till the Roman Bishops began to Empire above all , and then did the greatest part of the Clergie themselves , especially East from Italy , make their departure and separation . Neither did the Romish Vice-god after this great rent and division in the World hang his head for shame , or seeke any re-union by letting fall his pompous , painted plumes , but audaciates himselfe rather to mount higher yet , and to detrude the Western Emperour quite out of the bounds of Italy . And in this , his industry fails him not , for after much bloud-shed in many cruell conflicts Hee gains in Italy a Temporall , and in all Europe besides a spirituall Monarchy , making a triple Mitre shine as gloriously upon the seven-hilled City , as the Diadem had done before . During his wars with the Emperour of Germany , He had other contestations also with England , and some other Potentates at sometimes , but all dismaid him not , only once Hee was heard to say , It was time for him to compound with the Dragon , that hee might crush the lesser Adders at his pleasure . Yet after this even this Holy tyranny grows too insolent and insufferable , and so conspires its owne dissolution , so that many Countries in the Northwest parts lying more remote from Rome , quite revolt from her Allegeance , and Protest against her . Amongst those other Countries also lesse distant , which still in words confesse her Supremacy , her Reigne is now but little more then precarious : Venice regards not Buls and Anathemacs , France disdains a yonger brothers benediction , and Spain being honoured with the title of the Popes eldest Son , confesses him a Fathe● , but employs him as a Chaplain , gives verball , but reaps reall honours by him . Augustus having cashiered an unworthy Commander , gave him leave to say , that he had cashiered Augustus : and so the Popes great sonnes shake off his yoke by degrees , but conceal it , and give him leave to doe the like . It is now very good policy in the Pope , not to pretend to Temporall things as they stand in ordine , or have relation to spiritual things , but rather to relinquish his right to spirituall things , as they stand in order to Temporall : it is eminent wisdome in him to forbeare threatning , roaring , cursing , and sending his ridiculous Epigrams , out of his owne Territories : as hee was wont to doe : Nay , his very last refuge of sending forth his poysoning and stabbing Ministers cannot remayne in season much longer . But to returne to our learned Statesman : as Hee justly taxes the Court of Rome , so He unjustly taxes Protestants of the contrary extream , and this will appeare out of his own words . For He grants , first , that the Secular Magistrates have nothing diminished of their authority by Christs comming : and it is cleere that Princes were absolute Governours of the Church before Christ both in Spirituall and Temporall Cases . In the next place Hee yields , that the power and knowledge of Clergy-man called the power of the Keyes , is no other but such as Christ infuses in smeere supernaturall things , knowne only by Faith and Revelation , not by any Physicall , or Ethicall Principles ; but it is easily proved by us , that such power can extend to no proper jurisdiction at all in humane affaires , but is a meere speculative motion , and such wee deny not . Thirdly , Hee yields that in Jurisdiction there bee three things distinct . First , matter of Law . Secondly , matter of fact . Thirdly , matter of execution : whereby retribution is made to every fact according to Law . The first of these , and that in Spirituall Cases alone being tryable by Clergy-men only . Admit this and nothing follows , but that things meerly Spirituall , are best knowne to Spirituall persons , there is no power here concluded . As for example . In case of Heresie , that I hold such an opinion , must appeare by witnesses and proofs , and herein all kinds of witnesses besides Clergy-men are competent . Next , that this opinion is hereticall , requires the judgement of Ecclesiasticall persons , but it does not follow , if they be the fittest Judges herein , that they must be the supreme Judges herein , and not aswell Dependent and Subordinate as our Civill Judges are in common actions . But in the last place , that such an hereticall opinion so dangerous and pestilent to the Church and Common-wealth ought to be corrected or cradicated by such coercive force , and the raising of that force whereby it is to be punished is in the judgement , and in the power of the Supreame Magistrate , for two Magistrates cannot have a Supreame power of the same sword . Either the Secular must command the Ecclesiasticall , or the Ecclesiasticall must command the Secular , as to coercive power , or a worse confusion then either must needs follow . So then , it is the Execution of Justice alone , which is essentiall to the Supreame Governour , Matter of Law requires a Counsellour , matter of Fact a witnesse , Matter of Execution alone intimates a Prince , and that Principality cannot bee divided betwixt two persons of a severall nature . From hence then it appeares plainly that no Catholike differing from the Court of Rome ascribes more to Clergy men , then this first point of adjudging according to the Law of God in things Divine ; and this implyes rather a dependent , then an independent condition in the Judge : and in this Protestants joyne with full consent . But all this while I finde my selfe in a digression : my scope is not to prove that Protestants doe attribute sufficient to Priests , it lies upon mee to prove that they attribute too much to them , and herein I am to undertake not only the Episcopall , but the Presbyteriall side also , not only Protestant Prelates , but even Master CALVIN that great Arch-prelate also . Divines have much trumped the World hitherto in not setting forth the true bounds and limits of Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction , but if I mistake not , the first power ( which they claime as most essentiall ) they take to be the power of the Keyes , though they define not certainly , what that is , whether a Power , or Office ; or to whom belonging , or of what extent , and continuance . The second power which they insist upon , as next issuing out of the power of the Keyes , is in Excommunication , Ordination of Ministers , Exposition of Scriptures , &c. The third and more remote kinde of causes wherein they challenge an Ecclesiasticall power , is of such as concerne Matrimonie , Testaments , Heresies , Fasts , Tythes , and Immunnities of Clergymen , &c. And further doubtlesse they would proceed , but that these savour so much of the Temporality , and discover their trumpery ; but I have said , if in all these cases Clergy men are necessarily more knowing and impartiall then all the else , there is necessity of their Counsell to declare matter of Law , but not of their Consent in applying coercive , and forcible remedies for the execution of Law . I have said also that Clergy-men being as well Citizens of the Common-wealth as sons of the Church , and these Cases importing as well perturbance of the State as annoyance to the Church , that there can be but one Head which ought to have command over both , and in both . It is manifest also that many Cases are partly temporall , and partly spirituall , and that scarce any is so temporall , but that it relates in some order to spirituall things , or any so spirituall , but that it hath some relation to temporall things , so that the true subject of Ecclesiasticall and civill justice cannot rightly be divided . Further , also it is as manifest that where any doubt , strife , or uncertainty may arise between one Iurisdiction , and another , neither acknowledging any supreame power of decision , no assured peace can continue , and by consequence no stability or permanent subsistence to either , is to be expected . It is naturall therefore to be inferred , that either the Temporall or the Ecclesiasticall Magistrate must bee in all Cases absolutely predominant , and that since the Ecclesiastical ought not by Christs owne command , therefore the temporall ought , as hath been further proved by sundry arguments , and Scripture proofes alledged out of this famous Politician . So much of the temporall power , and its necessary Supremacie : my endevour shall be now to maintain that no Ecclesiasticall power is at all necessary in meere Ecclesiasticall persons . Master Calvin according to the Popish grounds maintaines , that spirituall jurisdiction differs from temporall , & is not incompatible but assistant therto , because it proposes not the same ends , but severall , which by severall meanes may be the better compassed . But the spirituall Magistrate ( as I conceive ) can propose no other end , then what the Secular ought to ayme at , for either the Prince ought to have no care at all of the Honour of God , and the good of men , and that which is the prime meane of both , true Religion , or else his ends must bee the same which the Prelate aymes at , viz. to vindicate Religion by removing and correcting scandalous offenders . Secondly , to preserve the innocent from contagion by the separation of open offenders . Thirdly , to prevent further obduration , or to procure the amendment of such as have transgressed by wholsome chastisement . This is beyond all controversie , as also that the Person and Power of a Prince , are as sacred to effect these ends , as the Prelates : and certainly , God did not so sanctifie their persons and offices for any lesse end . And therefore in ancient times Holy Bishops did Preach and recommend nothing more to Princes then the care of Religion , though proud Prelates now arrogate this onely to themselves , and though it be still apparent , that no offence is so spirituall but that it is a civill evill , as well as a blemish to Religion : forsomuch as true Religion is the foundation of a State . And this could not bee , neither were Princes answerable to God for the corruption of Religion , if God had not given them a supreame power , and that effectuall to bring all offenders whatsoever to confession , satisfaction , and contrition or to expell them the congregation by themselves , or their surrogates . Master Calvin instances in adultery & drunkennes , &c. and sayes , that the temporall power punishes these by externall force , and for publick examples sake , as it concernes the State , but the Spirituall Judge punishes them without force internally for the amendment of the delinquent . Hee might as well have named swearing , lying , stealing , murdering , and all sinnes whatsoever , and so have made all men twice punishable , and the Ecclesiasticall Courts as full of businesse as the temporall , to the great vexation of the State , and danger of division , out of this false ground onely that temporall power hath not a competence for the amendment of off●nders , or for the care of Religion , but only for the satisfaction of wronged parties , and the expedition of ●ivill justice . This is a way to erect regnum in regno , and to maintaine such concurrent jurisdictions , as cannot possibly stand together , for all being subject to sin and offence , as well the Spirituall as temporall , either the one or other must goe unquestioned , and this may produce division : or else both ; and that will cause most certaine confusion . Both sides here seem strangely puzled , the rigidest of the Episcopall faction allow Princes a coercive power over Priests , and Prelats , where they performe not what their duty is in their functions or jurisdictions , and this power requires a higher power of summoning , arraigning , and legally trying them : and yet the moderatest of the Presbyteriall faction would have Princes questionable , tryable and punishable by the Spiritualty . This is a grosse confusion , which will appeare to bee so more plainely in the sequell ; when it is more fully cleared , that to Princes alone God has precisely committed utramque tubam , and utramque tabulam too , as our reverend Andrew sayes . T is true , as Calvin alleadges , Princes are sons of the Church , they are in it , not above it : the word intruding the Church universall , such as is both militant and triumphant ; past , present , and future , for that hath no other head but Christ : to that all Princes and Priests are equally sons : but take Church for such or such a Nationall , Locall Church , and then the Prince is head thereof , under Christ ; and the Clergie are part of his charge , and under his protection . The same man also may in diverse respects be both father and son to the same man without confusion of relations . A King , a Bishop may hear the Word , & receive the Sacrament from an inferiour Minister ; a Subject may be naturall Father to his Prince , and in this respect a filiall subjection is due from the superiour , and so a King may referre his owne case to his Chancellor , yet this destroyes not the greater , higher , and more generall superiority in other things , at other times . And to me it seemes that even in the exercise of the Keyes , the Priest officiates under the Prince , as the Chancellor does in matters of Law , even when the Kings owne case lyes in Judgement before him , and when perhaps he makes a decree against his owne Master , and contrary to his owne Masters private advertisement : and yet the King is not properly either Lawyer , or Theologue , though both are actuated , and organiz'd as it were , by the soule-like commanding , over seeing , and over-ruling of his more sublime and divine power . Herein the Priest also may learn a limitation from the Lawyer , for though the Judge be bound to pronounce right judgement against his owne Master , yet this holds not in all cases alike ; because of his limited condition , for in Criminall cases such as concerne the safety of the Kings owne person , or the royall dignity of his calling , therein judgement must be utterly mute . And therefore it is a weake argument of Master Calvin , though it be his best ; when he inferres a necessity of an Ecclesiasticall Judicature from hence , because else the Prince himselfe wanting punishment , should escape free : for the reason is the same in matters of Law ; the King is not questionable , or responsible , for personall crimes , and yet this is held no politicall mischiefe . Besides if the Prince shall not goe unquestioned , or undisciplin'd by the Spirituall , yet the supreme spirituall Magistrate must , and this is an equall , if not a greater mischiefe : for both cannot be equally lyable to the judgement of each other . Neither is it to much purpose that the example of Bishop Ambrose so harshly , so unreverendly treating pious penitent Theodosius , is so confidently cited alwayes by either faction Episcopall and Presbyteriall ; for though the name of Ambrose be great , yet I will crave leave to speake as an advocate against him in the name of the Emperour Theodosius . Reverend Sir , you take upon you to be a judge over me , and to condemne me of a bloody Massacre committed unjustly at Thessalonica , and being so condemned , you proceed against me with your ghostly punishment , subjecting me to your Ecclesiasticall severity : But I pray consider what mischiefes may follow hereupon ; if Emperours may bee punishable by Bishops , then common equity requires that Emperours have the benefit of a faire hearing and arraignment , or else were their condition more miserable then the condition of the meanest vassals : for as Princes actions are more inscrutable , and their counsels more mysticall ; so also their ends are for the most part more lyable to envy , and misinterpretation : It is not possible for you without due discussion , inquiry , and examination of impartiall witnesses , perfectly to understand all the true circumstances , reasons , and grounds of this my fact ; and without this understanding it is not possible for you to pronounce a just censure against me . It 's necessary then that some Tribunall be prepared for you , and some Bar for me , that upright sentence may passe , and that justice may be done understandingly , and upon this it must needs follow that I am your meere Subject , and must lay downe my Scepter to bow my selfe under your Crosier , till this difficulty be fully ended . Admit this also , and then you may use what procrastination you please in this intricate decision ; or in the like manner question me of all other enormities , and scandalous deviations , which rumor , envy , or treason it selfe forges against me ; and thus shall I have no leasure to judge other men , it will scarce be possible for me to acquit my selfe in judgement from other men : that power which God hath put into my hands for the protection of so many Myriads , will be utterly disabled by that higher power which is put into your hands over me . By the same reason also that I am to render an account to you in this place , I am to render the like to all your superiours , equals , or inferiours in other jurisdictions , of all sinnes whatsoever , whether reall , or imputable , Ecclesiasticall , or Civill , so that no end is like to be of my tryals , purgations , or condemnations . You will say , my crime is sensibly evident ; if I would deny this , you could not prove it so ; and if I would not confesse this , you could not force me , for it was a politicall thing , and farre off acted : and my meere confession can give to you no jurisdiction . But be my crime as manifest in it selfe as the disobedience of Saul was to Samuel , or as Davids murther was to Nathan , or as Solomons incontinence was to all the world , or as Manasses his Idolatry : yet why should I suffer more then they ? What new coercive , vindicative authority have Priests gained over Princes by Christs Gospell , which the Jewish Priests never used , claymed , or heard of ? If Excommunication , &c. be now necessary , sure it was in use before Christ ; and then wee should have heard of some Kings Excommunicated , &c. by some Priests ; for if the Temporall power had not of its owne nature a competent force and habitude to restraine all things repugnant to publike quietnesse , and honesty , a Spirituall power was necessary ; and yet we read of none such . But if there was a sufficiency in the Temporall power , as is most manifestly apparent ; then we cannot imagine that Christ came to take away any of this authority from Magistrates : but that power which he added , was rather an excellency of grace and vertue in matters of faith , and illumination . It cannot bee alleadged by you , that that punishment is meerely spirituall , and so no politicall evill : for as it puts other men into the condition of Publicans , Heathens , and worse ; so it further yet degrades , disables , and oppresses Princes . How shall he be honoured and obeyed as the Vicegerent of God in all causes , whom the Laity sees ejected out of the Church , and expelled out of the Communion of the faithfull , as a rotten contagious member ? how shall hee be held more sacred then a Priest , whom the sentence , interdiction , and the confounding blow of a Priests spirituall execration , shall render so contemptible , miserable , and abominable in the eyes of the world ? Saint Paul being accused in matters of Doctrine , made his appeale to a wicked Heathen Emperour ; and yet now a Christian godly Emperour being accused by any Church-man , no appeale is allowed , though in meere civill accusations . Saint Peters Keyes did either endure some new power not before known to the world , or not ; if it did , then our Saviours Gospell came into the world to the detriment of civill government , which is contrary to Religion , and all reason : and if no new addition of power were imported , then Tiberius himselfe , though a Heathen , and Tyrant , remained as absolute as before ; and yet in his time there was more necessity of an Ecclesiasticall judicature , then is now . But you will say , if Princes be not subject to some chastisement , then some scandals must passe unremediable . Not so , for here God is the revenger , and strikes often , as he did Vzziah ; but if not , yet either the Temporall or Spirituall Governour must passe unchastiz'd , which is all one ; for two Supreames cannot be , nor no entire government without some supremacy , nor no supremacy without immunity , and exemption from judgement . The perpetuall conflicts and contestations betweene Princes and Prelates , which are likely to ensue , will soone cleere this ; that either Princes must at last submit to the tribunals of Church-men , and raigne at their discretion ; or else Church-men must submit to them : for both tribunals cannot stand compatible . For my part , I excuse so grave a Father as you are , of ambition herein ; and therefore I am the lesse cautious in submitting my selfe at this time : but I conceive this Doctrine may bee the ground of dangerous consequences to others , and therefore I desire it may not from me passe into a president for the time to come . Let not proud Prelates from this my voluntary humiliation , arrogate to themselves as if it had beene due ; or derogate thereby from the more sacred order of Princes : neither let Princes from this particular learne to yeeld to any Spirituall Monarchy whatsoever . My beliefe is , that the Prince is the Head , the Fountaine , the Soule of all power whatsoever , Spirituall , or Temporall ; wherein he ought not to indure at all any kinde of rivality of Ecclesiasticall persons , nor can admit of any diminution in any part of his jurisdiction , without offence to God , dammage to his charge , and danger to himselfe . So much for Theodosius , and so much for that jurisdiction which is due to Prelates : I should now speake of the exercise thereof , as it is granted by the favour of Princes , but this is a very tender point . It seemes to some , that Princes ought not to incumber men in Sacred Orders , in any kinde of judicature which is not purely Spirituall ; nor that Prelates can accept of any Temporall imployment whatsoever , without dishonour to their Orders , and neglect to their cure of Soules : and yet now none so greedy of such imployment . A sacred place may not be put to secular uses , that 's prophane : but a sacred person may , that 's honourable . A Bishoprick now adayes is but a Writ of ease , to dismisse from Preaching , and attending Gods service ; whereby the man is preferred from the Church to the Court , from the Altar to some Tribunall , from Gods spirituall to the Kings temporall affaires . In the High Commission , at the Councel Table , in the Star-chamber , and the Chequer , Churchmen are now more active then in their owne Consistories , and yet their ambition further aimes ( as 't is said ) to the Chancery , Court of Requests , &c. which could not chuse but redound to the scandall of Religion , the obstruction of Justice , and vexation of the Subject : if there were not learned and skilfull men enough in Policy and Law to serve the King , unlesse Divinity were deprived of some of her followers , there were some seeming umbrage why the King might borrow of God ; but when Gods more holy office is neglected , that the Kings meaner may be the worse administred , the world much gazes and wonders at it . The functions of Divines are too sacred for any secular person to officiate , and therefore it should seeme , their persons also ought to be too sacred for secular functions ; for it seems prepostrous , that it should be thought an honour to Priests to relinquish spiritual , and adhere to temporall imployments . Nic : Machiavell did observe that Christian Religion had long since falne to the ground had not the regular strictnesse of poore inferiour Priests and Fryers held , and propped up the reputation of it in the World , as much as the pride and luxury of the great Cardinals , and Prince like Bishops , did strive to sinke and demolish it . The same observation holds true amongst us Protestants at this day , for the more our Prelates enjoy , the more still they seeke ; and all our three Kingdomes are growne so sicke of their pride , injustice , and pragmaticall faction , that scarce any remedy but bloud-letting can cure them . We finde in Scripture the most high and holy Offices of Religion performed by Princes , even amongst , and above the greatest of Priests ; but we scarce finde any instance at all where Priests intermedled with any State affaires , either above , or under Princes : and yet with us now the imploying and entrusting of Clergy-men in Temporal businesses , is held as politick as it was in times of Popery : although no time could ever justly boast of that use . But to passe over Temporal businesses , how violent have our Bishops beene in their owne Canons about Ceremonies , and indifferencies ? and what disturbance hath that violence produced ? They strive as for the beauty and glory of Religion , to bring in the same former of Liturgie , the same posture of the Communion-Table , the same gesture at the Communion , &c. in all our three Dominions ; as if uniformity were alwayes beautifull : and yet we see , all men are created with severall faces , voyces , and complexions , without any deformity to the universe . 'T is not externall variety , but internall dissention , which spoyles the harmony of Religion ; and dissention is more nourished by the harshnes of Pastors over their flocks , especially over the weake ones in scruples , then by permitting various Rites and Formes in the externall worship of God . Certainly , liberty and variety in indifferences , and Ceremonies is more favour'd in Scripture , than any universall similitude , or rigorous force whatsoever , over the perplexed , anxious consciences of weake men . We see in Scotland , where there is no Ceremonies , they enjoy that uniformity without contention , which wee ayme at onely , and seeke to purchase with infinite debate , and persecution ; and under their peace and unity , the Protestant Religion thrives , and Romish Superstition utterly ceases : whereas under our strife and disagreement , Religion and true Devotion is over-run , and over-growne , like Corne choaked with weeds . Nay , it is thought that if our Bishops had bin more gentle-handed all this while towards such as disrelisht Ceremonies for Poperies sake , and had rather pitied thē as men of tender consciences , than persecuted and defamed them , as seditions Puritans , these differences had not lasted so long : for when the reformation was not yet fully perfected , the Puritans of those dayes were more fiery than now ; but not being so odious in the Church , lesse combustion followed thereupon : whereas now they are so unmercifully heated , that no moderate complyance can serve the turne . There seemes now little remaining of Puritanisme , but the breathlesse carkas of it , and yet till that too be interred and consumed , no truce can be admitted . The very sufferings of Puritans now are sufficiently quit , and imputed as the effects of their owne malice , their punishment is argument enough for the desert of their punishment ; the more they have borne , the more they must now beare ; and the more they now beare , the more they shall hereafter . Fury is one of the maine thing ; objected to Puritans ; but in truth , the World has not any thing more furious then such as most pretend against them . Hence it is , that the hatred of Puritans flowes and descends from the highest of the Clergie to the lowest : and young Students in the Vniversity know it now their wisest course to study the defamation of Puritans , as the first and most necessary point of their learning and qualification , and as their surest path to promotion . And to make their detestation sure , and themselves irreconciliable , they must ingage themselves by some notable service of novelty , quarrelling with some point of Protestantisme , or refining some point of Popery ; they must taxe Protestants as some ways injurious to Princes , or extoll Papists as zealous observers of Antiquity . It must be maintained that Royalty cannot stand without the prop of Episcopacy , though it never yet found greater enemy ; and that Puritanisme only hinders the stretching of our Religion , or else Papists and we should soone agree . Those of vulgar wits which serve not for such straines , that they may be redeemed from suspicion of Puritanisme , must doe something factiously , or be vitious , or else their hopes of preferment are almost desperate . Charity to Papists , conformity to Ancient Fathers , and decent uniformity amongst our selves , are the specious colors wherewith they dresse and deck all their pretenses ; for want of Sectaries living in these days , they rake out of their toombs Hacket , Copinger , Browne , &c. to upbraid us , for want of opposites enow here in England , they calumniate the Scots to our dishonour ; for want of true imputations , they forge any crimes how monstrous soever , and their most sure one is , that which is most undiscernible , hypocrisie . Neverthelesse it must bee beleeved that the Antipuritan disparages not our Ancestors in the reformation , but for love of antiquity ; not teares in sunder the bonds of Religion , Nature , Policy betwixt two the most close-united Nations of the World , but out of love to unity : nor fills whole Kingdomes with bloud , but out of love to Order . Such was sure Diogenes his humility , trampling upon Platoes Couches ; such was Neroes uniformity , setting on sire the streets of Rome : Such was Procustes his symmetry , cutting his guests according to his beds . And therefore it s thought Puritans are not so much hated for their opposition to Ceremonies , as Ceremonies are multiplied , and inforced for suppression of all zealous Christians , under the umbrage of Puritans : and that for the same purpose the enemies of Piety have blown those coales which they might have quenched . The Bishop of Downe makes a very sharpe speech to the Puritans in Ireland , as being very disobedient , and animated therein by the Scotish Covenanters ; but his chiefest eloquence uttered against his owne Countrymen the Scots , whom he paints forth as the chiefest Traytors , perjured Rebels , Heretickes and Hypocrits in the World : nay , he denounceth them worse than Anabaptists , and such as have more than justified the Powder-Traytors , and all the rebellious practises of the Jesuites : Afterwards he addes also , That Puritanisme is not the Nationall sin of Scotland only , but that they of the same faction in England had beene as deep in the same condemnation , but that they had not so much power . See here the lively portraiture of an Antipuritane , see a true Boner revived againe , but in Protestant habit ; and for ought I see , here are none exempted from this black venomous censure in all the Kings Dominions , but those of the Popish and Episcopall Faction . It 's not to be wondred at that the King thinks ill of his Subjects , or that Burton or Prin suffered worse then Traytors merits : It 's rather to be wondred at , that our streets doe not runne with blood dayly , since this is the Gospell our Reverend Fathers of the Church preach . This speech was thought worthy to be dispersed in Print over all our Kingdomes in English ; but since , because it redounds so much to the honour of the three Nations , and the repute of Protestant Religion , it 's Translated into Latine , and Coppies are Printed for all Christendome to take notice of . In this speech it s urged , that Puritans who began about 80 yeares since , have proceeded from bad to worse by six degrees ; first they did dislike , then contemne Bishops ; then they did disobey their jurisdiction ; then separate themselves ; then they fell into the Heresie of holding no difference betweene Bishop and Presbyter : lastly , they rebelled , and grew more immoderate than Anabaptists . And here Saint Cyprian is alledged , who sayes , That the contempt of Bishops is the beginning and ground of all Heresies and Schismes . Here we see what Puritanes are , the most cursed Miscreants on earth ; next we see who Puritans are , all such as hold not with Episcopacy : that is in probability halfe Ireland , more then halfe England , all Scotland , and many other Protestant Countries . King James did put a difference betwixt such as disrelisht Bishops , and Ceremonies meerly , and such as under that pretext fraudulently sought to perturbe the State , and make a factious separation . But here the difference of all Puritans is graduall only , not substantiall ; for dislike of Bishops is the beginning of all Heresie , and must needs end in Anabaptisme and rebellion . How plainly does it here appeare , that Episcopacy is the true Helena of all this warre ; and yet Saint Cyprian is to be understood of the Pastorall function , not of the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction of a Bishop , or else in his sense the Genevans , and the greatest part of Protestants are Heretiques , and King James made a frivolous distinction . Such stuffe as this had not mis-beseemed a Papist , but it s very odde in a Protestant Bishop ; except wee consider him , as one who hath looke back towards the Onions and Flesh-pots of Aegypt , and is inamor'd again upon those glorious titles & ensignes of Honour , and Pompe , which Rome confers upon her Courtiers . But to conclude this point , I wish Princes would not allow such Bishops to be carvers to themselves , and make them Judges in cases of their owne interesse : they are surely good spectacles for Princes in Theologicall deliberations , as Temporall Counsellors are in State affaires ; but miserable are those Princes whose eyes cannot see without such spectacles . If Religion did not prosper worse , if peace were not more violated , if persecution were not more common in Countries wher Bishops govern , than where they are expelled , we might suspect the Scots , as Hereticall , and Rebellious by nature ; for chusing all the plagues of warre rather then Bishops : but when we see the contrary , we may aswell listen to the Scots against Bishops , as to Bishops against the Scots . So much of the Ecclesiasticall Puritan , next after whom sprung up the Puritan in Religion , of whom I shall speak very briefly . There are many men amongst us now , which brooke Bishops and Ceremonies well enough ; and perhaps favourably interpret our late innovations ; and yet these may be too grave to escape the name of Puritans . To be a Protestant may be allowed , but to dispute against Papists , smels of preciseness : to hold the Pope fallible is tolerated , but to hold him Antichrist is abominable Puritanisme : to goe to Church is fashionable , but to complaine of the Masse , or to be grieved at the publick countenance of Popery , whereby it intwines our Religion , and now drinkes up that Sap which is scarce afforded to Protestantisme , or at all to take notice how far some of our Divines are hereat conniving , if not cooperating , is a sumptome of a deepe infected Puritan . He that is not moderate in Religion is a Puritan , and hee that is not a Cassandrian , or of Father Francis Syncters faith , is not moderate : he savours too much of Calvins grosse learning , exploded now by our finest wits . But I passe from this kinde of Puritan to another ; whom I shall call my Politicall Puritan ; for the bounds of Puritanisme are yet larger , and inclose men of other conditions . Some there are yet which perhaps disfavour not at all either Ecclesiasticall Policy , or moderate Papists ; and yet neverthelesse this is not sufficient to acquit them from the name of Puritans , if they ascribe any thing to the Lawes and Liberties of this Realme , or hold the Prerogative royall to be limitable by any Law whatsoever . If they hold not against Parliaments and with Ship-money , they are injurious to Kings ; and to be injurious to Kings , is proprium quarto modo to a Puritan . Our present civill , nay more then civill warre with Scotland , and all the mischiefes thereon attending , the disaffection betweene the King and his Subjects , and all the mischiefes thereon attending the discontinuance of Parliaments , the proper remedies of all State-maladies , and universall grievances , which is a mischiefe whereby all mischiefes become incurable , all are caused by the abusive mistake and injurious misapplication of this word Puritan . The Scots are Puritans , and therefore enemies to Monarchy , the English are Puritans , and therefore haters of Royall prerogative , both the Nations have beene hitherto famous for their devout reverence , and obsequious zeale to their Princes ; but now Puritanisme has infected them , and perverted them to disloyalty . Thus is the Kings heart alienated from his Subjects , and by consequence , the Subjects loyalty blunted towards him , to the incomparable , almost irreparable detriment of both : neither is this disaccord betweene the King and his best Subjects , more fatall and pernicious to the Common-wealth , then his accord with the Recusant faction . Papists have now gotten the repute of the best Subjects , and fittest for trust in places of eminent service ; nay 't is almost necessary that forraine Papists be brought in for the supporting of the indangered royalty : for though the Popish faction at Court be strong and active enough for matter of Counsell , yet for matter of force the Puritans in City and Countrey be too predominant . The Bishop of Downe in his visitation speech layes all the calamities of Church and Common-wealth upon Non-conformists , and for proofe thereof instances in the Covenanters , whom he charges of rebellion , charging withall that rebellion upon Puritanisme . The first thing ( saies he ) that made me out of love with that Religion , was their injurious dealing with Kings , which I observed both in their practice and doctrine . He taxes first their doctrine , because they deny the Kings supremacy in causes Ecclesiasticall , and allow Subjects to resist , nay and depose their King , if he be a Tyrant . Surely Ahab could say little for himselfe , if he could not lay his owne crimes upon Elijah ; but see here by what art of confusion all Scots are called Puritans and all Puritans rebels . King James spoke not so confusedly as if Puritanisme were a Religion ; and all that disliked Bishops and Ceremonies were of that Religion ; and all of that Religion were enemies to Kings . If a Bishop needed any proofe , if his {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} were not unquestionable , I would desire him to prove all Covenanters Puritans , and all Puritans , denyers of the Kings supremacy : or to instance in any Kings which have beene deposed or murdred by Presbyteriall authority . How far Bishops have incroached upon Kings , is known to al the world : our Protestant Bishops lately have by Oath and Canon combined together to bind the Kings hands though hee be Supreme , that he shall not governe our Church but by Arch-bishops , Bishops , Arch-deacons , &c. and yet these troublers of Israel have the face to taxe Elijah of their owne sin . Presbytery indeed has heretofore passed her bounds , yet not of late , but Episcopacy has ever from Constantine claimed an independence of Divine right , till this instant . I conceive there are not in all the Kings Dominions , three men , except Papists and Anabaptists , which hold it lawfull to depose , or by any force to violate the persons of Kings , how ill soever . The Scotch Divines indeed maintaine that a great body of men may defend themselves against the unjust Sword of misled Kings , because they cannot flye , or otherwise save themselves ; and this they take now to be their owne case ; whereas our Court Divines in England hold , that in such case , wee ought all to yeeld our throats without defence . This seemes unnaturall , and truth was never unnaturall , but I forbeare to dispute a point so horrid to mans imagination : The Bishop next instances in the rebellious practices of Puritans , and reckons up some facts in Scotland appointed by the Presbytery without King James his privity , and some other seditious Sermons , and actions whereby he was much annoyed . But what ? did not King James know his owne enemies , or how to blame them ? did he condemne all Scots alike , or all Bishophaters alike , or joyne the English in like condemnation ? we know well enough , that King James called rebellious precisians Puritans , but he never called all Puritans rebellious precisians : He never used those termes as convertible , but declared his contrary meaning by a manifest difference taken betweene them . But the Bishops maine instance is in the present Scotch insurrection ; this he cals a rebellion of Puritans , and far greater then the Powder-treason : For ( sayes he ) that plot was but the act of a few discontented Gentlemen , but in this rebellion of the Puritans they have ingaged a great part of the Kingdome , so that this may bee said to be the common sin of that sect. What could have beene raked out of Hell more slanderous to our Religion , more Apologeticall for Popery . The Powder-Traytors are here prefer'd before the whole sect of Puritans : The sinne of the Power-Traytors was , that they being but an inconsiderable party , sought the destruction of their King and his issue , and the flower of the Nobility , Gentry , Commonalty , and the extirpation of the true Religion , by a most diabolicall bloudy practice and conspiracy . And it ought not to be charged upon the meere actors , as a symptome of discontent , onely we know how farre the Romish Religion it selfe favours and gives ground to such damned feats , and how farre it has owned some having proved prosperous , and justified the doing thereof in nature as impious , though perhaps in degree not so hainous as this . For take this as it was conspired , and questionlesse , since the crucifying of Jesus Christ , the light never discovered any treason more ugly , and horrible . Now to outmatch this deed of darknesse , the Scotch Nation by a strange generall unanimity have armed themselves to oppose the ill government of Bishops , and other alterations in the service of God , and the administration of justice , and being invaded therefore by another Nation , have used force to defend their lives ; and seeing that defence not safe in their owne Countrey , they have since pursued it further by way of prevention in the Countrey of their Invaders . That is the greatest act of rebellion whereby the common peace and safety of a Kingdome is most disturbed and impeached ; but by the common act of a whole Kingdome , that mischiefe cannot be effected , therefore the Bishop failes in his politiques when he thinks that the Major part disturbing the Minor , is more trayterous , than the contrary . The unanimous act of a whole Kingdome ought to be presumed to be lesse injurious , and more wise then the act of any small inconsiderable party , for it hath scarce ever beene seene that a whole Kingdome , or the majority thereof hath over been treasonable to its selfe in procuring its owne ruine . Many States have perisht by the machinations of a few ill affected , ill advised Counsellors , ( scarce ever any perisht otherwise ) but the totall body and collection , has never been guilty of its owne ruine : and if it were , such Treason could not be so great as that which is plotted by a few . Whilst the Scots contained themselves within their owne territories , and were considered as a kingdome within themselves , as they were when the Bishop past his censure , they were not rightly so censured : neither was he then privy to their intrusions , that they would infest our kingdome with the same combustion , and so prove a disturbance to the greater part of our British Monarchy , whereof they themselves are but a member of lesse bulke and value . Cursed therefore are those uncharitable exasperating censures , whereby the King is too far incensed , and by whose rash instigations the commotions themselves become the harder to be appeased . Great insurrections are like great fires , wherein delay is mischievous , and small remedies rather turne to fuell , then extinguish : and violent counsell against an inraged multitude is like oyle , or pitch cast into the flame . The wise politician proportions his remedy according to the mischiefe , if water will not prevaile , he useth milke ; if a little quantity will not suffice , he powres as the combustion it selfe requires . Unfortunate Rehoboam stands as a Seamarke to warne all Princes how to shun this rocke of violent counsell against a people violently inraged and aggrieved . Some men have interpreted the designes of the Scots to have beene treasonable from the beginning , and wholly bent upon the spoyle and havocke of the English Nation from their first stirring : Others have wholly justified their intentions and proceedings hitherto as defensive onely , and inforced by necessity : both these , I conceive , are too rash and head-long in their guesses . In so great a body of men , there must needs be variety of opinions , and its likely contrariety of affections ; and therefore it behooves the King to be the more tender , moderate , and circumspect in his deliberations , as wel for the one side as the other , especially since the Scots have not evidently and universally as yet declared themselves for the worse . We may at once be charitable in hoping the best , and wise withall in preventing the worst ; nay , a charitable and sweet demeanor , if it be not too fond , may prove a great part of our prevention : doubtlesse Rehoboam himselfe , had hee not beene wilfully devoted to young , rash , and violent Counsellors , might have easily retained within his obedience many of his well-meaning Subjects , and reclaymed others of more moderation ; and by that meanes have divided and dissipated the most obstinate , head-strong , and furious of all the rebellious party . Some Princes thinke themselves bound in Honour to doe unwise things , and this was the errour of Rehoboam , his aged Counsellours advised him to that which was most politick , concluding that to be most honourable ; but his Genius rather led him according to the advise of his young Gallants , to conclude that most politick , which to his haughty stomack seemed most honourable : but what was the event ? to avoid the scorne of young men , he incurred the scorne of old men ; to avoid the unjust censure of fooles , he incurred the just censure of wise men ; to gaine the honour of appearing stout , he purchased the dishonour of being rash ; to shew a contempt of danger , he made himself a prey to it ; rather then to decline a blow by a gentle bowing of his body , he yeelded himselfe to be inevitably oppressed by it . At this time of revolt the Israelites were not so wicked , as their revolt after made them ; it may be so with the Scots , they are yet Protestants , and perhaps may be retained so : and who can thinke of Protestants , that so great a body of them , can at one fall so desperately tumble into the depth of mischiefe , as to make Fasting , Praying , Oaths and Sacraments , meere instruments and traynes to commit murther , theft , sacriledge , treason , and the most unnaturall of all crying crimes ? But to returne to our owne Nation , and what we suffer by our owne Divines . Manwarings Doctrine is common at Court , and 't is not long since a Bishops Chaplaine in Terme-time , challenged a Judge of Treason , for delivering Law according to conscience . And this is now no prodigie , for Pulpits are not publick enough to preach an unlimitable prerogative in ; 't is fit our learned Doctors should mount the Benches of Justice also , there to advance Logick instead of Law ; for Law is growne injurious to Princes , and smels ranke of Puritanisme . Divines themselves will lose nothing to Princes , but all other men shall , that they may gaine the more : and neither Lawyers nor States-men must direct them in any thing , but both Lawyers and States-men must be directed by them in all things : but let us a little examine how the conditionate and absolute formes of government come within the circle of Theologie . The Israelites were governed by Monarchs , but not all alike absolute . The Patriarchs were not so absolute as the Judges , nor the Judges as the Kings , nor the Kings as those Heathen Emperours , which at last made them tributary . The due of Caesar , and the due of Solomon , and the due of Samuel , and the due of Jacob , was not the same as to all points of State , or all degrees of Royalty , and yet the nation was the same , and the forme of government still remained the same . It should seeme that God approved that degree of Soveraignty best , which was by himselfe setled in the person of Moses ; for when that people afterwards desired a King , of a more awfull and large prerogative , in imitation of other Nations , the thing displeased God . Samuel also wrote a booke of this subject , shewing the just conditions of Regall power ; ( the losse whereof is much to be lamented ) for if it had beene Gods will that all Kings should be equally absolute in all respects , and free from all limitations and obligations alike , Samuel needed to have written little thereof ; one word had determined all . But in Scripture , as it now remaines , Samuels booke being not extant , our chiefest light and guide now is by example , not rule ; and example wee finde very various . The State and Soveraignty of the Jewish Kings in generall , we finde milde , and gratious ; but much differing in particulars . Solomon was heavy over his Subjects , and under his Son they would not beare the like ; yet Solomons pressure was not upon the estates of his Subjects by taxes , and impositions , for He made silver in Jerusalem as stones for plenty ; nor did He vex their persons by Military hazards and services , for He was at peace with all the world : Neither did He any way let fall , or lessen their honour amongst other Nations ; He made them rather a spectacle of glory and prosperity to the world . Solomons harshnesse was onely in imploying so great multitudes for his owne pompous attendance , and for the performance of such publike workes , and structures , as did tend to the Magnificence and beauty of the State . Besides , Scripture does not satisfie us , neither by rule , nor example , whether Kings ought to bee successive alwayes , or elective ; or whether primogeniture of Males , or unigeniture of Daughters , ought to take place : many things are left so uncertain , that it is not alwayes safe for Kings wholly to rely upon examples ; and for the rule of obedience , it is generall , and no more advantagious for free Monarchs , then conditionate Potentates ; no more for supreame , then subordinate commanders . The Law of Nature best determines , that all Princes being publike Ministers for the common good , that their authority ought to be of sufficient latitude for that common good ; and since Scripture is not expresse concerning that latitude , as to all people , the same not being to all alike necessary , the severall Lawes of severall Countries best teach that certaine latitude . I could wish therefore that Princes herein would not so much consult with Divines , as Lawyers ; or rather with Parliaments , which are the Grand Courts and Counsels of Kingdomes ; for ( as Cotton sayes ) Every man in particular may deceive , and be deceived ; but no man can deceive all , nor can all deceive one . Ancient times are not precedentary to ours by any necessity , for Lawes are now more learned , exact , and particular ; and Courts , and Tables of Justice , and Policie , are more wisely and methodically composed and elected , then they were ; and therefore there needs not that vocall power , or indisputable force to remaine in the breasts of Princes , as was of old . The Courts of Parliament , and their unquestionable Acts , and Ordinances , and their infallible avisoes , are now in all well-governed Countries ; the very Oracles of all Policy , and Law , they are the fountaines of civill bloud , spirits , and life ; and the soveraigne antidotes of publike mischeifes . That Prince was never yet deceived which relyed upon them , nor can He chuse but be deceived , which thinkes he can be assisted with any more wise or faithfull advertisement , then that which is given 〈◊〉 by his whole Realme united , and contracted in a lesse circumference . What end can all the flower of the Nobility , Gentry , and Commonalty of a Nation , being wise and religious , have in seducing their Soveraigne , or in limiting that Soveraignty by which alone they are protected ? Or what one party of particular men can better understand the true limits of sufficient Soveraignty , and the profit thereof ; then this collective universality , whose rayes like the Suns , are every where dispersed ; and yet whose body of light is here as in a refulgent Globe concentred ? Individuals may have many particular ends , severd from the Princes or the States , but Communities can ayme at nothing but the common good ; as the lesser fountaines scatter their branching streames up and down in various Maeanders , whilst the Sea containes it selfe in an intire body , within its constant bounds . Individuals also have but their own particular set limits of perfection , and have judgements besides apt to bee darkned by their owne severall interests and passions ; whereas the common body injoyes a confluence of severall perfections , and hath the lesse force from abroad to overcloud them . Of all men therefore it will most concerne Princes to suspect them which are enemies to publick assemblies , and to confide in them most , whose ends are not divided from the generalities ; and as they tender their owne happinesse , to expect it chiefly from that generality , by which they are Kings , to which they are Gods , from which their very Diadems receive honour and sanctity , to which their very Royall Order imparts life , and breath , and necessary subsistence . I come now to my Ethicall Puritan . The name of Puritan must not rest here , for there may be some moderate , well inclined , facile men , whose education may be such that they are not much vers'd or insighted either in matters of Religion , or matters of State ; they may be such as are no wayes busie but in their owne particular affaires , and yet it behooves , that these men too be brought in within the opprobrious compasse of Puritanisme . To the Religious , Ecclesiasticall , and Political Puritan , there must be joyned also an Ethicall Puritan . This detested odious name of Puritan first began in the Church presently after the Reformation , but now it extends it selfe further , and gaining strength as it goes , it diffuses its poysonous ignominy further , and being not contented to Gangrene Religion , Ecclesiasticall and Civill policy , it now threatens destruction to all morality also . The honest strict demeanour , and civill conversation which is so eminent in some men does , so upbraid and convince the Antipuritan , that even honesty , strictnesse , and civility it selfe must become disgracefull , or else they which are contrary cannot remaine in grace : But because it is too grosse to deride vertue under the name of vertue ; therefore other colours are invented , and so the same thing undergoes derision under an other name . The zealous man is despised under the name of zealot , the Religious honest man has the vizard of an hypocrite and dissembler put upon him to make him odious . Puritans by some are parallelled to Jesuites , Jesuites are called Popish Puritans , and Puritans , Protestant Jesuites ; yet this is not indeed disparageable to them : For doubtlesse fiery zeale and rigour were not blameable in Jesuites , were not their very Religion false ; as celerity and expedition in a Traveller is not in it selfe faulty , but commendable , though the Traveller being in a wrong path , it causes him to stray the further from his journeys end . My Lord of Downe professes that the first thing which made him distest the Religion of Puritans ( besides their grosse hypocrisie ) was sedition : So grosse hypocrisie , it seemes , was the first . What is grosse or visible hypocrisie to the Bishop , I know not , for I can see no windowes or casements in mens breasts , neither doe I think him indued with Saint Peters propheticall spirit whereby to perceive and search into the reines , and hearts of hypocrites ; but let him proceed . It is a plausible matter ( sayes he ) with the people to heare men in authority depraved , and to understand of any liberty and power appertaining to themselves . The profession also of extraordinary zeale , and as it were contempt of the world workes with the multitude . When they see men goe simply in the Streets , and bow downe their heads like a Bull-rush , their inward parts burning with deceit , wringing their necks awry , shaking their heads as if they were in some present griefe , lifting up the white of their eyes at the sight of some vanity , giving great groanes , crying out against this sin and that sinne in their superiours , under colour of long prayers , devouring widowes , and married wives houses ; when the multitude heares and sees such men , they are carryed away with a great conceit of them , but if they should judge of these men by their fruits , not by outward appearance , they should find them to be very farre from the true Religion . See here the froth of a scurrilous libeller , whereby it is concluded that he that is of severe life , and averse from the common vanities of the time , is an hypocrite : If these descriptions of outward austerity shall not onely shew what is an hypocrite , but point out also who is an hypocrite , our Saviour himselfe wil hardly escape this description ; doubtles our Saviour , and many of his devoutest followers did groane , shake their heads , and lift up their eyes at the sight of some publick sins , and vanities , and did not spare to taxe the vices of Superiours , and to preach too , and admonish the meaner sort of the people ; yet who but an Annas or Caiphas will infer from hence that therefore their inward parts burne with deceit , and that their end is meerely to carry away the multitude ; such as judge onely by outward appearance , and have not their senses exercised to discerne betwixt good and evill ? It is likely the High Priests and Pharisees did thus blaspheme in those dayes , and that the rather , because from their owne fayned sanctity , they were the more apt to suspect the same in others : But what ? must we needs follow them , or this Bishop in this ? But to proceed with this Bishop , Saint James ( sayes he ) gives us a full description of true Religion . Wisedome from above is first pure , then peaceable , gentle , and easie to be intreated , full of mercy and good fruits , without judging , and hypocrisie . None of these properties will agree with the Religion of Puritans . It is not pure , for it allowes Vsury , Sacriledge , Disobedience , Rebellion , &c. It is not peaceable , for these men are the incendiaryes of Christendome . It is not gentle , nor easie to be intreated , for they are more austere then Cato , and not to be moved by perswasion or command . It is not full of mercy and good fruits , for they are all for sacrifice , nothing for mercy ; for the first Table , not the second ; for faith , not charity ; they pull down Churches , but build no Hospitals . It is not without judging , for they are known to be most rigid censurers . And he is an hypocrite which spyes a moate in his brothers eyes , and not a beame in his owne . Here is a confused proofe , that such Puritans are hypocrits , but no proofe at all , that this man is such a Puritan . If my Lord Say be such a Puritan , this denotes him an hypocrite , but this does not prove that my Lord Say or Brooke , or Dod , or Clever , &c. or any the most famous Puritan living is guilty of Vsury , Sacriledge , Rebellion , pulling downe of Churches , setting the World on fire , or of renouncing the second Table and all workes of justice and charity , or of censuring and condemning malignantly other men : If these things were true of particular men , calumny were needlesse ; Accusation would better suppresse them . And sure it is not out of favour that Law proceeds not , for malice has often enough shewed her teeth , and would have bitten if she could , neither would she now calumniate if she could accuse . The Bishop expects not to be beleeved , if he puzzell , and worke some into doubt , it is sufficient : but since bitter censuring , and calumnious condemning of others is so infallible a signe of hypocrisie , how does the Bishop wipe this off from himselfe ? Can Puritans speake worse of any , then he doth of Puritans ? Sure they may well joyn with him upon this issue , that the greatest slanderer is the greatest hypocrite ; and yet seeke no further for slanders , then this very speech , wherein he so eagerly inveighs against slander ; but if individuals cannot be thus convinced by the Bishop , how shall these signes and symptomes be applied to whole Sects , Religions , Kingdomes ? The most ordinary badge of Puritans is their more religious and conscionable conversation , than that which is seene in other mens : and why this should make them odious or suspected of hypocrisie amongst honest and charitable men , I could never yet learne . A seeming religious consists in doing actions outwardly good , and the goodnesse of those actions is apparent to man ; but the false hypocriticall end of them is onely discerned by God : and therefore with what conscience can I condemne that good which is visible , for that evill which is not visible ? Say , Brooke , Dod , Clover , &c. are knowne to me ; yet no otherwise but as men singularly devote , and as all the Prophets , and Apostles would , if they were now living : and shall I conclude , because they seeme so , therefore they are not so ? I am so far from this , that my owne conscience bindes me to honour them , and that in those things , wherein I have not the grace to follow them . I have beene a diligent inquirer into Puritans , and have exactly tryed them three wayes . First , in themselves ; and so I finde them zealous , at least seeming so outwardly , and distinguisht principally from other men by their remarkable , and singular zeal to God and the Truth : and this to me is no ground of uncharitable censure . Secondly , in those , which in these times thinke and speake charitably of them ; and they are so many in number , and of so good quality , that indeed to the Popish and Episcopall faction , all the Kingdome almost seemes Puritanicall ; but for this I cannot thinke the worse of them . But thirdly , when I consider Puritans , and compare them with their common notorious adversaries , then their goodnesse seemes most evident to me , as if it were legibly ingraved in the open wickednesse and scandall of their chiefe opposers . Nothing but Truth , Holinesse , and Goodnesse , seemes to me to be the cause , that Papists do so implacably abominate them : that our proud Hierarchists , Ambidexters , and Neuters in Religion , do so uncessantly pursue their subversion ; that Court-flatterers , and time-serving Projectors , and the ravenous Caterpillars of the Realme , doe so virulently prosecute them with defamations and contumelies ; that Stage-poets , Minstrels , and the jesting Buffoones of the age , make them the principall subject of derision : lastly , that all the shamelesse rout of drunkards , lechers , and swearing ruffians ; and the scum of the vulgar are so tickled with their reproach , and abuse . Certainly , nothing but an unappeaseable antipathy could be the cause of all this , and no testimony of goodnesse can be more sure , un-erring , and unanswerable then such antipathy . Amongst wicked men there may be particular hatred , but not a generall antipathy : One wicked man hates not another as wicked , but rather loves him therefore , or else the World did not observe a decorum in loving her own , and hating strangers . As there cannot be division in Satans kingdome ; so there cannot be communion or compatibility betwixt Christs and Satans Subjects But 't is a miserable thing to see how farre this word Puritan in an Ethical sense dilates it selfe . Heretofore it was Puritanicall to abstaine from small sinnes ; but now 't is so to abstaine from grosse open sinnes . In the mouth of a drunkard , He is a Puritane which refuseth his cups ; In the mouth of a swearer , He which feares an oath ; In the mouth of a Libertine , He which makes any scruple of common sinnes ; In the mouth of a rude Souldier , He which wisheth the Scotch warre at an end without blood . It is sufficient that such men thinke themselves tacitly checked and affronted by the unblameable conversation of Puritans . Bishop Lake that good and godly man moved at the declining state of his time is said to have expressed his regret thus : We feare , saith he , a relapse into Popish error , and superstition ; but my heart misgives me worse than so : Vtter irreligion and Atheisme , me thinkes , begins to prevaile strangely amongst us : we are not so likely to lose the light of truth , as the heate of zeale ; and what benefit is in Religion , where the name of it is honoured , but the power of it is not at all seene ? where Gods will is truely understood , but his commands are wholly slighted ? where men know like Christians , but live like Heathens ? The soule of Religion is hearty devotion , and that growes dayly more and more ridiculous amongst us ; and yet Religion without the soule of it , is rather a curse than a blessing to us . No impiety is so hainous in an ignorant Sodomite , as want of piety is in a right instructed Israelite . In this wise I have heard that good Prelate did complaine ; and this makes me think , that he had in his complaint some respect to this word Puritan , then which , certainly the Divell hath not a more fatall engine whereby to confound Religion , and to subvert all true zeale , goodnesse , and devotion . Thus farre it appeares what a vast circumference this word Puritans has , and how by its large acception it is used to cast durt in the face of all goodnesse , Theologicall , Civill , or Morall : so that scarce any moderate man can avoid its imputation . And thus it does mischiefe to men , not commonly noted for Puritans , but if a man be so noted , though perhaps irregularly , then it is farther otherwise abused : for all such a mans evill shall be charged upon his Puritanisme , and all his good defaced for his Puritanisme . Such a man is condemned for murther , and adultery ; and at his death gives strong assurances of unfaigned repentance , and contrition of heart . He was a Christian , a Protestant , a Minister , a Puritan ; yet this crime is recorded and blowne abroad , not for the shame of Christians , Protestants , Ministers , but of Puritans . And as for his attestation of deep humiliation , how excellent soever , the honour of them , if any be acknowledged , shall redound to the Christian , the Protestant , the Minister , to any thing else except the Puritan . Howsoever in the first place it ought to be observed , that an uncleane streame does not alwayes receive it's uncleannesse from the filth of the Fountaine , but in the second place a pure streame necessarily infers a pure Source . 'T is true , Trees are knowne by their fruits , and so are Men generally by their workes ; but this similitude holdes not in all men , at all times : for good men sometimes commit foule sinnes , and bad men performe laudable services . David defiles Vriahs wife , and to conceale it from the world , makes drunke and murders Vriah ; and together with him casts away the lives of many other faithfull Souldiers : yet nothing moved at this his owne mis-doing , at the same time He sentences to death a Subject of his for damnifying a neighbour , to the value of a poor Lamb . What might Joab , & the other privy Ministers of these his foul deeds , censure all this while of this his externally professed sanctity , and purity , and strictnes in point of justice to other men ; or of his so great indignation against petty offenders ? What might they judge of the root , from whence these fruits sprung ? did they conclude these fruits good ? or did they conceive that such fruits might grow upon a good stocke ? It 's strange , that He which would be so rigid to a petty Fellon , should himselfe finde no remorse at his owne murther and oppression , in spoiling so gallant a Commander , of his wife , of his sobriety , of his life , and to continue so long a time without regard either what himselfe had done , or what Vriah had suffered . But it 's well , David lived in those times when the name of Puritanisme was not invented to blast all goodnesse : had he lived amongst us , he had beene accounted a Puritane , and being a Puritane , God might have forgiven him , but the world never would : but it seemes the world was not then poysoned with the same base word , though I beleeve under some other nicke-name goodnesse was alwaies odious : for we reade , that for that very sinne of David , Gods name was evill spoken of amongst the wicked . So Solomon the Sonne of seduced Bathsheba , if we censure him by many of his actions , perhaps Jeroboam , and Ahab that made Israel to sinne , were not personally addicted to so much excesse of bodily lust , and pollution , nay perhaps many Heathens and Turkes have detested his enormous lubricities . I speak not this to countenance sin , but to discountenance rash censures of sinners , wishing all that thinke themselves fraile and mortall , to turne their eyes inwards , and to lay their hands upon their own mouths , forbearing to censure all sins , but most especially the most latent and obscure of all sinnes , hypocrisie . Solyman the magnificent is held the honestest of all the Princes which raigned in his time , not excepting Christian Princes , nay not excepting the great Father of them all , the Apostolick man of Rome : yet this is no shame to Christianity , but to Christians rather ; nay I wish it might be accounted rather a rebuke , then a shame ; rather a rebuke to humble them , then a shame to confute them . For Christ tels us that many times the first are last , and last first , God sees not as man sees , and yet he that will judge uprightly ought to see as God sees , and not as Man . So much of the extensive infamy of this word Puritan , now of its intensive malignancy : but little more needs to be spoken hereof , for hee which tels you who is a Puritan , for the most part tels what is a Puritan . The Papist we see hates one kind of Puritans , the Hierarchist another , the Court Sycophant another , the sensuall Libertine another ; yet all hate a Puritan , and under the same name many times hate the same thing . He which is an enemy to our Religion which is the truth , hates the Puritan as an enemy to Truth ; Hee which is an enemy to Piety , Policy , Morality , charges the Puritan of being the same : Wherefore whatsoever is hated by the perverted and disaffected in Religion , Piety , Policy , Morality , is a Puritan , and whosoever is a Puritan , is censured , hated , and slandered as a man perverted and disaffected in Religion , Piety , Policy , and Morality . This sufficiently appeares by the common slanders of all goodnesse in these dayes , and particularly by the Bishop of Downe , for as he justifies Jesuites , Anabaptists , and the Powder-Traytors before Puritans ; so he describes , and proscribes whole Religions , Sects , and Kingdomes for Puritans . In the yeare of grace 1588 , when the Spanish Armado had miscarried , notwithstanding that his holinesse of Rome had so peremptorily christened it , and as it were conjured for it , One of that Religion was strangely distemper'd at it , & his speech was as 't is reported , God himselfe was turned Lutheran : By which , for certaine , he meant Hereticall . 'T is much therefore that my Lord of Downe , now that Episcopacy is so foyled in Scotland , has not raged in the like manner , and charged God of turning Puritan : but surely , if he has spared God , he has not spared any thing else that is good ; and if he has spared to call God Puritan , he has not spared to call Puritan Devill : but to conclude , if the confused misapplication of this foule word Puritan be not reformed in England , and that with speed , we can expect nothing but a suddaine universall downfall of all goodnesse whatsoever . Aelius Adrianus the Emperour , about an hundred yeares after our Saviour , having been certified by Serenius Granianus , Proconsul of Asia , that the Christians in those parts were illegally oppressed by the malice of unjust Sycophants , sends this his imperiall edict to the next successor Minutius Fundanus . If the Provincials can prove ought against the Christians , whereof they charge them , and can at the bar of justice make good the same , let them proceed in a judiciall course : but let them not appeach the Christians meerely for the name , by clamouring , and rayling scandals against them : For it is expedient , if any be disposed to accuse , that the accusation be throughly known , and judicially tryed by you ; therefore if any accuse the Christians that they transgresse the Lawes , see that you judge and punish according to the quality of the offence , but if any upon spite or malice by way of calumny complain against them , see you chastise such for their malice , and repay them with condigne punishment . I began with a Marquesse , I end with an Emperour : both read the same lecture , both teach us a difference betwixt privy malicious calumny and open judiciall accusing , or impleading ; God send us to hearken to both , as much as the necessity of our case requires it . FINIS . TO THE READER . READER , I Have said enough to make my selfe condemned for a Puritan , and by consequence , all which I have said to be condemned for Puritanicall : but verily , if thou art not an Antipuritan of the worst kinde , I am not a Puritan . In my opinions I am not scrupulous or precise , in my life I am not strict , or austere , the more is my blame ; if thou art a downe-right Protestant , and no more , I am the same , and no more . If thou thinkest some men religious which affect not the name of Puritan , I thinke so too : if thou thinkest most men irreligious which hate the name of Puritan , I thinke so too : if thou art not to me a violent Antipuritan , I have no quarrell with thee ; nor am I a Puritan to thee : if thou art , hate me as a profest Puritan , and I will thanke thee for the honour of it . Farewell . Thine to feare thee , more then hate thee , and to feare thy malice rather then justice , Philus Adelphus .